b'\n\n\n.0^ \n\n\n\n\n\n\n.^-. \n\n\n\n\'* .o\'> \n\n\n\n\xc2\xab5> * \xc2\xb0 \xc2\xab o " . V^ \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n^\xe2\x80\xa2s \n\n\n\n.^^ \n\n\n\n^Q-V \n\n\n\nv^^ \n\n\n\n* .0 \n\n\n\nV^^^^T^* ,^^\' \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\'\'^%;, %,s^* ,;m\\ %/ ; \n\n\n\n.v#!- ,^>\'^ -B^l^v^\'^ \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nU,^\'\' \n\n\'<\'\\^ \n\n\n\nrA ^.-r A, \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n.^\' \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\na|#a^. <to^/ o\'^ii^^ \'\'^.^^\'^^ -^iMI^^t "\'^-^^ \n\n\n\n\n<. \n\n\n\n4 o 1 \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nConUtiMiLtten. fof^- 1 \xe2\x96\xa0 \n\n\n\niM \n\n\n\n\nNEW DISCOVERY \n\nOF A \n\nVAST COUNTRY \n\nIN AMERICA \n\nBy Father Louis Hennepin \n\nReprinted from the second London issue of i6g8^ with facsimiles \n\nof original title-pages^ maps, and illustrations, and the \n\naddition of Introduction, Notes, and Index \n\nBy Reuben Gold Thwaites \n\nEditor of^^ The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents " \n\n\n\nJn Ctoo I^olume0 \n\nVolume II \n\n(Being Part II of the original) \n\n\n\nCHICAGO \n\nA. C. McCLURG & CO. \n\n1903 \n\n\n\nTH? Ut^NArtY Of \n\n<ittl\xc2\xabQBEB8, \nTwo 60i\xc2\xbbl\xc2\xab* Ri:gKiveC> \n\nCtASS C\xc2\xbb-XXft: No. \n\n\n\nCOPY a, * \n\n\n\nCopyright \n\nA. C. McCLURG & CO. \n1903 \n\nPublished October 3, 1903 \n\n\n\nV> \n\n\n\nComposition by The Dial Press, Chicago. \n\nPress^vork by John IVilson & Son, \nUniversity Press, Cambridge, Mass., U. S. A \n\n\n\nCONTENTS OF VOLUME II \n\nPAGE \n\nHennepin\'s "A New Discovery" \xe2\x80\x94 Part II \n\nTitle-page, "A Continuation of the New Discovery " \n\n(facsimile of original) ..... 355 \n\nDedication to King William III ... . 357 \n\nPreface 363 \n\nThe Contents 377 \n\nA Voyage into a Newly Difcover\'d Country . 383 \nAn Account of feveral New Difcoveries . .621 \n\nPostscript 673 \n\nIndex \xe2\x80\x94 The Editor 675 \n\n\n\nILLUSTRATIONS\xe2\x80\x94 VOLUME II \n\n\n\n(FACSIMILES OF ORIGINALS) \n\n"A Map of A New World " \n\n" The Unfortunate Adventures of Mons*" \n\nla Salle " \n\n" The Murther of Mons^ de la Salle " \n" The Cruelty of The Savage Iroquois " \n" The Taking of Quebec by The English " \n\n\n\nde \n\n\n\nPAGE \n\nFrontispiece \n\nfacing 372 \n\n. " 424 \n\n. " 504 \n\n. " 588 \n\n\n\nA \n\nCONTINUATION, \n\nOF THE \n\nNew Diicovery \n\n\n\nO F A \n\n\nFafi Country in America^ \n\n\nExtending above Four Thouland Allies, \n\n\nBETWEEN \n\n\nNew France andNcw Mexico^ \n\n\nGivigg an \n\n\nACCOUNT \n\n\nOF THE \n\n\n\nAttempts of the Sieur tela SALLE upon the \nMines of St. Barbe, &c. The Taking of \nQuebec by the EngUpo ; With the Advantages \nof a Shorter Cut to China and Japn. \n\nBy L. Hennef.n^ now Refident in Holland. \n\n\n\nTo which are added. Several Nevs) Dlfcovcriex in North* \nAmerlcci^ nor publiih\'d in the French Edition. \n\nLONDON, Printed for M. Bent ley, J. Tonfon, . \nH. Bonmcky T. Goodm\\ and 5". ht^.njhip. 1 698. j \n\n\n\n[iii] To His Majefty \n\nWilliam III. \n\nBy the Grace of God \n\nKing of Great Britain. \n\nSIR, \n\nHIS Cathollck Majefty, His Eledoral Highnefs oi Bava- \nria, and the Superiors of my Order having given me \nleave to come into thefe happy Provinces, according to Your \nMajefty\'s diredtlon, to publifti the Difcoveries I have made \nin America ; [iv] and Your Majefty having been gracloufly \npleafed to accept my firft Volume, I make bold to offer You \nalfo this Second Part ; wherein I Infert the Travels of a \nGentleman whom I have accompanied feveral Years, and \nwhofe violent Death, by the Hands of his own Men, dlfap- \npointed the great Defigns he had formed upon the Mines \nof St. Barbe in New Mexico} The Obfervations I make upon \nhis Voyage will fhew unto Pofterity, that a Man muft never \nbe ungratefuU to his Friends, nor revenge himfelf of his \nEnemies, but as much as it concerns the PubHck Good, \nwhich ought always to prevail upon the private Intereft. \nThis is a Charadter peculiar to the Illuftrious Houfe of \n\n^ Referring to La Salle, and to his murder in 1687. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\n35^ The Dedication, \n\nNajfau, who has formerly fill\'d the Roman Imperial Throne,^ \nand who is now cloathed in Your Majefty\'s Perfon with a \nRoyal Power over Three great Kingdoms, and [v] other \nlarge Dominions which form the Britifli Empire. \n\nAll the World agrees, that Nature and Grace have happily \nconfpir\'d to unite in Your Sacred Perfon all the Chriftian, \nPolitical and Military Virtue of Your Renowned Anceflors. \nThe great Elevation of Your Genius^ which has manifefted it \nfelf by Your noble and generous Defigns ; Your Generofity \nand Liberality fo worthy of Your Illuflrious Birth ; Your \nnoble Inclination to do good to all Men, even to Your \nEnemies themfelves, and the unparallell\'d Conftancy and \ngreatnefs of Soul v>^hich You have exprefs\'d in the greateft \nAdverfities, the true Touchftone of true Merit, are fo con- \nfpicuous, that every one is convinc\'d of Your Majefty\'s \nMagnanimity, Valour, Juftice, Equity, Sincerity and Piety. \n\nYour Majefty fignaliz\'d the Love You had for Your own \nCountry, when [vi] You took the Command of the Armies \nof the States General againft a powerfull and viAorious Con- \nquerour, whom Your Majefty forced to abandon almoft in \none Day th6 Conqueft he had made in the united Provinces. \nAll the World admir\'d Your Valour, and more ftill Your \nunparallell\'d Prudence, which no body expe6led in fuch a \ndegree from a Prince of Three and twenty Years of Age. \n\n^ An allusion to the Holy Roman Empire, which was founded by Charlemagne \nin the year 800, and was long the temporal arm of the Roman See, throughout \nCatholic Europe. Its last head was Francis II, who on Aug. 6, i8c6, resigned this \nimperial dignity, confining his sway to his own hereditary dominion of Austria. The \nemperor referred to by Hennepin was Adolph, count of Nassau, who reigned as head \nof the Roman Empire from 1292 to 1298, \xe2\x80\x94 Ed, \n\n\n\nThe Dedication, 359 \n\nNever Prince was more mafter of that nice Art of foft- \nening the different Tempers of Nations, managing their dif- \nferent Intereft, giving Life to their Refolutions, and there- \nfore no Prince had been able hitherto to form and cement \nfuch an Alliance as we fee at this Day for the fafety of \nEurope. Thofe great Qualities and incomparable Virtues \nmake Your Majefty the Darhng of Your People and the \nTerror of Your Enemies, and keep Rebels and Fadtious men \nin awe, when Your Majefty\'s [vii] abfence out of Your own \nKingdom.s feems to give them a fair Opportunity to difturb \nthe Tranquility of Great Britain : As You afcended the \nThrone without any effufion of Blood, God, whofe Glory \nhas been always Your chiefeft Care, having been pleafed to \ncrown with a glorious and unexpedled Succefs, the Equity \nof Your Intentions, fo Mercy and Clemency have been ever \nfince the Bafis of it, notwithftanding the many repeated Pro- \nvocations of ill-difpofed Perfons, whofe Obftinacy deferv\'d \nto be punifh\'d. \n\nThe Confederate Princes having chofen Your Majefty for \ntheir Generalijfinio^ and given proof in their choice both of \nthe Refpedl and Truft they have in Your Majefty, nothing \nfeems wanting to compleat Your Glory but to procure to \nEurope a folid and lafting Peace, which we hope is near at \nhand, and which will fhew Your Majefty\'s incomparable Pru- \ndence and Wifdom, as [viii] the management of the War \nhas fhown Your Valour and Magnanimity. The fo much \nadmir\'d Prudence of Cafar, and the Valour of Alexander ^ \ncome very fhort of what Your Majefty has already exprefs\'d. \n\n\n\n360 The Dedication, \n\nand all impartial Men will agree, that Your Majefty has \nexceeded the moft famous Heroes mentioned in Hiftory ; \nbut I muft leave off this Subjedl for fear of offending Your \nModejiy, which is an infeparable Companion of all great Souls. \n\nI muft beg Your Majefty\'s Pardon for the Liberty I take \nto complain againft fome Inhabitants of this City of Utrecht, \nwho, though of the fame Religion as I am, endeavour to \nrender me odious, becaufe, being a Francifcan, I have dedi- \ncated to Your Majefty two Volumes of the Difcovery I have \nmade in America. They ought to know that I have done \nnothing but by Your Majefty\'s Permiflion and that of the \nStates, and therefore they [ix] have not a due refpedl for \nYour Sacred Majefty and their High and Mightineffes. I \nhope thofe very Perfons will acknowledge one time or other \ntheir miftake and the fincerity of my Intentions, which are \nfuch, that I may confidently fay, I propofe nothing to my \nfelf but the Glory of God, and to find out, under Your \nMajefty\'s Protedlion, a Paffage into China and Japan without \ncrofling twice the Line, which the EngUfli and Dutch have fo \noften vainly attempted, through the Frozen Sea : I hope. Sir, \nthrough the Afliftance of God, and the Favour of Your \nMajefty, to fucceed in my Defign, and difcover it before the \nend of this Age. \n\nBy thefe means a great many Barbarous Nations will be \nbrought to the knowledge of the true God and their Redeemer \nJefus Chrift, which I am fure is a fufficient motive for Your \nMajefty to give all Incouragement for this Undertaking ; for \nbeing convinc\'d of [x] Your Majefty\'s Piety, I need not ufe \n\n\n\nThe Dedication, 361 \n\nfor an Argument the Temporal Advantages, that will accrue \nthereby to Your Kingdoms. \n\nThat God be pleafed to blefs Your Majefty with all forts \nof Profperities, Your Undertakings with a glorious Succefs, \nand Your Subjeds with an everlafting Felicity, is and will \nalways be the Prayer of, \n\nSIR, \n\nTour Majejiy\'s moft Humble \n\nand moft Obedient Servant, \n\nF. Lewis Hennepin, \n\nMiJJionary Recollect and Notary Apoftolick. \n\n\n\n[xi] THE \n\nPREFACE. \n\nI NEED not make a long Preface to this Book^ the Subject Matter \nthereof is able to recommend it felf to the perufal of all Inquifi- \ntive Readers. The Worlds tho\' iinjufl in mofl cafes^ do however \nJuflice to Travellers, and the Accounts of their Voyages meet, gen- \nerally fpeaking, with a more favourable Reception than any other \nPerformances. This is a kind of Reward to Travellers for the un- \nfpeakable Fatigues they have fuffer\'d. Notwithfiajtding I have not \ntravelled through Polite Nations, nor feen any wonderfull Edifices \nin the Countries I have difcovered, I have met with that Reward ; \nthe Defcription of the Cabins of Reeds and Rufhes, which are the \nHabitations of above 200 Nations unknown before me, have been \nas acceptable to Ingenious Readers as the Defcription of their noble \nPalaces and Temples of China in fome other Authors. My De- \nfcription of Loulfiania was printed feveral times, and the [xii] late \nVolume I publifhed has met with fuch a Reception, that I may \nprefume this will have the fame fate. And really the Difcovery of \n200 different Nations unknown hitherto to the Europeans is, one \nwould think, a fit Subje^ to excite any one\'s Curiofity. \n\nI would therefore break off my Preface in this place, were I \nnot obliged to anfwer fome falfe Accufations my Enemies have \nraifed againfl me, and becaufe I am in a Religious Order, I think \nfit to begin with inferting two Atteftations or Certificates of Fathers \n\n\n\n364 The PREFACE. \n\nof my own Order, which will prevent fame further Calumnies on \nthat Point. \n\nI UNDERWRITTEN certify to have read and examined a \nBook entituled, A Defcription of Loiiifiana, newly difcov- \nered to the South-wejl of New France, with an Account of the \nManners of the Savages of that Country, written by Father \nHennepin a Recolledl Preacher, and Apoftolick Miffionary, \nand to have found nothing therein contrary to Faith or \ngood Manners, but that on the contrary, the faid Book con- \ntains many Reflections and Remarks, which may be of great \nufe for the Converfion of the Savages, and the Advantages \nof the Kingdom. Given at our Co[n]vent of Recolledls in \n\nParis, December 13, 1682. ^ ^ , tt r c, \xe2\x80\xa2 n- \n\np. Lelaree Harveau LeStor m Di- \nvinity, Father Provincial and Cufios \nof the Recolle^s of the Province of \nr^jlj-i St. Denys in France. \n\nI HAVE read a book entituled, A Defcription of Louifiana, \nnewly difcovered to the South-weft of New France, with an \nAccount of the Manners of the Savages of that Country, in \nwhich I have found nothing but what is conformable to the \nFaith of the Catholick, Apoftolick and Roman Church, the \nLaws of the Kingdom, and good Manners ; and it may be \nvery ufefuU towards eftablifhing the Faith of Jefus Chrifl in \nthat new World, and extending the Empire of our Monarch \nin that fertile and delicious Country. Given at St. Germain \nen Laye in our Co[n]vent of Recolleds, December 14, 1682. \n\nF. Innocent Micault Definitor of the \nRecollects of the Province of St. \nDenys in France, and General \nCommiffioner in the Province of \nRecollects of St. Anthony in Artois. \n\n\n\nThe PREFACE. 365 \n\nHaving premifed thefe two Certificates^ I come now to anjwer \nthe Obje^ions my Enemies urge againft me. \n\nI. How, fay they, can a Franclfcan, and confequently a Prieft \nof the Church of Rome, follicit a Proteflant Prince to fend him to \npreach the Gofpel unto the Ignorant Nations he has difcoveredf \nFor is it not more reafonable to think, that that Monarch will rather \nconvert that People to his own Religion, than fuffer Catholick \nMiffionaries [xiv] to convert them to the Church of Rome ? What \nOpinion then ought Men to have of the Religion of Father Hen- \nnepin? This is the chief Argument infifled on by my Enemies to \nmake me odious to thofe of my Religion, or rather to the ignorant \npart of it; but I may eafily confute that filly Calumny : For in the \nfirfi place. His Majefly of Great Britain has not exacted nor de- \nmanded any Promife of me, when He was pleafed to admit me into \nHis Service, that may be direBly or indirectly contrary to my Religion. \nThefe Bigots ought by the fame reafon to cenfure the Emperor, the \nKing of Spain, the Ele^ors of the Empire, and Bipiops of Liege, \nMunfter, 6fc. who are entred into fo ftri5l an Alliance with His \nMajefiy of Great Britain, and conclude from thence, that thofe \nCatholick Princes have formed fome Defiign againft the Catholick \nReligion. But fuppofing that the Englifh convert thofe numerous \nNations to their Religion, and that I contribute fomething to it, am \nI for all that to be blamed? I hope no body will fay fo, unlefs it be \nthofe morofe Bigots, who think that the ignorant Americans who \nworfhip the Devil, or any other Creature, are nearer to the King- \ndom of God than Pi\'oteftants who worfhip the fame God as we, hope \nin the fame Redeemer, and are feparated from us only upon fome \npoints ; which Opinion I look upon as a Frenzy worthy of my Com- \n\n\n\n366 The PREFACE. \n\npajfion, and not of a Reply. But who told them that the Catholick \nFaith cannot be preached under the Protection of King William, or \nthe States General? Thofe who cenfure me, enjoy their Religion \n[xv] under that very Protection, and the Reader will find at the \nlatter end of this Volume, what offers the English made to our \nRecollects in America. But let them fay what they pleafe, I have \nthe Approbation of His Catholick Majefly, the EleCtor of Bavaria, \nand the permiffion of the Superiors of my Order. \n\n2. Some others think that I impofe upon them in the Account \nI give of the courfe of the Mefchafipi, and that it is not poffible I \nfnould have travelled in fo fhort a time from its Mouth to its Source. \nTo thefe I reply, that they are not acquainted with Canous made \nof Bark of Trees, which are fo light that one may travel 20, 25, \nand in cafe of need 30 Leagues in a Day againfl the Stream of \na River, whereas by my Account it does not come to Ten in a Day. \nBut if one follows the Stream, as we did from the River of the \nIllinois to the Mouth of the Mefchafipi, the fwiftnefs is fo great, \nthat I am fure we fpent twice more than was requir\'d. \n\n3. When wicked and malicious Perfons confpire the Ruin of a \nMan they hate, or elfe who gives them fome umbrage, they make \nufe of all Artifices ; therefore my Enemies being afraid, that the \npublifhing of my Difcoveries may prejudice their Interefl, they have \ndone their utmoft to diffwade the Bookfellers of this City of Utrecht \nfrom printing my Books ; infinuating, that this was but a Repetition \nof my Defcription of Louifiana publi/Iied many Tears agoe, and \ntranflated, as they fay, into Dutch ; but really this is very imperti- \nnent ; for my Louifiana contains not 20 Sheets, and how is it [xvi] \npoffible that the AbfiraCl of it fliould contain 50 ? \'Tis true, I repeat \n\n\n\nThe PREFACE. 367 \n\nfomefew things I ptiblijhed therty becaufe otherwife I had been unin- \ntelligible ^ but moft commonly I refer the Reader to that Book, which \ncertainly I would not have done, if this lajl were nothing but the \nRepetition of the former. But I would ask thefe Gentlemen, whe- \nther they have found in the Defcription of Louifiana, any Account \nof the Courfe of the Mefchafipi from the River of the Illinois into \nthe Gulph of Mexico ; nor the Account of Mr. de la Salle\'j unfor- \ntunate Travels, with my Additions, and many other things : And \nas there is no body fo impudent to fay they have, they confute them- \nfelves, and mufl own, that thefe two Books I have dedicated to His \nMajejly were not printed before. I have however the Comfort that \nthey don\'t accufe me to have robb\'d others ; the Louifiana was my \nown Work, and I think I may be as free to borrow fomething from \nit in cafe of need, as others have done. \n\n4. A Learned Man has obferv\'d in a very civil manner, that \nI have faid that I have fpent about 1 1 Years in my Difcovery, \nand yet it does not appear by my Account of it that I have been fo \nlong ; but he mufl obferve, that when I fay Eleven Tears, I reckon \nfrom the time that I fet out from Flanders, which was jufl after the \nBattel of Seneflf, where I was in great danger of my life, to the \nfecond Edition of my Defcription of Louifiana, which was in 1688 ; \nand therefore I might have faid Fourteen Tears injlead of Eleven ; \nfor [xvii] / have been all that while about it, either in Europe \nor America. \n\n5. Some other peevifh Criticks urge, that when I fay that the \nof Savages of Iffati call the Sun Louis, / defigned to flatter the King \nFrance ; but this is a foolifli Suggeflion, and a far fetched Flattery, \nthe name of Louis being common to the King and the meanefl of \n\n\n\n368 The PREFACE. \n\nhis Subjects ; therefore I repeat^ how that having liv\'d a confid- \nerable time in the Family of Aquipaguetin, one of the chief of the \nIffati, and learned their Language, I was ajfured, that they call \nthe Sun by no other name than Louis, and the Moon Louis \nBafetche, that is the Sun of the Night. \n\n6. Others having no Objection to make, tells us, That I relate \nnothing extraordinary ; but in the name of Wonder, what will this \nPeople have ? For if the Defcription of 4 or ^ Lakes, or rather \nFre/h-waterSeas,fome of which are in circuit 4, 5 and \'joo Leagues, \nupon which we failed with a Ship of 60 Tuns for 500 Leagues \ntogether, to the great amazement of the Savages, who had never feen \nthe like, nor heard the noife of Cannon : If the Defcription of the \nfall o/Ni[a]gara, which is one of the mofl fur prizing things in the \nWorld, the Water falling from above 700 Foot high : If the Dif- \ncovery of 200 different Nations unknown before, and of whom no \nTraveller had made mention ; if all thefe things, I fay, with the \nDefcription of that delicious Country, does not feem extraordinary, \nI don\'t know what will feem fuch to thofe Gentlemen. I relate what \nI have feen, and [xviii] really I lie under no temptation to forge \nany furprizing Difcovery to recommend my Book, the real things I \nhave obferv\'d being worthy of the Confideration of all ingenious \nMen. \n\n7. Such who have not travelled, nor read many Accounts of \nVoyages, are very apt to blame what they don\'t underfland, and \ntherefore laugh when one tells them of a new difcovered Country \nlarger than Europe, /or they fancy there can be no fuch thing ; and \nwhen they talk of Canada, they talk of it as if it were no larger \nthan a Principality in Germany ; but Men of Parts and Reading \n\n\n\nThe PREFACE. 369 \n\nare of another Opinion : I have dernonftrated that Canada is about \n700 Leagues long, and that the Coaft of the River St. Laurence, \nwhich I have furvey\'d from its Mouth to the great Lake from \nwhich it fprings is near 800 Leagues long. I fay the fame thing \nof the incomparable River Mefchafipl, which is larger and bigger \nthan the former ; and to fhew the probability of the things I have \nfet down in the general Map of my Difcovery the Courfe of the \nRiver of the Amazons, in the Southern America, which is efleemed \nmuch the fame, though in my Opinion the Mefchafipi and the River \nSt. Laurence have a longer Courfe. From the Courfe of thefe \nRivers, and the Extent of the Lakes, I conclude that the Continent \nI have difcovered is larger than Europe, which might in time \nform one of the greatefi Empires in the World. \n\nI intend to defcribe in this Volume thofe Countries, to treat of \nthe nature of their Soil, and of [xlx] the Cufloms, Manners, and \nGenius of the Inhabitants ; and what fort of Trades may be fettled \nin thofe Parts ; therefore I thought fit to add an AbflraEl of the \nVoyage Mr. de la Salle made thither after me. The whole is \ndivided into Chapters, according to the Method I followed in the \nFirfl Part. \n\nI defign the latter end of my Book to treat of the few Conver- \nfions our Miffionaries have wrought in Canada, notwithflanding \ntheir Zeal and indefatigable Labours, which ought to make us thank- \nfull towards God, who out of his infinite kindnefs has been pleafed \nto blefs us with his Knowledge, whilfl fo many thoufands of our \nfellow Creatures are wholly left to themfelves, without any Know- \nledge of God. I am however fully convinced, that the Savages \n\ninhabiting the Banks of the Mefchafipi will be more fucceptible and \n11-2 \n\n\n\n370 The PREFACE. \n\ncapable of embracing our Holy Religion^ becaufe they are not fo \nfierce, than the Savages of the North, who are commonly Cruel and \nObflinate. \n\nTo make this Volume more iifefull, I have made fome Reflexions \non Mr. de la Salle\'j lafl Voyage, becaufe I was better acquainted \nwith thofe vafl Countries than Father Chriftian le Clercqz,^ \nDefinitor of our Recollects of the Province of Artois, who has pub- \nlijhed an Account of it. I have a great efteem for that Father, and \nwas always his Friend, and miift own, that he has given a good \nAccount of Canada, and Gafpefia ; but at the fajne time I muft fay, \nthat the Account he gives of the Inhabitants of Louifiana and about \nthe Mefchafipi is not to [xx] be rely\'d upon, for he never was \nwithin 1200 Leagues of that Country. Gafpee in Accadia, and \nQuebec, the neareft places where he has been, being above that \ndiftance. \'Tis true, the Diary of my Difcovery, of which I gave a \nCopy to Father Valentin le Roux, as I have obferved in my firft \nVolume, was communicated unto him, as alfo fome Memoirs of \nFather Zenobe Mambre, who remained among the Illinois, while \nI was fent to difcover the Courfe of the Mefchafipi ; and fo far \nFather le Clercqz is right, but his Additions are not of the fame \nCoyn. I do not wonder that he fhould commend fo much Father \n\n1 Chrestien le Clercq was a missionary in Gaspe from 1675 to 1689, and wrote an \naccount of his labors tiiere \xe2\x80\x94 Relation de la Gaspesie (Paris, 1691). In i68i he went \nto France, and returned to Canada in the following year, commissioned by his supe- \nriors to establish a Recollet residence at Montreal. In 1690 he was recalled to France. \nHennepin here refers to Le Clercq\'s other book, which we have often cited, Premier \nEtablissement de la Foy dans la Nowvelle France (Paris, 1691), which gives full \naccounts of La Salle\'s voyages. \n\nThe final " z " in Le Clercq\'s name, as here given, is doubtless an error of the \nEnglish printer, arising from either some flourish at the end of " q," or the contrac- \ntion for " ue " (0), often used in early French MSS. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\nThe PREFACE. 371 \n\nMambre, who zvas his own Coufin^ and a very good Man befides. \nJVe travelled together as far as Fort CreveccEur mentioned in my \nfirft Volume^ where I left him among the Illinois, and have been \nalways good Friends. After his return from America he came to \nfee me in our Co\\_n~\\vent 0/ Chateau Cambrefis [Cambray], and \ntold me, he was going again into America with Mr. de la Salle, \nand that he expelled he fhould have an Opportunity to make more \nexa5l Obfervations on the Mefchafipi than thofe I had done in the \nTear 1680, becaufe Mr. de la Salle defigned to undertake that \nVoyage with fuch a number of Men as to fear nothing from the \nInfults of the Savages. But if I do not blame Father le Clercqz \nfor the honourable mention he makes of his Relation, I think every \nbody will condemn him for his concealing the name of the Author he \nhas tranfcrib\'d, and thereby attributing to himfelf the glory of my \nperilous Voyage.^ This [xxi] piece of Injufiice is common enough \nin this Age. \n\nMr. de la Salle undertook to go down the Mefchafipi from \nthe River of the Illinois in the Tear 1682, that is, two Tears after \nme, which was the fource and caufe of his Animofity againfl me, \nand of the rigorous Orders they obtained from the Court of France, \nto command me to depart the Dominions of the French King, upon \n\n\n\n^This aspersion is hardly justified by Le Ciercq\'s own words; he says (Shea\'s \ntranslation oi Etablissement de la Foy, ii, pp. 125, 128, 129): " Father Louis . . , \nhas published the description of the countries which he visited, and into which he \ncarried the Gospel. I, therefore, must refer my reader to it without repeating any part \nof it here. ... As I continue the account of a discovery in which Father Zenobius \n[Membre] took a considerable part and was constantly present, and as we derive from \nhis letters the chief information we can have about it ... it corresponds with many \nfragments which we have of the Sieur de la Salle, and the testimony of Frenchmen and \nIndians who accompanied them." \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\n372 The PREFACE. \n\npretence that I was a Subject of the King of Spain, as I have \nmentioned in my Preface to my firfl Volume. This Order, as I \nmay prefume to fay fo, was as contrary to the Rule of Juflice, as of \nPoliticks, for they might very well forefee that I fhould acquaint \nfome perfon or other with my Difcoveries, and crofs thereby their \nDefigns. \n\nFrom thefe Obfervations it is plain, that as I was the firfl \nEuropean who difcovered the Courfe of the Mefchafipi, and the \ndelicious Country about it; fo all others have feen nothing but what \nI had feen before, and have related nothing material, but what \nthey have abflra^led out of the Copy of the Journal of my Voyage \nwhich I gave to Father Valentin le Roux, and was by him com- \nmunicated to Father Hyacinth le Fevre. \n\nMr. de la Salle had begun a Settlement in the Ifland of \nMontreal in Canada, zvhich is 25 Leagues about, and this fmall \nColony is fo much improv\'d as to be now a great and populous \nVillage.^ They call it China, becaufe while Mr. de la Salle lived \nthere, and began the Settlement, he fpoke very often of the Mines \nof St. Barbe, and faid, that as foon as he had taken thofe Mines, \nhe would go [xxli] into China and Japan without croffing the Line, \nand to that end, find a Paffage into the South-Sea. This was the \nchief SuhjeB of our Converfations, and as the Difcoveries I have \nmade cannot be far from the Pacifick Sea, / don\'t queftion but \nMr. de la Salle, whofe great Courage was proof againfi all Diffi- \nculties and Misfortunes, would have fucceeded in his Defign. \n\n\n\n^ The village of La Chine. Hennepin exaggerates its growth; for the official \ncensus of October, 1698, gives the total population of Lachine, Bout de I\'lsle, and \nRiviere St. Pierre as but 270 souls (including children). \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\n\nT^hc lifiJcrhmatd aJi>e7tiur\xc2\xa3j (^ TftoTtsf d\xc2\xa3 la Sa/lc . \n\n\n\nThe PREFACE. 373 \n\nThofc who are skill\'d in Geography have long agoe fufpe5fed \nthat Japan is contiguous to the Lands of the Northern America ; \nand the Learned Grsevius,^/o well known in the Commonwealth of \nLearnings having carefully examined our Difcovery, was pleafed \nto tell me very lately in a meeting of Vertuofi, in this City of \nUtrecht, That he was of my Opinion^ and did not think that \nJapan was an Ifland^ as it is commonly f aid ^ but that it joyns with \nthe large Country I had difcovered. \n\nI have made ufe of a proof in my lafl Volume^ Chapter 37, \nwhich I crave leave to repeat in this place^ becaufe it is a Matter \nof Fa3l: While I was amongft the Iffati and Nadoueffans there \ncame an Embaffy of Savages from a very remote Nation to the \nWeftward. / was in the Cabin when my Fofler Father Aqui- \npaguetin (for he had adopted me his Son) gave them Audience^ \nand having asked them fome Queflions by an Interpreter^ they told \nme that they came from a remote Country to the Weftward, that \nthey had marched 3 Moons, (that is, Months) without meeting \nwith any Lafa, that is in their meaning, the Seas ; which certainly \n[xxiii] could not be true, was there any fuch a thing as the Streight \nof Agnian fet down in moji of our Mapps. \n\nThe Englifh and Dutch have in vain attempted to find out a \nPaffage to China and Japan through the Frozen-Sea, but if they \nare pleafed to fend me about it, I am confident that I /hall find \nfome great River running into the Pacifick-Sea, whereby, and by \nmeans of the Mefchafipi, it will be eafie to trade and have Com- \n\n\n\n^ Joannes G. Graef (Latinized, Graevius) , a German philologist and archaeologist, \nprofessor in the university of Utrecht (where he died in 1703), and author of numer- \nous books. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\n374 The PREFACE. \n\nmunkation with China and Japan without c7\'oj[fing twice the Line: \nand loftng abundance of Men. \n\nI am jo fully convinced of what I fay^ that I am willing to \nreturn into America to fliew the Way unto others; fome will blame \nme for this rajh Undertakings but why jhould I have lefs Zeal for \nthe Service of God than thofe Pious Recollects who ventured into \nthe Kingdom of Voxu in the Eaftern part 0/ Japan, and converted \nthe King thereof to the Knowledge of God. That Prince was fo \nZealous for the true Religion^ that he burnt 800 Idols^ and fent an \nAmbaffador into Europe with a Retinue of 100 Gentlemen. They \nembarked 06lober 28. 161 3, and arrived in Spain November \n10. 1 614, being conduced by Father Lewis Sotello a Recollect, \nwho prefented the faid Ambafdor to his Catholick Majefly^ and \nafterwards to the Pope, whom he affured, that the King his Majler \nand mofl of his Subjects had renounced their Idolatry and embraced \nthe Chriflian Religion. The Reader will forgive me if I relate \ntwo or three things more for the Honour of my Order.^ The \n[xxiv] Francifcans were the jirfi who accompanied Chriftopher \nColumbus into his newly difcovered Country, and had the Honour \nto preach jirfl of all the Knowledge of God to the Indians. The \nConquejl of the Spaniards arrived to the highefl pitch in the Tears \n1540 and 1 541, and yet no other Religious Order had been em- \nployed to bring thofe lofl Sheep into the Flock of the Lord, and they \nalone had converted a great part of the Subjects of the King of \n\n^The Franciscan order (also called Gray Friars, and Friars Minor) was founded \nin 1209, by St. Francis d\'Assisi. Not long after his death, his order numbered \n200,000 priests and 8,000 convents. The Recollets were an offshoot from the Fran- \nciscans (about 1531). \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\nThe PREFACE. 375 \n\nJapan unto the Chriftian Faith : So that having thofe great Models \nbefore me^ I may fay^ that I long to make an end of my Difcovery. \n\nThat jhort paffage into China, would, I think, prove as ad- \nvantageous to Europe, as any Difcovery that has been yet made ; \nand this is another great Encouragement for me, for what greater \nfatisfa5lion can a rational Being propofe to himfelf, than to do good \nto Mankind, and find out fomething ufefull to his Country ? Hav- \ning therefore all Power and Patents neceffary for my Mifjion, I \nam ready for that great Voyage, and I hope, through the Grace \nof God to be able to go through that Difcovery, and thereby con- \nvince the World of the Equity of my Intentions. \n\nThe Reader may obferve, that the Settlements that fhall be made \nin that Country will abfolutely be managed by Laicks, and that \nfuppofing the Francifcans fliould be employ\'d 500 Tears about the \nConverfion of the Natives, they fliould not have there an inch of \nLand to themfelves, it being againfl the Laws of their Order ; \nwhereas in fome other Countries, where another Order has got a \n[xxv] footing, they are Maflers now of the Temporal as well \nas the Spiritual, the befl Lordfhips and Manners [Manors] be- \nlonging to them. How they have difcharged their Spiritual Func- \ntion, I don\'t know, but fure I am, they have taken a great care of \ntheir Temporal Intereft, as I intend to fhew in a third Volume, \nwhich I fhall publifh in this City of Utrecht, if it is thought \nconvenient. \n\nI fhould have a fair opportunity to avenge my felf in this \nPreface of certain Perfons of this very Town, who have afperfed \nme with the utmofl Malice, and kept for their own ufe the Money \n\n\n\n376 The PREFACE. \n\n/ had received from his Majefty of Great Britain, and which I \nadvanced to them for my Subfiflence. This is a very foul A5lion^ \nand worthy to be publickly taken notice of ; but my Religion teach- \ning me to forgive my Enemies, I follow that Precept, and do \nheartily forgive them. \n\n\n\nTHE \n\ncontents; \n\nCHAP. I. \n\nAn Account of M. de la Salle\'j Undertaking to difcover the River \nMefchafipi by the Giilph of Mexico, and his eflablifhing a \nfmall Colony at the Bay of St. Lewis, p. i \n\nCHAP. II. \n\nAn Account of feveral Misfortunes that befell M. de la Salle at \nthe Bay of St. Lewis, p. 9 \n\nCHAP. III. \n\nA Continuation of the Misfortunes of M. de la Salle, with an \n\nAccount of two Voyages he undertook to find out the Country of \n\nthe Illinois, p. 16 \n\nCHAP. IV. \n\nA Continuation of M. de la Salle\'i Voyage and Difcovery, and \n\nhow he was received by the Savages Cenis, p. 22 \n\n[xxvii] CHAP. V. \nA fhort Defcription of Fort Lewis, of its advantageous Situation, \nand of the Fertility of the Country about it, p. 28 \n\nCHAP. VL \n\nAn Account of M. de la Salle\'j fecond Voyage from the Bay of St. \nLewis to the Illinois, p. 30 \n\n^ The page numbers herein given refer to the original pagination, indicated in the \ntext by bracketed numerals. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\n378 The CONTENTS. \n\nCHAP. VII. \n\nM. de la Salle and three more are unfortunately murther\'d by fame \nof their own Party. p. 33 \n\nCHAP. VIII. \n\nThe Author\'s Reflexions upon the Life and Death of M. de la Salle, \nwhofe Murtherers kill\'d one another. p. 36 \n\nCHAP. IX. \n\nThe Cenis permit M. Cavelier the Priefl, and Father Anaftafius, \n\nwith their Company, to continue their Journey through feveral \n\nbarbarous Nations. P- 41 \n\nCHAP. X. \n\nThe Voyage of the Sieur Cavelier a Priefl, and Father Anaftafius \n\na Recoiled in a Pyrogue to [xxviii] the Illinois, and feveral \n\nObfervations concerning their Return. p. 46 \n\nCHAP. XL \n\nReflexions of the Author on the Voyage to China; on the Belief of \nmofl of the Savages of North America concerning the Creation \nof the World, and the Immortality of the Soul, p. 52 \n\nCHAP. XII. \n\nOf the mofl proper means to convert the Savages; who thofe are \nto whom the Miffionaries ought to refufe or adminifler Baptifm, \n\np. 60 \nCHAP. XIII. \n\nThe Barbarians of the Northern America don\'t acknowledge a \nGod. Of the pretended Souls of Terreflrial Animals, p. 6^ \n\nCHAP. XIV. \n\nOf the great difficulties in converting the Savages : of the Prayers \nthey get by Rote, and of Martyrdom, p. 69 \n\n\n\nThe CONTENTS. 379 \n\nCHAP. XV. \n\nThe manner of Feafting among the Savages, P- 7i \n\n[xxix] CHAP. XVI. \n\nOf the manner of adopting the Europeans amongfl the Savages, \n\nP- 74 \nCHAP. XVII. \n\nOf the Marriages of the Savages in North America, p. 77 \n\nCHAP. XVIII. \n\nOf the Remedies which the Savages adminifier to the Sick : they \nhave Mountebanks among them; their Opinion of Infant- \nBaptifm when the Author liv\'d there, p. 82 \n\nCHAP. XIX. \n\nOf the Conflitiition or Temper of the Savages. p. 85 \n\nCHAP. XX. \n\nDefcription of the Savages that go naked, and thofe that do not, \n\np. 88 \nCHAP. XXI. \nOf the Games, and Sports of the Savages, ?\xe2\x80\xa2 91 \n\nCHAP. XXII. \n\nThe manner of making War among the Savages, [xxx] they are \nvery much given to Revenge, p. 94 \n\nCHAP. XXIII. \n\nOf the Cruelty of the Savages in general, and particularly of the \nIroquois, p. 98 \n\nCHAP. XXIV. \nOf the Policy of the Savage Iroquois, p. 103 \n\n\n\n38o The CONTENTS. \n\nCHAP. XXV. \n\nOf the manner of the Savages hunting of all forts of wild Beajls, \nand of the admirable Induftry of the Cajlors or Beavers^ p. 104 \n\nCHAP. XXVI. \n\nOf their manner of fifhing, p. 109 \n\nCHAP. XXVII. \n\nOf the Utenfils of the Savages in their Cabbins, and of their extraor- \ndinary manner they flrike Fire, p. 112 \n\nCHAP. XXVIII. \n\nOf the manner of their interring their dead ; of the Feflival of the \ndead, with fome Refle\xc2\xa3lions concerning the Immortality of the \nSoul, P\xc2\xab 115 \n\n[xxxi] CHAP. XXIX. \nOf the Superflitions of the Savages, and of the ridiculous things \nthey believe, p. 119 \n\nCHAP. XXX. \nOf the Obflacles that are found in the Converfion of the Sav- \nages, p. 123 \nCHAP. XXXI. \nOf the barbarous and uncivil Manners of the Savages, p. 128 \n\nCHAP. XXXII. \n\nOf the great Indifferency of the humours of the Savages, p. 123 \n\nCHAP. XXXIII \n\nOf the Beauty and Fertility of the Country of the Savages, that \npowerfull Colonies may be eafily planted on the North and \nSouth, p. 134 \n\n\n\nThe CONTENTS. 381 \n\nCHAP. XXXIV. \n\nOf the Method of the Savages in their Councils^ againfl their \nEnemies, and their Cruelty againfl the Europeans, and how \na flop may be put to them, p. 142 \n\n[xxxii] CHAP. XXXV. \nOf the proper Method to eflahlifh good Colonies; Thoughts and \nOpinion of the Savages concerning Heaven and Earth, p. 148 \n\nCHAP. XXXVI. \n\nThe Hiflory of the Irruption which the Englifh made into Canada \n\nin the year 1628; the taking of Quebec the Metropolis of \n\nCanada in 1629, the mofl honourable Treatment they gave the \n\nRecolle^s, p. 161 \n\nCHAP. XXXVII. \n\nHow the Religious of St. Francis in their MiJJions through the \nhabitable World have been before the Jefuits, p. 195 \n\nCHAP. XXXVIII. \n\nThe Sentiments that a Miffionary ought to have of the little Progrefs \nthey find in their Labours, p. 181 \n\n\n\nVOYAGE \n\nINTO A \n\nNewly Difcover\'d Country \n\nLarger than \n\nEUROPE, \n\nSituate between the \n\nFrozen Sea and New Mexico. \n\n\n\nCHAP. I. \n\nAn Account of M. de la Salle\'j Undertaking to difcover the River \nMefchafipi by the Gulph of Mexico, and his eflablijhing a \nfmall Colony at the Bay of St. Lewis. \n\nREASON ought to rule Men in all cafes, and whenever \nthey think themfelves wrong\'d by others, they ought, \nas Chriftians, to impute it rather to their Pre-occupation or \nPrejudices, than to their Malice ; and this Maxim I propofe \nto my felf as my rule, as the Readers will obferve in the \nfollowing Narration. \n\nI liv\'d near three Years together as Miflionary with Mr. \nRobert Cavelier de la Salle at Fort Katarokoiiy or Frontenac, \nwhereof he was Governor and Proprietor ; and during that \n\n\n\n384 A Voyage into North America. \n\ntime, we read together the Voyages [2] of John Pontius de \nLeon, Pamphylio Narvaez Chrijlopher Columbus, Ferdinand Soto,^ \nand feveral other Travellers, the better to fit and prepare \nour felves for the great Difcovery we intended to make. \nM. de la Salle was a fit Man for the greateft Undertakings, \nand may be juftly rank\'d amongft the mofl famous Travellers \nthat ever were, as it will appear to whomfoever will confider \nthat he fpent his own Eftate about the greatefl, moft impor- \ntant, and moft perillous Difcovery that has been yet made ; \nwhich he undertook with a handfull of Men, whom he pre- \nferv\'d from the numerous Nations he difcover\'d, amongft \nwhom all other Travellers, except Columbus, perifh\'d without \nreaping any advantage from their Enterprizes, which however \ncofl them above looooo Men : fo that upon the whole, I may \nboldly conclude, that no body, before M. de la Salle and I, \nundertook fo dangerous an Expedition with fo few Men. \n\nOur defign was to endeavour to find out, if pofTible, a \nPaffage from the Northern to the South Sea without crofling \nthe Line, which a great many have hitherto fought in vain. \nThe River Mejchafipi does not indeed run that way, but \nhowever M. de la Salle was in hopes to difcover by the means \nof the Mejchafipi, fome other River running into the South \nSea, and knowing his great Courage and Ability, I don\'t \nquefl:ion but he would have fucceeded, had God been pleafed \nto preferve his Life. As that unfortunate Gentleman was \nabout it, he was murther\'d ; and if the divine Providence has \n\n\n\n^ Juan Ponce de Leon, the discoverer of Florida ; Pamphilio de Narvaez, another \nnoted Spanish officer in Florida ; Cristoforo Colombo, who discovered the New World ; \nand Hernando de Soto, who first made known the Mississippi River. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 385 \n\nfpar\'d me, \'tis it feems, that I may acquaint the World with \na fhort way to go to China and Japan^ which I hope may be \ndone by means of my Difcoveries : Therefore if his Majefty \nof Great Britain, or the States General are willing to fend any \nbody to find out that fo much talk\'d of Paffage, and that I \nmay accompany them, I am morally fure that by the Grace \nof God, we fhall fucceed before the end of this Age. \n\n[3] The Country of the Illinois, and other neighbouring \nNations, being the Center of our Difcovery, M. de la Salle \ndefign\'d to fettle there a Colony; and therefore any Prince \nor State, who will purfue fo generous a Defign, muft follow \nthe fame method, and build Forts from Place to Place, to \nhave an uninterrupted Communication, and keep in awe the \nInhabitants of thefe vaft Countries. The firft thing M. de la \nSalle did in order thereto, was to endeavour to find out by \nSea the Mouth of the Mefchafipi, which difcharges it felf into \nthe Gulph of Mexico, as it has been faid in my firft Volume, \nto fettle there a Colony, and build a good Fort to be as his \nMagazine, and ferve as a retreat both by Sea and Land in cafe \nof any mifhap. He made his Propofals to the French King\'s \nCouncil; which were perus\'d and approv\'d by Monfieur de \nSeignelay Secretary and Minifter of State, and Intendent Gen- \neral of the Commerce and Navigation of France, his moft \nChriftian Majefty^ approved likewife his Defign, gave him all \n\n\n\n^ Louis XIV was then King of France. Jean Baptiste Colbert, marquis de \nSeignelay, son of the great Colbert, was one of his ministers until his death in 1691. \nLarousse says of Seignelay : " Under his administration the French marine attained \na degree of prosperity which it has never known since, and could compete with the \ncombined fleets of England and Holland." \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n11- 3 \n\n\n\n386 A Voyage into North America. \n\nneceffary Authority, and fupply\'d him with Ships, Men and \nMoney. \n\nM. de la Salle having obtain\'d what he defir\'d from the \nKing, thought of chufing able Miffionaries to convert thofe \nbarbarous and wild Nations unto the Chriftian Religion, and \nrefolv\'d to ufe two different Orders ; but as this choice was \na nice and difficult thing, he apply\'d himfelf to Monfieur \nTronfon Superiour of the Seminary of St. Sulpkius at Paris^^ \nwho appointed three Men of great Vertue, Zeal and Ca- \npacity to attend M. de la Salle as Miffionaries; thefe were \nM. Cavelier Brother to M. ^^ la Salle^ M. Chefdemlle a Rela- \ntion of his, and M. Majulle, Priefl:s in the faid Seminary. \n\nI had attended M. de la Salle near twelve Years in the \nDifcovery of Louifiana, and Father Zenobe, and Gabriel de la \nRibourde and my felf had likewife accompanied him into the \nCountry of the Illinois^ where Gabriel was murthered by the \nSavages, therefore [4] M. de la Salle refolved to have fome \nRecollects to endeavour to eftablifh the Knowledge of God in \nthofe vaft Countries, and to that end applied himfelf to \nFather Hyacinth le Fevre, who was then for a fecond time \nProvincial Commijfary of the Province of St. Denys in France, \nwho granted him the Miffionaries he demanded, viz. Father \nZenobe Mambre of Bapaume as Superiour, Father Maxime le \n\n\n\n^ Jean Jacques Olier, a priest at Paris, founded (1640) an association of priests at \nVaugirard, which he transferred in the following year to Paris, where it expanded into \nthe Seminary of St. Suipice, its priests being known as Sulpitians. In 1657, some were \nsent to Montreal, and six years later the Associates of Montreal surrendered to the \nSeminary their newly-formed colony, with their seigniorial rights over Montreal \nIsland \xe2\x80\x94 possessions which have made the Montreal branch of the order enormously \nwealthy. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 387 \n\nClerc of LUle in Flanders^ Anaftafe Douay of Quefnoy in Hain- \nault, and Denys Morquet of Arras, all Recolle5ls of the Province \nof St. Anthony in Artois. The firft, as I have faid, had been \nas far as the Illinois with M. de la Salle, and I toward the \nlatter end of the Year 1679. And the beginning of the fol- \nlowing, and two Years after, viz. 1682 he went with M. de la \nSalle to the Mouth of the Mefchafipi in the Gulph of Mexico, \nabout two Years after my Difcovery. The fecond Father had \nbeen five Years Miflionary in Canada, and had performed the \nFun6lions of his Miniftry with great Diligence and much \nEdification, efpecially in the Miffion of the Seven IJlands and \nAnticofti. Father Douay, who is now Vicar of the Recolle5ls of \nCambray, had never been in America, no more than Father \nDenys, who fell fo fick three days after he went on board, \nthat he was forced to go a-fhore and return into his Province. \nThe Provincial of the Order acquainted with this MifTion \nthe Congregation de propaganda jide} to obtain the Power \nand Authority neceffary for that Enterprize, who fent a \nDecree according to the ufual Form ; and Pope Innocent XI. \nadded a Brief thereunto, containing feveral Powers and Com- \nmiflions in 36 Articles, that are ufually granted to Miflion- \naries going into remote Countries, where they cannot referr \ncertain Cafes to Bifhops. The Bifhop of Quebec oppos\'d it \nwith all his Intereft, but Cardinal d\'Etrees^ fhew\'d, that his \n\n\n\n1 This body was formed by Pope Gregory XIII, in 1622, to spread the Roman \nCatholic faith, and to direct all missions of that church \xe2\x80\x94 ^a work which it still con- \ntinues. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n2 Cesar d\' Estrees, a French cardinal ; a noted ecclesiastic and diplomatist of the \nseventeenth century. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\n388 A Voyage into North America. \n\nOppofition was unreafonable, feeing the Country where thefe \nMifTionaries were to preach the [5] Gofpel, was 1000 Leagues \ndiftant from Quebec. \n\nThe advantages they expedled in France from our Dif- \ncovery were fo great, that feveral young Gentlemen offer\'d \nthemfelves to accompany M. de la Salle as Volunteers, tho\' \nthey knew him only by the charader I had given of him in \nmy Defcription of Louifiana, which I publifh\'d after my return \ninto France. This alfo gain\'d him the efteem of Monfieur \nSeignelay, which was very advantageous to him. That Minifter \nfent for me feveral times to difcourfe with him about the \ncircumftances of our Difcovery, which I told him fincerely, \nconcealing only my Difcovery of the Courfe of the Mefcbajipi \nfrom the River of the Illinois to the Gulph of Mexico, out of \npure kindnefs for M. de la Salle j who thereby recommended \nhimfelf to the favour of the late Prince of Conti\'^ and Mon- \nfieur Seignelay. \n\nAll things being thus favourably difpofed, M. de la Salle \nchofe twelve Gentlemen, who appear\'d to him vigorous, and \nlike to bear the Fatigues of that Voyage, and amongft them, \nhe took two of his own Nephews, viz. Mr. Moranger and \nMr. Cavelier, tho\' this laft was but fourteen Years of Age. \nOne Mertin, Son to a rich Merchant of Rochely went alfo with \nhim. In the mean time, they fitted out in that Harbour his \nfmall Fleet, which confided of four Ships, viz. the Toby, one \nof the King\'s Men of War; the Handfom, a fmall Frigat ; a \n\n\n\n1 Louis Armand de Bourbon, prince de Conti, who died in 1685 ; a dissolute but \nbrave nobleman. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 3^9 \n\nFly-Boat, call\'d VAimahle, and a Ketch, call\'d St. Francis. \nThe Man of War was commanded by Monfieur de Beaujeu, a \nGentleman of Normandy^ with whom I have had feveral Con- \nverfations fince his return, at Dunkirk. This Officer is known \nby his great Services and long Experience, as well as his \nLieutenant, the Chevalier de Here, who is now Captain of a \nMan of War. The Enfign was called de Hamel, a Gentleman \nof Bretaigny, of a ftrong and vigorous Conftitution. It were \nto be wifhed that [6] the Crew of the Ships, as well as the \nSoldiers, had anfwered the Character of the Officers ; but \nwhile M. de la Salle was at Court, thofe whom he employed \nto make his Levies, lifted about 150 poor Beggars, deformed, \nlame, and unfit for the hard Services they were defign\'d for: \nHe had alfo defir\'d them to engage Men of feveral Profef- \nfions, as Blackfmiths, Carpenters, Joyners, Mafons, and the \nlike; but when he came to try them, he found they were dull \nand ignorant Creatures, fo that he was forced to find out \nnew Soldiers and Workmen, which took up much of his \ntime. About ten Families of the Neighbourhood of Rochel \noffer\'d themfelves to go with him to fettle a Colony, which \nhe accepted, and advanc\'d them Money to buy what was \nthought moft neceffary for their Eftablifhment. \n\nHis Preparations being finifhed, the Fleet failed July 24, \n1684 from Rochel, but a violent Storm oblig\'d them to come \nback, and they continued in the Road t\\\\\\ Auguft 5, that they \nfail\'d for St. Domingo. They met with another Storm on the \n14 of September, which feparated the Fleet ; the Fly-boat \nremain\'d alone with the Frigat, and arriv\'d together at Petit- \n\n\n\n39^ A Voyage into North America. \n\nGuaves, where they found the Toby, and heard that the St. \nFrancis, on board which were their Merchandizes, was arriv\'d \nat Port de Paix. The bad Weather being over, the Ketch \nfailed for Petit-Guaves, the Rendezvous of the Fleet, but was \nunhappily taken in her way by the Spanifli Cruifers. \n\nI remember that in our Converfations at Fort Frontenac, \nM. de la Salle told me feveral times, that he would die fatis- \nfied and contented, could he but make himfelf Mafter of the \nMine of St. Barbe in New Mexico ; I gave him no anfwer at \nfirft, but feeing that he repeated it too often, tho\' I knew I \nwas a Subje6t; of the King of Spain, I could not forbear to \nexprefs my Affedion for my lawfull Sovereign, and told him, \nthat tho\' I [7] was with him I had not forgot my Native \nCountry concluding my anfwer with thefe words, Vincit amor \nPatria. This was perhaps the firft caufe of all the hardfhips \nand injuftices I have fuffer\'d fince that time, and which I \nmight therefore have avoided, had I been capable of diffem- \nbling, as the Generality of Mankind do. But to return to \nM. la Salles, the lofs of the Ketch was of a fatal confequence \nto him, not fo much for the value of the Merchandizes, but \nbecaufe the Spaniards had notice of his defigns againft their \nMines. \n\nM. la Salles was hardly recover\'d of a dangerous Diftem- \nper, when thofe unhappy Tydings were brought to him, and \nwas like to relapfe upon that occafion ; but the reft of his com- \npany being not as couragious as he, were quite dif-fpirited, \nand negledled to keep the Soldiers under a fevere Difcipline, \nwho giving up themfelves to the Lewdnefs and Diffolutenefs, \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 391 \n\nfo common in thofe Iflands, contra6led fuch Diftempers that \na great many died before they left Petii-Guaves, and the others \ncontinued fickly all their Life. As foon as M.. de la Salle v/as \nable to walk abroad, he made his Preparations for leaving \nthe Ifland, and by the afUftance of Monlieur de St. Laurence \nGovernour General of the French Iflands, and Monfieur \nBegon, Intendent of the fame ; he put his Fleet in a condition \nto fail from thence, November 25, 1684, having taken on \nboard all forts of Refrefliments, a great quantity of Indian \nCorn, and of all forts of tame Beafts to ftock the new \nCountry they were going to inhabit. \n\nThey fail\'d along the Iflands of Caimano, and touch\'d at \nthe Ifland of Peace for frefli Water, and from thence fail\'d \nto St. Anthony in the Ifland of Cuba, where they anchor\'d. \nThe Sweetnefs and Situation of that place invited them to \nland, and they found a good Store of Refrefhments, and \neven fome Wine which the Spaniards had left in that place, \nhaving run away with too great a Precipitation. They con- \ntinued there two [8] days, and then fail\'d, fleering towards \nthe Gulph of Mexico. \n\nM. de la Salle was a very underftanding Man, and hardly \nto be impos\'d upon, yet he was deceiv\'d by fome Men of St. \nDomingo, and it was by their advice that he fteer\'d a wrong \nCourfe. They had told him that the Northern Winds were \nvery dangerous at the entrance of the Gulph, and this fear \noblig\'d him to return thence upon the Coafl: of Cuba; but \nat lafl: he overcame all Difficulties, and got into the Gulph, \nJanuary i. 1685. and defcry\'d a Fortnight after the Coafl; of \n\n\n\n392 A Voyage into North America. \n\nFlorida^ where they were furpriz\'d by a ftrong Wind, which \nparted the Fleet, the Tohy keeping off from the Coaft, and \nthe Frigat and the Fly-boat as near the Land as poffible : \nthey had told him alfo, that the Current of the Gulph runs \nwith a great Rapidity towards the Channel of Bahama^ but \nhe found himfelf miftaken, and lofb thereby his Courfe, for \nthinking he was too far to the North, he fail\'d by the Bay \nof Spirito Santo [Mobile], and overlhot the Mouth of the \nMejchafipi. They were undeceiv\'d by the Coaft of the Gulph, \nwhich bends in that place to the Southward, and having \ntaken the Elevation of the Pole, they found they were within \n50 Leagues of the Mefchafifi. The three Ships joyned again \nabout the middle of February in the Bay di Spirito Santo, \nwhere it was agreed to alter their Courfe ; and about 10 \nLeagues off they found a large Bay, which they called St. \nLewis} The Provifions growing fcarce, the Soldiers were \nfent a-fhore, and M. de la Salle founded the Bay, which he \nfound deep, and the bottom a good Anchorage, fo that the \nFrigat got in happily on the i8th. The Channel is very \ndeep, but fomewhat narrow, and there is a Sand at the Mouth \nof it: M. de la Salle took that Bay for the right Arm of the \nMejchafipi, and indeed there v/as much likeHhood of it. \n\n\n\n^ Now Matagorda Bay, on the coast of Texas. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 393 \n\n\n\n[9] CHAP. II. \n\nAn Account of feveral Misfortunes that befell M. de la Salle at \nthe Bay of St. Lewis. \n\nMLJ SALLES had exprefsly forbid the Captain of the \n\xe2\x80\xa2 Fly-boat to attempt to come into the Bay, without \nhaving on board the Pilot of the Frigat, who was an experi- \nenc\'d Man; and for a greater fecurity he had commanded him \nto unlade his Guns into the Pinnace to make his Ship the \nlighter ; yet that Brute negledled thofe Orders and Advice, \nand without taking any notice of the Marks or Poles they \nhad placed on the Sands to fhew him the Channel, and the \nAdvice of the Seamen, he fail\'d his Ship at random, and ran \nher againft a Sand where fhe remain\'d : M. de la Salle was \na-fhore, and fearing the fate of his Ship, was going on board \nto fave her, but was prevented by about 120 Savages who \ncame to attack him : He put his Men in a pofture of defence, \nbut the noife alone of the Drums put the Savages to flight : \nM. de la Salle follow\'d them and prefented them the Calumet \nof Peace, which they accepted, and came along with him to \nhis Camp, where he entertain\'d them, and fent them back \nwith fome Prefents ; they were fo pleas\'d, that they brought \nfome Provifions the next day, and made Alliance with M. de \nla Salle, whereby they engag\'d themfelves to fupply him with \n\n\n\n394 ^ Voyage into North America. \n\nfome Pyrogues or wooden Canou\'s : That Alliance would \nlikely have prov\'d very advantageous to M. de la Salle, had \nnot an unforefeen Accident broke that good Intelligence. \n\nAs they were unlading the Fly boat which had ftruck upon \nthe Sand to endeavour to get her oflf, a Pack of Blankets fell \ninto the Sea, which the Waves [lo] drove upon the fliore: \nThe Savages found it, and M. de la Salle having notice \nthereof, fent to demand it of them in a very civil manner. \nThey fhew\'d fome Reludtancy, whereupon the Officer inflead \nof ading the prudent part, threatned to kill them unlefs \nthey refbor\'d it immediately. They were fo frighted and \nincens\'d againft them, that they refolv\'d to be aveng\'d of \nthat Aflfront ; and in order thereto, got together in the Night \ntime between the 6 and 7 of March, and march\'d to furprize \nthe French Camp. They advanc\'d as near as they would, the \nSentry being afleep, and made a difcharge of their Arrows \nwhich killed 4 Gentlemen Officers and Volunteers, and \nwounded M. Moranger and another Volunteer. The French \nran to their Arms, and fired upon the Savages, who run away \ntho\' none was wounded : they found the next day two of M, \nde la Sailers Men whom they murthered as they were fleeping. \n\nIn the mean time they unladed the Fly-boat, which was \ntoo far funk to be got off, and faved moft of the Goods, and \nas they were endeavouring to fave the reft, fhe was dafhed in \nPieces by the violence of the Wind and Waves, and feveral \nMen were in great danger of being drowned, but by the \nGrace of God all efcap\'d. \n\nMonfieur Beaiijeu feeing all the Goods and Merchandizes \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 395 \n\nlanded, and a Fort almoft finifhed, failed the 12th of March \nfor France^ and M. de la Salle having fortified his Magazine \nor Fort, which they call Hangar^ left 100 men under the Com- \nmand of his Nephew M. Moranger, for the defence of it ; and \nwith the reft, being 50, and 3 Miflionaries, viz. M. Cavelier, \nand Father Zenobe and Maxime^ advanced into the Country \nfollowing the Bay, in hopes to find the Mefchafipi} The \nCaptain of the Frigat was ordered to found at the fame time \nthe Channel, and bring his Ship as high as he could with \nfafety, which he did, [11] and brought his Ship to an Anchor \nat a place which was call\'d Hurler, from the name of the \nOfficer who was left at that place for the Security of that \nPort, which was abfolutely neceffary to maintain the Com- \nmunication between the firffc Habitation, and another M. de \nla Salle made on the 2d of Jlpril at the bottom of the Bay \nupon the Banks of a fine River, which was called the River \nof the Cows,^ becauie of the vaft number of thofe Beafts that \nwere difcover\'d in thofe parts. The Savages came to attack \nour Men, but were fo warmly receiv\'d, that they retir\'d with- \nout doing the French any harm. \n\nOn the 2ift, being EaJler-EvQ, M. de la Salle return\'d to \nthe firft Camp, and the next day was fpent in Devotions ; but \nthe 23d they began to carry all the Effedts from the two \nForts, to the Settlement M. de la Salle had made upon the \nRiver above-mention\'d, and when they had made an end of \n\n\n\n^ For detailed account of this expedition of La Salle, and his attempt to found a \ncolony on the shore of the Gulf of Mexico, see Paikman\'s La Salle, pp. 322-387. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n2 Now called the Lavaca River. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\n39^ A Voyage into North America. \n\nit, they razed the faid Forts. They had fown fome Pulfe \nand Corn, but either the Soil was not good, or elfe the Seed \nwas fpoil\'d by Salt Water, for it did not rife at all. M. de \nla Salle might have remembred what I had formerly told him \nin our Voyage to the Illinois^ that Corn and other Seeds \nwhich we bring from Europe^ muft either be in their Ears or \nHulls, for otherwife they lofe their Vertue at Sea, and cannot \ngrow in a Soil that was never cultivated before. \n\nThey built a Fort in a very advantageous Poft, with fo \nmuch diligence, that it was in a few days in a good Pofture \nof Defence, being defended by 12 Pieces of Cannon. They \nmade a great Magazine under ground to preferve their Goods \nand Provifions from Fire. It is to be ob~ferved that the Forts \nin America, I mean fuch as I fpeak of now, require not fo \nmuch Art and Labour, as in Europe, fince the Savages have \nno Artillery to attack them. They are fo afraid of Fire-Arms, \nthat none of thofe Nations ever durft attack [12] thefe mean \nFortifications, except the Iroquois, who attempted to force the \nFrench in their Intrenchments in the Ifland of Orleans, now \ncalled St. Lawrence near Quebec. The French had fortified \nthemfelves with Pallifadoes, which the Iroquois fet on Fire, \nand to cover themfelves againft the French in their Approach, \nevery one of them carry\'d before him a thick Plank or board \nMusket-proof, and thereby forced the French to leave their \nEntrenchments. They ufe alfo another Strategem againft \nour Forts, unlefs they are defended by fome Pieces of Can- \nnon to keep them off; they tye to their Arrows a lighted \nMatch, and then fhoot them in fuch manner, as to make \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 397 \n\nthem fall on the Top or Roof of the Forts, which is made \nof Planks, and thereby fet them on Fire. M. de la Salle^ \nwho knew all their Artifices, took alfo all imaginable Precau- \ntions to difappoint them, which he did by covering the Roof \nwith green Turf. \n\nIn the mean time, his men grew fo fickly, that a great \nmany died in a few days, notwithftanding they were carefully \nlook\'d after, and fupplied with proper Remedies, and befides \nthis misfortune, he was forc\'d to make an open War againft \nthe Savages. On the 9th of Aiiguft three of his men were \ngone a fhooting, there being abundance of Game in thofe \nParts. The noife of their Guns gave notice of their Ap- \nproach to the Savages, who immediately got together in \ngreat numbers and furrounded the three Europeans, who put \nthemfelves in a readinefs to fight, and killed with the firft \nfhot the General of the Savages. This fad accident terrified \nthem fo much, that they ran away, notv/ithftanding the Dif- \nproportion in number. They continued lurking about the \nFort, and kill\'d a French man who had advanc\'d too far into \nthe Woods. \n\nM.. de la Salle feeing no way to bring them to an Alliance, \nrefolved to make War upon them to oblige them to come to \nPeace, and fupply him with their [13] Pyrogiies or Wooden \nCanou\'s which he wanted. Therefore fet out from his Fort \non the 13th of October, with 60 ftout Men to look for the \nSavages, having provided them with a kind of Breaft-piece \nof Wood, to cover them againft the Arrows of the Sav- \nages. He was not far advanced when he found the Savages \n\n\n\n39^ A Voyage into North America. \n\nincamped, with whom he had feveral Skirmlfhes, kiUing and \nwounding a great many, and returned with many Prifoners \nefpecially young Children ; amongft whom was a Girl of \nabout four Years of Age, which was Chriftened, and died \nfome Days after. \n\nWhile M. de la Salle was building and perfecting his Fort, \nthofe Families he had brought to begin a Colony, grubb\'d \nup the Land, and fowed feveral forts of Corn and Pulfe, \nwhich they had brought in their Ear and Hulls, which fuc- \nceeded very well. They made fome Cannons, and croffed \nover to the other fide of the Bay, where they found a fine \nRiver, and a prodigious Number of wild Oxen and Turkeys. \nThe tame Beafts they had brought from St. Domingo, as Cows, \nHogs, and Fowls multiplied very much ; and in fhort the \nfmall Colony began to thrive, fince the War had removed \nthe Savages from their Habitations, and \'tis likely that M. \nde la Salle would have fucceeded, had not a new Misfortune \nworfe than all the former, difappointed his Noble Defigns. \n\nM. de la Salle had often entertain\'d me with the unheard \nof Cruelties exercifed by the Spaniards in New Mexico, and \nPeru, againft the Inhabitants of thofe vaft Empires, whom \nthey deftroyed as much as ever they could, preferving only \ntheir Children to make new People. He exclaimed againft \nthat Cruelty of the Spaniards, as unworthy of Men of Honour, \nand contrary to the Do6lrine of the Chriftian Religion. I \nblamed them my felf ; but yet I offered now and then fome \nReafons to excufe them, as the NecefTities [14] they found \nthemfelves under of exterminating thofe Nations, or perifhing \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 399 \n\nthemfelves, and forfaking their Conqueft ; for whenever they \nthought themfelves fafe, they were fuddenly invaded by great \nArmies, and therefore in a perpetual Danger. M. de la Salle \nexperienced himfelf that Neceffity in Canada^ for the Savages \ndo not underftand the Do6lrine of forgiving or forgetting \nInjuries ; and notwithftanding all Treaties of Peace, they will \nrevenge themfelves one time or other. The French of Canada \nhave done all that is pofTible, humanly fpeaking, to gain the \nFriendfhip of the Iroquois^ yet they have not been able to heal \nthe firft Breach that happened between them, which has been \nthe Source of many Wars, which lafhs at this very time ; \nwhereas that barbarous People has never had any quarrel \nwith the Dutch inhabiting New Tork, becaufe thefe have \nalways ufed them very kindly, diffembhng fome infignificant \nInjuries, or accepting their fatisfa6lion. M. de la Salle knew \nbetter than any Body the Temper of the Savages, and the \nMethods how to gain them ; therefore I wonder that he \nwould make Wars upon the Neighbours of his new Colony, \nfor this was almoft an infallible way to ruine it, and cut oflf \nthe hope of the Converfion of thofe ignorant Nations. From \nthefe obfervations we may conclude, that Meeknefs and \nCharity fo much recommended in the Gofpel, are two Ver- \ntues abfolutely neceffary for the eftablifhment of Colonies in \nthofe new Countries ; for otherwife the new Inhabitants muft \ndeftroy the Ancient, or be deftroyed by them, either of which \nis a cruel Neceffity unworthy of a Chriftian. M. de la Salle \nhad ordered the Captain of the Frigat to found the Bay, and \nto fuffer none of his Men to lie a-fhoar; however the Captain \n\n\n\n400 A Voyage into North America. \n\nhimfelf, and fix of his beft Men being charmed with the \nSweetnefs of the Country went a-fhoar, and leaving their \nCanou\'s upon the Owze with their Arms, went into a Meadow \nwhere [15] they fell afleep, and were murthered by the Sav- \nages, who broke their Arms and Canou. This fad Accident \nput the Colony in a dreadfull Confternation. M. de la Salle \nhaving buried his Men, refolv\'d to travel along the Coaft to \nfind out the Mouth of the Mejchafipi, and having left the \nInhabitants and Soldiers who were to remain in the Fort, fet \nout with 20 Men, and M. Cavelier his Brother. \n\nThis Bay of St. Lewis is formed by feveral Rivers, and \nlies in the Latitude of 27 Degrees 45 Minutes. None of \nthefe Rivers was broad and deep enough to be an Arm \nof the Mefchafipi^ but NL. de la Salle thought they might be \nBranches of one of the Arms of that River, therefore he \nrefolved to follow one of them, which coft him a world of \nTrouble, for he found feveral other Rivers running into that, \ntoo deep to be forded, which they croffed, laying together \nfeveral Branches of Trees, of which they made ufe inftead of \nBoats. They met with feveral Nations of Savages and were \nforced to entrench themfelves every Night, for fear of being \nfurprifed. The continual Rains that fell during his Voyage, \nmade the ways very bad, and fwell\'d feveral fmall Rivulets, \nwhich increafed his Trouble. At laft, on the 13th of February, \nhe thought to have found his fo much wifh\'d for River ; and \nhaving fortified a Poft on its Bank, and left part of his Men \nfor its fecurity ; he advanced farther into the Country, which \nappeared unto him the moft delicious and fertile that ever he \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 401 \n\nfaw. He vifited feveral Nations who received him with much \nHumanity, and returned to his Fort on the 31ft of March, \ncharmed with his Difcovery. \n\nThe fatisfadlion he expreffed upon this account can hardly \nbe expreffed, but the Grief which the lofs of his Frigat caused \nhim, over-ballanc\'d it. This was the only Ship left unto him, \nwith which he intended to fail in few Days for St. Domingo, \nto [16] bring a new Supply of Men and Goods to carry on \nhis Defign ; but it ran unfortunately a ground through the \nNegligence of the Pilot, and was dafh\'d in pieces. All the \nMen were drowned except the Sieur Chefdeville one of the \nMiflionaries, the Captain and 4 Seamen ; the Goods, Linen, \nand Cloath of the Colony, with the Provifions and Tools \nwere abfolutely loft. M. de la Salle was a Man of an extraor- \ndinary Courage, and unparallell\'d Conftancy; yet \'tis likely \nhe would have funk under this Misfortune, had not God \nafTifted him in an extraordinary manner. \n\n\n\nn-4 \n\n\n\n402 A Voyage into North America. \n\n\n\nCHAP. III. \n\nA Continuation of the Misfortunes of M. de la Salle, with an \nAccount of two Voyages he undertook to find out the Country of \nthe Illinois. \n\nTHOSE who have converfed with Accounts of new Dif- \ncoveries, are convinced that thofe who take upon them \nfo difficult a Task, are obliged to do a thoufand things, \nwhich prove ufelefs and unneceffary ; for looking for the \nright way, and no body being there to fhew it unto them, \n\'tis no wonder if they miftake it. And as to the Misfortunes \nthat befell the worthy Gentleman I fpeak of. It is nothing \nbut what he, or any body elfe that fhall go about the like \nEnterprife, muft expedl with a very inconfiderable Difference. \nThe pious Defign he was upon, in relation to the Converfion \nof thofe ignorant Nations, deferved it feems a better Fate ; \nbut as God\'s ways are not our ways, we muft fubmit to \nDivine Providence, without troubling our felves about a vain \ninquiry into the Secrets of God Almighty. M. de la Salle \nwho was a good Chriftian, knew admirably well the Pradlice \n[17] of this Do6lrine, and without being dejedted by the \nMisfortunes already mention\'d, he refolved to go on with his \nDifcovery. \n\nAs I am more concern\'d than any body elfe to know \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 403 \n\nwhether M. de la Salle had really difcover\'d the Mefchafipi, \nwhen he return\'d into Canada over land, becaufe I am the \nfirft European that ever travell\'d upon that River, I have care- \nfully perufed all the printed Accounts of his Voyage, as alfo \nprivate Memoirs, but after all, I found that the account \npublifhed by Father Anaftafe is the moft exadt, and may be \ndepended upon.^ \n\nM. de la Salle feeing all his Affairs ruin\'d by the lofs of \nhis Ships, and having no way to return into Europe but by \nCanada^ refolved upon fo dangerous a Journey, and took 20 \nmen along with him, with one Savage call\'d Nikana^ that is \nto fay, Companion of the Nation of Choiimon} This man \nhad follow\'d him into France^ and had given fuch proofs of \nhis Affedion to his Mafter on feveral nice occafions, that he \nrelied more upon him than upon any European. M. Cavelier, \nM. Moranger, and Father Anaftafe defir\'d likewife to accom- \npany him. They took four Pound of Powder, Shot in \nProportion, two Axes, two Dozen of Knives, feveral Pound \nof Raffade or Glafs Beads, and two Kettles to boil their \nMeat, contenting himfelf with thefe Provifions, in hopes to \nfind out eafily the Illinois and return in a fhort time. Having \naffifted at the divine Service in the Chapel of the Fort to \nimplore God\'s Mercy and Protection, he fet out the 22d of \n\n\n\n^Parkman {La Salle, p. 397, note 2) regards the narrative of Henri Joutei (Paris, \n1713) as the best; Douay\'s (given in Le Clercq\'s Etablissement de la Foy, Shea\'s \ntrans., ii, pp. 229-282), although brief, agrees therewith in essentials. Jean \nCavelier\'s Relation (printed by Shea in 1858) is regarded by Parkman as somewhat \ninaccurate. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n2 A misprint for Chouanon (Shawnese). \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\n404 A Voyage into North America. \n\nAp-\\l^ 1686 diredling his March to the North Eaft, for the \nMejcbafipi running diredlly from the North to the South, into \nthe Gulph of Mexico^ the Country of the Illinois is fituated to \nthe N. E. of the place where M. de la Salle left. \n\n\'Tis likely that they wanted Pyrogues and Canou\'s, fince \nFather Anaftafe makes no mention of any, [18] and \'tis likely \nthat M. de la Salle was not fure that he had found out the \nMouth of the Mefchafipi^ for then he might have eafily met \nwith the Illinois by means of that River, knowing that the \nRiver of the Illinois runs into the Mefchafipi. \n\nAfter three days March, they difcover\'d the fineft Cham- \npaign Country in the World, and were met by a great many \nmen on Horfe-back, with Boots, Spurs and Saddles. This \nNation invited them to come to their Habitations, but M. de \nla Salle having taken fome Informations from them concern- \ning his way, thank\'d them for their kindnefs, and would not \naccept of their Offers. The Reader may judge, that all this \nwas tranfadled by figns, for they did not underftand one \nanother. The Equipage of the Nation fheweth they had \nCommerce with the Spaniards. Our men having continued \ntheir March all the day long, incamp\'d upon a rifing ground, \nwhich they fortified by cutting down fome Trees to avoid \nany Surprize. \n\nHaving march\'d two days through vaft Meadows, they \ncame upon the Banks of a River which they called Robeck, \nwhere they found fuch numbers of wild Oxen, call\'d by the \nSpaniards Cibola, that the lead Drove confifted of about 400 : \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 405 \n\nThey killed ten of them, and refted two or three days to \nbroil the Meat for the reft of their Voyage. \n\nWithin a League and a half from the Robeck they met \nwith another River broader and deeper than the Seine before \nParis^ its Banks being adorn\'d with great Trees, fo well dif- \npos\'d by Nature, that they feem as many Walks artificially \nplanted. One fide of the River is cover\'d with Woods, and \nthe other is a continued Meadow. They were oblig\'d to cut \nBranches of Trees and tie them together to crofs it over. \nThey call\'d it the IFicked} The Country between this Wicked \nRiver and another they met few days after, is full of Trees, \nbearing all forts of Fruit, [19] and efpecially of Mulberry- \ntrees, but the Vines are fo common, that the whole feems a \nVineyard, and the higheft Trees are coverM with them. \nThey call\'d the laft River Hiens^ becaufe one of them, a \nGerman by Birth, of the Country of fFirtemburg, (luck fo faft \nin the Mud, that they had much ado to get him off. \n\nThe Raft or floating-boat of Branches, which they com- \nmonly us\'d to crofs the Rivers, taking up much of their time, \nand this River being narrow, M. de la Salle caus\'d one of his \nmen to fwim over with an Ax, to fell down a Tree, while \nthey fell another on their fide, and thefe two Trees meeting \ntogether, made a kind of Bridge ; this way was both fafer \nand eafier, and therefore they always made ufe of it, whenever \nthe narrownefs of the River would permit it. \n\nM. de la Salle alter\'d here his courfe, marching diredlly to \n\n^Riviere Maligne, on early maps; apparently the Brazos River of Texas. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\n4o6 A Voyage into North America. \n\nthe Eaftward. As he told no body the reafons of it, it is \nimpoffible to know what was his motive ; that Man was fecret \nto a fault, and likely would have profper\'d better, had he \nbeen fomewhat more communicative. After fome days March \nthrough a pleafant Country, they found another, which, \naccording to their account, may be call\'d the Paradife of the \nWorld, inhabited by a numerous Nation, who receiv\'d them \nwith all imaginable marks of Friendfhip and Kindnefs ; their \nWomen embrac\'d them chearfuUy, and caus\'d them to fit \nupon fome fine Mats near their Captains, who prefented \nthem their Calumet of Peace, adorn\'d with Feathers of feveral \nColours, and wherein they delir\'d them to fmoak. They \nprefented them afterwards with a Difh of Sagamittee, which is \na kind of Pap made with the Root of a Shrub call\'d Tique \nor Toquo, which looks like a Briar without Thorns : ^ Its Root \nis very big, and having wafh\'d it and dry\'d it by the Sun, \nthey pound it in a Mortar. This Sagamittee tafted pretty \nwell. Thefe honeft [20] Savages prefented them with fome \nSkins of wild Oxen finely dreft and good for Shooes, which \nare very neceffary in that Country, becaufe of fome fharp \ncutting Herbs. M. de la Salle prefented them, in return of \ntheir kindnefs, fome Glafs Beads of black Colour, which is \nmuch valu\'d amongft them, they continued fome days amongft \nthat Nation, which time M. de la Salle improv\'d to give them \nfome Idea of the Grandeur and Power of the King his \n\n\n\niLucien Carr regards this (Jm^r. ^wZ/^r. Soc. Proc, 1895, p. 168) as the tuckahoe, \nor koonti, of the South. This plant is an underground fungus {Pachyma cocos); it \nis bitter to the taste, but eatable when baked in hot ashes. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 407 \n\nMafter, whom he reprefented higher and greater than the \nSun. Thefe People underftood fomething of it by his Signs, \nand were ftruck with a wonderfull Admiration. M. Cavelier \nand Father Anaftafe endeavour\'d alfo to give them fome \nNotions of God, but with what fuccefs no body can tell. \n\nThat Nation is call\'d Biskatronge, but the Europeans call\'d \nthem the fFeeping, and their River the River of Tears, becaufe \nwhen they arriv\'d there, thofe Savages wept for about a \nquarter of an Hour. They receive fo all Strangers, whom \nthey think to come from remote Countries, becaufe this puts \nthem in mind of their deceas\'d Relations whom they think \nupon a long Journey, and whofe return they exped. That \nhoneft People gave M. de la Salle fome Guides, and fupply\'d \nhis men with whatever they wanted, and croffed them over \ntheir River in their Pyrogues. \n\nThey paffed three or four other Rivers in three days \ntime, and met with no confiderable adventure, but on the \nfourth day as they were near a Village, Nikana the Savage, \nwho attended Mo de la Salle, fhot a wild Goat, which frighted \nfo much the Inhabitants of that Village, that they ran away. \nM. de la Salle put his men in a readinefs to fight, and enter\'d \nthe faid Village, which confifted of above 300 Cabbins. \nThey march\'d to the moft confiderable, wherein they found \nthe Wife of the chief of the Savages, who had been forc\'d \nto flay alone becaufe of her great Age. M. de la [21] Salle \nmade the moft fignificant Signs he could think on to let her \nknow that he was a Friend, which being perceiv\'d by her \nthree Sons, who advanc\'d as near as they could without being \n\n\n\n4o8 A Voyage into North America. \n\ndifcover\'d, to obferve what our men would do, they brought \nback their men, and offer\'d M. de la Salle their Calumet of \nPeace, which being accepted, the day was concluded with the \nDance of the Calumet and other Demonftrations of Joy. \n\nHowever M. de la Salle did not think fit to truft himfelf \nin their hands, and therefore refufed to lie in their Cabbins \nand went to encamp among fome Canes or great Reeds hard \nby, through which it was impoflible to come without making \na great noife. This was a M afterpiece of Prudence, for \notherwife they might have been murther\'d ; for a Band of \nSavages got together to furprize them : The ratling noife of \nthe Canes having given notice of their Approach to M. de la \nSalle, he awaked his men, and fpoke in fo bold a Tone to \nthe Savages that they retir\'d. They left that place the next \nday, parting from them very civilly, and having march\'d fix \nLeagues further, they were met by another Band of Savages, \nwho had Ears of Indian Corn in their Hands ; they embrac\'d \nM. de la Salle according to their way, and invited him by \nSigns to go to their Village, which he confented to. They \nmade him underftand, that there was a Nation to the Weft- \nward who deftroyed all other men ; and by the Description \nthey made, he judged they meant the Spaniards of Nezv \nMexico, with whom this Nation was at War. The Village \nhaving notice of the Arrival of M. de la Salle, all flock\'d \nabout them, expreffing their joy by Signs and other Poftures, \nand making him underftand that he would oblige them to \nremain with them to afiift them againft their Enemies : M. de \nla Salle would not agree to that, but promis\'d to return in a \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 409 \n\nfhort time, with a greater number of men ; [22] and after \nhaving made them fome Prefents and receiv\'d other things \nthey gave them, he left that place, the Savages carrying him \nand all his men over their River in their Pyrogues. This \nNation is called Kirononas. \n\nThey continued their March to the Eaftward through \nfine Meadows, and three days after, having left the Kirononas, \nNikana their Savage cry\'d out of a fudden that he was a \ndead man, having been flung by a Rattle-Snake. This fad \naccident oblig\'d them to tarry fome days in that place : They \ngave him immediately fome Orvietan, and having fcarified the \nWound, they apply\'d upon it fome Salt of Vipers, whereby \nhe was recover\'d. \n\n\n\n4IO A Voyage into North America. \n\n\n\nCHAP. IV. \n\nA Continuation of M. de la Salle\'j Voyage and Difcovery ; and \nhow he was receiv\'d by the Savages Cenis. \n\nTHEY march\'d feveral days without meeting with any \nSavages or any Accidents, and came to a River very \nbroad and rapid, which they judg\'d to be near the Sea: \nThey made a Raft to crofs it, and M. de la Salle, and M. \nCavelier, and part of his men ventur\'d upon that floating \nBoat, which the Rapidity of the Stream carry\'d down with \nfuch a violence, that they were in few minutes out of fight, \nleaving their Comrades on the fhore under an unfpeakable \nGrief. Father Anaftafe comforted them as much as he could, \nbeing himfelf under a great afflidion ; for befides their Sav- \nage, who was of great ufe to them., had loft his way, and was \nwandering in the Woods : They continued in that condition \nall the day, but in [23] the Evening they heard M. de la Salle \nhailing them from the other Shore. Their Raft had been \nftopp\'d by a Sand in the middle of the River, which gave \nthem time to recover their ftrength, in fo much, that they \nmafter\'d the Current and got happily over ; tho\' one of them \nattempting to catch a Branch of a Tree, fell into the Water \nand was carry\'d away. They thought him drown\'d, but being \nan excellent Swimmer, and knowing it was in vain to ftrive \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 411 \n\nagainft the Stream, but by degrees he was carry\'d down a \ngreat way, and at laft got a-fhore and rejoyn\'d Father Anaftafe \nand his Companions, who having eat nothing all day long, \nwere exceeding hungry. They found no Game about them, \nand wanting all manner of Provifions, they were reduc\'d to \na great Extremity : the divine Providence, who takes care of \nthe meaneft of his Creatures, rehev\'d them alfo at this time, \ntwo young Eagles fell from a Cedar, v/hich afforded them a \nMeal, tho\' it was but a fmall matter for ten almoft ftarv\'d \nTravellers. \n\nThey tarry\'d in that place that night, and the next day \nthey endeavour\'d to crofs the River, and by the advice of \nM. de la Salle, they made a Raft of Canes, which with the \nhelp of two men that fwam to defend it againft the Rapidity \nof the Stream, they got all over except their Savage. Being \nthus rejoyn\'d they march\'d two days through a Foreft of \nCanes, through which they were forced to cut their way with \ntheir Axes, and on the third day they found Nikana with \nthree wild Goats already broyl\'d, and another which he had \njuft kill\'d. M. de la Salle ordered two or three Guns to be \nfir\'d to (hew his Joy. \n\nHaving refrefh\'d themfelves they continu\'d their March \nEaftward, travelling through a moft delicious Country, where \nthey found Savages, who had nothing barbarous but their \nName. They met one of them who came from fhooting with \nhis Wife and Family ; [24] he prefented M. de la Salle with \na Horfe and fome Flefh, defiring him by figns to go along \nwith him to his Habitation, and left he fhould have any Suf- \n\n\n\n412 A Voyage into North America. \n\npicion, he left his Wife and Family with him, and went to \nhis Village, where he was accompany\'d by Nikana, and a \nFootman of M. de la Salle. They return\'d two days after \nwith two Horfes loaded with Provifions, and acquainted their \nMafter with the civility of that People, who fent their chief \nCommanders and young Warriors to complement them. \nThey were handfomly cover\'d with drefs\'d Skins, adorned \nwith Feathers of different Colours. Nl. de la Salle thought \nfit to advance, and within three Leagues of the Village he \nmet the Savages, who prefented them their Calumet of Peace \nin great Ceremony. They conduced them in triumph to the \nCabbin of their General, where a great number of People \ncame to fee them. M. de la Salle obferv\'d that the young \nWarriours mounted the Guard and were reliev\'d by turns. \nThe great civility of that People oblig\'d M. de la Salle to \nleave the Village and encamp about two Miles off, for having \nobferv\'d that the Women were exceeding kind to them, and \npretty handfom, he was afraid his men would be debauch\'d, \nwhich might have been of a fatal confequence. They tarry\'d \nthere four days, and bought fome Horfes for fome of our \nEuropean Commodities. \n\nThis Village belongs to the Cenis} and is one of the mofl \npopulous and largeft of America^ being about 20 Leagues \nlong, not in a continued Street, but becaufe the Hamblets \nare fo near one another, that the whole looks as if it were but \none. Their Cabbins are extraordinary fine, of about 50 Foot \n\n\n\n^ A Pawnee tribe (of the Caddoan family), then located on the Trinity River, \nTexas, but now extinct. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 413 \n\nlong, and built as Bee-Hives. They plant Trees round-about, \nwhofe Branches joyn over their Cabins, and which they tie \ntogether: Their Beds are placed round-about their Cabins, \nfour Foot higher than the flour, and they [25] make their \nFire in the middle. Each Cabin is for two Families. They \nfounxi amongft them feveral things which they muft have from \nthe Spaniards, as fome Pieces of Eight, Silver Spoons, Lace, \nCloaths and Horfes. They had alfo a Bull of the Pope, \nexempting the Spaniards of New Mexico from falling in Sum- \nmer time. How they came by it, they could never underftand. \nThe Horfes are fo common, that one of M. de la Sailers men \nhad one given him for his Ax, and another ofi^er\'d a fine one \nfor Father Anaftafe^ Capuch. They have however no dired: \nTrade with the Spaniards, but get thefe things from the \nChoumans\'^ their Allies, who being Neighbours of the Euro- \npeans are often in War with them. M. de la Salle having \nalways the Mines of St. Barbe in his Thoughts, defir\'d them \nby Signs to draw a Map of the Country, and the Courfe of \ntheir River, which they underftood, and with a Piece of Coal, \nthey made on the white Bark of a Tree a Defcription of their \nCountry and River, that M.. de la Salle underftood they were \nwithin fix days journey from the Spaniards, whom they knew, \ntheir Warriors going often to aflift the Choumans againft \nthem. \n\nM. de la Salle, who had a particular art to gain the Friend- \nfliip of the Savages, told them a great many things of the \n\n\n\n1 The Comanches, a Shoshonean tribe, whose habitat was on the upper waters of \nthe Arkansas, Red, and Rio Grande rivers. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\n414 A Voyage into North America. \n\nGrandeur of the King his Mafter, whom he reprefented as \nthe greateft Captain of the World, and as much above the \nSpaniards as the Sun above the Earth : he gave them an \naccount of his fignal Vidlories : At which, fays Father ^najlafe, \nthey put their Fingers upon their Mouth to exprefs their \nAdmiration: but feeing M. de la Salle did not fpeak their \nLanguage, I would fain know how the Cenis underftood the \naccount he gave them of the glorious A6lions of the King of \nFrance. Surely this is a Fidion, or at beft, too long a Com- \nment upon a Converfation v/hich was aded by figns ; and \nFather Anajlafe [26] might have fpar\'d this Refle6lion upon \nthe Spaniards^ for tho\' the King of France is a great Monarch, \nyet the King of Spain poffeffes fuch Countries in the old and \nnew World, that no Prince can be compar\'d to him in that \nrefped, and the Motto of the Catholick Kings, Sol mihi \nnunquam occidit, may be more eafily juftified, than the Nee \npluribiis impar of the King of France. Thofe who will con- \nfider the extent of the Dominions of the Spaniards in the \nWeft-Indies^ will find that they are above 2500 Leagues in \nlength, which I think the great Mufter of M. de la Salle can \nnever match. \n\nThere were at that time fome Ambaffadours of the ChoU- \nmanSy at the Village of the Cenis, who paid a Vifit to M. de \nla Salle, and at their coming in made the Sign of the Crofs, \nand kneeling down kiffed Father Anaftaje^^ Gown, lifting up \ntheir Hands to Heaven, and giving them to underftand, that \nMen cloathed with like Habits taught their Neighbours. \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 415 \n\nThey made fuch figns as convinced the French that they had \nbeen at Mafs ; and one of them drew with a Coal a tall \nWoman weeping at the Foot of the Crofs, for the Death of \nher Son who was nail\'d to it. This he muft needs have feen \nover an Altar in the Spanifh Churches, and \'tis no wonder if \nthey knew Father Anaftaje^s Gown, for the Francifcans are \nvery numerous in that Country. Our Authour adds, that \nthey told M. de la Salle, that the Spaniards made a great \n{laughter of the Indians, and that if he would go along with \nthem with his fire Arms, it would be eafie to conquer them, \nfeeing they are Cowards, and fo Effeminate as to have two \nMen before them, when they walk in Summer-time each with \na large Fann to refrefh them. \n\nThis puts me in mind of feveral Converfations which I \nhad with M. de la Salle, at Fort Frontenac concerning our \nDifcoveries, and fpeaking of Miffionaries and the Qualities \nthey ought to have, I remember [27] he told me often that \nthe Jefuits of the Colledge of Goa in the Eaft-Indies, which \nwas given them by a Bp [Bishop] of the Order of St. Francis, \nand whofe Revenues amount now to a prodigious Summ, \ntravel in a Litter, where they perform this Miffion, having \ntwo Men on each fide to cool them with a Fann. This he \nknew from fome of thofe Jefuits themfelves, but as he had \nleft this Society, I did not altogether believe what he told \nme of it ; but I wonder that Father Anaftafe would charge \nupon the Spaniards of New Mexico, what Nl. de la Salle told me \nof the Jefuits of Goa. The reafon may be eafily difcover\'d, \n\n\n\n41 6 A Voyage into North America. \n\nthe Spaniards will either fcorn this Refle6lion, or let it go \nwithout Vengeance, whereas the Jefuits are never affronted \nwith Impunity. \n\nM. de la Salle having tarried feveral Days among the \nCenis^ continued his March through the Habitations of the \nNajfonis ; thefe two Nations are in confederacy, and divided \nby a large River,^ on the Banks of which the Villages are \nfituated : They have much the fame cuftoms and manners. \n\nWithin five Leagues of that Place four of M. de la Sailers \nmen ran away to the Najfonis, which fadly vex\'d him ; and \nfew Days after, he together with M. Moranger his Nephew, \nfell fick of a violent Fever, which obliged our Travellers to \ntarry in that Place for feveral Weeks, for notwithftanding \nthey recover\'d, it was a long time before they were able to \ncontinue their Voyage. This Diftemper difappointed all \ntheir meafures, and was the occafion of feveral misfortunes \nthat befell them afterwards. They tarried there two whole \nMonths, being reduc\'d to the greateft Extremities ; their \nPowder was moft fpent, tho\' they were not advanced above \n150 Leagues in a dire6l Line ; fome of their men had deferted, \nothers began to be irrefolute ; and all thefe things being \ncarefully confider\'d by M. de la Salle, he refolved to return \nto Fort Lewis. [28] Every body approv\'d his Defign, and \nfo they returned the fame way without meeting with any \nremarkable Accident, except that one of them was fwallowed \n\n\n\n1 Either the Neches or the Sabine River. The Nassonis ( Assony) were apparently \na Caddoan tribe. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 417 \n\nby a Crocodile of a prodigious Size, as they repaffed the \nWicked River. \n\nThey returned to their Camp the 17th of October 1686, \nbeing received with an incredible Joy by their Companions, \nwho thought them as good as loft amongft thefe barbarous \nNations. \n\n\n\nn-5 \n\n\n\n41 8 A Voyage into North America. \n\n\n\nCHAP. V. \n\nA Short Defcription of Fort Lewis, of its advantageous Situation, \nand of the Fertility of the Country about it. \n\nWHAT has been already obferved Is enough to fhew the \nCharadler of M. ^^ la Salle, and that never Traveller \nwas more undaunted, and conilant in his undertakings than \nhim. All the misfortunes and accidents we have mention\'d, \nwere not enough to deje6t his Courage, nor deterr him from \nhis former Defigns, In which through the Grace of God he \nexpeded to fucceed. \n\nHe remained two Months and a half at Fort Lewis, \nduring which time he took a view of all the Rivers that run \ninto that Bay, and found above 50 which are Navigable, if \nwe may believe Father Anaflafe, who was with him : They \ncome moft of them from the Weft and North-Weft. The \nFort is fituated in a fandy Ground, but the Soil about is very \nfertile. There are large Meadows in which the Grafs grows \nas high as our Wheat in Europe. Thefe Rivers are very fre- \nquent, being commonly at 2 or 3 Leagues diftance. Their \nBanks are adorn\'d with Oak, Mulberry-Trees, [29] and other \nSorts of Trees, fome whereof are altogether unknown in \nEurope. The Country is all alike going to the Weftward, till \nwithin two Day\'s Journey of the Spaniards. \n\nThis Fort is fituated on a rifing Ground, on the Bank of \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 4^9 \n\na River, having the Sea to the South-Eaft, the Meadows to \nthe Weft, and two large Ponds, and a Foreft to the South- \nWeft ; the neareft Neighbours are the Guoaquis, who have \nabundance of Horfes, and the Bahamos and Guinets, who are \nwandering Nations, with whom M. de la Salles was in War. \nHe forgot nothing during that time to comfort his fmall \nColony, which began to multiply, feveral Children being \nborn fince their Arrival. He imployed his men about grub- \nbing up the Lands, which as I have faid, proved very good \nand fertile. In the mean time our MilHonaries applied \nthemfelves to the Inftru6tion of fome Savage Families, who \nleft their own Nation to live with the Europeans. M. de la \nSalle us\'d them with all poftible kindnefs, knowing how \nadvantageous it would be to win thofe barbarous Nations \nover to his Intereft. \n\nM. de la Salle having caft up an Intrenchment about a \nlarge Inclofure, wherein were the Habitations of the Colony, \nunder the Cannon of the Fort, and taken all other precau- \ntions for their Security, called the Inhabitants together, and \nmade fo pathetical a Speech to them about the Neceffity he \nwas under to make a Voyage to the Illinois Country, that he \ndrew Tears from every one of the Affembly, confidering \nthe Danger and Fatigue of fo great a Voyage, for he was \nvery much beloved. He took 20 men with him with his \nBrother, his two Nephews, Father Anaftafe^ and one Joujlel a \nPloto ; and after publick Prayers, he fet out a fecond time \nfrom Fort Lewis, refolv\'d not to return till he had found \nthe Illinois. \n\n\n\n420 A Voyage into North America. \n\n\n\n[30] CHAP. VI. \n\nAn Account of M. de la Salle\'i fecond Voyage^ from the Bay of St. \nLewis, to the Illinois. \n\nMDE LA SALLE with 20 men fet out from his Fort on \n\xe2\x80\xa2 the 7th of January 1687, and met the firft Day a \ngreat Band of Bahamos^ who were going upon a military \nExpedition againft the Savages, called Trigoanna. He made \nalliance with them, and defigned to do the like with the \nGuinets, whom he met alfo, but they ran away upon his \napproach : However having overtaken them by means of his \nHorfes, they agreed together, and promifed on both fides \nan inviolable Peace. \n\nThey continued their March to the North-Eaft, and \ncroffed the firft River, which they had called before the River \nof Canes, becaufe the Banks of it are covered with them. \nThe Country is diverfified with Meadows and Woods, and \nthe Soil is fo fertile, that Grafs grows 10 or 12 Foot high. \nThere are feveral populous Villages of Savages upon that \nRiver, but they vifited only the Guaras and Anachorema. \nThey croffed the fecond River of Canes, diftant 3 Leagues \nfrom the former.^ Its Banks are inhabited by feveral dif- \nferent Nations, and the Country is full of Hemp which \n\n\n\n^ Probably the Colorado of Texas. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 421 \n\ngrows naturally in thofe Parts. They met 5 Leagues further \nanother River call\'d Sablonniere^ becaufe it flows through a \nfandy ground, tho\' the Grafs of the Meadows near its Banks \nfheweth the Fertility of the Soil. \n\nHaving paffed three or four fmall Rivers, they found 8 \nLeagues from the Sablonniere the River Robeck,^ whofe Banks \nare peopled with feveral Villages of Savages, who fpeak, in \na manner from their Throat. They are in War with the \nSpaniards, and defir\'d M. [31] de la Salle to joyn with them, \nbut he had bufinefs elfe where, and with 20 men alone he \nwas not able to do any great things againft the Spaniards. \nHe remain\'d five or fix days with them, and from thence \ncontinued his march to the fVicked River, fo called, becaufe \na Crocodile had devour\'d one of his men. That River has \na long courfe, and is inhabited by 40 Villages of Savages, \nwhich compofes the Nation Kanoatinno, which are likewife at \nWar with the Spaniards. They went through fome of their \nVillages where they were kindly receiv\'d ; tho\', if we may \nbelieve Father Anaftaje, the cruelties of the Spaniards have \nfomewhat chang\'d their good Nature into fiercenefs. This, \nI take to be M. de la Sailers Opinion; for in all his Travels \nhe endeavoured to reprefent the Spaniards as the moft odious \nand cruel Nation in the World. I muft own, as I have \nalready intimated, that the Spaniards were forc\'d to deflroy \nfeveral Nations in New Mexico, but they were oblig\'d to it \nto preferve themfelves againft them, for elfe the Natives \n\n\n\n^ Thus named from a river in the vicinity of Rouen, France ; it may have been the \nSt. Bernard.\xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\n422 A Voyage into North America. \n\nwould have deftroy\'d them. \'Tis certain, that the Savages \nhave no kindnefs for the Europeans^ and keep fair with them, \nonly as long as they fear them. But I wonder, that M. de \nla Salle fhould blame fo much the Spaniards^ and yet form \nthe Enterprize he was about, feeing it was impoffible for him \nto fucceed without deftroying the Spaniards themfelves ; and \nas to their Tyranny, I remember to have convinc\'d him more \nthan once, that the Spatiijh Domination is eafier and milder \nthan any other he could name. \n\nyi. de la Salle having got fome Horfes from thofe Savages, \ncroffed the River in Canou\'s made of Skins of wild Oxen, \nthe Horfes fwimming over ; and four Leagues from thence \ncrofs\'d the River Hiens or Hans, already mention\'d, con- \ntinuing their march to the North-Eaft. They crofs\'d feveral \nother Rivers and Brooks, which were mightily fwoln by the \nRains [32] that fall in that Country about that time, which \nis their Winter, the difference of Seafons being only known \nby thofe Rains. The Country they travell\'d through is \ndiverfified with Meadows, Woods, Groves, Hills and Springs. \nThey came at laft to three great Villages call\'d Taraha, \nTyakappan and Palonna, where they found good Horfes. \nThey met fome Leagues further the Palaqueffons, a People \ncompos\'d of ten Villages. Thefe are in Alliance with the \nSpaniards. \n\nI cannot but wonder at Father Anaftafe^s negledling to \nmake a more exadl Diary of their Voyage, and to be more \nparticular about fo many different Nations he fpeaks off, and \ntherefore I defire the Reader to give me leave to make now \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 423 \n\nand then fome Refledlions upon this Voyage of M. ^^ la Salle^ \nhaving fo intimately known that Gentleman, and travell\'d fo \nlong with him in America. My Defcription of Louifiana^ \nwhich I printed at Paris^ did him a very great kindnefs in \nrelation to his Enterprize. \n\n\n\n424 A Voyage into North America. \n\n\n\n[33] CHAP. VII. \n\nM. de la Salle and three more are unfortunately murther\'d by fome \nof their own Party. \n\nAFTER they had gone through fo many different Nations \nas is above related, there fell out a moll: unhappy Acci- \ndent, to wit, the Affaffination of M. de la Salle, his Nephew \nM Granger, and fome others. M. de la Salle was then in a fine \nCountry for hunting : His People regal\'d themfelves very \nplentifully, and refrefh\'d themfelves after their tirefome \nTravel with excellent good Chear for feveral days together : \nHe had fent M. Moranger his Nephew, his Laquey Saget, \nand feven or eight of his men to a certain place, where Nika \nhis Huntsman, who was a Savage Chaoiienon had laid up a \nftock of wild Bulls Flefh, that they might get it fmoak\'d and \ndry\'d to carry along with them, and fo not be oblig\'d to \nhalt fo frequently to hunt for Provifions. \n\nWith all his Prudence, M. de la Salle could not difcover \nthe Confpiracy of fome of his People to kill his Nephew, for \nthey refolv\'d upon it, and put it in Execution all of a fudden \non the 17th of March, wounding him in the head with a \nHatchet. The Blow was ftruck by a Perfon whom Father \nAnaflafius out of Charity would not name ; they flew likev/ife \nthe Laquey and poor Nika, who had provided for them by \n\n\n\n\nThe muT-tAef- of moTtf." de /a. Sa//^ \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 425 \n\nhis Hunting for three years together with toil and danger: \nMoranger languifhed under his Wound for two Hours, during \nwhich time, he gave all poffible tokens of his Piety, forgiving \nhis Murtherers, and embracing them frequently, refigning \nhimfelf up to God\'s good Pleafure, and relying upon his \nSaviour\'s Merits, as his very Murtherers acknowledg\'d, when \ntheir [34] Rage was cool\'d : He was a very honeft man and \na good Chriftian. \n\nThefe Wretches not content with this bloody Fa6t, re- \nfolv\'d not to flick there, but contriv\'d how to kill their \nMafter too, for they fear\'d he would have juftly punifh\'d \nthem for their Crime. Father Anaftafms fays, They were two \nLeagues off the place where Moranger was kill\'d, and that \nM. de la Salle being concern\'d at his Nephews tarrying fo \nlong (for. they had been gone two or three days) was afraid \nthey might have been furpriz\'d by fome Party of the Savages ; \nwhereupon he defir\'d Father Anaftafms to go with him to look \nafter his Nephew, and took two Savages along with him ; \nupon the way M. de la Salle entertain\'d \'em with a pious \nDifcourfe of Grace and Predeftination ; but chiefly he en- \nlarg\'d upon the great Obligations he was under to divine \nProvidence for preferving him in the many dangers he had \nundergone during a twenty Years abode in America^ nine of \nwhich he fpent in travelling, and I with him ; he feem\'d to \nbe peculiarly affeded with God\'s Goodnefs to him, when all \nof a fudden. Father Anaftafms obferv\'d that he fell into a \ndeep Sorrow of which he himfelf could give no account ; he \ngrew mighty unquiet and full of trouble, a temper he was \n\n\n\n426 A Voyage into North America. \n\nnever feen in before ; Father Anajlafms did all he could to \nrecover him out of it. \n\nThey were got about two Leagues, when he found his \nLacquey\'s bloody Cravat, and perceiv\'d two Eagles (a com- \nmon Bird in thofe parts) hovering over his head, at the fame \ntime he fpied his People by the Water-fide : he went up to \nthem and enquired for his Nephew, they made him little an- \nfwer, but pointed to the place where he lay. Father j^najiafms \nkept going on by the River fide, till at laft they came to the \nfatal place, where two of the Villains lay hid in the Grafs, \none on one fide, and one on the other, with [^S^ their Pieces \ncock\'d, the firft prefented at M. de la Salle but mifs\'d Fire, \nthe other fired at the fame time, and fhot him into the head, \nof which he dy\'d an Hour after, March 19. 1687.^ \n\nFather Anajlafms expeded the fame fate, but did not \nrefledl upon the danger he was in ; he was fenfibly touch\'d \nat this cruel Spedlacle, feeing M. de la Salle fall a Httle way \noff from him with his Face all bloody ; he ran to him, took \nhim up in his Arms, and wept over him, exhorting him as \nwell as he could in this Conjun6ture to die like a good \nChriftian ; the unfortunate Gentleman had been at his De- \nvotions juft before they fet out, and had juft time enough to \nconfefs part of his Life to Father Anajlafms^ who gave him \nAbfolution, and foon after he died : In thefe his lafl Moments \nhe perform\'d as far as he was capable what foever was proper, \nfor one in his condition, he prefs\'d the Father\'s hand at every \n\n\n\n^ On early eighteenth-century maps, the locality of the assassination is marked on \na southern branch of Trinity River. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 427 \n\nthing he faid to him, efpecially when he admonifh\'d him to \nforgive his Enemies ; mean while the Murtherers ftruck with \nHorror at what they had committed, began to beat their \nBreads, and deteft their Rafhnefs. Father Anajlafius would \nnot ftir from the place till he had bury\'d the Body as decently \nas he could, and plac\'d a Crofs over his Grave. \n\nThus fell the Sieur Robert Cavelier de la Salle, a Man of \nconfiderable Merit, conflant in Adverfities, fearlefs, generous, \ncourteous, ingenious, learned and capable of every thing ; he \nlabour\'d for twenty years together to civihze the favage \nHumours and Manners of a great number of barbarous \nPeople among whom he travell\'d, and had the ill hap to be \nmaffacred by his own Servants, whom he had enrich\'d : he \ndy\'d in the Vigour of his Age In the middle of his Courfe, \nbefore he could execute the deligns he had form\'d upon New \nMexico. \n\n\n\n428 A Voyage into North America. \n\n\n\n[36] CHAP. VIII. \n\nThe Author\'s RefleSlions upon the Life and Death of M. de la Salle, \nwhofe Murtherers kill\'d one another. \n\nMDE LA SALLE told me feveral times, whilft we were \ne together in Fort Frontenac, before we went upon our \nDifcoveries, and alfo when we were in purfuit of them, that \nwhen he was a Jefuit, having liv\'d 10 or 11 years in that \nOrder, the Fathers of that Society caus\'d frequent Ledures \nto be read during the firft two Years to all thofe that enter\'d \ninto the Society, of the tragical Deaths and fatal Mifcarriages \nthat overtook fuch as had quitted their Order; and this was \ndone to fix thofe that were newly entred ; I ought to fay this \nout of Juftice to M. de la Salle^ who formerly depofited in my \nhands all his Papers, whilft he took a Voyage to France, and \nI ftaid at Fort Frontenac, that he quitted his Order with the \nconfent of his Superiours, and that he had written Tefti- \nmonials of his good Condudl during his ftay in that Society. \nHe fhew\'d me a Letter written at Rome by the General of \nthat Order, wherein he teftified that the faid Sieur de la Salle \nhad behav\'d himfelf prudently in every thing without giving \nthe leaft occafion to be fufpeded guilty of a venial Sin. \n\nI have a hundred times refledled upon what he has faid \nto me, when we entertain\'d our felves with the Stories of our \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 429 \n\nnew DIfcoveries, and I ador\'d God for the unfearchablenefs \nof his ways, who accomplifhes his Will by thofe means he is \npleafed to appoint ; and uncertain as I was of my Deftiny, \nI gave my felf up to his good pleafure, refolv\'d to fubmit \npatiently in every thing to his divine Providence. Father \nAnajiafius [37] arriv\'d at length where was M. Cavelier^ a \nPrieft, Brother of the Defund M. de ia Salle, to whom he \nrelated his Death, the Murtherers came rudely into the fame \nCabbin or Hut prefently after, and feiz\'d upon all they found \nin it, the good Father had not leifure for a long Harangue, \nbut his Countenance bath\'d in Tears, was a fufficient Intima- \ntion of what he had to fay : M. Cavelier at firft fight of him, \ncry\'d out, ah! my Brother is dead. I cannot forbear pre- \nfenting the publick with fome account of this Prieft, M. \nCavelier, with whom I fojourn\'d in Canada during one Sum- \nmer of my MifTion to Fort Frontenac, of which his Brother \nwas Governour and Proprietor. He was a pious and dif- \ncreet Ecclefiaftick, perfe6lly qualified for a Mifiionary : He \nno fooner heard this fatal News, but he fell down upon his \nKnees, and fo did the Sieur Cavelier his Nephew, expeding \nthe Villains came to butcher them, and therefore prepar\'d \nthemfelves to die like Chriftians ; but the Affafiines mov\'d \nwith Compaffion at the fight of the venerable old Man, and \nbeing forry befides for their late wicked Deeds, refolv\'d to \nfpare them, upon condition that they fhould never return \ninto France, but they were a long time e\'er they fixt upon \ngranting them Mercy ; fome of them that had a mind to fee \ntheir Kindred once again, endeavour\'d as well as they could \n\n\n\n43\xc2\xb0 ^ Voyage into North America. \n\nto clear themfelves from fo deteftable an Adlion ; others faid, \n\'twas fafeft to rid their hands of thefe two innocent men, or \nelfe they might one day call them to an account, if ever they \nmet again in France. \n\nThey chofe for their Leader the Murtherer of M. de la \nSalle, and upon Deliberation they refolv\'d to go to the fa- \nmous Nation of the Cenis already fpoken of ; fo they march\'d \naltogether for feveral days, and pafs\'d divers Rivers. Thefe \ninfamous Murtherers made the two Caveliers ferve them as \nValets, and gave them nothing but their leavings to eat. \nThey arriv\'d without [38] any rub at the place they wifli\'d \nfor. A Conteft rifes betwixt a German of J\'Fittembiirg, nam\'d \nHans, and him that murther\'d M. de la Salle, about the Supe- \nriority of Command, upon this their men divide themfelves \ninto two Parties, one follows Hans, the other the Murtherer. \nThey were come away from the Cenis amongfl: whom they \ntarry\'d fome time, and arriv\'d at the Najfonis, where the four \nDeferters whom I mention\'d before, rejoyn\'d them. Thus \nthey were all got together upon Afcenfion Eve, and the Quarrel \nbetwixt the two Parties, being blown up to that height, that \nthey determin\'d to murther one another. Father Anaftafms \nmade an Exhortation to them upon the Feftival day, with \nwhich they feem\'d to be fo touch\'d, that they made as if they \nwould confefs themfelves ; but they did not continue long in \nthat mind. Thofe that moft regretted their Mafters murther, \ntook to Hans^s fide. This man two days after taking his \nopportunity, punifh\'d one crime with another, for he fir\'d a \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 431 \n\nPIftol at the Murtherer oi M. de la Salle, the Bullet peirc\'d \nhis Heart, and he drop\'d dead upon the place. One of \nHans^s Crew (hot him that kill\'d M. Moranger in the fide, \nand before he could well recover himfelf, another let fly juft \nat his Head, there was no Ball in his Musket, but the Powder \nfet fire to his Hair, which catch\'d his Shirt and Cloaths with \nfo much violence and quicknefs, that he could not put it \nout, but expir\'d in the Flame. The third Confpirator took \nto his Heels and fav\'d himfelf; Hans was mighty eager to \nmake fure of him, and finifh in his Death, the vengeance due \nto M. ^^ la Salle ; but the Sieur Joutel made \'em Friends, and \nfo the matter refled for that time. \n\nThus Hans became the chief Leader of this miferable \nTroop ; they refolv\'d to return to the Cents, amongft whom \nthey defign\'d to fettle, for they durft not venture back into \nEurope for fear of meeting the punifhment [39] their Crimes \ndeferv\'d : At that time the Cenis were up in arms and ready \nto march out to fight with the Kanoadnno a cruel People, \ntheir implacable Enemies. When they take any Prifoners, \nthey throw them alive into a Caldron and boyl them. The \nCenis then took Hans and fome other Europeans along with \nthem, the reft waited till they fhould return, though Hans \nwould fain have perfwaded them all to go, but they would \nnot ftir. When Hans was gone, they departed out of the \nCountry of the Cenis, and amongft \'em were the two Caveliers, \nthe Sieur Joutel, Father Anaflafius and others ; each had his \nHorfe, Powder, and Lead, with fome Goods to defray their \n\n\n\n432 A Voyage into North America. \n\nCharges upon the way; they made a halt in the Country of \nthe Najfonis to celebrate the 0\xc2\xa3lave of la fete dieu. In their \nRelations, they fay, that the people entertain\'d them perpet- \nually with Stories of the Cruelty of the Spaniards towards \nthe Americans^ and told them twenty feveral Nations were \ngoing to make war upon the Spaniards^ and invited them to \ngo along with them, becaufe, faid they, you will do more \nexecution with your Guns, than all our Warriors with their \nMaces and Arrows. But they had other defigns in their \nHeads, and took occafion in thefe Difcourfes to give them \nto underftand that they were come amongft them by exprefs \norder from God, to inftrudl them in the knowledge of the \nTruth, and fet them right in the way to Salvation, and this \nwas their employment for lo or 12 days to the 3d of June. \n\nI make no queftion, but M. Cavelier the Prieft, and \nFather Anajlafius endeavour\'d to their utmoft to give light to \nthefe Najfonis and deliver them out of their ignorance. But \nthe four other Europeans that were in their company were not \nenough in number to terrifie the Spaniards who are us\'d to fire- \narms ; befides they did not underftand the Language of thefe \n[40] People, and therefore I cannot eafily comprehend how \nthey could gather from the Difcourfe of thefe Najfonis, that \nthe Spaniards were fo cruel to the Americans; they had no \nInterpreters along with them, fo that they could not under- \nftand a word of what was faid to them by thefe People, who \nhad never feen any other Europeans before them. \n\nMoreover \'tis certain, that fince the days of the Emperour \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 433 \n\nCharles the Fifth, the Spaniards have not dar\'d to execute \nany Cruelties upon the Natives of Nciio Mexico, becaufe they \nhave too few of their own Subjedls to guard their Conquefts \nagainft the infults of their neighbouring Indians, were they \nirritated. No, they live peaceably with them, and trouble no \nbody, unlefs they are firft attack\'d. \n\n\n\nn-6 \n\n\n\n434 A Voyage into North America. \n\n\n\n[41] CHAP. IX. \n\nThe Cenis permit M. Cavelier the Prieji, and Father Anaftafius \nwith their Company^ to continue their Journey thorough feveral \nbarbarous Nations. \n\nTHE Cenis gave thefe fix Europeans two Savages for Guides, \nwho took their way thorough the fineft Country in the \nWorld Northwards, and North-Eaftwards ; they pafs\'d over \nfour great Rivers, and many Channels made by the Rain, \ninhabited by divers Nations Eaftward, they came among the \nHaquis, the Nabiri, or the Naanfi, a valiant People at War \nwith the Cenis, at length they arrived near the Cadodacchos,^ \nJune the 13th, one of their Guides went before to inform the \nBarbarians of their coming. The chief Men and the Youth, \nwhom they found a League from their Village, receiv\'d them \nwith the Calumet, and gave them fome Tobacco ; fome led \ntheir Horfes by the Bridle, and others carried them about in \nTriumph ; they faid they were Spirits come from the other \nWorld. \n\nAll the Village being come together, the Women accord- \ning to their Cuftom wafh\'d their Heads and Feet with warm \nWater, after which they were feated upon a Bench cover\'d \n\niThe Caddoes, on Red River.\xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 435 \n\nwith neat white Mats ; then they went to revelHng, dancing \nto the Calumet^ and made other publick rejoycings Day and \nNight. Thefe People knew nothing of the Europeans but \nby Report, \'tis to be prefum\'d they have fome fhadow of \nReligion amongft \'em, but all their Idea$ are very confus\'d, \nand their Notions unaccountable, they feem to worlhip the \nSun, becaufe they fend up the Smoak of their Tobacco to \nhim, though they have their [42] fhare on\'t ; their Cere- \nmonial Habits have commonly two Suns defcribed upon \nthem, and upon the reft of the Body reprefentations of wild \nBulls, Deer, Serpents, or other Animals ; the two religious \nEuropeans took occafion from hence, to give them fome Lef- \nfons concerning the true God, and the principal Myfteries of \nChriftianity ; \'tis to be fuppos\'d all this was done by Signs. \n\nIn this place God afflidied them by a Tragical Accident, \nthe Sieur Marne maugre all Diffwafions, would needs bath \nhimfelf, June the 24th at Night. M. Cavelier^ Nephew to \nNl. de la Salle went along with him to the River-fide, which \nlies pretty near the Village. Marne threw himfelf into the \nWater, and never came up again. \'Twas a Whirlpool that \nfuck\'d him in, and drowned him in a moment. \n\nA little after his Body was drawn out of the Water, and \ncarried to the Captain\'s Houfe ; all the Village lamented his \nDeath: The Captain\'s Wife wrapt him up decently in a hand- \nfome Mat, while fome young Men dug a Grave for him, \nwhich Father Anaftafius bleft ; and then they committed him \nto the Earth with all pofiible Solemnity. The Barbarians \n\n\n\n43^ A Voyage into North America. \n\nadmlr\'d the Ceremonies of his Interment, and above all, the \nfinging of the Pfalms at his Obfequies. Upon this they \noffer\'d them inftru6lions about the immortality of the Soul, \nand continued to teach them for Eight days, for fo long they \ntarried after in that fatal Place; the dead Man was buried \nupon an Eminence near the Village, his Grave was fenc\'d \nabout with Pallifado\'s, and a great Crofs fet up over it \nwhich was made by the Savages : They departed out of this \nCountry, \'July the 2d. \n\nThefe People dwell upon the Side of a River, where three \nother Nations inhabit, the Natchoos^ Natchetes and Ouidiches. \nThe Travellers were receiv\'d very kindly by all of them. \nFrom the River of [43] the Cenisy where they firfb met with \nBeavers and Otters ; the farther they advanced Northward, \nthe greater Number they found of thofe Animals. Whilil \nthey fojourned among the Ouidiches^ they met with three \nWarriours of two Nations call\'d the Cahinnio, and the Men- \ntons, who dwelt twenty five Leagues farther, Eaft-North-Eaft, \nand had feen fome Frenchmen. They offer\'d to condu(5l \'em \nto their Countrymen, and by the way they crofs\'d four Rivers \nand Brooks, or Torrents made by the Rain, there they were \nreceiv\'d by thefe Nations with the Calumet of Peace in their \nHands, with all poflible Tokens of Gladnefs and Efteem. \nMany of thefe Savages talkt to \'em of an European, who was a \nCaptain, and had but one Hand ; this was the Sieur de Tonti \na Neapolitan, mention\'d in my firft Volume. They added, \nthat he told \'em, that a greater Captain than himfelf would \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 437 \n\nprobably pafs by their Village ; meaning the Sieur de la Salle. \n\nThe chief Man among them lodg\'d them in his Cabbin \nor Hutt, and made his Family go out of it ; there they were \ntreated feveral Days with all forts of good Cheer. Nay, they \norder\'d a folemn Feaft to be kept publickly, wherein they \ndanc\'d to the Calumet four and twenty Hours together, and \nfung Songs made purpofely for the occafion, which their Cap- \ntain didlated to them as loud as he could, they entertain\'d \n\'em as Envoys from the Sun, who came to defend them from \ntheir Enemies with Thunderbolts, meaning their Mufquets \nwhich they had never feen before ; in the heat of these re- \njoycings the younger Cavelier let off his Piftol three times, \ncrying out Vive le Roy, which the Barbarians repeated with a \nloud Voice ; adding, long live the Sun. \n\nThefe Savages have a prodigious Number of Beavers and \nOtters in their Country, which might be ealily exported by \na River near the Village ; thefe [44] Savages would have \nloaded their Horfes with them, but they refus\'d them to (hew \nthey were free from any Self defign, and prefented the Bar- \nbarians with Hatchets and Knives ; at laft they went away \nwith two Cahinnio^s to guide them ; after they had receiv\'d \nthe Ambaffadours from the Analau, the Tanico, and other \nNations Northweft, and South Weftward, they travers\'d for \nfome Days the fineft Country in the World full of Rivers, \nMeadows, little Woods, Hills, and Vineyards. \n\nAmong others they crofs\'d over four large Navigable \nRivers, and after a March of about fixty Leagues, they came \n\n\n\n43 8 A Voyage into North America. \n\nto the OJfotteoez,^ who dwell upon a Noble River running \nfrom the North-Weft, upon whofe Banks grow the fineft \nWoods in the Univerfe. \n\nThe Skins of Beavers and Otters are every where found \nin fo great a Quantity, as well as all other kinds of Hides \nand Skins of Beafts, that they throw \'em all in a heap and \nburn them, of fo little value are they accounted. \'Tis upon \nthe famous River of the Akanfa that fo many Villages ftand, \nas I mention\'d in the firft Tome of my Difcoveries, \n\nFather Anaftafius fays in his Relation, that there they be- \ngan to know where-abouts they were : At the fame time he \nknew very well, that neither he nor any Man in his Company \nhad ever been upon the River Mefchafipi : Indeed I went up \nit by my felf, with two Indians in a Canou in 1680, and after- \nwards in 1682, M. de la Salle went up it as high as Akanfa: \n\'Tis highly probable. Father Anajlafius thought he was then \nat Fort Crevecmir^ fituated in the Country of the Illinois^ be- \ncaufe he found a great Crofs there, and beneath it the King \nof France\'s Arms ; befides he faw a Houfe built after the \nEuropean way, and upon this the Sieur Joutel^ and two more \nthat were left difcharged their Mufquets. At the Noife of \nthe Guns out came two French Canadans^ their Commander\'s \n[45] Name was M. Couture ^^ whom I knew particularly well \n\n\n\n1 The U-zu-ti-u-hi (in nomenclature of U. S. Bureau of Ethnology; called by \nearly writers Sitteou or Sauthois); a division of the Siouan Kwapa (Kappa) tribe \n(see p. 177, note i, ante). \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n2 Couture, a carpenter from Rouen, had accompanied Tonty in his fruitless search \nfor La Salle (in the spring of 1686) . Tonty left six of his men at the Indian villages \non the Arkansas River ; among these was Couture. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 439 \n\nwhen I lived in Canada^ and was one that made the Voyage \nalong with us to difcover the Louifiana. This M. Couture \ngave them to know, that he was Pofted there by the Sieur \nde Tonti, by order of M. de la Salle, to keep up an Alliance \nwith the Neighbouring Savage Nations, and guard them \nagainft the Infults of the Iroquois, their (worn Foes. \n\nThey vifited three Villages, the Forimans, the Dodinga^ \nand the Kappa; they receiv\'d \'em every where with Feafts, \nSpeeches, Dances, and all other Expreflions of Joy. They \nwere lodg\'d in the Houfe belonging to this fmall Fort. \nThefe of Canada that were fettled there entertain\'d \'em very \nkindly, and made them Matters of all. Whatever Affairs \nthefe Savages contefted about they never decided them im- \nmediately, but fummon\'d together the Chief men, and the \nmoft Ancient of the Villages, and deliberated upon the mat- \nter in difpute. Thefe Travellers ask\'d them for a Pyrogue, \nand fome Savages in it to go up the River Mefchafipi, as far \nas the Illinois, by the River of that Nation, which in my Map \nof Louifiana, I call the River of Seignelay, in honour to the \nMinifter of State of that Name, who favour\'d and took care \nabout our Difcovery. Father Anaftafius fays they offer\'d their \nHorfes, fome Powder and Lead in exchange for the Pyrogue. \nAfter the Counfel had met upon this Subject, they came to \na refolution to grant them the Pyrogue they demanded, and \nfour Savages to man it, one of each Nation to fignify the \n\n\n\n1 These names are more correctly given by the Jesuit Paul de Poisson {Jes. \nRelations, Ixvii, p. 319), as Tourimas and Tougingas ; they also were Kwapa \nbands. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\n440 A Voyage into North America. \n\nftridl Alliance they had made with them. This was pundtually \nexecuted, fo they difmifs\'d the Cahinnio with Prefents to their \nfatisfadlion. \n\nUpon this Head I would obferve, without pretending to \nrefledl upon Nl. de la Salle, that he undoubtedly never found \nout the true Mouth of the River Mefcbafipi, nor Father \nAnaftafius neither, who never [46] was in that Part of the \nCountry ; and if the laft did luckily light upon it by help of \nthe Savages that guided him, \'twas owing to the Diredlions \nhe receiv\'d from M. Couture, Commander of the Skonce^; \nbut it may be he will give us more light into this matter \nhereafter. \n\n\n\n^Apparently a misprint for Akansa. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 441 \n\n\n\nCHAP. X. \n\nThe Voyage of the Sieur Cavelier a Prieft^ and Father Anaftafius \na Recollect in a Pyrogue to the Illinois, and feveral Obferva- \ntions concerning their Return. \n\nAFTER they had tarried a little time among thefe People, \nM. Cavelier, and Father AnaftafiiiSy Embarked in the \nRiver of Mefchafipi, Aug. i. they croffed the River the fame Day \nin a Pyrogue of 40 Foot long. The ftream was very ftrong in \nthat Place, fo they went all a-fhoar to travel the reft of the \nJourney on Foot, becaufe they had left their Horfes atAkanfa, \nthough they had done better perhaps to have kept them : \nThey left no Soul in the Pyrogue but young Cavelier, whofe \ntender Age joyn\'d with the Fatigue of travelling fo far, made \nhim uncapable of profecuting the Journey on Foot. Father \nAnaftafius thinks that from the place where they fet out to \nthe Illinois, they had 400 Leagues to march a foot before \nthey could get thither; but all this is fpoken by guefs. \n\nOne of the Savages went aboard the Pyrogue to fteer it \nalong the River, and one of his Comerades reliev\'d him from \ntime to time. The reft of the Company made no ufe of the \nPyrogue, but only when they had occafion to avoid a danger- \nous Place, or crofs any Rivers; [47] they underwent a great \ndeal of Toil in this Voyage, the Heats were exceflive in that \n\n\n\n442 A Voyage into North America. \n\nfeafon, the fand was burnt by the Sun, but more than all, \nthe want of Food, which they endur\'d feveral days, reduc\'d \n\'em to extreme hardfhip. \n\nFather Anaftafius adds. That they were got 200 Leagues \nover land from the Bay of St. Louis, that is to fay, 100 \nLeagues to the Cenis, 60 to the North North-Eaft, and 40 to \nthe Eaft North-Eaft : from the Najfonis to the Cadodacchos 40 \nNorth North-Eaflward, from the Cadodacchos to the Cahinnio \nand the Mentous 25 to the Eaft North-Eaft, and from the \nCahinnio to the Akanfa 60 Eaft North-Eaft. \n\nThey continued their Progrefs up the River by the fame \nway, that they had heard M. de la Salle went in 82, except \nthat they went to Sicacha} Father Anaftafius, fays M. de la \nSalle was not there. I made mention of this Nation in my \nDifcovery in 80, in the preceding Volume ; their principal \nVillage is twenty five Leagues Eaft from Akanfa. The People \nare robuft and numerous, confifting at leaft of 4000 fighting \nMen : They have abundance of all forts of Skins and Hides. \nTheir Leaders often brought the Calumet to them to fignifie \nthat they were willing to make an Alliance with them ; nay \nthey offer\'d to go and fettle themfelves upon the River \nOuabache to be nearer Fort Crevecceur in the Country of the \nIllinois, whither they were travelling. \n\nThis famous River of Ouabache [Ohio] is full as large as \nMefchafipi; a great many other Rivers run into it, the out- \nlet where it difcharges it felf into Mefchafipi is 200 Leagues \n\n\n\n^ A village of the Chicasas ; the distance here given would locate it on the Yazoo \nRiver. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 443 \n\nfrom Akanja according to M. de la Salle\'s Computation; the \ntruth is it is not fo far crofs the Country, but it may be as \nmuch in following the courfe of the River Mefchaftpi^ which \nwinds about very much. Straight over land \'tis not above 5 \ngood days journey. \n\n[48] They crofs\'d the River Ouabache, Aiigiifl 26. and \nfound it full 60 Leagues along the River Mejchafipi to the \nmouth of the River of the Illinois^ about 6 Leagues below \nthe mouth of that River North- Weftward, is the famous \nRiver of the Maffourites or the Ofages, which is as large at \nleaft as the River it falls into. It is made up of feveral other \nknown navigable Rivers inhabited by numerous Nations, as \nthe Panimaha, who have but one Captain and 22 Villages, the \nleaft of which contains 200 Cabbins. The Paneajfa, the Pana, \nthe Panaloga, and the Metotantes, each of which is as confid- \nerable as the Panimaha} \n\nThe Ofages have 17 Villages upon a River of their name, \nthat difcharges it felf into that of the Majfourites. Our Maps \nand thofe of M. de la Salle, have placed the Ofages there. \nFormerly the Akanfa dwelt a great way up one of thefe Rivers, \nwhich bears their name ftill, and which I take notice of about \nthe midft of the paffage of the River Oiiabache to that of the \nMajfourites^; there lies the Cape of St. Anthony of Padua, and \nthereabouts live the Savage Nation of the Manfopolea. \n\n\n\n^ A reference to the various Pawnee tribes. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed, \n\n2 Apparently this was the Saline River, which empties into the Mississippi a little \nbelow Ste. Genevieve, Mo. Although a small stream, it was regarded as important \non account of the salt-springs near it ; salt-works were established there at an early \ndate. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\n444 A Voyage into North America. \n\nSept. 5. M. Cavelier and Father Anaftaftus arriv\'d at the \nmouth of the River of the Illinois: \'tis reckon\'d 100 Leagues \nfrom thence to Fort Crevecoeur^ as I remark\'d in my firft Vol- \nume. The paffage all the way is clear and navigable by large \nVeffels. A Chaouenon nam\'d Turpin, having feen them enter \nhis Village, ran by land to carry the News to M. Belle Fontaine, \nCommander of that Fort; he could not believe what he told \nhim, but they follow\'d apace after the Barbarian, and came \nto the Fort, Sept. 14. prefently they conduded them to the \nChapel, where Te Deum was thankfully fung. The Canadans \nthat were in the place, and fome Savages fir\'d Volleys of \nMuskets. \n\nM. de Tonti, whom M. de la Salle defign\'d to be Comman- \nder of Fort Crevecceur, was gone among the [49] Iroquois \nto difpofe thofe Barbarians to an Alliance. Thefe Travellers \nwere receiv\'d with all the kindnefs imaginable, and M. de Belle- \nFountain omitted no Teflimony of his joy to fee them fafely \narriv\'d. \n\nIt muft be confeft, that no man can evade his Deftiny. \nAt the fame time it muft likewife be acknowledged that the \nDifafter of M. de la Salle had fomething very fatal in it ; he \nundertook this great Voyage with defign to find out the \nmouth of the River Mefchafipi, but unfortunately fell by the \nway without fucceeding in his enterprize, and yet jufl after \nhis Death, his Brother, Father Anajlafius, &c. went up that \nRiver and arriv\'d at the Illinois. \n\n\'Tis indubitable, neverthelefs, that there is an excellent \nHaven at the mouth of this River, as I obferv\'d in 80. The \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 445 \n\nentry into it is very convenient, as may be eafily feen. Of \nthe three arms that compofe this out-let, I always follow\'d \nthe Channel of that in the middle. \'Tis a commodious Har- \nbour, and has feveral places fit to raife Fortreffes upon, that \nare in no danger of being overflow\'d, as has formerly been \nthought. The lower part or mouth of the River is habitable, \nand is inhabited by feveral favage Nations that don\'t lie far \nfrom it. The greateft Veffels may go up above 200 Leagues \nfrom the Gulph of Mexico^ as far as the mouth of the River \nof the Illinois^ which River is navigable for above 100 \nLeagues, and difcharges it felf into the River Mefchafipi. \nAt the lower end of the River dwell feveral other Nations, \nwhich I forgot, as the Picheno, the Ozanbogus, the Tangibao^ \nthe Ottonika, the Movifa^ and many others, whofe names \neafily efcape ones Memory, when one pafl"es through them \nwithout leifure, or conveniency to take neceffary obfervations \nand notes. \n\n\'Tis probable that M. de la Salle not finding the Mouth \nof that River in the Sea, fanfied that the Bay of St. Lewis, \nwas not above 40 or 50 Leagues from the [50] Mouth of \none of its Arms, at leaft in a ftrait line ; but by misfortune \nhe never was at it. God fets bounds to all Men, and their \nEnterprifes, to all the defires of their Hearts, as well as to \nthe vaft Ocean. \n\nDoubtlefs God permitted it fo to be, that Father Anafta- \nfius who is now Vicar of the Recolle6ts at Cambray, fhould \ndifcover no Nations in his Travels, without taking into the \nNumber many more Savage People well known to thofe he \n\n\n\n44^ A Voyage into North America. \n\nconvers\'d with en pajfant^ becaufe they traffick with them, \nwhich at the fame time were never feen by any European. \n\nThefe People, as I have already noted, have very good \nHorfes, fit for any fervice in abundance. They think them- \nfelves well paid for a Horfe, if one gives them a Hatchet. \n\nFather Anafiafius went from the Bay of St. Lewis to the \nGulph of Mexico with defign to fettle a MifTion among the \nCenis in his 2d Voyage. Father Zenobius Mambre Recoiled, \nwho {laid behind at the faid Bay, was to have come and \njoyn\'d him, to the end they might fpread the Faith among \nthe neighbouring Nations. They expeded from Europe a \ngreat number of Labourers, but the death of M. de la Salle \nobliging him to proceed further he don\'t doubt but Father \nZenobius has been there to look for him. \n\nSo it may be he is now in that Country with Father \nMaximus a Recoiled and Native of Li/le m Flanders, and that \nthey have left the Sieur Chefdeville a Miffionary of St. \nSulpiciusy at the MifTion of the Port in that Bay. He deter- \nmin\'d himfelf to be there, becaufe there were nine or ten \nEuropean Families there with their Children, befides fome of \nM. de la Salle\'s men have marry\'d with the Women of the \nCountry to augment the little Colony. This is the Extradl \nof Father Jnajiafius\'s account of his toilfome Voyage. What \nare become of the people left in thofe parts fince that time, \nwe know not.^ \n\n\n\n^In April, 1689, a Spanish expedition, commanded by Aionzo de Leon, reached \nLa Salle\'s Fort St. Louis in Texas; they found that it had been captured, three \nmonths before, by the Tejas (Texas) Indians, who slew most of the remaining \ncolonists. Leon ransomed the few survivors, who had been enslaved by the Indians. \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 447 \n\n[51] Father Anaftafius conceal\'d the deplorable Fate of \nM. de la Salle^ becaufe \'twas his duty as well as M. Cavelier^s \nthe Prieft, to carry the firft news of it to Court, and fecure \nthe effedls of the deceas\'d in the faid Fort of the Illinois, \nbecaufe he advanc\'d Money upon the enterprize.^ He de- \nparted from the Illinois in the Spring, 1688, together with \nFather Anaftafius, young Cavelier, M. Joiitel, and one Bar- \nbarian, who dwells at prefent near Verfailles ; they arriv\'d at \nQuebec, July 27, and fet fail for France the 20th of Aiiguft \nfollowing. God granted them a favourable paffage to Paris, \nafter having run through incredible Dangers ; and they gave \nan account of their Voyage to the late Marquis de Seignelay. \n\nThis is the ftory of M. de la Sailers laft Voyage, which I \nthought my felf oblig\'d to give the world, becaufe \'tis a con- \ntinuation of mine, and confirms feveral things related in my \naccount. I go on now to defcribe the Religion and Manners \nof thofe barbarous Nations, which I difcover\'d in my Voyage. \n\n\n\nFor more detailed accounts, see Parkman\'s La Salle, pp. 442-446; and A. F. \nBandelier\'s " Southwestern Historical Contributions," in Papers (Amer. series) of \nArchaeological Institute of America, vol. v, pp. 180, 181. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n^ Not only Douay, but even Cavelier (La Salle\'s own brother), deceived Tonty in \nthis matter, telling him that La Salle was well, and would soon return to Illinois. \nApparently this was done that Cavelier might secure goods and money from Tonty \nin La Salle\'s name. See Parkman\'s Z-a \xe2\x96\xa0S\'a//^, pp. 435, 437. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\n44^ A Voyage into North America. \n\n\n\n[52] CHAP. XI. \n\nThe Author\'s Reflexions upon the Voyage to China ; the opinion of \nmofl of the Savages of North America concerning the Creation \nof the World, and the Immortality of the Soul. \n\nTTTMS a common faying, that Truth is the very Soul and \nX Effence of Hiftory : now this account of the Manners \nof the Savages of North America being taken fincerely, needs \nno other recommendation. Novelty and Variety joyn to- \ngether to pleafe the Reader, tho\' I treat of barbarous un- \npohfh\'d People ; and therefore I hope, that a Defcription of \n200 different Nations, which I have either feen my felf, or \nbeen inform\'d of by fome religious that have been among \nthem, will divert the curious. \n\nThe Son of God having foretold, that his Gofpel fhould \nbe preach\'d thoughout the Univerfe, the faithfull have always \ninterefted themfelves in forwarding the accomplifhment of that \nProphecy, and labour\'d to convert thofe barbarous Nations \nwho have no knowledge of the true God. \'Tis true, that \nmultitude of favage People which inhabit the vaft Countries of \nAmerica, have had their Eyes fhut againft the Light of Truth: \nbut we have already begun to preach Chrift crucifi\'d to them, \nto the beft of our skill, that we might bring them to Salva- \ntion. We hope therefore that thofe who are ftirr\'d up by \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 449 \n\nthe Love of God, will not be wanting for the future to finifh \nwhat we have begun, but endeavour the Salvation [53] of fo \nmany Souls, who might not perifh, if Chriftians would help \nthem to get out of their natural Blindnefs. To clear the way, \nand diredl the means to it, we are going to give an account \nof the Ideas thefe People have of Religion, and likewife of \ntheir Manners, that fo we may the more readily contrive the \nmethod of their Converfion, and in what manner to inftrudl \nthem, to render them capable of receiving the truth and \neternal Salvation. \n\nOur Difcoveries have acquainted us with moft part of \nNorth America., fo that I don\'t queftion if the King of Great \nBritain., and the States of Holland fhould think fit to fend us \nback thither to finifh what we have fo happily begun, but \nwe fhould demonftrate what we could never yet give a clear \naccount of, though many attempts have been made to it. It \nhas been found impofTible hitherto to go to Japan by the \nFrozen Sea ; that Voyage has often been fruftrated ; and I \nam morally affur\'d, that we can never fucceed in It, till we \nhave firft difcovered the Continent betwixt the Frozen Sea \nand New Mexico. I am perfwaded that God preferv\'d me in \nall the great dangers of my long Voyages, that I might per- \nfe6t that happy Difcovery ; and I here offer my felf to under- \ntake it, not doubting the fuccefs of the Enterprize (God \nwilling) provided I am furnifh\'d with convenient means. \n\nI don\'t wonder, that the learned are at a lofs how America \n\nwas peopled, and that infinite number of Nations fettled \n\nupon that vaft Continent. America is half the terreftrial \nn-7 \n\n\n\n450 A Voyage into North America. \n\nGlobe. The moft expert Geographers are not thoroughly \nacquainted with it, and the inhabitants themfelves, whom we \ndifcover\'d, and who in all likelihood fhould know beft, don\'t \nknow [54] how their Anceftors came thither; and certainly \nif in Europe we wanted the Art of Writing (as thofe People \ndo) which in a manner makes the dead live again, recalls \nwhat\'s paft, and preferves the memory of things, I am afraid \nwe fhould not be lefs ignorant than thofe Savages. \n\nThe greateft part of the Barbarians in North America have \ngenerally a Notion of fome fort of Creation of the World ; \nthey fay. Heaven, Earth and Mankind were made by a \nWoman, and that fhe and her Son govern the World, and \nfor this reafon, perhaps it is, that they reckon their Gene- \nalogies by Women. They fay farther, that the Son is the \nAuthor of all good things, and the Woman of all Evil. That \nboth of them enjoy perfed Felicity. The Woman, they fay, \nfell out of Heaven big with Child, and lighted upon the back \nof a Tortife, who fav\'d her from drowning.^ When we objed \nagainft the Ridiculoufnefs of their Belief, they ufually anfwer, \nthat fuch an Objedtion is of force with them that make it, \nbut is of no weight againft them, becaufe they look upon \nthemfelves to be created after another manner than the \nEuropeans are. \n\nOther Savages upon the fame Continent, are of opinion, \n\n^This myth was current among the Huron tribes, and was related of a divinity \nnamed E-ya\'-ta-hen-tsik (Ataentsic); her son was louskeha. They are regarded by \nBrinton as personifications of the moon and sun, respectively ; and, by J. B. Hewitt, \nas representing the goddess of night and earth, and the reproductive power which \npervades Nature. See Jes. Relations, viii, p. 303 ; x, 323. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 451 \n\nthat a certain Spirit call\'d Otkon by the Iroquois^ and Atahauta \nby the other Barbarians at the Mouth of the River of St. \nLaurence, is the Creator of the World, and that one Mejfou \nrepair\'d it after the Deluge. In this manner do they alter \nand confound by their Traditions that Knowledge of the \nuniverfal Deluge, which their Anceftors probably had : they \nfay, that this Mejfou or Otkon being a hunting one day, his \nDogs loft themfelves in a great Lake, which thereupon over- \nflowing, cover\'d the whole Earth in a [55] fhort time, and \nfwallow\'d up the World. They add. That this Mejfou or \nOtkon gather\'d a little Earth together by the help of fome \nAnimals, and made ufe of this Earth to repair the World \nagain.^ They think the Europeans inhabit another World \ndifferent from theirs ; and when we go about to undeceive \nthem, and teach them truly how the univerfe was created, \nthey fay all that may be true enough of the World we live \nupon, but \'tis quite another thing with theirs; Nay, they \noften ask us, whether we have a Sun and Moon in Europe as \nwell as they. \n\nThere are another fort of Savages who dwell at the \nMouth of the River of St. Laurence and Mejchafipi, that tell \nus a very odd Story ; they fay much like the former that a \nWoman came down from Heaven, and hover\'d a while in the \nAir, becaufe (he could find no place to fet her Foot upon. \nThe Fifh of the Sea compaffionating her, held a Council to \ndetermine who fhould receive her. The Tortoife offer\'d \n\n\n\n1 Messou (the same as Manabozhu and Michabou), a divinity revered among the \nAlgonquian tribes. See Jes. Relations, index, under above names. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\n452 A Voyage into North America. \n\nhimfelf, and prefented his Back above Water, the Woman \nplac\'d her felf upon it, and ftaid there. In time the Filth of \nthe Sea gathering and fetling about the Tortoife by little and \nHttle, form\'d a great extent of Land, which at prefent is that \nwe call America. \n\nNow fay they, this fame Woman being uneafie at her \nliving folitarily, and troubled to have no body to pafs the \ntime with, more agreeably than fhe did ; there defcended \nfrom on high a Spirit, who found her fain afleep with melan- \ncholy ; he approach\'d her unperceiv\'d, and from that Con- \njundlion came forth two Sons out of her fide ; thefe two \nChildren could never agree together after they were grown \nup. One was a better Hunter than t\'other, and every day \nthere was fome fcuffling between \'em. At length [56] their \nAnimofities grew to that Extremity, that they could not \nendure one another : One of them efpecially was of a very \nviolent humour, and had a mortal hatred for his Brother, \nwho was better temper\'d, the laft unable any longer to fub- \nmit to the rude behaviour, and ill treatment which the other \nbeftow\'d upon him perpetually, refolv\'d to feparate himfelf \nfrom him ; fo he flew up into Heaven, whence to denote his \njuft refentment, he rattles his Thunder from time to time \nover his unhappy Brother\'s head. \n\nSome time after the Spirit came down again to the \nWoman, and then fhe brought forth a Daughter from whom \nfay the Savages is defcended, that numerous People who now \ntake up one of the largeft Parts of the Univerfe. \n\nHow fabulous foever this Story be in it felf, yet we may \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 453 \n\ndifcern a run of Truth in it. This Womans deep and the \nBirth of two Sons, has fomething in it akin to Adam\'s fleep, \nwhilft God took one of his Ribs to form Eve. \n\nThe difagreement of the two Brothers refembles the \nirreconcilable Hatred of Cain and Abel ; the retreat of one \nof \'em to Heaven, reprefents the Death of Abel^ and the \nThunder grumbling in the Sky may be compar\'d with the \nCurfe pronounc\'d by God, upon the wretched Cain^ for inhu- \nmanly killing his Brother. \n\n\'Tis a lamentable thing to confider what wild Chimasra\'s \nthe Devil puts in thefe People\'s heads. Tho\' they believe \nthat the Soul is Corporeal (for they underftand nothing elfe \nby their Otkon, Atabauta, or ManitoUy^ but fome material \nprincipal Being, that [57] gives life and motion to all things) \nneverthelefs they profefs their Belief of the Immortality of \nthe Soul, and a Life to come, in which they fhall enjoy all \nforts of pleafure ; as Hunting, and Fifh in abundance. Corn \nfor thofe that fow it, for fome never fow Corn ; Tobacco, \nand a thoufand other Curiofities and Conveniencies. They \nfay the Soul does not leave the Body as foon as it dies, and \ntherefore they take care to lay by the Body a Bow, Arrows, \nCorn, and fat Meat, for the Dead to fubiift upon till they \nreach the Country of Souls. \n\nAnd becaufe they think all fenflble things have Souls, \ntherefore they reckon that after Death, men hunt the Souls \nof Beavers, Elks, Foxes, Otters, and other Animals. They \n\n\n\n^General appellations given by the Indians to spirits of all kinds; applied, by \nextension, to anything mysterious or inexplicable. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\n454 ^ Voyage into North America. \n\nbelieve that the Souls of thofe Rackets which they wear under \ntheir Feet in Winter-time to keep \'em from finking into the \nSnow, ferve \'em for the fame ufe in the next Life, as well as \nthe Souls of Bows and Arrows to kill Beafts with. And fo \nthey fanfie of the Fifh likewife, and therefore the Souls will \nhave occafion fay they for the Arms interr\'d with the Dead ; \nthe dead Bodies have no need of the Arms and Vidluals that \nare fet by \'em, no longer than till they get to the Country of \nSouls. \n\nThey imagine that the Souls walk vifibly for fome time \nin the Villages, and partake of their Feafts and Revels, there- \nfore they always fet afide a Portion for them. Nay feveral of \nthefe Nations go fo far as to make certain general Feafts for \nthe Dead, accompanied with Songs and horrible Cries, Feafts \nwherein all that is brought is to be eaten up ; Dances and \nPrefents of divers kinds. They take up the dead Bodies in \nthe Village, and the very Bones of thofe that are confumed \nwhich they call Packets of Souls,^ they [58] remove \'em from \none Sepulchre to another, adorn\'d with drefs\'d Skins, Collars \nof Porcelain, and other like Riches, fuch as their Country \nafi^ords : They believe all this contributes mainly to the Hap- \npinefs of the Dead. \n\nI will not be tedious in fumming up particularly all their \nfuperftitious Opinions upon this Subjed, in relation to the \ndifferent Places or Employs they affign to them, the manner \n\n\n\n^It was believed, by many tribes, that the soul dwelt in the bones, not only \nduring the physical life, but for at least a time after death ; and that it might after- \nward be reincarnated, if the bones remained unbroken. See Jes. Relations, xx, \np. 310.\xe2\x80\x94 Ed, \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 455 \n\nof their living, their Wars, Peace, Policy and Laws : All \nextravagant, ridiculous Traditions founded upon Fables in- \nvented by their Anceftours, and deliver\'d to their Pofterity \nfor credible Truths, and as fuch receiv\'d and firmly held by \nthem. \n\nOne would be apt to fufpedt that thefe Savages of America \noriginally fprung from the Jews, fome of whom might cafually \nhave been wreckt, and caft upon that Part of the World ; for \nthey have feveral Cuftoms not unlike theirs ; they make their \nCabbins in the form of Tents, like as the Jews did ; they \nanoint themfelves with Oil, and are fuperftitioufly addidled to \nDivination from Dreams. They bewail over the Dead with \ngreat lamentation. The Women go into mourning for their \nnear Relations a whole Year, during which time they abftain \nfrom dancing and feafting, and wear a fort of a Hood upon \ntheir Heads, and commonly the Father or Brother of the \nDeceas\'d take care of the Widow. \n\nBefides it feems as if God had laid a particular Male- \ndidlion upon \'em, as he did upon the Jews : They are brutifh, \nand perfift unalterably in their Opinions; they have no certain \nfix\'d Place of Abode ; they are very lafcivious, and have fuch \ngrofs Conceptions, [59] that when we tell \'em Souls are \nimmortal and immaterial, they ask what they eat in the other \nWorld. Moreover we may obferve fome Conformity be- \ntween Mofes\'s Relation of the Creation of the World, and the \nBelief of thefe Savages about it, as I obferved above. But \nto fpeak frankly, thefe Barbarians feem to have no kind of \nIdea of the Deity, and yet they believe another Life in which \n\n\n\n456 A Voyage into North America. \n\nthey hope to enjoy the fame Delights, that they are pleafed \nwith here. They live without any fubordination, without \nLaws or any form of Government or PoHcy. They are ftupid \nin matters of Rehgion, fubtle and crafty in their Worldly \nconcerns ; but exceffively fuperftitious. \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 457 \n\n\n\n[60] CHAP. XII. \n\nWhat Method is moft proper to convert the Savages; what Manner \nof Perfons they are that ought not to be baptized. \n\nOUR ancient Miilionary Recolle6ls of Canada^ and thofe \nthat fucceeded them in that work, have always given \nit for their opinion, as I now own \'tis mine, that the way \nto fucceed in converting the Barbarians, is to endeavour to \nmake them men before we go about to make them Chriftians. \nNow in order to civilize them, \'tis neceffary that the Europeans \nfhould mix with them, and that they fhould dwell together, \nwhich can never be done for certain till the Colonies are \naugmented : but it muft be acknowledged, that the Company \nof Canada Merchants, have made great Obftacles to the en- \ncreafing of the Colonies ; for out of greedinefs to keep all \nthe Trade in their own hands, thefe Gentlemen would never \npermit any particular Society to fettle themfelves in the \nCountry, nor fuffer the Miflionaries to perfwade the Bar- \nbarians to dwell conftantly in a place. Yet before this be \ndone, there\'s no way to convert thefe Unbelievers. Thus \nthe covetoufnefs of thofe who are for getting a great deal in \na ihort time, has mightily retarded the eftablifhment of the \nGofpel among the Savages. \n\nHence \'tis manifeft, that the office of a Miffionary is very \n\n\n\n45^ A Voyage into North America. \n\ntroublefome and laborious, amongft thefe numerous Nations, \nand it muft be granted that \'tis neceffary to fpend many \nYears, and undergo a great deal of pains to civilize People \nfo extremely ftupid and barbarous. \n\n[6i] And therefore, one would not venture without much \ncaution, to adminifter the Sacraments to adult Perfons, who \npretend themfelves Converts ; for we fee that after fo many \nYears of Miffion, there has been but little progrefs made, \nthough no pains have been wanting on the Miffionary\'s hands. \n\nSo that Chriftianity is not like to gain much ground \namong the Savages, till the Colonies are ftrengthened by a \ngreat Number of Inhabitants, Artifans and Workmen, and \nthen the Treaty betwixt the Barbarians and us fhould be \nfreer, and extended to all Europeans: But chiefly it fhould \nbe endeavour\'d to fix the Barbarians to a certain dwelling \nPlace, and introduce our Cuftoms and Laws amongft them, \nfurther\'d by the AfTiftance of zealous People in Europe^ Col- \nleges might be founded to breed up the young Savages in \nthe Chriftian Faith, which might in time contribute very \nmuch to the Converfion of their Country-men. This is a \nvery proper Method without doubt, to ftrengthen the Tem- \nporal and Spiritual Interefts of the Colonies ; but the gener- \nality of Mankind are bent upon Gain and Traffick, and are \nlittle concern\'d to procure God\'s Bleffing upon them, and \nendeavour the advancement of his Glory. \n\nGod is often pleas\'d to prove his Children, and amongft \n\'em thofe that employ themfelves in faving Souls, by thofe \nmeans that moft afflid them, but Dangers, Labours, Suffer- \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 459 \n\nings, and even Death it felf would be welcome to them, \nprovided in facrificing themfelves for the Salvation of their \nBrethren, God would afford them the Confolation to fee their \nUndertakings Crown\'d with fuccefs to his Glory, and the \nConverfion of Infidels. \n\n[62] It is impoffible for us to look upon fo great a \nNumber of People as this relation mentions, and confider the \nlittle progrefs Religion has made among the Savages of thefe \nvaft Countries, but we muft needs admire the infcrutable \nDecrees of God, and cry out with the Apoftle, the Depth \nof the Riches of the Wifdom and Knowledge of God! a great \nNumber of learned fecular Priefts, and zealous Religious men \nof our Order, have carried the Light of the Gofpel into all \nParts of the Earth, and labour\'d hard in the Lord\'s Vineyard. \nBut God would have us know, that the Converfion of Souls \nis the Work of his Grace, the bleffed Moments of which are \nnot yet come. \n\nI cannot help faying with Grief, that there is a great deal \nof difference between the modern Miffions into America, \nand thofe which our Recolleds began in the New World, and \ncontinued in the Southern Parts oi America ; there they daily \nconverted Millions of Souls ; but in Canada we find the \nGround barren and unfruitfull, nothing but blindnefs and \ninfenfibility, a prodigious Diftance from God, and even an \nentire oppofition to the Myftery of our Faith. Whole Ages \nare requir\'d to prepare thefe Barbarians for the Gofpel, \nbefore we can exped: to fee it flourifh there : And to add to \nour afilidlion God has permitted that the Country fhould \n\n\n\n460 A Voyage into North America. \n\nbe in the hands of a Company of Merchants, who think of \nnothing but their private Intereft, and are unconcern\'d for \nthe Propagation of the Faith. \n\nOur Ancient Miflionary\'s Recolledls did not grant the \nSacrament of Baptifm to the Savages but with great Caution, \nfor fear the Sacred Myftery fhould be profaned by the \nBarbarians ; and in our Days we fee thefe Nations not at all \ndifpos\'d to Chriftianity: They \\_^\'}i^ feem to have no Senfe \nat all of Religion in general to be incapable of the moft com- \nmon reafonings, that lead other Men to the knowledge of a \nDeity true or falfe. \n\nThefe miferable dark Creatures liften to all we fay con- \ncerning our Myfteries, juft as if \'twere a Song ; they are \nnaturally very vitious, and addided to fome Superftitions \nthat fignifie nothing ; there Cuftoms are favage, brutal and \nbarbarous; they will fuflfer themfelves to be baptized ten \ntimes a Day for a Glafs of Brandy, or a Pipe of Tobacco, \nand offer their Children to be baptiz\'d, but all without any \nReligious Motive. Thofe that one takes the pains to in- \nflrud, for a Winter together, as I my felf taught fome of \nthem while I dwelt at Fort Frontenac, give no better figns of \nEdification, than others in our Articles of Faith : So wrapt \nup are they in Infenfibility, to what concerns Religion, which \noccafion\'d terrible Checks of Confcience in our Religious, in \nthe beginning of their MifTion among the People of Canada; \nthey faw that the few Perfons of years of Difcretion that \nthey had inftrudled, and afterwards admitted to Baptifm, \nfoon fell again into their ordinary indifference for Salvation, \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 461 \n\nand that the Children follow\'d the unhappy Example of their \nParents, infomuch that \'twas no better than a plain profana- \ntion of Baptifm to adminifter it to them. \n\nThe Cafe was fearch\'d into to the bottom, and argued upon \nwith much application; nay, \'twas carried into the Sorbonne^\', \nat length, after all poflible diligent Scrutiny into the matter \nit was concluded, that as for Perfons of years, and Children \nnear the Point of Death, and who in all humane Probability \nwould certainly foon give up the Ghoft ; they might venture \nto baptize them if they demanded it, becaufe it [64] might \nbe juftly prefum\'d, that in that extremity God infpir\'d the \nadult Perfons with his Grace, as \'twas thought it had been \nobvious in fome of them ; but they declar\'d, that as for the \nother Savages, they ought not to be baptiz\'d, until after long \nobfervation and experience, they were perceiv\'d to be well \ninclined and inftrudled, having a right apprehenfion of our \nMyfteries, and had quitted their barbarous Cuftoms, they \ndeclar\'d further that they might adminifter Baptifm to thofe \nwho dwelt conftantly among the Chriftians, were brought up \nin the fame way of living, were civiliz\'d, and above all were \nwell inflrudled, and that they fhould baptize their Children; \nand they compos\'d a Form, and likewife a kind of funda- \nmental Canon, for a Rule to thefe Miffionaries, to which they \nwere abfolutely to conform themfelves in the Functions of \ntheir Employ. \n\n^Cf. the condemnation by the Sorbonne of Fleche\'s too hasty baptisms in Acadia \n(1610); see Jes. Relations, i, 311. The Sorbonne was a celebrated school of \ntheology, founded at Paris in 1253 by Robert Sorbon. It ceased to exist in 1790; \nand in 1808 its buildings were given to the University of France.\xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\n462 A Voyage into North America. \n\n\n\n[65] CHAP. XIII. \n\nThe Barbarians of North-America don\'t acknowledg any God. \nOf the pretended Souls of terreflrial Animals. \n\nOUR antient MlfTionaries Recolleds were acquainted with \nfeveral different Nations within the compafs of 600 \nLeagues in North-America ; and I have been among many \nmore, becaufe I went farther than any of them, having made \na Voyage all along the River of St. Lawrence, and Mefchafipi. \nI obferved, as my Predeceffors, that the Savages don\'t want \ngood Senfe in what concerns the general and particular \nIntereft of their Nation. They purfue their Point, and take \nright Methods to come to the end of their defigns : but \'tis \nwhat I am aftonifh\'d at, that whilft they are fo clear fighted \nin their common Affairs, they fhould have fuch extravagant \nnotions of the concerns of Religion, the Manners, Laws, and \nMaxims of Life. \n\nWe muft all of us own, that almoft all the Savages in \ngeneral have no Belief of a Deity, and that they are incapable \nof the common and ordinary Arguments and Reafonings \nthat the reft of Mankind are led by upon this Subjed ; fo \ndark and ftupid are their Underftandings. At the fame time \nwe may acknowledg, that now and then in fome of them we \ndifcover fome glimmerings of a confus\'d Notion of God. \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 463 \n\nSome will confefs, but very cloudily, that the Sun is God : \nOthers fay, \'tis a Genius that rules in the Air : Some again \nlook upon the Heavens as a kind of Divinity. But thefe \nonly make a fhew of believing fomething \\^66^ that we can \nhardly guefs at : we can\'t fix them to any fettled Principle. \nThe Nations Southward feem to believe an Univerfal Spirit \nthat governs all : they imagine after a falhion, that there\'s a \nSpirit in every thing, even in thofe that are inanimate ; and \nthey addrefs themfelves to it fometimes, and beg fomething \nof it ; as we took notice of one Barbarian, who made a kind \nof Sacrifice upon an Oak, at the Cafcade of St. Antony of \nPadua, upon the River Mejchafipi} \n\nAll thefe Nations don\'t profefs their Belief of a Deity \nout of any refped to Religion : They talk of it ordinarily, as \na thing they were prepoffeffed with ; or frolickfomly, not \nregarding any thing they fay themfelves, any otherwife than \nas a kind of Fable. They have no outward Ceremony to \nfignify that they worfhip any Deity: There\'s no Sacrifice, \nPrieft, Temple, nor any other Token of Religion amongft \nthem. \n\nTheir Dreams are to them inftead of Prophecy, Infpiration, \nLaws, Commandments, and Rules, in all their Enterprizes, \nin War, Peace, Commerce, and Hunting : They regard them \nas Oracles. The Opinion they have of their Dreams draws \nthem into a kind of necefTity to be ruled by them ; for they \nthink \'tis an Univerfal Spirit, that infpires them by Dreams, \nand advifeth them what to do : And they carry this fo far, \n\n^ See p. 278, ante. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\n464 A Voyage into North America. \n\nthat if their Dream orders them to kill a Perfon, or commit \nany other wicked A6lion, they prefently execute it, and make \nfatisfadlion for it afterwards, as we fhall fhew anon. The \nParents dream for their Children, the Captains for their \nVillage. There are fome among them, that take upon them \nto interpret Dreams, and explain them after their own fancy \nor inclination ; and if their Interpretations don\'t prove true, \nthey are not lookt upon as Cheats ere the more for that. \n\n[67] Some have taken notice, that when they meet with \nany Cafcade or Fall of Waters, which is difficult to crofs, \nand apprehend any danger, they throw a Bever\'s Skin, To- \nbacco, Porcelain, or fome fuch matter into it by way of \nSacrifice, to gain the Favour of the Spirit that prefides there. \n\nThere\'s no Nation but what have their Jugglers, which \nfome count Sorcerers : but \'tis not likely that they are under \nany Covenant, or hold communication with the Devil. At \nthe fame time, one may venture to fay, that the evil Spirit \nhas a hand in the Tricks of thefe Jugglers, and makes ufe \nof them to amufe thefe poor People, and render them more \nincapable of receiving the Knowledg of the true God. They \nare very fond of thefe Jugglers, tho they cozen them per- \npetually. \n\nThefe Impoftors would be counted Prophets, who foretel \nthings to come : they would be look\'d upon as having almoft \nan infinite Power: they boaft that they make Rain or fair \nWeather, Calms and Storms, Fruitfulnefs or Barrennefs of \nthe Ground, Hunting lucky or unlucky. They ferve for \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 465 \n\nPhyficians too, and frequently apply fuch Remedies, as have \nno manner of virtue to cure the Diftemper. \n\nNothing can be imagin\'d more horrible than the Cries \nand Yellings, and the ftrange Contorfions of thefe Rafcals, \nwhen they fall to juggling or conjuring ; at the fame time \nthey do it very cleverly. They never cure any one, nor pre- \ndidt any thing that falls out, but purely by chance : mean \ntime they have a thoufand Fetches to bubble {t. e., cheat] \nthe poor people, when the accident does not anfwer their \nPredidlions and Remedies; for, as I faid, they are both \nProphets and Quacks. They do nothing without Prefents \nor Reward. \'Tis true, if thefe Impoftors are not very dex- \nterous at recommending themfelves, and bringing themfelves \noff, when any perfon dies under their [68] hands, or Enter- \nprizes do not fucceed as they promis\'d, they are fometimes \nmurdered upon the place, without any more Formality. \n\nThefe blind Wretches are wedded to many other Super- \nftitions, which the Devil makes ufe of to delude them : They \nbelieve that feveral kinds of Animals have a reafonable Soul : \nThey have an unaccountable Veneration for certain Bones of \nElks, Bevers, and other Beafts ; they never throw thefe to \ntheir Dogs, which are the only Domeftick Animals they \nkeep, becaufe they ferve for Hunting: So they preferve thefe \nprecious Bones, and are very unwilling to caft them into the \nRiver. They pretend, that the Souls of thefe Animals come \nback into the World to fee how they treat their Bodies, and \ngive notice accordingly to the reft of the Beafts both dead \n\nII-8 \n\n\n\n466 ^A Voyage into North America. \n\nand living ; and that if they fhould find they are ill us\'d, the \nBeafts of that kind would never let themfelves be taken, \nneither in this World nor the next. \n\nOne may fay, that the Corruption of Sin has fpread a \nftrange Darknefs in the Souls of thefe unhappy people, and \na perfedl Infenfibility to all Religion ; infomuch that they are \nnot to be match\'d in any Hiftory. \'Tis true, they are \nobftinately fuperftitious in fome things ; and yet at the fame \ntime, they are not mov\'d by any principle of Religion. \'Tis \nnothing but ftrong Prejudice and Imagination. When we \ndifpute with them, and put them to a nonplus, they hold \ntheir tongues ; their Minds are ftupid, their Faculties are \nbefotted. If we propofe our Myfteries to them, they heed \nthem as indifferently as their own nonfenfical Whimfies. I \nhave met with fome of them, who feem to acknowledg that \nthere is one firft Principle that made all things ; but this \nmakes but a flight Impreffion upon their Mind, which returns \nagain to its ordinary Deadnefs, and former Infenfibility. \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 467 \n\n\n\n[69] CHAP. XIV. \n\nOf the great difficulties in converting the Savages. Of the Prayers \nthey get by rote ; and of Martyrdom. \n\nTHE great Infenfibility of thefe Barbarians is caufed prin- \ncipally by their Carelefnefs and negled: to be thoroughly \ninftru6led. They come to us, and attend to what we fay, \npurely out of Idlenefs, and natural Curiofity to converfe with \nus, as we with them ; or rather they are tempted to follow \nus, by the Kindnefs and Flatteries we exprefs towards them, \nor becaufe of the Benefit their Sick receive from us, or out \nof hope to gain by trafficking with us ; or laftly, becaufe we \nare Europeans, and they think us ftouter than themfelves, \nand hope we will defend them from their Enemies. \n\nWe teach them Prayers ; but they repeat them like Songs, \nwithout any diftindion by Faith. Thofe we have catechized \na long time, are very wavering, except fome few : They \nrenounce all, return into their Woods, and take up their old \nSuperftitions upon the leaft Crotchet that comes into their \nHeads. \n\nI don\'t know whether their Predeceffors had any Knowl- \nedg of a God ; but \'tis certain their Language, which is very \nnatural and expreflive in every thing elfe, is fo barren on this \n\n\n\n468 A Voyage into North America. \n\nSubjedt, that we can\'t find any expreflion in it to fignify the \nDeity, or any one of our Myfteries, not even the moft com- \nmon : this gives us great perplexity when we would convert \nthem. \n\nAnother great Obftacle to their Converfion is this : Moft \nof them have feveral Wives ; and in the Northern parts they \nchange them as often as they pleafe : [70] They can\'t con- \nceive how people can tie themfelves indiffolubly to one perfon \nin Marriage. See how filly you are, cry they, when we argue \nwith them about it. My Wife is uneafy to me, I am fo to \nher; fhe\'ll agree very well with fuch a one, who is at odds \nwith his Wife : now why fliould we four lead a miferable Life \nall our days? \n\nAnother hindrance lies in a Cuftom of theirs, not to con- \ntradidl any Man ; they think every one ought to be left \nto his own Opinion, without being thwarted : they believe, \nor make as if they believed all you fay to them ; but \'tis \ntheir Infenfibility, and Indifference for every thing, efpecially \nMatters of Rehgion, which they never trouble themfelves \nabout. \n\nAmerica is no place to go to out of a defire to fuffer \nMartyrdom, taking the Word in a Theological Senfe: The \nSavages never put any Chriftian to death upon the fcore of \nhis Religion; they leave every body at liberty in Belief: \nThey like the outward Ceremonies of our Church, but no \nmore. Thefe Barbarians never make War, but for the \nIntereft of their Nation ; they don\'t kill people, but in par- \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 469 \n\nticular Quarrels, or when they are brutifh, or drunk, or in \nrevenge, or infatuated with a Dream, or fome extravagant \nVifion : they are incapable of taking away any Perfon\'s Life \nout of hatred to his Religion. \n\nThey are brutifh in all their Inclinations ; they are natur- \nally Gluttons, and know no other Happinefs in this Life, \nbut the pleafure of eating and drinking : This is remarkable \nin their very Eyes, and their Diverfions, which are always \nbegun and ended with feafting. \n\nThe Paffion of Revenge which they are poffeffed with, is \nanother great Obftacle to Chriftianity : They are very tender \nand affedlionate to their own Nation, but cruel and revengeful \nbeyond imagination towards their Enemies : They are natur- \nally Inconftant, [71] Revilers, Scoffers, and Lafcivious. In \nihort, among all the Vices they are addidled to, we can per- \nceive no Principle of Religion or Morality; and to be fure \nthis muft needs render their Converfion extremely difficult. \n\nTo perfwade them to any thing, and difpofe them to the \nFaith, \'tis requifite to make them famihar with us, and con- \ntrad a good acquaintance with them ; but this is not to be \ndone prefently, becaufe firft of all the Colonies ought to be \nmultiplied, and planted every where. When they have pafs\'d \naway a few Weeks with the Europeans, they are oblig\'d to \ngo to War, Hunting, or Fifhing, for their Subfiftence, and \nthis depraves \'em extremely. They fliould be fix\'d, inticed \nto clear the Ground, and cultivate it, and work at feveral \nTrades, as the Europeans do ; and then we fhould fee \'em \n\n\n\n470 A Voyage into North America. \n\nreform their barbarous Cuftoms, and become more civiliz\'d, \nas well towards one another as us. \n\nIn another place we fhall treat of the other Southern \nNations, who feem better difpos\'d to receive the Gofpel \nthan thofe of the North. \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 471 \n\n\n\nCHAP. XV. \n\nThe manner of Feafting among the Savages. \n\nTHEY have Feafts at parting from one another, Feafts \nof Thanks, War, Peace, Death, Marriage, and Health. \nThey continue revelling night and day, particularly when \nthey hold thofe Feafts, which they term. Eat up all: For then \nthey don\'t permit any one to quit the Company till all be \neaten up. And if a Perfon is not able to ftuff any longer, \nhe is oblig\'d to hire another into his place. \n\n[72] They have other Feafts for the recovery of the Sick, \nand fome ordinary common Feafts. Formerly they kept \nwanton Feftivals, where the Men and Women mingled to- \ngether promifcuoufly, and plaid moft abominable lewd Pranks. \nBut if they make fuch Entertainments now a-days, \'tis very \nrarely, and when they are at a great diftance from the Euro- \npeans. \n\nWhen they undertake a War, \'tis commonly to recover \nfatisfadion for fome Injury, that they pretend has been done \nto them : Sometimes they engage in it, upon account of a \nDream, and often as a Fancy takes \'em : Sometimes they \nenter into it, becaufe other People jeer them : You\'re a \nCoward, fay they; You never were in a Battle; You have \nkill\'d no Body yet. Then are they rouz\'d by Honour, and \n\n\n\n472 A Voyage into North America. \n\nafter they have klll\'d fome Fallow Deer, make a Feaft, and \nexhort their Neighbours to accompany them in their Enter- \nprize. \n\nWhen they have a mind to go fingly, and alone, they \nmake no Feafts, but only order their Wives to get them \nfome Meal of Indian Corn, becaufe they are going to War. \nBut if they would have Companions, they go through all \nthe Villages to invite the young Men, who take their Platters \nof Wood, or Bark of Birch- Then they rendezvouz at the \nCabin of him who invited them, which they commonly enter, \nfmgmg Warlike Songs. I am going to War, I will revenge \nthe Death of fuch a Kinfman, I will flay, I will burn, I will \nbring away Slaves, I will eat Men, and fuch like Expreflions \nthat breathe nothing but Cruelty, \n\nWhen all the Crew are affembled, they fill the Kettles of \nthofe that have any, or elfe their Porringers of Wood or \nBark : then they fit down to eat ; and during the Entertain- \nment, he that invited them to the Feaft, (ings without inter- \nmifTion, and exhorts them to follow him. \n\nAll this while they fpeak not one word, and eat up [73] \nall they have given them in profound Silence, except one or \nother of \'em between whiles applauds him that made the \nFeaft of War, by anfwering Netho^ or Joguemke. When the \nOrator has done, he fays to \'em all, \'Tis well; I\'ll march to \nmorrow, or within two or three days, according as he hath \nproje6led. The next day thofe who are willing to accompany \nhim to the War, go to him, and affure him that they will \nfollow him any where to revenge him upon his Enemies. \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 473 \n\n\'Tis very well, Nephews, fays he, we\'ll be going three days \nhence. And the Savages make twelve or fifteen Feafts of \nthis kind before they fet out. \n\nThefe Barbarians had us\'d to make very lafclvious Feafts. \nThe Leader of the Party ordered a young Woman to profti- \ntute her felf to fuch or fuch a one as he pointed at. If fhe \nrefus\'d to gratify them, they attributed all their Mifcarriages \nin their Enterprizes to her ; fo cunning is the Devil in cher- \nifhing their impure Imaginations. \n\nWhen they marry their Children, they feldom make a \nFeaft. But if they do think fit to make any, they obferve \ncertain Ceremonies in it : the firft thing they do, is to prepare \nViduals. To this end they fill with Meat thofe Kettles \nwhich they have truck\'d for with the Europeans, or great \nEarthen Pots which the Women make. They provide as \nmany of them as they defign to have Guefts : when the Meat, \nor Sagamite is drefs\'d, they go to invite their Guefts, and this \nthey do by putting a little (tick into their hand, and faying, \nI invite thee to my Feaft. No fooner faid, but \'tis done, \nthey need not be ask\'d twice. They all come with their \nufual Utenfils. The Mafter of the Cabin diftributes to each \nan equal Mefs, and he that provides the Feaft, or fome other \nin his place, fings without ceafing till they have eaten all up : \nafter the Banquet they fing and dance, and at laft without \nany Formality of [74] returning Thanks to the Donor, they \ngo back every one to their Cabin without fpeaking a word. \nNone but thofe who have convers\'d with the Europeans, \nreturn Thanks to thofe that invited them. \n\n\n\n474 A Voyage into North America. \n\nThe Feafts made to recover the Sick are much after the \nfame manner : But they do more good to the Guefts than to \nthe fick weak Perfons. The Feafts for the Dead are more \ndoleful and fad. No Body fings or dances then. The Kin- \ndred of the Dead are in a deep mournful Silence. They \nlook mightily troubl\'d, to move their Guefts to Compaflion: \nall that go to thefe Feafts, carry Prefents with \'em ; and \nlaying them at the feet of the near Kindred to the Deceas\'d, \nfay, here\'s fomething to cover him, towards building a Cabin, \nor making a Palifade round his Sepulchre, according to the \nnature of their Prefents : then they feed plentifully, and \nreturn home without fpeaking a word. \n\nAs for the ordinary Feafts, they order \'em feveral ways \naccording to their Fancy : if they have any Knives bought of \nthe Europeans, and have eaten and cut fat Meat with them, \nthey ordinarily wipe their Knives with their Hair. They \ncommonly eat fitting upon the ground, and have nothing to \nwipe upon. So they are forc\'d to wipe their greafy Knives \nin their Hair, and then rub their Faces all over with it. \nThefe frequent Un6lions without doubt harden them, and \nmake \'um capable of undergoing much Toil. \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 475 \n\n\n\nCHAP. XVI. \n\nThe manner of Adopting the Europeans among the Savages. \n\nI TOOK notice in my former Volume that a Barbarian \nCaptain of the IJfati, or Nadouejfans, named Aquipaguetin^ \nadopted me in the place of his Son, who was [75] kill\'d in \nBattle by the Miamisy and that this help\'d me to gain Credit \namong thefe People, and infinuate my felf into \'em, the better \nto difpofe \'em to believe the Gofpel. This is what the Mif- \nfionaries fhould aim at, when they are among the Savages ; \nthey fhould endeavour to infinuate themfelves into the Favour \nof him who is moft famous of all the Leaders among \'em, \nand moft inclin\'d to the Europeans. Then this Captain brings \nthem forth, for that\'s the term the Savages ufe to fignify \ntheir Adoption ; and this is done in a Feaft. The Captain, \nI fay, adopts a Miflionary for his Son, or for his Brother, \naccording to his Age and Quality ; after which all the Nation \nlook upon him as if he were adually born in their Country, \nand a-kin to their Captain : by means of this Ceremony he \ngets admiflion into the Family, in the quality of a Son, a \nBrother, Uncle, Nephew, or Coufin, with refped to thofe of \nthe Family, and according to the rank they hold in it by their \nBirth. \n\nAnd to carry on their Defigns the better, the Miflionaries \n\n\n\n47^ A Voyage into North America. \n\ncaufe a Council to be affembled, to fet themfelves off the \nmore to the Barbarians. And here let it be obferv\'d, that \nall Affemblies, held by order of their Captains, are call\'d \nCouncils. Thofe that come to thefe Affemblies, fit upon the \nGround in a Cabin, or in open Field ; they keep filence whilft \ntheir Leader makes his Harangue, and rehgioufly obferve \nwhatever they once firmly conclude upon. \n\nThe Mifiionaries deliver themfelves, in thefe Affemblies, \neither by word of Mouth, if they underftand the Language \nof the People, or elfe by Interpreters. They tell \'em that \nthey come among them to make an Alliance and Friendfhip \nwith them, and at the fame time to invite them to trafiick \nwith their Nation ; in conclufion, they defire the Savages to \npermit them to dwell in their Country, to inftrud: them in \nGod\'s Law, which is the only way to Heaven. \n\n[76] The Savages often accept the Offers of the Mifiion- \naries, and affure them they are well fatisfied with their \nPerfons : but to win the Barbarians, \'tis requifite that the \nMifiionaries give them Hatchets, Knives, or other European \nMerchandizes, which the Savages, efpecially thofe who never \nyet had any Commerce with the Europeans, fet a high value \nupon. We never treat of any Affair with them without pre- \nfenting them with fomething of that nature, which they value \nmore than we in Europe do Gold. After this the Barbarians \nbring forth, that is to fay, adopt thofe that have made Prefents \nto them. They publickly declare them Citizens, or Children \nof their Country; and according to their Age, as I faid be- \nfore, the Savages call the adopted Perfons, Sons, Brothers, \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 477 \n\nCoufins, according to the degrees of Relation : And they \ncherifh them whom they have once adopted, as much as if \nthey were their own natural Brothers or Children. \n\nI forgot to take notice in my former Volume, that the \ngreat Captain of the Iffati^ named Ouaficoude, or pierced Pine- \ntree, call\'d me his Brother. There are no examples among \nthe other Nations of adopting any one for a Brother to a \nCaptain fo abfolute as he. He had been feveral times at \nwar with feventeen or eighteen Nations, Enemies to his, and \nbrought away their Heads, or made them Prifoners. \n\nThofe that are Valiant and Couragious are very much \nefteem\'d by the Savages. They ordinarily ufe no other Arms \nthan Bows, Arrows, and Maces [/. e.^ war-clubs] ; but they \nufe them very dexteroufly. They are clear-limb\'d, adlive, \nand robuft: I never faw any blind, crooked, or deform\'d \nPerfon among them. \n\n\n\n47^ ^ Voyage into North America. \n\n\n\nl^i\\ CHAP. XVII. \nOf the Marriages of the Savages in North America. \n\nMARRIAGE is not a Civil Contrad among thefe People; \nthe Man and Woman don\'t intend to bind themfelves \ntogether for as long as they live, they live together no longer \nthan they agree together, and love one another. As foon as \nthey are difcontented with each other, they fay, as I have be- \nfore obferved, My Wife is uneafy to me, and I to her, Ihe\'U \nagree well enough with fuch a one who is weary of his Wife ; \nthere\'s no reafon why we four fhould live unquietly all our \ndays: So without more ado, without any Clamor or Noife, \nthey feparate, and remain perfedlly indifferent for each other. \n\nThefe Barbarians fometimes marry their Daughters at \nnine or ten Years old, not that the young Couple come \ntogether fo foon, their Age is too green for that, but they \nexpe6l to make fome Advantage of their Sons-in-law; for \nwhen they return from hunting, the Girl\'s Father has the \ndifpofal of the Skins, and the Flefh they have taken : but at \nthe fame time the Girl is obliged to bring the Sagamite, or \nMilk thicken\'d with Indian Corn, and the Meat provided for \nher Husband\'s eating, tho fhe do not yet cohabit with him : \nfometimes \'tis five or fix Years before they confummate. \n\nWhen they marry, they make Feafts with great pomp \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 479 \n\nand rejoicing ; all the Village is invited by turns : every one \nmakes good Chear. After the Banquet they fing and dance, \nas the Europeans upon that occafion, but after their own way. \n\n[78] They often marry clandeftinely, and there goes but \none word to the Bargain. A Savage unmarried Man goes \nto a Maid, or unmarried Woman ; without more Courtfhip, \nhe tells her, if fhe will go with him, fhe fhall be his Wife : \nShe makes no Reply at firft, but paufes a little while, holding \nher Head betwixt both her Hands while fhe is confidering \nwhat to do ; the Man holds his Head in the fame pofture, \nand ftands filent. After fhe has thought a little of the matter, \nfhe fays Netho^ or Niaoua, which fignifies, I am content : The \nMan lifts up his Head prefently, and replies. One, that is to \nfay, \'tis a Match. At Night the Woman or Maid takes an \nIron Hatchet, or if her Nation have no Commerce with the \nEuropeans, fhe takes one made of Stone that will cut ; fhe \ngoes and cuts as much good Wood as fhe can carry, brings \nit to the door of the Savage\'s Cabin, and lays it down ; fhe \ngoes in and fits down by the Man, who does not offer to \ncarefs her: when they have fat together long enough with- \nout fpeaking, the Husband tells her in the Iroquoife Tongue, \nSentaouy, \'tis time to lie down, repofe your felf: fometime \nafter he comes and lays himfelf down by her. \n\n\'Tis very rarely feen that any of \'em make Love after the \nEuropean manner, courting, dallying, and jefting fondly and \nmerrily ; they re-enter into a reciprocal Kindnefs with as much \ncafe as they broke it off before : They part very quietly, for \nthey make no more words on\'t than, / quit thee; that\'s all: \n\n\n\n480 A Voyage into North America. \n\nthey are perfe6lly indifferent to each other after when they \nmeet, and take no more notice than if they had never feen \none another. \'Tis true, they fometimes fight before they \npart, but that happens very rarely. \n\nAmong the Northern Savages, and particularly the Iroquois^ \nfome have two Wives, but not for any long time : when they \npart, fometimes the Woman carries away all the Clothes and \nSkins; but at other [79] times again fhe carries nothing \naway but the piece of Stuff that ferves her for a little Petti- \ncoat, and her Blanket. Commonly the Children follow their \nMothers, who continue to nurfe and bring them up, becaufe \nthe Eftate of every Tribe or Family lies in common : there \nare fome that ftay with their Fathers ; but almoft all the Sav- \nages that are divorced leave their Children to their Wives, \nfaying, they don\'t believe they are theirs ; wherein they fre- \nquently tell truth, for there are very few Women among them \nthat withftand the temptation of a woollen Blanket, or any \nother trivial Prefent. \n\nWhen their Children are begotten by an European, one \nmay perceive it by their Face or Eyes ; the Children of the \nSavages are perfedlly black, and not pale or fwarthy like the \nEuropeans ; they fee farther into the Woods likewife, and \nwith more quicknefs than ours : Their Eyes are more piercing \nthan the Europeans. \n\nIf the Savage Women were capable of contra6ling Mar- \nriage, and keep ftedfaft in it, we might marry as many of \nthem as we would to the Europeans ; but they have no incli- \nnation to Conftancy, they can\'t keep their Conjugal Vows \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 481 \n\ninviolated, and are very ready to leave their Husbands: this \nwe know by Experience, and their common difcourfe upon \nthis Subjed confirms us in it. When a Barbarian who has no \nWife paffes through a Village, he hires a Woman for a Night \nor two, whilft he tarries from home, or is hunting Bevers, or \nfor fome Weeks, according to his fancy; the Parents never \nhinder it : on the contrary, they make the firft advances, and \nare over-joy\'d that their Daughters gain fome Clothes or \nSkins. \n\nThere are all forts of Humours reigning among the Sav- \nages, as among the Europeans : fome love their Wives very \ntenderly, others flight \'em ; fome beat and ufe them very \nhardly, but that does not laft [80] long, becaufe they turn \nthem off; nay, there are fome of them that are jealous, as I faw \none who beat his Wife becaufe fhe danc\'d with other Men. \nThofe that are good Hunters have the choice of the finefl: \nWomen, the reft have none but the homelieft, and the Refufe. \nWhen they grow old, they rarely part with their Wives ; and \nif they do, \'tis for weighty Reafons. Some of them live \ntwelve or fifteen Years with their Wives, who are ready to \ngo diftradled if their Husband is a good Hunter, and leaves \nthem : fometimes they are fo grieved at it, that they poifon \nthemfelves ; I have known fome attempt it, and have faved \ntheir Lives by giving them Treacle. \n\nWhen thefe Barbarians go to hunt the Bever in the \n\nSpring-time, they frequently leave their Wives in the Village \n\nto fow Indian Corn and Gourds, and then they hire another \n\nto go along with them: When they are about to return, they \n11-9 \n\n\n\n482 A Voyage into North America. \n\ngive them a Bever or two, and fend \'em back to their Cabin; \nthen they go home to their Wives as tho they had done \nnothing blameable : but if the laft pleafes them beft, they \ntake her, and turn away the firft without more ado : and thefe \nSavages wonder the Europeans don\'t take the fame courfe. \n\nOne day whilft I liv\'d at Fort Frontenac amongft the \nIroquois^ the Husband of one of our Women of Canada was \ngone twenty or thirty Leagues from thence ; the Women \nSavages came to her, and told her fhe had no fenfe, take \nanother Man till your Husband returns. This great Incon- \nftancy, and continual change of Women, are two things very \noppofite to the Maxims of the Gofpel, which we endeavour \nto inftil into the Savages : \'Tis one of the moft confiderable \nObftacles to the Faith ; but among the Southern Nations, \nand thofe of Mefchafipi, Polygamy is in fafhion. In all the \nCountries of the Louifiana there are Savages to be met with \nthat have often ten or [81] twelve Wives; they frequently \nmarry three Sifters, and give this reafon for fo doing, that \nthey agree better together than with Strangers. \n\nWhen a Man has given Prefents to the Father and \nMother of the Maid that he would efpoufe, fhe becomes his \nown for Life if he pleafe. Sometimes the Parents take their \nSon-in-law\'s Children, and then they give \'em back the Pref- \nents they made \'em, but this happens very feldom. If any \nWoman defile her Marriage-bed, the Husband cuts ofT her \nNofe, or an Ear, or gives her a flafh in the Face with a ftone \nKnife ; if he kill her, he is clear\'d for a Prefent which he \ngives to her Parents to wipe away their Tears, \'tis the very \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 483 \n\nExpreflion they ufe : I have feen feveral markt in the Face. \n\nThe Men of the hot Country are more jealous of their \nWives than thofe of the North ; the firft are fo jealous in \nthis matter, that they wound themfelves, and fometimes kill \nthemfelves in a blind pafTion of Love, which prompts them \nto this Fury. \n\nOne thing is very remarkable, and that is, young Warlike \nSavages feldom have to do with Women till thirty Years of \nAge, becaufe, fay they, their Commerce with Women ex- \nhaufts their Strength, weakens their Knees, and renders them \nheavy in the Courfe ; thofe that marry before that Age, are \nlook\'d upon as Men unlit for War or Hunting, and are \ndefpifed as EflFeminate Perfons. \n\nThe Southern Men commonly go naked, but their \nWomen are partly covered with a Skin finely dreft, efpecially \nin their Dances and Ceremonies: The Maids oil their Hair, \ncurl it, and tie it in Locks : The Women wear their Hair \nlike the Bohemians, they greaze it too, and paint their Faces \nwith all forts of Colours, and fo do the Men. \n\n\n\n4^4 A Voyage into North America. \n\n\n\n[82] CHAP. XVIII. \n\nOf the Remedies which the Savages adminifter to the Sick; they \nhave Mountebanks among them. Their opinion of Infant- \nBaptifm when the Author liv\'d there. \n\nWHEN the Savages are tired and weary, they go into a \nStove ^ to recruit the ftrength of their Limbs; and if \nthey have a pain in their Thighs or Legs, they take a Knife \nor a Stone that will cut, which they can get, and make a \nfort of Scarification upon the Part that is grieved ; while the \nBlood runs, they fcrape it off with their Knives or Stones \ntill it has done running, and then they rub the Wounds with \nBear\'s Oil, or Deer\'s Greafe ; this is a foveraign Remedy, \nand they ufe the fame when they have a Pain in the Head \nor Arms. \n\nTo cure Tertian or Quartan Agues, they compofe a \nMedicine with a certain Bark which they boil, and give it to \nthe fick Perfon to fwallow after his Fit. They have fome \nknowledg in Herbs and Roots, with which they cure feveral \nDiftempers : They have infallible Remedies againft the Poifon \n\n\n\n^ That is, a sweat-box ; within a little tent or hut were placed stones heated red-hot, \non which water was poured, the hut being thereby filled with steam. This process \nwas regarded as a valuable therapeutic agency, and was also employed in supersti- \ntious rites. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 485 \n\nof Toads, Rattlefnakes, and other dangerous Animals; but \nnone againft the Small-Pox, as we have. \n\nThere are Mountebanks or Quacks among them, whom \nwe have already (poke of under the name of Jugglers : Thefe \nare fome old Savages who live at other Peoples Coft, by \ncounterfeiting themfelves Phyficians, after a very fuperftitious \nmanner. They make no ufe of Medicines but when they \nare call\'d to a fick Perfon ; they make themfelves be fued to, \nas tho they were to do fome thing very extraordinary [83] \nand difficult : at laft, after much intreaty, the Juggler comes, \nhe approaches the fick Perfon, feels his Body all over; and \nafter he has well handled and confider\'d it, he tells \'em, \nthere\'s a Charm or Spell in fuch a part, in the Head, Leg, \nor Stomach, or where he thinks fit; he adds, that he muft \nremove this fame Charm, and that it can\'t be done but with \na great deal of difficulty, and \'tis neceffary to do a great \nmany things before he can fucceed in it. \n\nThis Charm is very malign, fays he, but it muft be fetch\'d \nout coft what it will: The fick Perfon\'s Friends, who blindly \nbelieve all the Quack tells \'em, make anfwer, Tchagon, Tchagon^ \nCourage, Courage, Do what you can, fpare nothing that you \nknow will do him good : Then the Juggler fets himfelf down \nvery gravely, and confiders fome time what Remedies to make \nufe of; by and by he rifes up, as out of a profound Sleep, \nand cries. It fhall be done. You fuch a one, the Life of your \nWife, or your Child is very dear to you, then fpare nothing \nthat may fave it; you muft make a Feaft to day, you muft \ngive one thing or other, you muft do this or that : at the \n\n\n\n486 A Voyage into North America. \n\nfame time they never fail to execute the Juggler\'s Orders. \nThe other Savages go all together into a Stove, and fing \nas loud as they can haul, and make a ratling with Tortoife \nShells, or Pumkins made hollow, and Indian Corn put into \n\'em ; and to this Noife the Men and Women dance : nay, \nfometimes they get drunk with Brandy bought of the \nEuropeans, and then they make a horrible din and clutter. \n\nWhile they are all taken up in this manner, the old Juggler \nkeeps clofe to the fick Perfon, whom he torments by hold- \ning his or her Feet and Legs, and gripes them hard in the \npart where the pretended Charm lies ; he makes \'em fuffer \nincredible Pain, enough to kill \'em, and often makes the \nBlood ftart out at the end of their Fingers or Toes ; at \nlength [84] after he has done all this, he (hews a piece of \nSkin, a lock of Woman\'s Hair, or fome fuch thing, and tells \n\'em \'tis the Charm which he has drawn out of the fick \nPerfon\'s Body, when at the bottom \'tis all a piece of \nRoguery. \n\nOnce I baptiz\'d a little Child which feem\'d to me to be \nat the point of Death, and next day it recovered contrary \nto my expectation ; a while after the Mother told feveral \nWomen in my prefence, that I had cur\'d her Child : She \ntook me for a Juggler, faying, I was an admirable Fellow, \nthat I knew how to cure all forts of Difeafes with fprinkling \nWater upon the Head and Face. \n\nThe Jugglers fpited at the Woman\'s Charader of me, \nbegan to tell \'em that I was of an aufteer melancholy Hu- \nmour, that I fed upon Serpents and Poifon, that fuch Folks \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 487 \n\nas I eat Thunderbolts. The Savages were aftonifh\'d at the \nftrange Stories thefe Rafcals made upon me on the occafion \nof baptizing the Child ; nay, thefe impoftors added, that we \nhad all Tails like Beafts, that the European Women have but \none Pap in the middle of the Breaft, and bear five or fix \nChildren at a time, and a great deal more of fuch ftuff to \nmake us odious ; and this they did becaufe they thought \nthat what I did would leffen their Credit, and thereby they \nfhould be depriv\'d of many a good Treat. \n\nThefe poor honeft People, who are eafily put upon, began \nto fufpedl me : when one of them fell fick, they came and \nask\'d me whether I had poifon\'d him or no? and threaten\'d \nto kill me if I did not cure him. I had much ado to unde- \nceive them, and I was forc\'d more than once to appeafe \nthem, by giving them Knives, Needles, Awls, and other fuch \nlike Trifles of little value with us, but much priz\'d by the \nSavages. After which I gave a Dofe of Treacle to the fick \nMan, and fo I quieted them. The Savages often [85] have \nrecourfe to our Medicines, becaufe they find them good ; if \nthey don\'t operate fuccefsfully, they lay the fault upon the \nRemedy, and never upon the ill Difpofition of the fick Perfon. \n\n\n\n488 A Voyage into North America. \n\n\n\nCHAP. XIX. \n\nOf the Conftttution or Temper of the Savages. \n\nGENERALLY fpeaking, the Savages are very robuft ; the \nMen, Women and Children are of an extraordinary \nvigorous Conftitution, therefore they are very rarely troubled \nwith Diftempers. They don\'t know what it is to cocker and \nmake much of themfelves ; thence it comes that they are not \nfubjed to any of thofe Indifpofitions that our Luxury brings \nupon us. They are not afflided with Gout, Dropfy, or \nGravel, nor are they feverifh ; they are hardly ever incom- \nmoded with thofe Difeafes which the Europeans fall into \nfor want of Exercife ; they are feldom troubled with lofs of \nAppetite ; they are ufually addidled to gormandizing, info- \nmuch that they rife in the Night to eat ; if by good luck \nthey have Meat or Sagamite by them, they fall to it like Dogs \nwithout getting up. \n\nAnd yet they can undergo fuch long Abftinences as would \ndoubtlefs be intolerable to the Europeans ; fometimes they \nfaft two or three days together, when there\'s a necefTity for \nit, and this without difcontinuing their bufinefs, whether it \nbe War, Hunting, or Fifhing. The Children of the Savages \nthat dwell towards the North, are fo harden\'d againft Cold, \nthat in the depth of "Winter they run ftark naked through the \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 489 \n\nSnow, and tumble about In it, as Hogs wallow in the Dirt in \nSummer-time. When the Air [86] is fill\'d with Maringouins, \n[i. e., mosquitoes] they don\'t feel their ftinging. \n\n\'Tis true, the fharp Air they expofe themfelves to as foon \nas they can run about, contributes in fome fort to harden \ntheir Skin for any Fatigue ; but yet it muft be confeft that \nthis great Infenfibility is owing to a ftrong robuft Temper of \nBody : for the our Hands and Face are always expos\'d to \nthe Weather, yet they are never the lefs fenfible of Cold. \nWhen the Men are a hunting, efpecially in the Spring-time, \nthey are almoft continually in the Water, notwithftanding it \nbe very cold ; and yet they come out of it frefh and gay, and \nreturn to their Cabins without complaining. \n\nWhen they go to War, they fometimes poft themfelves \nbehind a Tree three or four days together, eating a very in- \nconfiderable quantity of Vidluals all that while ; and thus they \nlie hid in ambufh, waiting to make a favourable Blow. They \nare indefatigable Hunters, they run very fwift, and hold it a \nlong time. \n\nThe Nations of Louijiana, and of the River Mefchafipi^ run \nmuch fafter than the Iroquois; there are no wild Bulls or \nCows which they can\'t overtake. The Savages of the South, \ntho inhabiting a warmer Country, and more pleafant than \nthe North, are no lefs robuft, nor lefs accuftomed to Fatigue \nthan the Savages of the North, who fleep upon the Snow \nwrapt in a little Blanket, without Fire or Cabin. \n\nThe Conftitution of the Women is no lefs vigorous than \nthat of the Men Savages, nay they are rather more robuft ; \n\n\n\n490 A Voyage into North America. \n\nthe Women ferve for Porters, and are fo ftrong, that few \nMen in Europe can match them ; they\'l carry Packs that two \nor three can hardly lift up : I obferv\'d in my firft Volume, \nthat they ufually carry two or three hundred Weight, and \nfet their Children a top of their Burden, who are not [87] \nreckon\'d into the Weight : \'tis true they walk flowly, but \nthey never fail to meet at the rendezvous of the Nation. \nThe warlike Savages undertake Voyages of three or four \nhundred Leagues, as if \'twere no more than a kind of Walk, \nas from Amfierdam to Breda : They don\'t carry their Provifion \nalong with them ; they live by Hunting, which they follow \ndaily; they take nothing but a Knife with them to make \nBows and Arrows with ; and in that Equipage they will go a \nthoufand Leagues, if they are minded. \n\nThe Women Savages are brought to bed without any \ngreat Pain ; fome of them go out of their Cabins, and retire \nafide by themfelves into the next Wood ; they come back \nagen prefently with the new born Infant wrapt up in their \nBlanket or dreffed Skin : Others, if they fall in labour in the \nNight time, deliver themfelves of their Children upon their \nMats, without crying out, or making a noife ; the next \nmorning they rife, and go about their ordinary Bufmefs \nwithin doors or without, as tho nothing had happened. \n\'Tis further remarkable, that whilft they are big with Child, \nthey ftir about, carry heavy Burdens, fow Indian Corn, and \nGourds ; and what is more ftrange than all this, their Chil- \ndren are very well fhap\'d, there are few of them crooked or \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 491 \n\ndeformed, they have no natural Faults in their Bodies ; which \nmakes me think, that their Mind might eafily be fafhioned \nas comely as their outward Form, if it were cultivated, and \nif we converfed more with them to polifh their wild barbarous \nHumour. \n\n\n\n492 A Voyage into North America. \n\n\n\n[88] CHAP. XX. \n\nA Defcription of the Savages that go clothed^ and thofe that do not. \n\nTHE Savages of North America on the North fide, accord- \ning to the report of their antient Men, have always \ngone cover\'d, even before they had any Commerce with the \nEuropeans : The Men and Women cloth\'d themfelves with \ndrefs\'d Skins ; they are now cloth\'d after the fame manner, \nbut thofe that have any Commerce with the Europeans have \ncommonly a Shirt, a great Coat, fuch as the Mariners watch \nin at Sea, with a Cowl to it, and a Piece of Cloth made faft \nbefore and behind, with a Girdle which comes down to their \nKnees ; befides they have Stockings without Feet, and Shoes \nmade of drefs\'d Skins. \n\nWhen they return from Hunting in Spring time, they \ntruck their Skins for Coats, Shoes, and Stockings : fome \nwear Hats out of complaifance to the Europeans : Some of \nthem have Blankets in which they wrap themfelves, holding \ntwo Corners of it in their Hands, when they are in their \nCabins, they often go quite naked, having nothing but a \nPiece of Cloth, which they gird about them in Winter ; \'tis \nfaften\'d about their Loins, and hangs down between their \nThighs as low as their Knees. When thefe Barbarians go to \nWar, or to a Feaft, they dawb their Faces all over with red \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 493 \n\nor black, that their Enemies may not perceive they turn pale \nwith Fear; they likewife colour their Hair red, and cut it in \nfeveral fafhions, efpecially the Northern Savages : Thofe of \nthe South cut all their Hair off, or rather they finge it off \nwith Stones made red hot in the Fire, till it be fo fhort, that \nit does not cover their Ears: [89] Often-times the People of \nthe North let their Hair hang down in Curls on one fide, \nand cut the other fide clofe, according to their Fancy. There \nare fome that rub their Hair with Oil, and afterwards clap \nfome Down, or little Feathers upon their Heads : fometimes \nthey faften near their Ears great Plumes of Feathers ; fome \nmake themfelves Wreaths of Flowers, others make \'em of \nBirchen Bark, and fome of drefs\'d Skins, that are work\'d \nvery prettily; then they look like fome of Cefar\\ Soldiers, \nwho were painted of divers colours : They make themfelves \ntaken notice of for their Fantafticalnefs. \n\nThe Northern Women are clothed like the Men, except \nthat they wear a piece of Stuff made like a Petticoat, which \nreaches down almoft to their Knees : When they go to Feafts, \nthey drefs themfelves in all their beft Attire, bedawb their \nTemples, their Cheeks, and the Tip of their Chin with three \nforts of Colours. The Boys go ftark naked, till they are \ncapable of Marriage ; and even when they are clothed, thofe \nParts, which Nature forbids Men to difcover, are always left \nuncover\'d, at leaft if they have no Shirts. The Girls begin to \nput on Clothes at five or fix years old ; and then they wear \na piece of Stuff, that goes round \'em, reaching from their \nLoins down to their Knees. When we went into their Cabins \n\n\n\n494 A Voyage into North America. \n\nto inftru6l them, we obliged them to cover themfelves : this \nproduced a good effed ; now they begin to be afham\'d of \ntheir Nakednefs, and cover themfelves a little better than \nthey did formerly. \n\n\'Tis otherwife with the Women and Girls of the Louifiana \nand Mefchaftpi^ which lie Southweft of Canada above a thou- \nfand Leagues from Quebec; there we fee the Girls in puris \nnaturalibus, juft as they came out of their Mothers Belly, till \nthey arrive at a fit Age to marry ; mean time they are not at \nall afham\'d, becaufe us\'d to it. \n\n[90] The Men and Women, and efpecially the Girls, wear \nabout their Necks Sea-fhells of all Figures ; they have like- \nwife fome Shells of about a Finger\'s length, made like little \nPipes, which they wear at their Ears for Pendants ; they have \nGirdles likewife, fome made of Porcelain, others of Porcu- \npines Hair, fome of Bears Hair, and others of both mixt \ntogether. \n\nThe more confiderable Savages carry at their Backs with \nmuch Gravity, a little Bag, wherein is their Calumet or Pipe, \ntheir Tobacco, their Steel to ftrike fire, and other Trifles. \nThey have Skill enough to make a little Cloke or fort of \nRobe with drefs\'d Skins of Bears, Bevers, Otters, black \nSquirrels, Wolves, Lions, and other Animals : they put \'em \non when they go to their Affemblies, where they lit as gravely \nwhen they are at Council, as the Senators of Venice. But the \nSavages of our lafl difcovery betwixt the frozen Sea and new \nMexico, appear always naked upon all occafions ; from whence \nI took occalion to tell Father Gabriel one day, whilft we were \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 495 \n\namong the Illinois, that probably thefe Savages did not fin in \nAdam; becaufe he cover\'d himfelf with Leaves, and then had \na Habit of Skins given him after he had finned : Thefe \nSavages have really no manner of Shame to fee themfelves \nnaked ; nay they feem to glory in it. When they talk with \none another, they often make ufe of thofe Terms, Tchetanga, \nwhich are obfcene, and would make me write \'em down, when \nI was about compofing a Didlionary, and they nam\'d the Parts \nof the Body to me. Whatever I might fay to Father Gabriel \nde la Ribourd, I am neverthelefs perfwaded by the Scripture, \nthat all Mankind are defcended from Adam; and therefore \nthe Savages as well as others, are Sinners, and corrupted by \ntheir Birth, and that they will perifh in their Sins if they \ndon\'t receive the Gofpel ; for there is no other name by \nwhich Men can be faved, but the Name of Chrifl. [91] I \nknow very well that Habits don\'t fave any body ; but in \nfhort, if thefe poor People would obferve the Precepts of the \nLaw of Nature, God would work a Miracle in their favour, \nrather than fuffer \'em to perifh in their Ignorance ; and \ntherefore he would lead \'em into the knowledg of the Truth, \nby means worthy of his Wifdom. But thefe unhappy Bar- \nbarians violate the Precepts of the Law of Nature, and live \nin Stupidity, and in the diforders of a dreadful Corruption, \nwhich makes them fit Subjects of God\'s Wrath. Mean time, \nChrifliians, who are guided by the faving Rays of Truth, \nought to labour with all their power to bring thefe People \nout of Darknefs, into the Light of the Gofpel, and the \nHopes of Salvation ; fo may they help to extend the King- \n\n\n\n49^ A Voyage into North America. \n\ndom of Jefus Chrift, and draw thefe poor People out of \nCondemnation. To this end they fhould eftablifh ftrong \nColonies, who by trafficking and converfing with the Barba- \nrians, will difpofe them to imitate them ; engaging them, by \nworks of Charity, their Inftrudions, and good Examples, \nand even by the temporal Advantages to be drawn from the \nConverfation of the Europeans, to embrace Chriftianity, and \ngrow more tradlable and gentle than they are yet. \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 497 \n\n\n\nCHAP. XXI. \n\nOf the Games and Sports of the Savages. \n\nTHE Savages of North America^ have Games for Men, and \nfome for Children. The Men commonly play with the \nStones of certain Fruits that are red on one fide, and black \non t\'other; they put \'em into a pretty large Wooden-platter, \nnot very deep, or into a Bafon of Birchen-Bark, upon a \nWoollen-Blanket, on a dreffed [92] Skin, upon a Robe of \nBever, or upon a large Coat ; they play fix or feven together, \nbut there are but two of them that take hold of the Platter \nwith their two Hands, one after another; they lift it up, and \nftrike the bottom of the Platter againft the Ground, to huftle \nthefe fix Nuts together : If there come up five red or five \nblack all of a fide, that\'s one Game won ; for they make \nthree or four Games up, more or lefs, according as they \nagree upon it. All the Gamefters play one after another. \nSome of the Savages are fo addided to this Game, that they \nplay away all they have to their great Coat, and their furr\'d \nGown. When they are at play, they bawl as loud as they \ncan fhout, as earneftly as if the decifion of an Empire were \nin agitation : and all this Noife is made as if the Chance \nwere to be forc\'d to fall on their fide. When they fhake the \n\nII-IO \n\n\n\n49^ A Voyage into North America. \n\nPlatter, they lay themfelves over the Shoulders at fuch a rate, \nthat they make themfelves black and blue with the Blows. \nThefe Barbarians play often with Straws or Broom-fprigs, \nhalf a foot long, or thereabouts ; one of them takes them all \nin his hand, and then without looking upon \'em, divides \'em \ninto two parts, and gives one to his Adverfary : he that has \nthe even, or the odd Number, according to their Agreement, \nwins the Game.^ The Children Savages likewife often play \nat this Game, but they don\'t follow it fo eagerly as the Men, \nbecaufe they have nothing to ftake. The Women or Girls \ndare not meddle with this Game, I don\'t know for what \nreafon. \n\nThe Savages have another Game which is common among \nthe European Children. They take fome Grains of Indian \nCorn, or fome fuch thing ; then they put fome into their \nHand, and ask how many is there : he that gueffes right, has \nthe Game. \n\nThey have another Game that they are mightily pleas\'d \nwith, and which in the Iroquoife Tongue they call Ounon \nhayenti ; but \'tis rather a fort of Traffick [93] and Barter \nthan a Game : they go into two Cabins, fix into one and fix \ninto t\'other, then comes one with fome Skins, Clothes, or \nwhat elfe they have a mind to truck ; he goes to the Door \nof one Cabin, makes a certain Cry; and they within anfwer \nhim : then he tells \'em, finging aloud, that he will fell or \n\n\n\n^ For full accounts of these and other games played by Indians, see Jes. Relations, \nindex, art. Indians: social and economic life \xe2\x80\x94 games and recreations. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 499 \n\ntruck what he holds in his hands, repeating, Otmon hayenti: \nThofe within the Cabin make anfwer with a hollow Voice, \nHon, Hon, Hon, Hon, Hon, five times. The Crier or Seller \nhaving ended his Song, throws the Goods into the Cabin, \nand returns home. \n\nThen the fix in t\'other Cabin, after they have conferr\'d \nabout the Price of the things that this Perfon threw into the \nCabin, depute one of their Number to ask the Seller if he is \nwilling to take in exchange, a great Coat, a Shirt, a pair of \nShoes, or fuch like Commodity ; and then a id Perfon carries \nthe Equivalent to the other Cabin, or elfe they deliver back \ntheir Goods again that they threw in, if they can\'t agree \nabout it, or if it is not worth as much as what they offer in \nexchange. \n\nThefe Ceremonies are accompany\'d with Songs on all \nfides : fometimes whole Villages of Savages vifit one another \nalternately, more for the diverfion of this Game of Ounon \nhayenti, than to fee one another. This word fignifies a Bar- \ngain, where one gives to receive again. The Iroquoife Tongue \nhas compound words in it ; one of their Terms imports \nfometimes five or fix French words, as the word Gannoron is \nas much as to fay. This is an Affair of great Confequence. \n\nTheir Children have another Game. They take a Bow \nand two Sticks, one big, one little : they hold the little one \nin their right hand, and ftrike it up as high as they can with \nthe other ; another looks where it falls, and throws it up \nagain to him that ftruck it. This Play has likewife fomething \n\n\n\n500 A Voyage into North America. \n\nin it [94] like fome among the European Children. They \nlikewife make a Ball of Rufhes or Leaves of Indian Corn ; \nthey tofs it up, and catch it upon the point of a ftick. The \ngreat People, Men and Women, pafs away the Winter-Nights \na telling Stories over the Fire, like the Europeans. \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 501 \n\n\n\nCHAP. XXII. \n\nThe manner of making TVar among the Savages ; they are very \nmuch given to Revenge. \n\nTHE Savages of America have almoft all of them a ftrong \nPropenfion to War, becaufe they are very Revengeful: \nwhen once they have taken a difguft to any one that is not \nof their own Nation, they muft be reveng\'d fooner or later, \ntho they wait an Opportunity to the third or fourth Genera- \ntion. They are reftlefs day and night till they have taken \nSatisfadlion for an Affront, by deftroying, if they can, moft \nof that Nation they are enrag\'d at : And then they make the \nreft dwell amongft them, and take up their way of living in \nevery thing. The Iroquois^ whom the Sweeds, then the Dutch, \nthe Englifh, and French, have furnifhed with Fire-Arms, are \nreckon\'d at prefent the moft Warlike of all the Savages yet \nknown : They have flain the beft Warriours among the Htirons, \nand forc\'d the reft of that Nation to join with them, to make \nWar together againft all their Enemies fituated 5 or 600 \nLeagues diftant from their five Cantons. They have deftroy\'d \nabove two Millions of Men, and are now adlually at War \nwith the Inhabitants of Canada. \n\nIf France do not fend Succours of Ammunition and Pro- \nvifion to the Canadans, the Iroquois may be able [95] to ruin \n\n\n\n502 A Voyage into North America. \n\nthem by the means I have mention\'d in my former Volume. \n\nThefe Barbarians can fpoil their Neighbours, as we have \nfeen by experience : we can gain nothing from them, becaufe \nall we can plunder them of is worth little or nothing ; this \nfierce Nation I fay may eafily ruin the Commerce of their \nNeighbours, who chiefly fubfifl: by trafficking for Skins with \nthe Savages. The European Colonies are not yet fufficiently \nefliablifhed, and cannot fubfifl: without Commerce, unlefs every \nthing neceffary for Life be brought them by Ship ; befides \nthe Iroquois are mifchievous and crafty, yet like wild Horfes \nwho don\'t know their own fl:rength. They are certainly able \nto ruin their Neighbours, for fome Reafons which \'tis not \nprudent to make publick. They had utterly ruin\'d Canada \nlong ago, if the Count de Frontenac had not won them by \ngentle Methods. They are the moft formidable Enemies \nthat the Europeans have in all America. I do but hint it \nhere, but am affur\'d of it, from what I know of thofe People ; \nI dwelt four whole years among them ; I have been fent in \nAmbaffy to them, and they have carried themfelves very \nfriendly towards me. \n\nThis People have over-run many difl^erent Nations, and \nthofe who remain\'d, after the defeat of the reft, have been \nalways forc\'d to fubmit to them. The Iroquois have con- \nfiderable Men among them who are their Leaders, and \nGovernours in their Voyages. They have thofe under their \ncommand that will follow them any where, and do all they \nare order\'d : before they fet out, they provide themfelves \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 503 \n\nwith good Firelocks, which they get in exchange from the \nEuropeans for Skins, and Furs ; they take Powder, Ball, \nKettles, Hatchets, and other neceffary Implements in War \nalong with \'em. Sometimes they have young Women and \nLads, that go along with [96] them, and in this Equipage \nthey march three or four hundred Leagues. \n\nWhen they come near the place where they defign to \nmake War, they march flowly, and with much Precaution ; \nthen they never kill Deer with their Fire-arms, for fear of \nbeing difcover\'d. They only ufe their Arrows upon that \noccafion, which make no noife in flying. When they would \nfnoot, they look carefully round them, for fear of a Surprize. \nThey fend out Spies, to difcover the entrance into the Vil- \nlages, and fee where beft to begin their Attack : and if they \nfee any one come out of the Village, they furprize and take \nhim if they can, which often fucceeds, for they do all their \nbufinefs treacheroufly. \n\nThere are no Warriours like them in all America for \nAmbufcades : They lay wait for Men hid behind a Tree, as \ntho their Defign was upon fome Beaft. They count him a \ngood Warriour that is cunning at furprizing his Enemies. \nIf they can efcape handfomly, after they have given their \nblow, from their Enemies, they are reckon\'d incomparable \nFellows. \'Tis not to be conceived how quick they skip \nround a Tree with their Firelock in their hands, to defend \nthemfelves from the Arrows that are fhot againft them. \nThey are very nimble at leaping over the Trees that are \n\n\n\n504 A Voyage into North America. \n\nfallen down in the Woods as they run along : There are \nabundance of thefe Trees of a prodigious bignefs, which fall \nwith Age for want of Roots. \n\nTheir Patience is admirable. When they find they are \ncleverly hid, they\'ll tarry behind the Trees two or three days \nwithout eating, waiting a favourable opportunity to kill an \nEnemy : Sometimes they will fhew themfelves fairly, but \nthat\'s very rare ; and if they were not almoft certain of their \nBlow, they would hardly expofe themfelves, at leaft if they \nwere not back\'d by a great number of their own Men. \nThefe Barbarians don\'t fight after the European [97] manner, \nbecaufe they are not difciplin\'d to it, and can\'t keep their \nRanks fo well in open Field : So that they can\'t ftand a Skir- \nmifh fo well as our well-commanded Souldiers : Neverthelefs \nwhen they are once heated and animated, they are incom- \nparable. \n\nThey are fo malicious, that they fet fire to the Corn of \ntheir Europeans when they are dead : They burn their Houfes, \nwhich they fet fire to with lighted Cotton, faftned to the \nPoint of their Arrows ; for then the Fire takes hold of the \nBoards, or of the Straw that their Houfes are thatch\'d with ; \nfor the Savages let fly their Arrows with extraordinary Force, \nfo the Houfes are foon in flames. \n\nThere was an Iroquois Captain nam\'d Attriouati Onnontage^ \nwhom I know very well, that treated me very civilly in my \nVoyage from Fort Frontenac to New Tork ; we call\'d him La \ngrande Gueule, becaufe his Mouth was very broad. This \nMan having mifs\'d his aim once, ran into Montreal in Canada, \n\n\n\n\nJne CTf^icclty cnf J^he Ja2raa^ Jr-c^zict^ \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. ^ot^ \n\ncrying, Hai^ Hai, which is a token of Peace: He was very \nkindly receiv\'d, and made much of ; nay, they gave him con- \nfiderable Prefents, becaufe they had a mind to have a good \nUnderftanding with that infolent Nation. When he withdrew \nfrom that place, the perfidious Villain kill\'d two Men that \nwere thatching a Houfe. \n\nSome of them told us, that they had been at War as far \nas the Spanifh Territories in New Mexico ; for they faid they \nhad been in a Country where the Inhabitants gather\'d red \nEarth, and carry\'d it to fell to a Nation who gave them \nHatchets and Kettles for it ; and this they faid was call\'d the \nCountry of Gold : but \'tis likely this Story was devifed by the \nSavages to pleafe Mr. de la Salle when he was at Fort Fron- \ntenac, for he greedily heard any one talk of the Golden Mines \nof St. Barbe. I have been among all the Nations of the \nRiver Mejchafipi^ none of whom except the Illinois ever men- \ntion\'d the Iroquois otherwife than [98] as certain People, \nNeighbours of the Illinois, from whom they learnt that the \nIroquois are a very cruel People, tho not flout, but only \nbecaufe they have Fire-arms, which they bought of the Euro- \npeans : That without them they never durft attack the Illinois, \nwho are valianter, and more dexterous at Bows and Arrows \nthan the Iroquois. \n\nThofe Iroquois that don\'t go out to fight, are contemn\'d, \nand pafs for Cowards and effeminate Men. Becaufe they \nhave Firelocks, they invade all other Nations between both \nSeas, that is, from North to South : and no Nation in America \ncan fland before the Iroquois on account of their Firelocks. \n\n\n\n5o6 A Voyage into North America. \n\nThis renders them haughty and infufferable. They call \nthemfelves Men by way of Excellence, as tho other Nations \nwere no more than Brutes in comparifon with them.^ I \nunderftand very well how to bring the Iroquois to a better \npafs : but a Man of my Charadler ought not to talk of thefe \nMatters but with a great deal of Caution, becaufe the Reme- \ndies which I would propofe, might perhaps be worfe than the \nMifchief that might be apprehended from that Nation; \nneverthelefs I may difqover my Sentiments in due time to \nthofe high Perfons that put me upon writing this Work. \n\n\n\n1 This sort of arrogance was common to many other tribes ; for instance, Illinois is \nbut the Gallicized form of Illini, a variant of irini, " the men." \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 507 \n\n\n\nCHAP. XXIII. \n\nOf the Cruelty of the Savages in general, and particularly of the \nIroquois. \n\nTHERE are no Savages in all the Northern America but \nwhat are very cruel to their Enemies. We are aftonifh\'d \nat the Cruelties which the Neroes, the Dioclejians, and the \nMaximins inflidled upon the Chriftians, and have their Names \nin Deteftation and [99] Horror; but the Inhumanity of the \nIroquois towards the Nations they make Slaves goes beyond \ntheirs. \n\nWhen the Iroquois have kill\'d a Man, they tear off the \nSkin of his Scull, and carry it home with them as a certain \nMark of their Vidlory. When they take a Slave, they tie \nhim, and make him run after them ; if he is unable to follow \nthem, they ftick their Hatchet into his Head, and there leave \nhim, after they have torn off Skin and Hair together. They \ndon\'t fpare fucking infants : If the Slave can march after \nthem, they tie him every Night to a piece of Wood made in \nthe form of a St. Andrew\'s Crofs, and leave him expos\'d to \nbe ftung by the Maringoins, and other Flies, in Summer-time, \nand ufe him as cruelly as may be. \n\nSometimes they fix four Pegs into the Ground, to which \nthey faften their Slaves by the Feet and Hands, and fo \n\n\n\nSo8 A Voyage into North America. \n\nleave them all Night long upon the Ground In the fharpeft \nWeather. I omit a hundred other Sufferings which thefe \nmiferable Wretches undergo in the day-time. When they \nare near their Villages, they fet up loud Cries, whereby their \nNation knows that their Warriours are return\'d with Slaves. \nThen the Men and Women put on their beft Apparel, and \ngo to the entrance of the Village to receive them ; there they \nmake a lane for the Slaves to pafs through them. But \'tis \na lamentable Reception for thefe poor People : The Rabble \nfall upon them like Dogs or Wolves upon their Prey, and \nbegin to torment them, whilft the Warriours march on in \nFile, mightily puff\'d up with their own Exploits. \n\nSome kick the Slaves, fome cudgel them, fome cut them \nwith Knives, fome tear off their Ears, cut off their Nofes or \nLips, infomuch that moft of them die in this pompous Entry. \nThofe that refiil againft thefe rude Treatments, are referv\'d \nfor exemplary Punlfhment. Sometimes they fave fome, but \nvery [iQo] rarely. When the Warriours are entred into their \nCabins, the Antients affemble themfelves to hear the relation \nof what pafs\'d in the War. \n\nIf the Father of a Savage Woman has been kill\'d, they \ngive her a Slave for him, and \'tis free for that Woman either \nto put him to Death, or fave him alive. When they burn \nthem, this is their manner; They bind the Slave to a Poft by \nthe Hands and Feet, then they heat red-hot Mufquet-barrels, \nHatchets, and other Iron Inftruments, and apply them red- \nhot from head to foot, all over their Body ; they tear off their \nNails, and pluck out their Teeth ; they cut Collops of Flefh \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 509 \n\nout of their Backs, and often flea [flay] their Skin off from \ntheir Scull : After all this they throw hot Afhes upon their \nWounds, cut out their Tongues, and treat them as cruelly as \nthey can devife. If they don\'t die under all thefe Torments, \nthey make them run and follow them, laying them on with \nSticks. \'Tis reported, that once a Slave ran fo well, that he \nfav\'d himfelf in the Woods, and could not be catch\'d again. \n\'Tis probable he died there for want of Succour. But what \nis more furprizing is, that the Slaves fing in the midft of their \nTorments, which frets their Executioners exceedingly. \n\nAn Iroquois told us that there was one Slave whom they \ntormented cruelly ; but he told them. You have no Ingenuity, \nyou don\'t know how to torment your Prifoners, you are mere \nBlockheads ; if I had you in my Circumfbances, I\'d ufe you \nafter another manner: but whilfb he ran on fo boldly, a Sav- \nage Woman gets a little Iron Spit heated red-hot, and runs it \ninto his Yard : this made him roar ; but he told the Woman, \nYou are cunning, you underfl:and fomething, this is the \nCourfe you fhould take with us. \n\nWhen the Slave which they burn is dead, they eat him; \nand before his Death they make their Children [loi] drink \nfome of his Blood, to render them cruel and inhumane. \nThofe that they give their Lives to, live with them, and ferve \nthem like Slaves : But in length of time they recover their \nLiberty, and are look\'d upon as if they were of their own \nNation.^ \n\n\n\n^ Regarding the treatment of Indian captives, see Jes. Relations, index, art. In- \ndians : social and economic life \xe2\x80\x94 captives. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\n5IO A Voyage into North America. \n\nThe Savages of the Louifiana that dwell along the River \nMejchafipi^ and are fituated feven or eight hundred Leagues \nbeyond the Iroquois^ as the Iffati and Nadoueffans^ amongft \nwhom I was a Slave, are not lefs brave than the Iroquois; \nthey make all the Nations round them tremble, tho they \nhave nothing but Bows, Arrows, and Maces. They run \nfwifter than the Iroquois, and make excellent Souldiers ; but \nthey are not fo cruel : they don\'t eat the Flefh of their Ene- \nmies ; they are content to burn them only. Once having \ntaken a Huron, who eat humane Flefti as the Iroquois, they cut \noff pieces of Flefh from his own Body, and faid to him, You \nthat love Man\'s Flefh, eat of your own, to let your Nation \nknow, who now live among the Iroquois, that we deteft and \nabominate your Barbarities ; for thefe People are like hungry \nDogs that devour any fort of Meat.^ \n\nThe Iroquois are the only Savages of North America that \neat humane Flefh ; and yet they don\'t do it but in cafes ex- \ntraordinary, when they are refolved to exterminate a whole \nNation. They don\'t eat humane Flefh to fatisfy their Appe- \ntites ; \'tis to fignify to the Iroquoife Nation, that they ought \nto fight without ever fubmitting to their Enemies ; that they \nought rather to eat them than leave any of them alive : They \neat it to animate their Warriours ; for they always march out \nof their five Cantons the day after, to fight with their Ene- \nmies ; for the Rendezvous for next day is always given notice \nof by thefe Feafts of humane Flefh.^ \n\n\n\n^This story is told by Perrot {Memoire, p. 103), of an Ottawa chief. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n^Stijes. Relations, index, art. Cannibalism. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 511 \n\nIf the Europeans would leave furnifhing the Iroquois with \nFire-arms, who are not fo dextrous at the Bow [102] as for- \nmerly they were, the other Nations on the contrary having \nalways been us\'d to it, they would infallibly root out the \nIroquois^ their common Enemies, who dwell four and five \nhundred Leagues off from them. \n\nThe firft Canton of the Iroquois lies Southward ; they call \nit Gagnieguez, or Agniez ; they are Neighbours to New Tork, \nand have three Villages which I have been in ; they make up \nat moft four hundred fighting Men. The Second lies Weft- \nward, and is call\'d Onneiouts, and make up about a hundred \nand fifty fighting Men. The Third, which lies Weftward \nlikewife, contains the Onnontagtiez or Mountaineers, a People \nfituated upon the only Eminence in the five Cantons; they \nborder upon the Onneiouts. Thefe Onnontagtiez have three \nhundred fighting Men, the braveft of the whole Nation. The \nFourth lies about thirty Leagues further Weftward, where \nlive the Oiotiguens, divided into three Villages, who make up \nthree hundred fighting Men. The Fifth contains the Tfon- \nnontouans, towards the further end of the Lake Frontenac or \nOntario : Thefe People are the greateft and moft confider- \nable of all the Iroquois Cantons. They comprehend in three \nVillages three hundred fighting Men. \n\nI took notice in my firft Volume of three or four Iroquois \nVillages on the North-fide of the Lake Ontario or Frontenac; \nbut I don\'t defcribe thefe five Cantons of the Iroquois here, \nI only treat of their Barbarity and Cruelty ; and add, that \nthey have fubdued a very large Country fince within thefe \n\n\n\n512 A Voyage into North America. \n\nfifty Years ; that they have extended their Territories, and \nmultiplied their Nation by the Deftru6tion of other People, \nthe Remainder of whom they have made Slaves, to encreafe \nthe number of their Troops. \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 513 \n\n\n\n[103] CHAP. XXIV. \n\nThe Policy of the Savage Iroquois. \n\nTHE Councils held continually by thefe Barbarians for \nordering all Affairs, ought to be confider\'d as the main \nCaufe of their Prefervation, and the fear all the Nations of \nNorth America are put in by them. They affemble for every \nlittle Bufinefs that is to be done, and confult what Methods \nthey fhould take to gain their ends. They undertake nothing \nhand over head. Their old Men, who are wife and prudent, \nwatch over the Publick. If one complains that fome Perfon \nhas robb\'d him, they carefully inform themfelves who it is \nthat committed the Theft. If they can\'t find him out, or if \nhe is not able to make reftitution, provided they be fatisfied \nof the truth of the Fa6l, they repair the Lofs, by giving fome \nPrefent to the injur\'d Party, to his Content. \n\nWhen they would put any body to death for an enormous \nCrime, which they are perfwaded he is guilty of, they hire a \nMan, whom they make drunk with Brandy, (for thefe People \nare very greedy of it) that the Kinsfolks of the Criminal may \nnot feek to revenge his Death. After this drunken Man has \n\nkill\'d him whom they judg culpable, they give this account of \nii-n \n\n\n\n5 14 A Voyage into North America. \n\nit, that he that flew him was mad and drunk when he ftruck \nthe blow.^ Formerly they had another way of doing Juftice, \nbut \'tis abrogated ; They had a Feail once a Year, which we \nmay call, The Feaft of Fools, for they play\'d the fool in good \nearneft, running about from Cabin to Cabin.^ If during that \nday they fell foul upon any one, or took away any thing, the \ncunning old Men next day excus\'d [104] all, by alledging \nthat he that had done the Mifchief was a Fool, and out of his \nWits. Afterwards they made fome Prefents to wipe off the \nTears of the Kindred of the Perfon who was malicioufly kiil\'d. \nHis Relations take up with that Excufe, without proceeding \nto take Vengeance. Then thefe Antients hir\'d fecretly fome \nPerfon, who aded the Fool, and kiil\'d the Perfon pitch\'d \nupon, whom they had a mind to get rid of. \n\nThe Iroquois have Spies and hir\'d Men amongft them, who \ncome and go perpetually, and tell them all the News they \nlearn. They are crafty enough in Traffick, and are not eafily \ncheated : They dehberate maturely upon every thing, and \nendeavour to underfland the Merchandize before they truck \nfor it. \n\nThe Onnontagez, or Iroquois Highlanders, are more fubtle \nand crafty than the reft : They fteal very cleverly. The Algon- \n\n\n\n1 Drunkenness was regarded by the Indians as a sufficient excuse for a crime com- \nmitted under its influence ; they held that the liquor, and not the man who drank it, \nwas responsible for the deed ; see Jes. Relations^ liii, p. 257. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n2 An allusion to the Huron-Iroquois feast called Ononharoia, or " feast of dreams," \nwherein each person desired others to guess what he had dreamed, and to make him \npresents accordingly. See Jes. Relations, under the above title. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed, \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 515 \n\nkains, t\\\\Q Abenaki, the EJquimoves, and abundance more Sav- \nages that have convers\'d with the Europeans, are as fharp and \npolitick as they. We are not to imagine that thefe People are \nBrutes, and irrational ; no, they underftand their own Inter- \neft thorowly, and order their Affairs very difcreetly. \n\n\n\n5i6 A Voyage into North America. \n\n\n\nCHAP. XXV. \n\nOf the manner of the Savages hunting of all forts of wild Beafls; \nand of the admirable Induflry of the Caftors or Bevers. \n\nTHE Savages obferve the Time, the Seafons, and the \nMoons of the Year very pundlually, for the better order- \ning their Hunting. They call their [105] Moons from the \nName of thofe Beafts which at certain Seafons appear the \nmoft. They call it the Moon of Frogs, when the Frogs make \ntheir greateft Croaking ; the Moon of Bulls, when thofe wild \nBeafts appear; the Moon of Swallows, when thofe Birds comiC, \nand when they go. Thefe Barbarians reckon thus, becaufe \nthey have no other Names to diftinguifh their Months by, as \nthe Europeans have. They ufe the fame Method for the \nNames of Men, caUing them, Serpent, Wolf, wild Cat, &c. \nThey hunt the Elk and the Goat in all feafons, but more \nparticularly when there is Snow. They hunt the wild Cat \nand the Marmofet^ in Winter, the Porcupine, the Caftor, and \nthe Otter, in the Spring, and fometimes in Autumn. They \ntake the Elk in a Gin by the Neck, and the Caftor in Traps. \nThey kill the Bears with Arrows or Shot, upon the Oaks, \n\n\n\n^This word should be " marmot," referring to the animal of that name, which is \nabundant in Canada and the northern United States. The genus is Arctomys; the \ntwo most common species are the hoary marmot, or whistler {A. pruinosus). and the \nwoodchuck {A. monax) . \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\nA Foyage into North America. 517 \n\nwhen they eat the Acorns. As to the wild Cats, they fell \nthe Tree they are upon, and then the wild Dogs^ fall upon \nthem and kill them. The Porcupines are taken almoft in the \nfame manner, with this only difference, that they kill them \nwith a Hatchet or Fork when the Tree is fain ; for the Dogs \ncannot come near them, becaufe of their Quills, which are \nfharper than Awls, and by little and little pierce a Man\'s \nBody in an imperceptible manner ; and thefe Beafts would in- \nfallibly be the death of thofe Dogs that fhould attack them : \nThefe Beafls do not run fwift, a Man may eafily overtake \nthem in running. They take the Otters in Traps, where they \nkill them with Arrows or Shot ; they feldom kill them with \nHatchets, becaufe they are quick of hearing. \n\nThey take the Caftors in Winter under the Ice : they firft \nfeek out for the Ponds where thefe Beafts frequent : The \nCaftors fhew an admirable Skill and Induftry in the building \nof their little Cabins. When they change their abode, they \nfeek out fome [io6] Brook in the Woods, and run upwards \nalong the fide of it till they come to fome flat Country fit to \nmake a Pond in ; then after they have well viewed the place \non every fide, they begin to make a Dam to ftop the Water: \nThey make it as ftrong as the Dam of any Pond in Europe^ \nof Wood, Earth, and Mud ; and fometimes fo big, that it \nwill hold the Water of a Pond a quarter of a League long. \nThey make their Cabins about the middle of the Level of \nthe Water, with Wood, Rufhes and Mud ; and they plaifter \nit all fmoothly together with their Tails, which are longer, \n\n^Probably a mistranslation ; it would better read " the dogs of the savages." \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\n5i8 A Voyage into North America. \n\nand full as broad as a Mafon\'s Trowel. Their Buildings are \nthree or four Stories high, filled almoft full with Mats of \nRufhes; and in this place the Females bring forth their \nyoung ones. \n\nAt the bottom of the Water there are Paffages higher \nand lower. When the Ponds are frozen over, they can only \ngo under the Ice: And for this reafon at the beginning of \nWinter they make a provifion of Afpen Wood, which is their \nordinary Food : They keep it in the Water round about their \nCabins. The Savages pierce the Ice about the Cabin with \nthe handle of a Hatchet, or a Stake ; and when they have \nmade a hole, they found the bottom of the Water to find out \nthe Caflor\'% Track : When they have found it out, they put in \na Net a fathom long, and two Sticks, of which the two ends \nbelow touch the ground, and the two ends above come out \nat the hole which is made in the Ice. They have two Cords \nfixed to the Sticks to draw the Net when the Cajlor is taken. \n\nBut to the end this fubtle Animal may not fee the Net, \nnor the Men, they ftrow upon the Surface of the Ice rotten \nWood, Cotton, and fuch like things. One Savage flays to \nwatch near the Net with a Hatchet, to draw the Caftor upon \nthe Ice when he is taken, while the refl break down the \nCabins with a great deal of labour: They often find more \nthan a [107] foot of Wood and Earth, which they are forced \nto hew with a Hatchet, for it\'s frozen as hard as a Stone. \nWhen that is done, they found the Pond, and wherefoever \nthey find a hole, they break the Ice for fear the Caftors fhould \nhide themfelves under it ; fo driving them from place to \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 519 \n\nplace, at laft they force them into the Net. They labour \nextream hard in this manner from Morning till Night with- \nout eating any thing, and for all that do not take above \nthree or four Caftors. \n\nThe Savages take alfo in the Spring thefe Beads with \nTraps in the following manner. When the Ice begins to \nthaw, they obferve the Cajior^s Paffage, and fet a Trap there ; \nthey bait that with a branch of the Afpin Tree, which reaches \nfrom the Trap into the Water. When the Cajlor finds, he \neats it even in the Trap, and then falls upon two great Logs \nof Wood which kill him. They take the Martens almoft in \nthe fame manner, with this difference only, that they put no \nBait for them. \n\nAll the Southern Nations towards the River Mejchafipi are \nmore fuperftitious in their hunting than the Northern People, \nand particularly the Iroques. Whilft I was among them, their \nold Men, fix days before the hunting of the wild Bulls, fent \nfour or five of their moft expert Hunters upon the Moun- \ntains to dance the Calumet with as many Ceremonies, as \namongft the Nations to which they are wont to fend Em- \nbaflies, to make fome Alliance. At the return of thefe Men, \nthey openly expofed for three days together one of the great \nCaldrons they had taken from us : They had wreathed it \nround about with Feathers of divers Colours, and laid a Gun \nacrofs over it. For three days together the chief Wife of a \nCaptain carried this Caldron upon her Back, with Flowers \nin great Pomp, at the head of above two hundred Hunters : \nThey all followed an old Man who had faftned [io8] one of \n\n\n\n520 A Voyage into North America. \n\nour Indian Handkerchiefs to the end of a Pole like a Banner, \nholding his Bow and Arrows ; he marched with great Gravity \nand Silence. \n\nThis old Man made the Hunters halt three or four times, \nto lament bitterly the Death of thofe Bulls they hop\'d to \nkill. At the laft Stage where they refted, the moft antient of \nthe Company fent two of their nimbleft Hunters to difcover \nwild Bulls. They whifpered foftly to them at their return, \nbefore they began the hunting of thefe Beafts. Afterwards \nthey made a Fire of Bulls Dung dry\'d in the Sun, and with \nthis Fire they lighted their Pipes or Calumets^ to fmoak the \ntwo Hunters which had been fent to make the Difcovery. \nPrefently after this Ceremony was over, a hundred Men went \non one fide behind the Mountain, and a hundred on the \nother, to encompafs the Bulls, which were in great numbers : \nThey killed a great many in Confufion with their Arrows, \nand we Europeans feven or eight with Shot. Thefe Barba- \nrians did wonderfully admire the effedt of our Guns : They \nheard the Report, but did not fee the Bullets, and they \nthought it was the Noife that kill\'d them ; they laid their \nHands on their Mouths, to fhow how much they were afton- \nifh\'d, and cry\'d out, Manfa Oiiacanche^ which fignifies in the \nLanguage of the Ijfati, this Iron does harm to Men and \nBeafts : We do not know how it comes to pafs, but we can- \nnot fufficiently admire how the Noife of this round Inftru- \nment breaks the Bones of the largeft Beaft. \n\nIt was no fmall matter of Admiration to fee thefe Sav- \nages flea [flay] the Bull, and get it in pieces ; they had neither \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 521 \n\nKnives nor Hatchets, but fome few they had ftole from us, \nand yet they did it dexteroufly with the Point of their Ar- \nrows, which was made of a fharp Stone : Afterwards they took \nStones, and broke the Bones, and with them they feparated \none piece [109] from another. After they had thus difmem- \nbred the Bead, their Wives dry\'d them in the Sun, and the \nSmoak of fmall Fire, upon wooden Gridirons. While the \nHunting lafts, they only eat the Intrals, and the worft pieces \nof thofe Beafts, and carry the beft part home to their Vil- \nlages, which are above two hundred Leagues from the place \nof hunting. \n\n\n\n522 A Voyage into North America. \n\n\n\nCHAP. XXVI. \n\nOf their manner of Fifhing. \n\nTHE Savages that dwell in the North fifh in a different \nmanner from thofe of the South : The firft catch all \nforts of Fifh with Nets, Hooks, and Harping-irons [i. ^., \nharpoons], as they do in Europe. I have feen them fifh in a \nvery pleafant manner: They take a Fork of Wood with two \nGrains or Points, and fit a Gin to it, almoft the fame way \nthat in France they catch Partridges : After they put it in \nthe Water, and when the Fifh, which are in greater plenty \nby far than with us, go to pafs through, and find they are \nentred into the Gin, they fnap together this fort of Nippers \nor Pinchers, and catch the Fifh by the Gills. \n\nThe Iroques in the fifhing feafon fometimes make ufe of a \nNet of forty or fifty fathom long, which they put in a great \nCanow ; after they caft it in an oval Form in convenient \nplaces in the Rivers. I have often admired their dexterity \nin this Affair. They take fometimes four hundred white \nFifh, befides many Sturgeons, which they draw to the Bank \nof the River with Nets made of Nettles.^ To fifh in this \n\n\n\n1 La Potherie describes {Amir. Septentrionale, iii, p. 34) the way in which the \nfibers of the nettle {Urtica) were spun by the Iroquois women into cords, with which \nthey made fish-nets. See also Holmes\'s "Prehistoric Textile Art," in U. S. Bur. \nEthnol. Rep., 1891-92, pp. 3-46. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 523 \n\nmanner, there muft be two Men at each end of the Net, \nto draw it dexteroufly to the fhoar. They take [no] like- \nwife a prodigious quantity of Fifh in the River of Niagara^ \nwhich are extreamly well tafted. \n\nThe Filliery is fo great in this place, that it\'s capable to \nfurnifh with Fifh of feveral forts the greateft City in Europe. \nIt\'s not to be wonder\'d at. The Fifh continually fwim up \nthe River from the Sea towards the Spring, to find conven- \nient places to fpawn in. The River of St. Laurence receives \nin this part of Niagara an infinite quantity of Water from \nthe four great Lakes of which we have fpoke, and which \nmay properly be called little frefh-water Seas. This great \ndeluge of Water tumbling furioufly over the greateft and \nmoft dreadful Leap in the World, an infinite number of Fifh \ntake great delight to fpawn here, and as it were ftagnate \nhere, becaufe they cannot get over this huge Catara6l : So \nthat the quantity taken here is incredible. \n\nWhilft I was in the Million of the Fort Frontenac, I went \nto fee this Leap, which comes from a River in the North, \nand falls into a great BaJJin of the Lake Ontario, big enough \nto hold a hundred Men of War. Being there, I taught the \nSavages to catch Fifh with their Hands : I caufed Trees to \nbe cut down in the Spring, and to be rolled down to the \nBank of the River, that I might lie upon them without wet- \nting me ; and after I thruft my Arm into the Water up to \nthe Elbow, where I found a prodigious quantity of Fifh of \ndifferent Species ; I laid hold on them by the Gills, gently \nftroking them ; and when I had at feveral times taken fifty \n\n\n\n524 A Voyage into North America. \n\nor fixty large Fifh, I went to warm and refrefh me, that I \nmight return frefher to the Sport : I caft them into a Sack \nwhich a Savage held in his hand. With thefe I fed above \nfifty Iroquefe Families of Ganneoujfe^ and by the affiftance of \nMonfieur de la Salle, taught them to plant the Indian Corn, \nand to inftrud their Children in the Chriftian Rehgion at \nthe Fort Frontenac. \n\n[hi] The moft confiderable Fifhery of the Savages is that \nof Eels, which are very large, of Salmons, and Salmon-trouts, \nand white Fifh. The Fifhery of the Iroques Agnies which are \nnear New Tork, is of Frogs, which they take, and put them \nwhole into their Caldrons without skinning them, to feafon \ntheir Sagamite, which is a fort of Pottage made of Indian \nCorn. The Salmon-trouts are taken in many other places \nof the Rivers which fall into the Lake of Frontenac : There \nare there fuch quantities of them, that they kill them with \nSticks. \n\nThey take the Eels in the Night when it\'s calm : Thefe \ncome down all along the River of St. Laurence, and are taken \nin this manner. The Savages put a large Bark of the Birch- \nTree, with fome Earth upon the end of a Stake, after v/hich \nthey light a fort of a Flambleau which gives a clear Light ; \nafter that one or two go into a Canow, with a Harping-Iron \nplaced between the two Grains of a little Fork: when they \nfee the Eels by the light of the Fire, they ftrike an infinite \nquantity of them, becaufe the great white Porpofes which \npurfue them make them fiy towards the Banks of the River \nwhere the Porpofe cannot follow, becaufe of the fhallownefs \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 525 \n\nof the Water. They take Salmons with Harping-Irons, and \nthe white Fifh with Nets. \n\nThe Southern People which dwell upon the River Mef- \nchafipi are fo crafty, and have fuch quick and piercing Eyes, \nthat tho the Fifh fwim very faft, they will not fail to ftrike \nthem with Darts a great depth in the Water, which they fhoot \nwith a Bow. Befides, they have long Poles fharp at one end, \nwhich they dart moft dexteroufly : In this manner they kill \ngreat Sturgeons, and Trouts, which are feven or eight fathom \nin the Water. \n\n\n\n526 A Voyage into North America. \n\n\n\n[112] CHAP. XXVII. \n\nOf the Utenfils of the Savages in their Cabins; and of the extraor- \ndinary manner they flrike Fire. \n\nBEFORE the Europeans arrived in the North America^ the \nSavages of the North and the South made ufe (as they \ndo even to this day) of Pots of Earth ^; efpecially thofe that \nhave no Commerce with the Europeans, and can procure no \nCaldrons or other Utenfils: Inftead of Hatchets and Knives, \nthey make ufe of fharp Stones, which they tie with Thongs \nof Leather in the end of a cleft Stick. Inftead of Awls, they \nmake ufe of a certain fharp Bone, which is above the Heel \nof the Elk : They have no Fire- Arms, but only make ufe of \nBows and Arrows. \n\nFor to make Fire in a new manner, new, and quite un- \nknown to us, they take a Triangle of Cedar Wood, of a foot \nand half, in which they make fome Holes of a fmall depth: \nAfter they take a Switch or little Stick of hard Wood ; they \ntwirl it between both their Hands in the Hole, and by the \nquick Motion, produce a kind of Duft or Meal, which is \nconverted into Fire ; after they pour out this white Pouder \n\n\n\n1 Regarding the use of pottery among the Indian tribes, see Beauchamp\'s " Earth- \nenware of the New York Aborigines" (No. 22 of N. Y. State Museum Bulletins); \nHolmes\'s " Ancient Pottery of the Mississipi Valley," in U. S. Bur. Ethnol. Rep., \n1882-83, pp. 367-463. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 527 \n\nupon a Bunch of dried Herbs, and rubbing altogether, and \nblowing upon this Pouder, which is upon the Herbs, the Fire \nblazes in a moment. \n\nWhen they would make Platters, or wooden Spoons, or \nPorringers, they drill their Wood with their ftone Hatchets, \nand hollow it with Fire, and do after fcrape it, and polifh it \nwith a Bever\'s Tooth. \n\n[113] The Northern Nations, who have commonly very \nfharp Winters, make ufe of Rackets to go over the Snow; \nthey make them of the Thongs of Skins cut out as broad as \nlittle Ribbons, neater than our Tennis Rackets : Thefe Rack- \nets have no Handles, as thofe of the Tennis Court, but they \nare longer and broader; they leave in the middle a Slit the \nbreadth of their Toes, that they may be at more liberty to \nwalk with their favage Shoes : They will perform a greater \nJourney in a Day than without them. Without thefe Rackets \nthey would fink into the Snow, which is commonly fix or feven \nfoot deep, and fometimes more in Winter ; in fome places it\'s \nhigher than the highefl Houfes in Europe, being driven into \nMountains by the Wind. \n\nThofe Savages which are near the Europeans, have at \nprefent Guns, Hatchets, Caldrons, Awls, Knives, Tongs, \nand fuch like Utenfils. \n\nTo plant their Indian Corn, they make ufe of Pickax\'s of \nWood, for want of thofe of Iron : They have large Gourds \nin which they put the Fat of Bears, wild Cats, &c. There is \nnone, but has his leather Bag for his Pipe and Tobacco. The \nWomen make Bags of the Rind oi Linden Tree, or of Rufhes, \n\n\n\n528 A Voyage into North America. \n\nto put their Corn in : They make Thred of Nettles, and of \nthe Bark of the Line Tree, and of certain Roots, whofe Names \nI know not. To few their favage Shoes they make ufe of \nvery fmall Thongs : They make likewife Mats of Bulrufhes \nto lie upon ; and when they have none, they make ufe of the \nBarks of Trees. They fwathe their Children as the European \nWomen do, with this only diflPerence, that they make ufe of \nfwathing Bands of large Skins, and a fort of Cotton, that they \nmay not be too hot : After they have fwathed them, they tie \nthem upon a Board, or Plank with a Skin Girdle; after they \nhang this Plank upon the Branch of a Tree, or in fome place \n[114] of their Cabin, fo that their little ones never lie in Bed; \nthey hang perpendicularly : And to the end their Urine may \nnot hurt them, they place conveniently a piece of Birch-tree \nBark ; fo that it runs away as it were in a Gutter, and \ntouches not the Child\'s Body. \n\nThefe Women have fo great a care of their Children, that \nthey avoid all carnal Commerce with their Husbands, till the \nChild be three or four Years old : The European Women do \nnot fo, becaufe \'tis eafy to fupply the defedl of the Mother\'s \nMilk, with the Milk of Cows, and other domeftick Animals; \nbut they have none of this fort of Cattel: They avoid there- \nfore the Commerce of their Husbands while they are Nurfes ; \nfor if they fhould prove with child, their Infants would un- \ndoubtedly perifh, they having nothing futable for a Child of \nfeven or eight Months old. \n\nThe Savages which have Commerce with the Europeans, \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 529 \n\nbegin to make ufe of Iron Crooks and Pot-hooks, which they \nhang upon a Stick, which refts upon two-forked Sticks fixed \nin the Ground : but thofe that have no Commerce, make ufe \nof the Branches of Trees to hang their earthen Pots upon to \nboil their Viduals. \n\n\n\n530 A Voyage into North America. \n\n\n\n[115] CHAP. XXVIII. \n\nOf the Manner of their Interring their Dead : Of the Feflival of \nthe Dead, with fome Refie5lions on the Immortality of the Soul. \n\nTHE Savages bury their Dead with the greateft Magni- \nficence they can devife, efpecially their Relations, and \nparticularly their Captains or Heads of their Clans or \nTribes: They put on their befl: Attire, and paint their Face \nand Body with all forts of Colours. They put them in a \nfort of Coffin made of the Bark of Trees, and they polifh \nthe outfide neatly with light Pumice Stones ; and they make \na Place where they bury them in the manner of a Maufoleum, \nwhich they encompafs round about with Stakes or Palifa- \ndoes twelve or thirteen foot high. \n\nThefe Maufoleums are commonly eredled in the moft \neminent Place of their Savage Borough. They fend every \nYear folemn Embaffies to their neighbouring Nations, to \nfolemnize the Feaft of the Dead. All the People of the \nNorthern America fpare nothing to honour their dead \nFriends and Relations, whom they go to lament : They make \nPrefents efteemed among them very confiderable, as Girdles \ndyed with Sea-Purple, and Pipes made with the moft precious \nStones that can be found ; and in a word with what they \nlook upon to be the moft eftimable to the Parents of the \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 531 \n\nDefund. They condud: them to the Maufoleum, muttering \na fort of Prayers, accompanied with Tears and Sighs, before \nthe Bones, whofe Memory they honour for their great Ex- \nploits in Peace and War. \n\n[116] Thefe Savages have particular Ceremonies for the \nChildren of their deceas\'d Friends: When they delign to \nbury thefe little ones, as foon as they are dead they wrap \ntheir Bodies in a white pinked Skin in the prefence of their \nParents ; it\'s painted with many Colours : After they carry it \nand place it upon a kind of Sledg, and fo carry it to be \nburied : but inftead of making Prefents to the Parents of the \ndeceafed Infants, as they do for thofe of riper Years, they \nthemfelves receive them to wipe away their Tears, which they \nfhed in abundance, in the prefence of the Parents. \n\nThe Savages have likewife a Cuftom of putting in the \nCoffin of the deceafed of riper Years, whatever they efteem \nvaluable, tho to the value of two or three hundred Crowns : \nThey put there Shoes of pinked Skins, garnifhed with red \nand black Porcupine, a Pair of Tongs, a Hatchet, Necklaces \nof Purple,^ a Pipe, a Caldron, and a potful of Sagamite, or \nPottage of Indian Corn, with fome fat Meat. If he be a \nMan, they bury him with a Gun, Powder, and Ball; but \nthofe that have no Fire-Arms, content themfelves with put- \nting in their Coffin their Bows and Arrows, that when they \nare in the Country of Souls (as they phrafe it) and of the \nDead, they may make ufe of them in Hunting. \n\n\n\n1 That is, of wampum beads of the purple variety, regarded by the Indians as \nmore valuable than the white. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\n532 A Voyage into North America. \n\nWhen I was among the Iffati Nadouejfans^ there died one \nof the Savages, that had been bit with a Rattle-Snake ; I \ncame not time enough to give him my infallible Remedy, \nviz. Orvietan in Pouder. If this Accident happened to any \none in my prefence, I made them prefently be fcarified upon \nthe place that was bit, and caft fome of the Pouder upon it ; \nafterward I made them fwallow fome of it, to keep the Poifon \nfrom the Heart. Thefe Barbarians ftrangely admired me, \nthat I cured one of their Chieftains, that had been bit by one \nof thefe Serpents: [117] They faid to me, Spirit^ for fo they \ncall all Europeans^ we fought after you, and the other two \nSpirits your Companions; but we were fo unfortunate, that \nwe could not find you ; leave us no more, we\'ll take care of \nyou for the future : if you had been with us, our Chieftain, \nwhom you fee dead, would have been in a condition to have \nbeen merry with you : He was excellently well verfed in the \ntrade of furprizing and killing his Enemies ; he with hunting \nmaintained his ten Wives : He would have been in a condi- \ntion to have been your Benefador, if you had been here to \nfave his Life : You could have done it eafily, fince you have \ncured fo many of our Relations; you would have done him \nthis important piece of Service, and fpared our Tears. \n\nThefe poor People feeing our Method, but not compre- \nhending it, believe we are capable of doing any thing even \nof arrefting Death: They often admired the efTeds of the \nRemedies, which I gave to their Sick, with a defign to cure \ntheir Spiritual Maladies, in bringing them to the Knowledg \nof the true God, by the Care I took of their Bodies. \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 533 \n\nI admired how neatly thefe Savages had laid out the dead \nCorps ; they had laid him upon fine Mats, and put him in \nthe pofbure of a Warriour, with his Bow and Arrows : They \npainted his Body with divers Colours ; one would have \nthought at firft he had been alive. They faid I muft give \nhim fome Tobacco of Martineco, of which I had a fmall \nquantity, that the Defundl might have fomething to fmoak : \nThis gave me an occafion to tell them, that the dead did \nneither fmoak nor eat in the Country of Souls, and that they \nhave no more need of Bows and Arrows ; for in the Country \nwhither thofe Souls go, they go no more a hunting : That if \nthey would learn to know the great Captain, they would be \nfo much fatisfied with feeing him, that they would think no \n[118] more of Hunting, neither of eating or drinking; for \nthe Souls do not need it. \n\nThey made but a grofs Conception of what I faid to \nthem: afterwards I made them a Prefent of two Fathom of \nour black Tobacco ; they love it paflionately : Theirs is not \nfo well cured, nor fo ftrong as that of Martineco, of which I \nmade them a Prefent. I made them underftand, that I gave \nit them to fmoak, and not to the deceafed, becaufe he had \nno need of it. Some of thofe Savages prefent gave me an \nattentive Ear, and were pleafed with my Difcourfe of another \nLife ; others faid in their Language, Tepatoui, which is as \nmuch as to fay very well : Afterwards they fat them down, and \nfell a fmoaking, taking no further notice of my Difcourfe. \n\nI obferved that the Tears which they fhed, and the Cer- \nemonies they pradlifed, as rubbing the Defundl with Bears \n\n\n\n534 A Voyage into North America. \n\nFat, and fuch like things, were rather the Effeds of Cuftom, \nderived to them by Tradition, which feems to retain fome- \nthing of Judaifm, than of 3.ny ^rong j^ttache [attachment] they \nhave for them. I do not abfolutely defpair of the future Sal- \nvation of thefe Barbarians. I believe God will raife up fome \nproper, means to enlighten them with the Light of the Gofpel; \nfor his Holy Gofpel is to be preached to all the World before \nthe Day of Judgment. \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 535 \n\n\n\n[119] CHAP. XXIX. \n\nOf the Superftitions of the Savages^ and of the ridiculous things \nthey believe. \n\nI ALWAYS obferved that the ftrongeft Arguments that can \nbe brought for the Converfion of Infidels are of no value \ntill God give a BlefTing. How fhall they believe in him whom \nthey have not heard fpeak? fays St. Paul. How fhall they \nunderfland, if fome do not preach to them? And how fhall \nthey preach if they be not fent? The found of the Apoflles \nis gone through the World, and their Words are heard even \nto the ends of the World. I ardently beg that the found of \nthe Succefifors of the Apoflles may bring to the Paflures of \nLife that infinite number of Savages which I have feen in my \nTravels. Great pains have been taken a long time, but as \nyet no confiderable progrefs is made, for the generality of \nthem are flrongly fixed in their Superftitions. \n\nThefe Barbarians are one more fuperftitious than another, \nthe Old Men efpecially ; and the Women mofl obflinately \nretain the Traditions of their Anceflors. When I told them \nit was a Foolery to believe fo many Dreams and Fancies ; \nthey ask\'d me how old I was? You are not above thirty five \nor forty years old, and do you pretend to know more than \nour Antient Men? Go, go, you know not what you fay; \n\n\n\n53^ A Voyage into North America. \n\nyou may know what paffes in your own Country, becaufe \nyour Anceftors have told you, but you cannot tell what has \npaffed in ours, before the Spirits^ that\'s to fay the Europeans, \ncame hither. \n\nI reply\'d to thefe Barbarians, that we knew all by the \nScripture, which the great Mafter of Life has given [120] us \nby his Son ; that this Son died to deliver Men from a place \nwhere burns an eternal Fire, which would have been their \nlot, if he had not come into the World to fave us from Sin \nand from Death ; that all Mankind were Sinners in Adam, the \nfirft Man of the World. Thefe Savages, who have a large \nfhare of common Senfe, often ask\'d me, Did you Spirits know \nof our being here before you came hither? I anfwered them, \nNo : You do not learn therefore all things by Scripture ; it \ntells you not all things, reply\'d they. \n\nIt requires a great deal of time to fhew them the Falfity \nof their Superftitions, and much more to perfwade them to \nimbrace the Verities of the Gofpel: There\'s none but God \ncan do it by the Undion of his Grace and Holy Spirit. But \nfor all this the Evangelical Reapers muft not defert the Har- \nveft. A time will come that Men will prefer the Interefts of \nJefus Chrift, before their own: then there will be but one \nShepherd, and one Sheepfold. \n\nThere are many of the Savages that make the Stories of \ntheir Antients the fubje6t of their Raillery, but others be- \nlieve them. I have formerly given an account of the Senti- \nments they have of their Origine, and of the Cure of their \nMaladies. They have fome Sentiments of the Immortahty \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 537 \n\nof the Soul. They fay there is a delicious Country towards \nthe Weft, where there\'s good Hunting, and where they kill \nas many Beafts as they pleafe. It\'s thither they fay their \nSouls go. They hope to fee one another there. But they \nare yet more ridiculous. In believing that the Souls of Cal- \ndrons, Guns and other Arms, which they place near the Sep- \nulchre of the Dead, go with them to be made ufe of in the \nCountry of Souls. \n\nA young Savage Maid dying after Baptifm, the Mother \nfeeing one of her Slaves at the point of Death, faid, my \nDaughter is all alone in the Country of the Dead, among the \nEuropeans, without Relations, [121] and without Friends: \nThe Spring is at hand ; it\'s time to fow Indian Corn, and \nCitruls,^ or Pompions ; baptize my Slave, fays fhe, that fhe \nmay go and ferve my Daughter in the Country of the \nEuropeans.^ \n\nA Savage Woman being at the laft Gafp, cried out that \nfhe would not be baptized, for the Savages that die Chrif- \ntians are burned in the Country of Souls by the Europeans. \nSome of them told me one day, that we baptized them to \nmake them our Slaves in the other World. Others asked \nme, if there was good Hunting in the Country, whither their \ndying newly baptized Infants were going? When I anfwer\'d \nthem, that they lived there without eating and drinking, be- \ncaufe they are there fatiated with the Contemplation of the \ngreat Mafter of Life : We will not go thither, fay they, be- \n\n^Fr. citronilles ; the summer squash {Cucurbita polymcrpha) . \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n2 This story is told of a Seneca woman, in Jes. Relations, liv, pp. 93-95. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\n53^ A Voyage into North America. \n\ncaufe we muil eat. If we reply that they will have no need \nof Food, they clap their Hands upon their Mouths in fign \nof Admiration, and fay, you are a great Liar ; Can one live \nwithout eating? \n\nA Savage told us one day this Story: One of our old \nMen, fays he, being dead, and being come to the Country \nof Souls, he found there firft Europeans that careffed him, \nand made much of him ; after he came to the place where \nhis Country-men were, who hkewife received him very kindly : \nThere were Feafls there every day, to which the Europeans \nwere often invited ; for there are there neither Quarrels nor \nWar: After this old Man had taken a full view of the Coun- \ntry, he returned home, and recounted all his Adventures to \nthofe of his Nation. We asked the Savage if he believed this \nStory? He anfwered, No, that their Anceftors related it, but \nthey might tell a Lie. \n\nThefe People admit fome fort of Genius in every thing ; \nthey all believe one Mafter of Life, but they make divers \napphcations of it. Some have a lean [122] Crow, which they \ncarry always about with them, and which they call their \nMafter of Life. Others have an Owl, others a Bone, fome \nthe Shell of a Fifh, and fuch like things. When they hear \nthe Owl hout, they tremble, and take it for an ill Omen. \nThey are great believers of Dreams. They go unto their \nBaths to procure good weather for Hunting. They never \ngive the Bones of Bevers or Otters to their Dogs. I asked \nthem the reafon ; they anfwered me, that there was an Otkon^ \nor Spirit, in the Wood which would tell the Bevers and Ot- \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 539 \n\nters, and after that they would catch none. I asked them \nwhat that Spirit was ; they anfwered me that it was a Woman \nthat knew every thing, who was the Lady of Hunting. But \nthe greateft part of them do not believe thefe Fables. \n\nWhilft I was in the Miffion of Frontenac^ a Savage Woman \nwas poifoned in the Wood by accident : The Hunters \nbrought her into her Cabin ; I went to fee her after fhe was \ndead. I heard them difcourfing near the Body of the Dead ; \nthey faid they had feen upon the Snow the winding Trails of \na Serpent which came out of her Mouth. They related this \nvery ferioufly. While they were difcourfing thus, an old \nfuperftitious Beldam faid, fhe had feen the Spirit that had \nkilled her. \n\nI have feen a Boy of about eighteen years old, who \nbelieved himfelf to be a Girl; and this Fancy wrought fo \nftrongly upon him, that he aded all things accordingly : He \nhabited himfelf like a Girl, and employed himfelf in their fort \nof work. A Savage which we had decoyed into the Fort, and \nwho was the Chief of his Village, told me one day that On- \nontio, which is the Name they give to the Governour-General \nof Canada, who at that time was the Count of Frontenac, \nwould come fuch a day, when the Sun was in fuch a place : \nwhich precifely came to pafs as he had [123] faid. This fame \nold Man, who was called Ganneoufe Kaera, that is to fay, the \nbearded, was the only Man of all the Savages which I faw with \na Beard. The People of the Northern America commonly \npluck away the Beard when it is but Down, and for this rea- \nfon they have no Beards. I muft confefs I knew not what \n\n\n\n540 A Voyage into North America. \n\nto fay when I faw the Count de Frontenac arrive. This Man \nhad heard no News from any body. When I asked him how \nhe came to know it ; he faid he had learned it of a Jugler \nwho pretended to foretel things. But I believe their Pre- \ndidions are rather the effedl of Hazard, than of any Com- \nmerce they have with the Devil. \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 541 \n\n\n\nCHAP. XXX. \n\nOf the Obftacles that are found in the Converfton of the Savages. \n\nTHERE are many Obftacles that hinder the Converfion \nof the Savages ; but in general the difficulty proceeds \nfrom the indifferency they have to every thing. When one \nfpeaks to them of the Creation of the World, and of the \nMyfteries of the Chriftian Religion ; they fay we have Reafon : \nand they applaud in general all that we fay on the grand \nAffair of our Salvation. They would think themfelves guilty \nof a great Incivility, if they fhould fhew the leaft fufpicion of \nIncredulity, in refped of what is propofed. But after having \napproved all the Difcourfes upon thefe Matters ; they pre- \ntend likewife on their fide, that we ought to pay all poffible \nDeference to the Relations and Reafonings that they make \non their part. And when we make anfwer. That what they \ntell us is falfe; they reply, that they have acquiefced [124] \nto all that we faid, and that it\'s want of Judgment to inter- \nrupt a Man that fpeaks, and to tell him that he advances a \nfalfe Propofition. All that you have taught touching thofe \nof your Country, is as you fay : But it\'s not the fame as to \nus, who are of another Nation, and inhabit the Lands which \nare on this fide the great Lake. \n\nThe fecond Obftacle which hinders their Converfion, pro- \n\n\n\n542 A Voyage into North America. \n\nceeds from their great Superftition, as we have infinuated \nbefore. \n\nThe third Obftacle confifts in this, that they are not \nfixt to a place. While I was at Fort Frontenac^ Father Luke \nButjfet^ and my felf, were employed a great part of the Year \nto teach many Children our ordinary Prayers, and to read in \nthe Iroquois Language ; their Parents aflifted at the Service \nin the Chappel : they lift up their Hands to Heaven, and \nkneeled, beating their Breafts, and behaved themfelves with \ngreat refpe6l in our Prefence. They feemed to be moved \nwith our Ceremonies ; but they did fo to pleafe us, and their \nonly aim feemed to be to get fome Prefents from the Euro- \npeans. \n\nBut in cafe they had had fome laudable Defign, they \nwould quickly have renounced it, becaufe they ftay no longer \nin their Villages than till Harveft be over, which is but a \nfmall time: All the reft of the Year they pafs in Wars and \nHunting. Then they carry their Families with them, and are \nabfent eight or nine Months : Their Children then, which \nhave begun to learn fomething, forget all, and fall to their \nformer Superflitions and methods of living. Befides, their \nJuglers, and their old Superftitious Men, minding nothing \nbut their Interefl:, endeavour to create in them a hatred \ntowards us, left they fhould believe what we teach them. \n\nThe Merchants who deal commonly with the Savages, \nwith a defign to gain by their Traffick, are [125] likewife \nanother Obftacle : St. Aiigu/line long fince faid of them, Con- \ntinua eji in illis meditatio doli, &\' tritura mendacii ; They think \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 543 \n\nof nothing but cheating and lying, to become rich in a {hort \ntime. They ufe all manner of Stratagems to get the Furs \nof the Savages cheap. They make ufe of Lies and Cheats to \ngain double if they can. This without doubt caufes an aver- \nfion againft a Religion which they fee accompanied by the \nProfeffors of it with fo many Artifices and Cheats. \n\nIt muft likewife be confeffed, that there are fome MifTion- \naries which in part hinder the progrefs. It\'s hard to learn \ntheir Languages, they being fo different one from another, \nthat they are nothing like. There is then required a great \ndeal of time to be able to teach them the Myfteries of our \nReligion; and unlefs the Holy Ghoft infpire extraordinarily, \nlittle Fruit is to be expedted from thefe barbarous People. \n\nBefides, the different methods that are ufed to inftrudl \nthem, retard much their Converfion. One begins by the \nAnimal part, and another by the Spiritual. There are diver- \nfity of Behefs among the Chriftians ; every one abounds in \nhis own Senfe, and believes his own Faith the pureft, and his \nMethod the beft. There ought therefore to be an uniform- \nity in Belief and Method, as there is but one Truth, and one \nRedeemer, otherwife thefe Barbarians will not know what to \nrefolve. \n\nI put a great deal of difference between the zeal and \nindefatigable pains of the Miflioners, and the pretended Suc- \nceffes which are vaunted of in the World. They who are \nabfolutely difingaged from the love of Riches, and who have \nbeen in the Miffion among the People of the Southern \nAmerica^ have without doubt made a great progrefs in thofe \n\n\n\n544 ^ Voyage into North America. \n\nCountries. There are forty or fifty Provinces of our Order, \nwhere the publick Service is performed. They are in poffef- \niion [126] to preach with Authority, after having deftroyed \nIdolatry. \n\nBut we mufl confefs, that thofe who have laboured in the \nNorthern America, have not had the fame progrefs. They \nhave made it their application to civilize thofe barbarous \nPeople, and make them capable of fomething of Policy. They \nhave endeavoured to put a ftop to the Current of their Brutal \nSallies, and fo prepare the way of our Lord : notwithftanding \nwe muft confefs they have made little Progrefs. Thefe bar- \nbarous Nations, by I know not what fatality of Intereft, are \nalmoft as Savage, and have as great an Attache to their antient \nMaxims, to Gluttony, Pride, Curfing and Cruelty, and a \nthoufand other abominable Vices as ever. \n\nThey are the fame they were forty years ago, and above : \nAnd yet many Books are publirtied of the great Converfions \nof the Iroquois and Htirofis. We were told for certain, that \nthefe Barbarians had built as many Churches and Chappels \nas they had deftroyed, and yet they are iVill Enemies of all \nthe good Maxims of Chriftianity. \n\nI do not deny here but that the Millionaries have faith- \nfully difcharged their Miniftry : But the Seed has fallen upon \nan ungrateful Soil, either on the Highway, or among the \nThorns ; fo that they\'l remain inexcufable at the day of \nJudgment, having relifted fo clear Convirtions. \n\nBe it as it will, every day a great manv Children are \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 545 \n\nbaptized, and fome grown Men on their Death-beds if they \ndefire it, which is a great ftep to Eternity : But as to thofe \nin Health, few are converted, and fewer perfevere. But \nthe Pains, and the entire Sacrifice of the Life of a Mif- \nfionary, would be well employ\'d, and glorioufly recompens\'d, \nif they had had the Happinefs to convert and fave one only \nSoul. \n\n[127] The principal and moft affured part of a Miflioner \nconfifts in the Adminiftration of the Sacraments to thofe who \ngo to barter among the Savages. And we may to our fhame \ntruly fay, that as foon as the Furs and the Bevers begin to \ngrow fcarce among the Savages, the Europeans retire, and \nnot one is to be found. The Savages reproached us with it \nonce in the Prefence of Monfieur the Count de Frontenac^ in \nfull Council, at the three Rivers of Canada^ faying, While we \nhave Bevers and Furs, he that prayed was with us ; he in- \nftrudted our Children, and taught them their Prayers and \nCatechifms ; he was infeparable from us, and honoured us \nfometimes at our Feafts : but when our Merchandize failed, \nthefe Miffioners thought they could do no further Service \namong us. \n\nIt\'s likewife true, that the greateft part of thofe Miffions \n\nwhich were eftablifhed above forty Years ago have failed : \n\nWitnefs thofe of the great Bay of St. Lawrence, of Rijiigouch, \n\nof Nipifiguit, of MiskoUy Cape Breton, Port-royal, of the River \n\n^olf, of the Cape of St. Mary Magdalen, of the three Rivers, \n\nand many more which were eftablifhed among the Hurons at \nn-13 \n\n\n\n54^ A Voyage into North America. \n\nthe head of this River.^ Thofe that were Miflionaries in \nthofe Parts, thought good to quit them, and even Tadouffac \nit felf, to eftablifh themfelves at Chigoutmi. \n\nIf God give me Health and Life, in a third Tome I\'ll give \nan account of other Obfi:acles more confiderable, which hin- \nder the propagation of the Gofpel : I\'ll only fay in this place, \nthat thofe that would employ themfelves to the purpofe in \nthofe Parts in this painful Miniftry, muft tread under foot the \nRiches of the World, and content themfelves with a mean \nSubfiftence, according to the Dodlrine of the Apoftles. \n\n\n\n^ Miscou (Miskou) is a small Island at the mouth of Bale des Chaleurs, the inlet \nseparating New Brunswick and Gaspe. Restigouche and Nepisiguit are rivers flowing \ninto that bay. Port Royal is the early name of Annapolis in Nova Scotia (Acadia). \nBy " River Wolf " is meant Riviere du Loup, a river in Kamouraska and Temiscouata \ncounties, Que. Cap de la Magdelaine was the headland near Laprairie, in the vicin- \nity of Montreal. Three Rivers is a town at the mouth of the River St. Maurice, above \nQuebec. Jesuit missions had been conducted at all these places, but many of them \nwere for various reasons abandoned at the time when Hennepin wrote. In some cases, \nthe Indians had removed to other places, or had been exterminated by pestilence, \nfamine, or intemperance. The Acadian missions were transferred to the Capuchins, \nafter the retrocession of Canada to France (1632). The Laprairie mission was trans- \nferred (1676) to the present Caughnawaga, opposite Montreal. " The Hurons at the \nhead of this River " is a vague and inaccurate phrase. The Huron missions were \ndestroyed by the Iroquois in 1649-50 ; and the remnants of that people were scattered \nin various directions. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 547 \n\n\n\n[128] CHAP. XXXI. \n\nOf the barbarous and uncivil Manners of the Savages. \n\nTHE Savages have fmall regard to the Civilities of Europe: \nThey make a Mockery of the Civilities we ufe one to \nanother : When they come to a place, they feldom falute thofe \nthat are there : They fit upon their Breech, and have no re- \ngard even to thofe that come to vifit them. They enter into \nthe firft Cabin they meet with, without fpeaking a word : \nThey take a Seat where they can, and after light their Pipe \nor Calumet: They fmoak without faying any thing, and even \nfo go away again. \n\nWhen they enter into a Houfe built and furnifhed after \nthe European Mode, they take the chief place : If there be a \nChair before the middle of the Fire, they feize upon it, and \nnever rife up for any body, tho he were a Prince or a King. \nThey look upon themfelves as the beft Men of the World. \n\nIn the Northern Parts the Men and Women hide nothing \nbut their Nakednefs ; all elfe is expofed to view. The Sav- \nages of the South are quite naked, having not the leaft fenti- \nment of Shame : They do the Neceflities of Nature before all \nthe World, without the leaft fcruple, and without regard to \nany Man. They treat their Elders with great Incivility when \n\n\n\n54^ A Voyage into North America. \n\nthey are out of Council. The common Difcourfe both of \nMen and Women is down-right Bawdy. \n\nBut as to the Commerce which Men have with their \nWives, for the moft part it\'s in private : But fometimes it\'s \ndone with fo little Precaution, that they are often furprized. \nBejfides, the Savages obferve [129] none of the Rules of that \nnatural Honefty which is ufed among the Europeans of both \nSexes. They never pradlife any Careffes or Endearments, \nwhich are common among the People of Europe ; all is done \ngrofly, and with a great deal of Brutality. \n\nThey never wafh their Platters made of Wood or Bark, \nnor their Spoons. When the Savage Women have cleaned \ntheir little Infants with their hands, they wipe them very \nfuperficially upon a piece of Bark, after which they will \nhandle the Meat that they eat. This often turned my Stom- \nach, that I could not eat with them when I was invited to \ntheir Cabins. They feldom or never wafh their Hands or \nFace. \n\nThe Children fhew but fmall Refped to their Parents : \nSometimes they will beat them without being chaftifed for \nit; for they think Corre6lion would intimidate them, and \nmake them bad Souldiers. They eat fometimes fnuffling \nand blowing like Beafts. As foon as they enter into a Cabin, \nthey fall a fmoaking. If they find a Pot covered, they make \nno difficulty to take oflF the Lid to fee what\'s in it. They \neat in the Platter where their Dogs have eaten, without wiping \nit. When they eat fat Meat, they rub their Hands upon their \nFace and Hair to clean them : They are perpetually belching. \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 549 \n\nThofe that have trucked Shirts with the Europeans, never \nwafh them ; they commonly let them rot on their backs : \nThey feldom cut their Nails : They feldom wafh the Meat \nthey drefs. Their Cabins in the North are commonly filthy. \nI was furprized one day to fee an old Woman bite the Hair \nof a Child, and eat the Lice. The Women are not afhamed \nto make water before all the World : but they had rather go \na League in the Woods than any body fhould fee them go to \nftool. When the Children have piffed their Coverlets, they \ncaft away their [130] pifs with their hands. One may often \nfee them eat lying along like Dogs. In a word, they adl \nevery thing brutally. \n\nFor all that there are many things found among them \nhoneft and civil. When any one enters into their Cabins \nwhen they are eating, they commonly prefent him with a \nplate-full of Meat, and they are extreamly pleafed when all is \neaten that they give. They had rather faft two days without \nVictuals, than let you go without heartily prefenting you \nwith part of all they have. If by chance the Portions be \ndiftributed when one comes in, the Wife who makes the Dif- \ntribution orders the matter fo, that fhe gives [her] fhare to \nthe New-comer. \n\nSome Savages prefented us the finefl Mats, and the beft \nplace in the Cabin, when we paid them a Vifit. Thofe who \nfrequent the Company of Europeans, falute us when they \nmeet us. It\'s likewife the Cuftom of thefe People to return \nPrefent for Prefent. \n\nAltho they {hew fmall Refped to their old Men, yet they \n\n\n\nS50 A Voyage into North America. \n\nhave a great Deference for their Counfels. They follow \nthem exadlly, and confefs that they have more Experience, \nand know Affairs better than themfelves. If an antlent Man \nfhould fay to a young Man, by way of Reproach, before \nothers, Thou haft no Wit^ he would prefently go and poifon \nhimfelf, they are fo fenfible of Ignominy and Difgrace. In \nthe Affemblies which are held for debating their Affairs, the \nyoung People dare not fay a word unlefs they be asked. \n\nIn their Feafts they often give to the moft confiderable \nof the reft the whole Head of the Beaft which they have \nkilled, or the beft portion of what is dreffed : They never \neat on the fame Plate, unlefs it be in War, for then they \nobferve no meafures. They have a great Deference for the \nold Men, in that they leave them the whole Government \n[131] of Affairs, which is efteemed honourable among them. \n\nThere are few that falute after the mode of Europe. \nI knew a Savage who was called Garagontie^ which is as \nmuch as to fay, the Sun that moves ; he one day made an \nHarangue before Monfieur the Count of Frontenac ; and \nevery time he began a ntw Difcourfe, he took off his Cap, \nand made a Speech like an Orator. Another Captain of the \nHojogoins [Cayugas] feeing his little Daughter which he had \ngiven to the Count de Frontenac to be inftruded, faid very \ncivilly to him, Onnontio, (for fo they call the Governour of \nCanada, which word fignifies a beautiful Mountain) thou art \nthe Mafter of this Girl ; order the bufinefs fo that fhe may \n\n\n\n^ Or Garakontie ; a converted Onondaga chief, who greatly aided the Jesuit mis- \nsionaries among his people. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 551 \n\nlearn to write and read well ; and when fhe grows great, \neither fend her home, or take her for a Wife. Which fhows \nyou, that the Iroquois look upon themfelves as much as the \ngreateft Perfons in the World. \n\nI knew another Iroqiies who was called Atreovati,^ which \nfignifies ^r^rt/ Throat: this Man eat as the Europeans do; \nhe wafhed his Hands in a Bafon with the Governour ; he fat \nlafl: down at the Table, and opened his Napkin handfomly, \nand eat with his Fork ; and did all things after our mode : \nBut often he did it out of Craft or Imitation, to get fome \nPrefent from the Governour. The Count de Frontenac was \nvery complaifant with thefe Savages ; becaufe he knew that \nthe Iroquois were the Enemies moft to be dreaded by the \nFrench, of all the People in the North America. \n\n\n\n^ Otrewa\'ti, an Onondaga chief; called by the French Grande Gueule ("Big \nThroat"), a name afterward corrupted into Garanguia. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\n552 A Voyage into North America. \n\n\n\n[132] CHAP. XXXII. \n\nOf the great Indifferency of the Humours of the Savages. \n\nGENERALLY fpeaking, all the Savages of the Nations I \nhave feen in the Northern America^ have an extream \nIndifference for all things : They have no particular Attache \nto any thing, and fet no great value upon the moft precious \nthing they have : They look upon every thing as very much \nbelow them ; and if they had a thoufand Crowns, or any \nthing of equal value, they would part with it without trouble, \nand give it all to have what they defire. But of all the \nNorthern Nations there is none fo indifferent as the Iroquois: \nthey look upon themfelves as Mafters of other People, and \nhave often dared to declare War againft the French in Canada^ \nand would have conquered it if they had known their Forces. \nNotwithftanding, their Indifference for all things either of \nPeace or War, often induced them to make a counterfeit \nPeace with thofe of Canada. Befides, they are perfwaded, \nthat unlefs one fend great Reinforcements thither, they can \nabfolutely deflroy them when they pleafe, and ruin the Com- \nmerce. Let the Efforts be never fo great againft them, they \ncan never extirpate them ; and it will never pay the Charges \nwhich will be neceffary to do it : There is nothing but blows \nto be got ; and it will be a difficult thing to defend ones felf \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 553 \n\nfrom their Treacheries : One can get but fmall Booties \namong them. \n\nTheir Indifference is fuch, that there is nothing like it \nunder the copes of Heaven : They have a great Complai- \nfance for all that is faid to them, and in appearance [133] \ndo all ferioufly you entreat them to do. When we fay to \nthem, Pray to God with us, they prefently do it, and anfwer \nword for word, according to the Prayers they have been \ntaught in their Tongue. Kneel down, they kneel ; take off \nyour Bonnet, they take it off; hold your tongue, they do it. \nIf one fay to them, Hear me, they hearken diligently. If \none give them fome Image, Crucifix, or Beads, they ufe them \nas Jewels to adorn themfelves with. When I faid to them. \nTo morrow is Sunday^ or Prayer-day, they anfwered me, \nNiaora^ that\'s well, I am content. I faid to them fometimes, \nPromife the great Mafter of Life never to be drunk any \nmore ; they anfwered, Netho^ I promife you I\'ll commit no \nmore fuch Folly: but as foon as they got Aquavita \\_i. e., \nbrandy], or other ftrong Liquors, which they trucked with \nthe French, Englifh, and Hollanders, for their Furs, they \nbegan afrefh to be drunk. \n\nWhen I asked them if they believed in the Great Mafter \nof Life, of Heaven and Earth ; they anfwered, Yes. Not- \nwithftanding, the Savage Women which fome Miffioners had \nbaptized, and who were married in the face of the Church \nwith fome French Men of Canada, often left their Husbands, \nand took others, faying, they were not fubjedt to the Laws \nof the Chriftians, and that they did not marry but with a \n\n\n\n554 A Voyage into North America. \n\ndefign to ftay with their Husbands as long as they agreed \ntogether: but if they did not agree well, they were at liberty \nto change. \n\nIt\'s necelTary to civilize this Nation before they be made \nto embrace the Chriftian Faith. If they be not under the \nYoak, it\'s in vain to labour their Converfion, unlefs God by \na particular Grace fhould do fome Miracle in favour of this \nPeople. This is all I can fay upon this Subjed, founded \nupon the Experience I as well as many other Recolets have \nhad of them. \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 555 \n\n\n\n[134] CHAP. XXXIII. \n\nOf the Beauty and Fertility of the Country of the Savages : That \npowerful Colonies may eafily be planted on the North and \nthe South. \n\nBFORE I enter into the Particulars of thefe charming \nCountries which are in the North and the South of the \nNorthern America^ I\'ll fpeak two words of the Countries of \nthe North, to the end one may fee that It\'s eafy to eflabllOi \nthere powerful Colonies. \n\nWe muft confefs that there are vaft Forefts to be rid up, \nwhich reach from Canada to the Country of Louifiana, all \nalong the River of Mefchafipi; fo that it would require a \ngreat deal of time to clear the Ground. But this is incident \nto all new Eftablifhments. \n\nConfiderable Advantages were formerly made, and are fo \nftill, from the Fifhery, of which they dried one part, becaufe \nthey fold them In the hot Countries ; in which Traffick were \nImployed in the paft Age a thoufand or twelve hundred \nVeffels. The great Bank of Newfoundland, the adjacent \nBanks, the neighbouring Ifles, Cape Breton, the broken \nIfland,^ and Acadia, have the moft FIfh In the World. I do \n\n\n\n^Probably he means Isle Percee (" the pierced island "), a small Island on the \neast coast of Gaspe ; it has even now the most extensive cod-fishery in Quebec \nprovince. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\n5S6 A Voyage into North America. \n\nnot fpeak here of the Flfhery of the North, which France \npretends a Right to, under the Title of the firft Poffeffors. \nThefe Fifheries would be inexhauftible Mines for the King- \ndom, which could not be taken from it, if they were fup- \nported by good Colonies. A great many Veffels might go \nevery Year to fifh for the Porpofe, the Whale, and the Sea- \nwolf \\i. e.^ Seal], which would furnifh us with an infinite quan- \ntity of Oil for [135] our Domeftick Manufadtures, of which \na part might be tranfported into Foreign Countries. \n\nIt\'s granted that the Traffick of Fifhing which is upon \nthefe Coafts of Canada^ gave birth to the firft Eftablifhments \nwhich were made in thofe Parts of America. There has not \nbeen time enough, nor Means to fearch the Country for \nMines ; without doubt there are Mines of Tin, Lead, Copper \nand Iron in many places, which are left for the Difcovery of \nfuture Ages. The Country, by reafon of the vaft Forefts, \nwill furnifh all forts of Wood neceffary to compleat the \nMines. In many places is found a fort of bafliard Marble, \nand great Bands of Coal fit for the Forges ; there is alfo a \nfort of Plaifter which much refembles Alabafter. \n\nThe further one advances into the Country, the more \nbeautiful Forefts are found, full of gummy Trees, fit to make \nPitch for Ships, as alfo infinite ftore of Trees fit for Mafts, \nof Pines, Firs, Cedars, Maples, fit for all forts of Work, \nefpecially for the building of Ships : Great Men of War \nmight be built there, Mariners might always find imploy \nenough, and get fufficient to maintain their Families; they \nwould become abler Sea-men by this Navigation and Com- \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 557 \n\nmerce of the Weft, than of the Levant^ and their Experience \nwould be greater. \n\nAt the firft beginning of the Eftablifhment of the Colony \nin Canada^ the Community gain\'d every Year a hundred \nthoufand Crowns, befides the Gains of private Perfons. In \nthe Year 1687, this Sum was tripled and above, by the Furs \nwhich were fent to France : And tho the Merchants are forc\'d \nto advance further into the Country than at firft, it\'s not- \nwithftanding an inexhauftible Commerce, as we have obferved, \nby the great Difcoveries we have made. \n\nIt muft be granted, that there are no Nations in Europe \nthat have fuch an Inclination for Colonies as [136] the. Englijh \nand the Hollanders : The Genius of thofe People will not \npermit them to be idle at home. So the vaft Countries of \nAmerica which I have defcribed, may be made the Soul of \ntheir Commerce. Private Perfons who fhall undertake it, \nwithout interefting their own Country, may bring it to a \nhappy iffue : They may eafily contract Alliances with the \nSavages, and civilize them. The Colonies which they ftiall \neftablifh there will quickly be well peopled, and they may \nfortify themfelves there at a very fmall Expence : They may \ncontent themfelves at firft with a moderate Gain, but in a \nfhort time it will be extreamly confiderable. \n\nThere are in England and Holland a great many forts of \nMerchandizes and Manufadtures of all forts, which cannot \nbe confumed upon the place, but in time here might be had \na prodigious utterance of them. And from hence one may \nbetter learn to underftand, than hitherto we have done, the \n\n\n\n55^ ^ Voyage into North America. \n\nadmirable Providence of God, whofe Will and Pleafure it \nwas that every Country in the World fhould not be equally \nfurniflied with all things, to the end Society and Commerce \nbetween different Nations might be eftablifhed, and the glad \nTidings of the Gofpel be divulged to the ends of the \nWorld. \n\nIt is fomething great and glorious to gain Battles, and \nfubdue rebellious Subje6ts ; but it\'s infinitely more glorious \nto gain Souls to Chrift: And I muft needs fay, that the prin- \ncipal aim I propofe in publifhing this great Difcovery, is to \nanimate Chriftians to extend the Dominions of our Saviour, \nand to aggrandize his Empire. \n\nIt\'s certain, to return to our Difcourfe of Trade and \nCommerce, that the Trade of Furs in the North is of infinite \nProfit and Advantage. There are to be had Skins of Elks \nor Orignaux^ as they are called in Canada, of Bears, Bevers, \nof the white Wolf or [137] Lynx, of black Foxes, which are \nwonderfully beautiful, which were fometimes valued at five \nor fix hundred Franks ; of common Foxes, Otters, Martens, \nwild Cats, wild Goats, Harts, Porcupines ; of Turkies, which \nare of an extraordinary bignefs, Bufl:ards, and an infinity of \nother Animals, whofe Names I know not. \n\nThere may be catch\'d, as I faid before. Sturgeons, Sal- \nmons, Piques [Pikes], Carps, large Breams, Eels, Sword-fifh, \nGilt-heads, Barbels of an extraordinary bignefs, and other \n\n\n\n^ Orignal is a name (of Basque origin) given in Canada to the moose (often called \nalso " Canadian elk "). \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 559 \n\nforts of Fifli without number. There is infinite Gain for the \nFowlers : There is an infinity of Sea-Larks, which are a lump \nof Fat : There are Partridges, Ducks of all forts, Huars, a \nkind of Dottrel, which imitates Mens Voices, which have an \nadmirable diverfity of beautiful Colours, Turtles, Ring-doves, \nCranes, Herons, Swans, Buftards, which have a relifli of all \nforts of Meat when you eat them, and a great abundance of \nall fuch like Game. \n\nThe great River of St. Laurence^ which I have often men- \ntioned, runs through the middle of the Country of the Iro- \nques, and makes a great Lake there which they call Ontario, \nviz. the beautiful Lake ; it\'s near lOO Leagues long, and a \nvaft number of Towns might be built upon it. Thefe places \nhaving Correfpondence with New Tork, judicious Perfons will \neafily fee of what vaft Profit the Trade will be ; and here it\'s \nto be obferved, that the middle of this River is nearer New \nTork than Quebec, the Capital City of Canada. \n\nThe River of St. Laurence on the South^ has a Branch \nwhich comes from a Nation which is called Nez, or the Out- \ntaouaets ; on the North are the Algonquins, where the French \nhave taken poffeffion : Towards the Eaft dwells the Nation \nof Wolves [Mohicans] near New Holland or Tork: On the \nSouth of the fame River is fituated New England or Bojlon, \nwhere are many [138] trading Ships: On the South-weft is \n\n^This should be " North"; the reference is evidently to the Ottawa River, and \nthe tribe of the same name. By " Nez," Hennepin apparently means the Amikoues, \nor Beaver tribe \xe2\x80\x94 known to the French as Nez Perces (" Pierced Noses"); they were \nlocated on the north side of Georgian Bay. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\n560 A Voyage into North America. \n\nVirginia^ which together with "N ew Holland was formerly \ncalled New Sweedland\'^ : On the Eaft [if. West] is the Coun- \ntry of the HuronSy fo called, becaufe they burn their Hair, \nand leave but a little Tuft upon their Head, which ftares like \na wild Boar\'s Briftles. This Nation has been almoft deftroy\'d \nby the Iroques, who have incorporated the Remainder among \nthemfelves. I have added many other Countries towards \nthe North of the River of St. Laurence in the general and \nparticular Map, which I have publifhed in the firft Volume \nof our Difcovery. \n\nThe great Bay called Hiidfon^s, is on the North of this \nRiver ; it was difcovered by the Sietir Defgrofeliers Roch- \nechouart,^ with whom I was often in a Canoo during my ftay \nin Canada. The Engli/h have given him a Penfion ; and Mr. \nBlathwait^ firft Secretary of War to JVilliam the Third King \nof England^ told me the laft Year, that Sieur Defgrofeliers was \nthen living in England. \n\nThis Hudfon^s-Bay is fituated on the North of New France, \nand of the River of St. Laurence; it has above four hundred \n\n\n\n^ Referring to the colony planted in 1638 by the Swedes, at the site of the present \nWilmington, Del. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n2 Medard Chouart, sieur des Groseilliers, came from France to Canada about 1641. \nHis name is inseparably linked with that of Pierre Esprit Radisson, his brother-in- \nlaw, in the history of exploration in northern North America. During 1654-56 and \n1659-60 they traveled through the region of Lakes Michigan and Superior; and \nthe period of 1668-83 was mainly devoted by them to exploration and traffic around \nHudson Bay ; during a large part of this time they were in the English service, and \none result of their discoveries was the formation in England of the Hudson\'s Bay Com- \npany, 1670. Groseilliers went back to England in 1683, where, so far as is known, \nhe spent the rest of his life. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 561 \n\nLeagues Extent, and by Land it is not far from Quebec^ as it \nmay be obferved in my Charts : Notwithftanding we count it \neight hundred Leagues from Quebec by the River to the Sea. \nAnd the Navigation it felf has fomething of difficulty, be- \ncaufe of the continual Fogs. \n\nWhile I was at Quebec, the Canadins told me that Sieur \nDefgrofeliers affured them he had great trouble to get thither \nby reafon of the Ice, which was feven or eight foot thick, \nwhich was driven from the Northward with whole Trees, and \nthe Earth it felf together. Birds were feen which had there \nbuilt their Nefts, fo that they looked like fo many little \nIflands. I do not affirm that it\'s altogether juft as I fay : \nBut the faid Sieur Defgrofeliers and others [139] have affured \nme, that they have paffed through Ice for two Leagues \ntogether, and that it\'s prodigioufly thick, one piece upon \nanother, driven by the Winds higher than the Towers of \ngreat Cities. So that we are not to admire^ what Sea-men \ntell us, that upon thofe great Banks of Ice they have placed \ntheir Forges, and made Anchors. \n\nThe Englifh have in Hudfon^s-B^y the Forts of Nelfon and \nNeufavane. The Court of France ordered heretofore the \nTraders in Canada to drive the Englijh hence ; but they had \nnotice of it, and prevented the Canadins, by fending four \ngreat Ships to their affiflance. \n\nIn the Countries to the North of the River of St. Laurence \nare found Mines of Iron and Steel, which would yield 40 or \n\n^ The word is here used in the literal sense of its etymology, " wonder at." \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n11-14 \n\n\n\nS62 A Voyage into North America. \n\n50 "per Cent. There are Lead-Mines which would yield about \nyd -per Cent, and Copper which would yield 18 : And according \nto all appearance there might be found Mines of Silver and \nGold. Miners were fent thither while I was there : but the \nFrench are too quick in their Enterprizes ; they would be \nrich too foon, and threw them up, becaufe they did not \nprefently find what they fought for. \n\nMejfieurs Genins, the Father and the Son, who were fent \nthither to fee the Work go on, then told me. That fince the \nCompany did not perform their Contradl, they had taken a \nRefolution to return home to Paris. That if the French who \nwere in Canada had had as much Patience as other Nations, \nas Mr. Genin fen. told me at that time, they had without \ndoubt gain\'d their Point. \n\nIn fhort, all the Countries upon the River of St. Laurence \nproduce all forts of Herbage and Seeds. There are all forts \nof Materials, as Oak, and all other forts of Wood fit for \nbuilding of Ships ; and the prodigious quantity of Firs furnifh \nPitch in abundance. [140] Above all this, the Firs of which \nwe have fpoke, and Afhes fit to make Potafhes of, which may \nyield more than a hundred and fifty thoufand Livers a Year, \nand which alone are fufficient to fubfift a great number of \npoor People ; all thefe things, I fay, are capable of producing \na confiderable Profit for the fubfiftence of the Colonies which \nmay be eftablifhed there. \n\nThat which is moft remarkable is, that thofe who are \nMafters of thofe Countries may keep in awe above a thou- \nfand Veffels which go every Year to fifh, and who bring back \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 563 \n\nWhale-Oil, and a great quantity of Salmon, and Poor-Jack,^ \nenough to furnifh whole Kingdoms. All thofe Ships muft of \nneceffity come to the Pierced IJland^^ where our Recolets have \na little Miffion Houfe near the Fifhers Huts, becaufe there is \nno other convenience in thofe Countries. There is no For- \ntrefs at the entrance of the River, at leaft I faw none. An \nEftablifhment in this place without doubt would gain the \nTrade, and make it very advantagious in cafe a good Colony \nwere fettled there, which were very eafy. \n\nIn the Defcription which we have publifhed of Louifiana, \nand the Countries of the South, which may truly be called \nthe Paradife of America, we have made mention of all the \nAnimals, of which we have fpoke here above ; but befides \nthem, there are a great quantity of Bulls and wild Cows, \nwhich have a frifled Wool ; they may be tamed and made fit \nfor labour: befides they would ferve for Food, and might be \nfhorn every Year like Sheep, and as good Cloth made of \nthem as any in Europe. The Savages that dwell in thofe \nCountries were never able to deftroy thefe Beafts, becaufe \nthey change their Country according to the feafons. \n\nThere are many Medicinal Herbs which are not in Europe, \nwhofe Effedls are infallible, according to [141] the Experience \nof the Savages : They cure with them all forts of Wounds, \nthe Tertian and Quartan Agues ; fome of them purge well, \nand allay the Pains in the Reins, and fuch like Maladies. \n\n\n\n1 A popular term for the hake {Merluccius \'vulgaris), a sea-fish of the cod family, \nbut coarser and poorer : it was formerly proverbial as a cheap sort of food. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n2 Isle Percee ; see page 555, note i, ante. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\n564 A Voyage into North America. \n\nThere are likewife great quantities of Poifons, as the Rind \nof the wild Gourd, and others which they make ufe of to \ndeftroy their Enemies. Serpents are common in fome Parts, \nparticularly Adders, Afpicks, and Rattle-fnakes ; they are of \na prodigious length and bignefs, and bite dangeroufly poor \nPaffengers : But they have Sovereign Remedies againft their \nbiting. There are in thefe Countries Frogs of a ftupendous \nbignefs, their croaking is as loud as the lowing of Cows. \n\nThere are here all forts of European Trees, and many of \ndifferent fpecies from ours, as I have already mentioned : \nThofe are, for Example, the Cotton Tree,^ and many others. \nThefe Trees take deep rooting, and become very tall, which \nfhews the goodnefs of the Soil. But the greateft advantage \nthat may be drawn from our Difcovery between the frozen \nSea and New Mexico confifts in this, as I have faid, that by \nthe means of thefe Countries of the South, a Paffage may be \nfound to China and Japan^ without being obliged to pafs \nthe Equino6lial Line. \n\n\n\n^ Platanus occidentalis, or American sycamore. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 565 \n\n\n\n[142] CHAP. XXXIV. \n\nOf the Methods of the Savages in their Councils. Their crafty \nPolicies againfi their Enemies^ and their Cruelty againfl the \nEuropeans ; and how a flop may he put to them. \n\nIT often happens that the Savages exercife great Cruelties \nagainft the Europeans, when they pretend to have been \ninfulted. Thefe Barbarians make Proclamation of War by \nthree or four old Men in all their Villages : They do it with \nfo loud a Voice, and fo dreadful a Tone, that all that are in \ntheir Cabins, as well Men as Women, tremble for fear. \n\nPrefently all the antient Men, and all thofe who are to \n(hare in their Counfels, meet at one of their great Cabins, \nwhere the Chief of their Nation dwells : There one of their \nChiefs fpeaks to them always in this manner ; My Brethren, \nand my Nephews, one of fuch a Nation has killed one of our \nPeople. For tho they have but a fmall occafion of Difcon- \ntent, they always give out they are killed : We muft then, fays \nthe Chief, make War upon them, extirpate them, and revenge \nthe Evil they have done. If all thofe that aflift at the Coun- \ncil anfwer one after another, Netho, or Togenske ; and if they \nfmoak in the Calumet, or Pipe of War, whilft a little Savage \ntakes care from time to time to ram it with Tobacco ; this \nis taken for an unanimous Confent of the Nation, and their \n\n\n\nS66 A Voyage into North America. \n\nAllies. Then one may fee from time to time Troops of \nSouldiers marching to furprife their Enemies, tho they be \noften very innocent, and \'tis wholly upon the falfe fuggeftion \nof fome ill-minded Savage. \n\n[143] One day the Iroques pretending an Injury done by \na French-man of Canada, they would not attack the whole \nNation, but contented themfelves to difcharge their Fury \nupon two of them, whom they killed with Hatchets ; after \nthey tied their Bodies to great Stones, and caft them into \nthe River to conceal this black A(5lion ; and there had never \nbeen any thing known of it, if after fome time the Ropes \nhad not broke, and the River brought their Bodies to the \nBank. \n\nThe Savages perceiving that they were fufpedled, becaufe \nthey were forbidden to come near the Fort and the Houfes \nof the Inhabitants, began to fear left the Canadins fhould \nrevenge this barbarous Adion : To prevent the Effects of \nit, they went up to the three Rivers, and held a Council of \nabout eight hundred Men : The Refult of their Affembly \nwas, that they fhould endeavour to furprize and cut the \nThroats of all the People in Quebec, the Capital City of \nCanada, at that time but poorly inhabited. \n\nIt\'s hard to keep Secrecy in a Council of fo many Men \nat once, who without doubt were not all of one fentiment : \nProvidence therefore, that watched for the Confervation of \nthis little growing Colony, permitted that one of the Savages, \ncalled Foriere, whom fome of our Order of St. Francis had \ninftruded at the three Rivers two years together, who had a \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 567 \n\ngreat kindnefs for them, gave Advice to one of our Friars, \ncalled Friar Pacificiis^ who prefently gave notice to the Gov- \nernment. This obliged them to intrench themfelves in a lit- \ntle wooden Fort, fortified with Stakes, and ill-ordered Pali- \nfadoes. This Savage was highly rewarded, and more was \npromifed him, to oblige him not only to difcover their fur- \nther Defigns, but alfo to endeavour to divert them from \ntheir Enterprize againft the Canadins. \n\nThis Savage acquitted himfelf very well of his [144] Com- \nmifTion : He manag\'d this Affair fo happily, that he not only \nmade them to quit their former Defign, but fully perfwaded \nthem to reconcile themfelves with the French, and to obtain \nProvifions, of which they ftood much in need at that time. \nThe Savages fent to this end forty Canoos with Women to \nfetch in Provifions. The Canadins furnifhed them with as \nmuch as the time would permit. \n\nThe French received with a great deal of Joy the Propo- \nfitions of Peace, which were made them in full Council by \nthe Savage Foriere on the part of the Iroques, whom he had \nappeafed. They were told that the Chiefs and Captains of \nthe Nation fhould give up the Murderers to the Canadins to \ndifpofe of them as they thought good : To this effe6t their \nAntients fhould have Orders to come to Quebec to treat on \nthis Affair. \n\nThe Propofition which Foriere made to the Savages on \nthis Subjed, at firft frighted them ; but afterwards refleding \nupon the Weaknefs, and the fweet Temper of the French in \n\n\n\n^The Recoilet brother Paclficus du Plessis ; he died at Quebec in 1619. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\nS68 A Voyage into North America. \n\nCanada^ and relying upon the Credit of Father Jofeph Caron \na Recolet,^ whom they efteemed their Friend, they perfwaded \none of the two who was the lefs guilty, to go down with them \nto Quebec. In the mean time the Iroques ordered their little \nArmy to make a halt half a League from the French Fort, \nto expedl \\_i. e., await] the Succefs of the Negotiation. \n\nThe Iroques prefented their Criminals to the Canadins, \nwith a quantity of Bever Robes, which they gave to wipe \naway their Tears, according to their Cuftom. In effed: they \nmade up the Bufmefs by their Prefents : It\'s thus they com- \nmonly appeafe the Anger of thofe they have provoked, and \nengage their Allies, make Peace, deliver Prifoners, and as I \nmay fay, raife the Dead: In fhort, there\'s neither Propofal \nnor Anfwer, but by Prefents, [145] which ferve inftead of \nWords in their Harangues. \n\nThe Prefents which the Savages make for a Man who \nhas been murdered, are many ; but commonly it\'s not he that \ncommitted the Murder that offers them ; but the Cuftom is \nthat it be done by his Parents, Townfhip, or fometimes by \nthe whole Nation, according to the Quality of him who was \nkilled. If the Murderer be met with by the Parents of the \nDefundl, before he has made fatisfadion, he\'s put to Death \nimmediately. According to this Cuftom, before Foriere, the \nAntients and Captains of the Savages began to fpeak, who \nmade a Prefent of twelve Elk Skins to fweeten the Canadins. \n\n\n\n^Joseph le Caron was one of the first party of Recollet missionaries sent to Canada \n(1615), and was superior of the mission from 1617 to 1629, when the English sent all \nits workers back to France. Le Caron died in 1632. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\nj4 Voyage into North America. 569 \n\nAfter they had treated, they made a fecond Prefent, and \nlaid it at the Feet of the Canadins, faying, It was to cleanfe \nthe bloody Part of the Place where the Murder was com- \nmitted, protefting they had no knowledg of this Affair till \nit was done ; and that all the Chiefs of the Nation had \ncondemned the Attempt. The third was to ftrengthen the \nArms of thofe who had found the Bodies on the Bank of \nthe River, and who had carried them into the Woods : They \ngave them alfo two Robes of Bever, to repofe upon, and \nrefrefh themfelves after the Labour they had fuffered in \nburying them. The fourth was to wafh and cleanfe thofe \nwho were polluted with the Murder, and to obtain the Spirit \nagain which they had loft, when they gave the unfortunate \nStroke. The fifth to efface all the Refentments the Canadins \nmight have. The fixth was to make an inviolable Peace with \nthe French ; adding, that for the future they would caft away \ntheir Hatchets, fo far that they fhould never be found ; which \nwas as much as to fay, that their Nation being in perfedt \nPeace with the Europeans, they would have no ufe of any \nArms, only for Hunting. The feventh was to evidence the \nDefire they had that the Canadins would have their [146] \nEars pierced ; which is to fay in their Language, that they \nwould be open to the Sweetnefs of Peace, to pardon the two \nMurderers the Fault they had committed. \n\nThey offered a Quantity of Chains of Sea-Purple-Shells, \nto light a Fire of Counfel (as they phrafed it) at the three \nRivers, where the Iroques then were, and another at Quebec. \nThey added another Prefent of two thoufand Grains of black \n\n\n\n570 ^ Voyage into North America. \n\nand blue Purple, to ferve in Wood and Fewel for thefe two \nFires. \n\nHere the Reader is to obferve, that the Savages feldom \nhave any Affemblies, but they have their Pipe in their Mouth; \nFire being neceffary to light their Pipes, they always have it \nready in their Confults : fo that it\'s the fame thing among \nthem to light a Fire of Counfel, as to affemble to confult. \nThe eighth Prefent was to defire a Union of their Nation \nwith the Canad\'ins ; and then they offered a great Chain of \nSea Purple, with ten Robes of Bever and Elk; to confirm \nall they had faid. \n\nWhatfoever purpofe was made at Quebec to punifh the \nMurderers, to prevent the like Mifchiefs for the future, they \nwere obliged to defift from it, and pardon the Murderers; \nbecaufe they were not in a condition to refift fuch a powerful \nEnemy: fo all was concluded, and two Hoftages were de- \nmanded of the Savages for the performance of their Promifes. \nThey put into Father Jojeph\' s Hands two young Iroques \nBoys, called Nigamon and Tebachi, to be inftruded. In con- \nclufion, the guilty Perfons were fent back notwithftanding, \nupon condition that at the arrival of the Ships which were \nexpedled from Europe, this Affair fhould have its final De- \ncifion.^ \n\nI remember when I was in Canada, I heard the French \noften murmur that this Affair was managed thus, and that \nthe Murderers fhould avoid the Stroke of Juftice. After \n\n\n\n1 This is only another version of the account given by Le Clercq in Etablissement \nde la Foy ; see Shea\'s translation, i, pp. 121-127, \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 571 \n\nthis the Iroqiies committed a great [147] many fuch like \nEnormities, faying they fhould be quit for a few Skins of \nwild Beafts, inftead of thofe of the Canadins^ whom they \nwould flea ofiF alive; and that thofe of their Nation would \nnot fuflPer fuch like Adlions without a futable Revenge, tho \nthe whole Nation of the Iroqiies fhould perifh to a Man. \n\nIn effedl thefe Barbarians grew every day more infolent \nupon it, and defpifed the Canadins, as People of no Courage ; \nfo that whatfoever Face they put upon the Matter in their \nTreaty, it was only done out of Policy to advantage them- \nfelves by their Commerce of Furs for the Merchandifes of \nEurope. \n\nWe fee at this day, that the War which the Iroqiies have \nat prefent with the French in Canada^ furnifhes us with con- \ntinual Examples of their Cruelty. The Europeans ought to \ntake away their Fire-Arms, to reduce them, and to make \nthem refide in one Place, and to live after the mode of \nEurope: This would be the means to convert them to Chrif- \ntianity. The Spaniards took this Method with the Mexi- \ncans, who dare not carry Fire-Arms, it being punifhed with \nDeath ; neverthelefs they are not the worfe ufed, and the \nMexicans are as good Catholicks as any in the World and \ncarry the eafiefl Yoak of any Subjedls in the Univerfe. \n\nOur firft Recollets in the iirfl: Colony of Canada^ faw a \nneceffity of overthrowing the Council of the Iroques, which \nare the moft redoubted Enemies of the Europeans : They \nobferved that all the Peaces which thefe Savages made, were \nonly Feints to cover the Breaches of former Treaties. Our \n\n\n\n572 A Voyage into North America. \n\nFathers often reprefented this to the Court of France^ that \nto convert thefe Barbarians, and to hinder them from taking \nMeafures prejudicial to the Colony of Canada^ it was necef- \nfary to found a Seminary of fifty or fixty young Iroques for \nfeven or eight years only; after [148] which they might be \nmaintained of the Revenue of the Ground, which might be \ncultivated during that time. That thofe Children offered \nthemfelves every day to our Religious by confent of their \nParents, to be inftru6led and brought up in the Chriftian \nReligion. That the Iroques and other Savages, feeing their \nChildren educated in this manner, would form no more \nEnterprizes againft the Colony, as long as their Children \nwere in the Seminary, as Guarantees of the Fidelity of their \nParents. \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 573 \n\n\n\nCHAP. XXXV. \n\nOf the proper Methods to ejtahlifh good Colonies. The Thoughts \nand Opinions of the Savages touching Heaven and Earth. \n\nTHE Religious of our Order of St. Francis can poffefs \nnothing in Property, neither can they according to their \nInftitute, buy or poffefs any Revenues. There is no Order \nfo fit as ours to fupport the Colonies that are eftablifhed by \nthe Catholicks in America: The Truth of what I fay is feen \nby thofe which the Emperor Charles the fifth fent into new \nMexico; where are to be feen this day an Infinity of great \nFamilies, that have made great Advantages of the Difinter- \neftednefs of our Religious ; the beft Lands have not been \nfwallowed up, as we fee in Canada^ where we fee the richeft \nand mofb fertile Places in the hands of fome Communities, \nwho have laid hold of them during the abfence of the Recol- \nle6ls ; who notwithftanding are the firft Miflioners of Canada^ \nhaving near fourfcore Years ago attempted the planting of \nthe Gofpel there. \n\nThe People of New France having earneftly defired our \nReturn, after a long forced abfence, we [149] found that the \nbeft Lands of our Eftablifhment of the Convent of our Lady \n\n\n\n574 ^ Voyage into North America. \n\nof Angels,^ were feized upon ; where I have often renewed \nand marked the Bounds which remained, to prevent the \nDefigns of thofe who would feize upon the Remainder : But \nmy Defign is not to tax or offend any body; tho I pubHfh \nthofe things that may difpleafe fome, I fhall fpeak nothing \nbut Truth. \n\nI fhall not fpeak here of the great Advantages which \nhave accrued to the four Parts of the World by the Miffions \nof our Recollets, it would require large Volumes ; I fhall only \nrelate here the Labours of our Religious in this Age, and \nthe great Difcoveries made by us in America. When the \nFrench Colony of Canada was eftablifhed, our Recollets \nasked nothing of the Government, but a dozen Men fit for \nHusbandry-Affairs ; which were to be commanded by a \nfecular Mafter of a Family, for the Subfiftence of fifty or \nfixty young Savage Children, whilft our Religious extended \nthemfelves on all fides in the Mifiion to draw others to Chrif- \ntianity. Thefe Religious expofe their Lives, and fubjedt \nthemfelves to all forts of Trouble and Fatigue, in order to \nplant the Gofpel all over the World. \n\nOur Religious long ago advifed that Chriflian Religion, \nand the Authority of Juflice, fhould be fupported by a good \nGarifon, eftablifhed in fome convenient Place in the Northern \n\n\n\n^The convent of Notre-Dame des Anges was built by the Recollets on the St. \nCharles River, about half a (French) league from the fort of Quebec. After the \nreturn of the French to Canada (1632) , the house and lands of the Recollets were used \nby the Jesuits, as the former order was not then allowed to resume its Canadian mis- \nsions. Permission was finally granted, however, in 1670; and the Recollet missionaries \nthen sent over again occupied their former possessions. A few years later. Count \nFrontenac, who was their firm friend, built for them a house at his own expense. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 575 \n\nAmerica^ which might keep in fubjedlion more than eight hun- \ndred Leagues of Country all along the River of St. Lawrence : \nThere is no way to approach thither, but by the Mouth of \nthis great River. This would be the true means to make \nTrade flourifh: The Power of the Prince would be aug- \nmented, and his Dominions far extended by the Poffeflion \nof this great River. \n\nThere might be joined to this many great Countries \nwhich might be feized upon in this vaft Continent [150] upon \nthe River Mefchafipi, which is far more convenient than the \nRiver of St. Lawrence to eftabhfh Colonies in : for here may \nbe had two Harvefts a year, and in fome places three, befides \na great many other advantages. To which may be added, \nthat by this means a great many Countries would become \ntributary, and might be joined to thefe new Colonies. To \nthis I would heartily contribute, being ready to facrifice the \nremainder of my Days to fuch a good work. \n\nFirft^ To bring to a happy conclufion fo noble an Enter- \nprize, it\'s neceffary that the Princes or States, which would \nmake ufe of our Difcoveries, fhould very exadtly adminifter \nJuftice. The beginnings of all Colonies are difficult. It\'s \nneceffary therefore to prevent Thefts, Murders, Debaucheries, \nBlafphemies, and all other forts of Crimes, which are too \ncommon with the Europeans that inhabit America. \n\nSecondly, A Fort ought to be built at the mouth of the \nRiver of St. Laurence, and above all at the mouth of Mef \nchafipi, which are the only places v/here Ships can come. \nThen the Inhabitants might extend themfelves, and clear the \n\n\n\n57^ A Voyage into North America. \n\nGround twenty, or twenty five Leagues round about. They \nmight have feveral Harvefts in the Year, and might employ \nthemfelves in taming wild Bulls, which might be made ufe \nof feveral ways : befides, advantage muft be drawn from \nMines and Sugar-Canes, which are here far more frequent \nthan in the Ifles of America^ the Ground being richer and \nfitter for Canes ; among which may be fown great quantities \nof feveral forts of Grain, which never come to maturity in \nthofe Iflands. The Climate of the Countries which are be- \ntwixt the frozen Sea and the Gulph of Mexico^ is far more \ntemperate along the River Mejchafipi than in the Ifles above \nmention\'d. The Air is of the fame Temperature as in Spain, \nItaly, and Provence. The Men and Women go always [151] \nwith their Heads bare, and are taller than the Europeans. \n\nAs to the Sentiments thefe Barbarians have of Heaven \nand Earth ; when they are asked, Who is he that made them? \nfome of their more antient and abler Men anfwer. That as to \nthe Heavens they know not who made them. If you have \nbeen there, fay they, you muft know fomething of the matter: \nit\'s a foolifh Queftion, fay they, to ask what we think of a \nplace fo high above our Heads ; how would you have us \nto fpeak of a place that never none faw? \n\nBut, fay they, can you fhew by the Scripture of which \nyou fpeak, a Man that ever came from thence, and the man- \nner how he mounted up thither ? When we anfwer, that our \nSouls being unfettered from the Body, are of infinite agility, \nand that in the twinkling of an Eye they mount up thither \nto receive the recompence of their Works from the hand of \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. ^Tj \n\nthe Mafter of Life ; thefe People, who have a great indiffer- \nence for whatfoever is faid to them, and are cunning enough \nin feeming to approve in outward appearance, whatfoever is \nthought convenient to propofe to them; being harder preffed, \nthey anfwer. It\'s well for thofe of your Country ; but we \nAmericans do not go to Heaven after Death : We only go \nto the Country of Souls, whither our People go to hunt fat \nBeafts, where they live in greater Tranquillity than here. All \nthat you fay is good for thofe that dwell beyond the great \nLake ; for fo they call the Sea. They further fay, that as to \nthemfelves they are made in another manner than the People \nof Europe : So that their Converfion does folely depend upon \nthe good will and pleafure of God, who muft water our \nplanting. \n\nAs to the Sentiments of the Savages relating to the Earth, \nthey make ufe of a certain Genius which they call M\'lcahoche^ \nwho covered all the Earth with Water, [152] which feems to \nretain fome Tradition of the Deluge. Thefe Savages believe \nthat there are between Heaven and Earth, certain Spirits in \nthe Air, which have power to predi6t future things ; and \nothers that are excellent Phyficians, for the cure of all forts \nof Maladies. This makes them very fuperftitious, and to \nconfult the Oracles with great exadlnefs. \n\nOne of thefe Mafler-Juglers, who paffed for a Wizard and \nConjurer among them, made a Cabin be eredled with ten \ngreat Stakes well fix\'d in the Ground. He made a dreadful \n\n\n\n^A poor phonetization of Missibizi, or Manabozho, the name of an Algonkin \ndivinity (see p. 451, note i, ante). \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \nn-15 \n\n\n\n57^ A Voyage into North America. \n\nNolfe about confulting the Spirits, to know if there would \nquickly fall abundance of Snow, for the better hunting of \nElks and Bevers. This famous Jugler cried out all on a \nfudden, that he faw great ftore of Elks which were at a \ndiftance, but that they were coming within feven or eight \nLeagues of their Cabins. This made thefe poor People \nrejoice exceedingly. \n\nIt\'s to be obferv\'d that when the Jugler, or pretended \nProphet, miffes the mark, they have no lefs efteem for him; \nit\'s fufficient that he hath gueffed right three or four times, \nto gain him a lafting Reputation. I told them that the great \nMafter of Heaven, who governs all things, ought only to be \naddreffed in our Petitions and Neceffities. They anfwered \nme that they knew him not, and that they would be glad to \nknow whether he could fend them Elks and Bevers ; fo blind \nare thefe People. I told them once that we Europeans knew \nhow all things were made, and by whom. They told me that \nif I would go and live with them, they would fend their Chil- \ndren to be inftruded. Thefe Sentiments of the Savages let \nus fee, that the greateft good that can be done among them, \nis to baptize their dying Infants. \n\nThe MiiTions of the Northern America are far different \nfrom others. There is nothing to be found agreeable to \nNature, nothing but what contradidls the [153] inchnation \nof the Senfes : One muft fubmit to infinite Fatigues, and \nbarren and ingrateful Labour. Notwithftanding thofe who \napply themfelves with zeal, confefs they find a fecret Charm \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 579 \n\nwhich inclines them to this work ; fo that if any Neceffity \ndiverts them from it, they are much perplexed. \n\nThis feems to me to be a good Prefage for the Miffions \nof thefe Countries, and that God Almighty will not fuffer \nthem always to remain in the Shadows of Death ; fince by \nhis Grace he makes the MifHoners find fo much pleafure in \nthofe Labours, fo contrary to Flefh and Blood. \n\nPatience is abfolutely neceffary for this Employ. All \nalong our Travels in America we din\'d upon the Ground, or \nupon fome Mat of Bulrufhes when we were in the Cabins of \nfome Savage. A Fagot of Cedar was our Pillow in the \nNight ; our Cloaks our Coverlets ; our Knees our Table ; \nfome Buflies tied together, our Seats ; the Leaves of Indian \nCorn, our Napkins. We had fome Knives, but they were \nof no ufe to us for want of Bread to cut. Except in the \ntime of the great Hunting, and certain Seafons of the Year, \nFlefh-meat was fo fcarce that we were oft fix Weeks, or two \nMonths, without eating any, unlefs it were a morfel of a wild \nDog, or fome piece of a Bear, or Fox, which the Savages \ngave us at their Feafts. \n\nOur common Food v/as the fame with the Savages, viz. \nSagamite, or Pottage made of Water and Indian Corn with \nGourds: To give it a Relifh, we put into it Marjoram, and \na fort of Balm, with wild Onions which we found in the \nWoods and Fields. Our ordinary Drink was Water. If any \nof us was indifpofed, while the Sap was up in the Trees, we \nmade a hole in the Bark of a Maple, and there dropt out a \n\n\n\n580 A Voyage into North America. \n\nfweet Sugar-like Juice, which we faved in a Platter made of \nthe Bark of a Birch-tree; we drank it as a Sovereign [154] \nRemedy, tho it had but fmall effeds. There are in the \nVallies of thofe Forefts great ftore of Maples, from whence \nmay be drawn diftill\'d Waters. After a long boiling, we \nmade of it a kind of reddifh Sugar, much better than that \nwhich is drawn from the ordinary Canes in the Ifles of \nAmerica. \n\nOur Spanifh Wine failing us, we made more of wild \nGrapes which were very good ; we put it into a little Barrel, \nin which our Wine was kept that we brought with us, and \nfome Bottles. A Wooden-Mortar and an Altar-Towel was \nour Prefs. The Fat [Vat] was a Bucket of Bark. Our \nCandle was Chips of the Bark of Birch-tree, which lafted a \nfmall while. We were forced to read and write by the light \nof the Fire in Winter, which was very inconvenient. \n\nWhile we were at the Fort of Frontenac, about fixfcore \nLeagues from Quebec towards the South, we made up a little \nGarden, and paled it in to keep out the Savage Children: \nPeas, Herbs, and whatfoever Pulfe we fowed there, grew ex- \ntremely well. We had had great ftore, if we had had proper \nTools to work with at the beginning of the eftablifhment of \nthat Fort, which was but then fortified with great Stakes : \nWe made ufe of fharp-pointed Sticks, becaufe we had no \nother Husbandry-Tools. All our Confolation was, in the \nmidft of thefe Fatigues, to fee the Gofpel of Chrift advanced. \n\nThe Savages feem\'d to have fome Inclination ; they were \nattentive and diligent in coming to their Prayers, tho they \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. s^i \n\nhad none of that opennefs of Spirit which is neceffary to \nenter into the Verities of Religion. They came to feek In- \nftrujflion with a Spirit of Intereft, to have our Knives, Awls, \nand fuch like things. \n\nI owe the following Thoughts to an excellent Religious \nMan of our Order, whom I fhall name in my third Volume, \nif it pleafe God I perfedl my Defign. \n\n[155] I make a great deal of difference between the Zeal, \nthe Labours of true Miflioners, and the pretended Succeffes \nwhich have been fo often bragg\'d of, without any probability \nof Truth. The Juftice we are obliged to pay to the painful \nFatigues of Apoftolical Men in New-France^ is that they can- \nnot be expreffed : They equal the Enterprizes, Courage, and \nSufferings of St. Paul^ who was expofed to great Dangers, \nto Famine, Thirft, ^c. Their Silence it felf was great and \nlaudable among the Calumnies of their Enemies. But the \nCondu6t of the Miflioners in the Chriftian World is juftified \nby it felf, and puts them above fuch-like Reproaches, as well \nin regard of Canada^ as any place elfe. \n\nFormerly it employed all my Thoughts, as well as thofe \nof other Miflioners among the Iroquois^ to civilize thefe Sav- \nages, to make them capable of Laws and Civil Policy, and \nto put a ftop to their brutal Sallies as much as poflible. I \nhave done my utmoft to difabufe them, and fhew them the \nfolly of their vain Superftitions ; and fo I prepared the way \nof our Lord to the utmoft of my power. But it mufl: be \nconfeffed the Harveft was Httle ; thofe People are as Savage \nas ever, always fixed to their antient Maxims, to their profane \n\n\n\n582 A Voyage into North America. \n\nCuftoms, to Pride, Drunkennefs, Cruelty, being even unca- \npable of Inftru(5lion and Obedience. They are the fame they \nwere thirty or forty years ago. Since the French of Canada \nmade a Peace with them, and that the Jefuits became their \nMifTioners, altho they had built as many Churches and \nChappels as they had deftroyed, thefe Iroquois^ who may \njuftly be called the unconquerable Phtliftines^ have made no \nprogrefs in Faith : To fpeak truth, we fee the quite contrary \nat this day. Thefe Barbarians maintain a cruel War with \nthe French. I muft confefs it\'s hard for me to conceive that \nChriftians fhould have a War with fuch brutal People, [156] \nwhom I had managed with all the dexterity I could, during \nthe fix or feven Years I was among them ; fometimes by \nEmbaffies, which I was charged with ; fometimes by the \nInfi:ru6lions I gave them for Reading and Writing, and for \nReligion it felf. We continued this warlike Nation in Peace \nas much as poffible. \n\nThe Iroquois, who call the Religious of our Order Chi- \ntagon, that is to fay, naked Feet, have often regretted our \nAbfence about the Lake Ontario, or Frontenac, where they \nhad a Miflion-houfe. I have often heard fay, that when a \nPrieft of St. Sulpitius, cL Jefuit, or any other Ecclefiaftick of \nCanada, asked them how it happen\'d that they gave them \nno fhare of their Game, as they were wont to give the naked \nFeet? They anfwered, that our Recolets liv\'d in common as \nthey did, and that they took no Recompence of all the \nPrefents that they made them : That they neither took Furs, \nof which all the Europeans are fo greedy, nor any other \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 583 \n\nRecompence, for all that our Religious did for them. This \nfhews, that one muft begin by the Animal part with thofe \nPeople, and after proceed to the Spiritual. And that if, as \nin the Primitive Church, the Chriilians of this Age were of \none Heart, and one Soul, and wholly difinterefted, without \ndoubt this Nation would be eafier converted. \n\nIt\'s true, that while I was a Miffioner at Fort Frontenac, \namong the Iroquois^ and that the Jefuits were fcattered here \nand there in their Country, thefe Religious ferved to other \npurpofes than my felf: For as thofe Barbarians are wholly \nled by Senfe, they then looked upon the Jefuit Miffioners as \nCaptains, and Men of confiderable Quality, as Envoys, and \nperpetual Refidents of the French Colony of Canada, who \nmaintained the Alliance which was among them, who difpofed \nof Peace and War, who ferved for Hoftages when they went \nto trade in the inhabited [157] parts of Canada; otherwife \nthefe Barbarians would have had perpetual Diffidences, and \nwould have been afraid of being detained for want of Hof- \ntages, and of this Security for their Lives and Goods. \n\nIt\'s obferved, that the Miffioners of whom I fpeak, \nundertake the Tutelage of the Savages, of which they acquit \nthemfelves very well. They draw thefe Barbarians into their \nRefidences, and exercife them in clearing the Ground of their \nSettlements, which contributes much to the Advantage of the \nColony, and the Church it felf. To their Reputation and \nZeal muft be attributed many confiderable Foundations for \nthis Miffion, which they have obtained from many powerful \nand zealous Perfons, whofe Liberality they manage as well as \n\n\n\n584 A Voyage into North America. \n\nthe annual Gratifications of the King for the fame purpofe.^ \nBefides, thefe Miffions are the places where true Saints \nare formed, by the Labours of an indefatigable Zeal, a fer- \nvent Charity, accompanied with Patience and Humility, and \nby a great Difintereftednefs ; by an extraordinary Sweetnefs, \nand by a lively and pure Faith : but it\'s a kind of an Apollle- \nfhip different from that of other Nations. \n\nBut to fpeak here one word of the Progrefs of thefe \nMiffions. Is it pofTible that this pretended prodigious num- \nber of converted Savages fhould efcape the Knowledg of a \ncroud of French Canadins, who go abroad every Year from \nhome at leaft three or four hundred Leagues, to the utmoft \nBorders of the difcovered Countries, to trade, where fome of \nthem fojourn whole Years for to barter their Commodities? \nHow happen\'d it that thefe devout Churches difappeared \nwhen I travelled through the middle of the Countries? \nHow comes it to pafs, that fo many Men of Senfe fhould \nnot difcern them ? \n\nBefides, it\'s well known that the Savages come every Year \nin great Troops into Canada with their [158] Canoos loaden \nwith Furs. There is to be feen a Concourfe of all forts of \n\n\n\n^The Jesuit missions in Canada were granted, from the year 1647, an annual \npension of 5,000 livres ; from 1684, they were exempted from payment of tithes ; an \ninstructor was long maintained by the King at the college of Quebec ; and other gifts \nand allowances were, at various times, granted them by the government. Besides \nthese, they possessed large and valuable landed estates, given by the King or by private \npersons. When Canada was conquered by the English (1760), the property of the \nJesuits was appropriated by the English government, which held it for more than \na century ; finally (1871), ceding the Jesuit estates to the Provincial government of \nQuebec. For further details, and citations of authorities, see Jes. Relations, ixxi, \npp. 392, 393.^ \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 585 \n\nSavages, who are as it were the feled; People of all thofe \ndifferent Nations. All the Country are Witneffes, that in \ntheir Manners and Doings nothing appears but Barbarity, \nwithout any fign or mark of Religion. All the Proof they \ncan give, is, that like Idols they afTift at our Myfteries and \nInftruftions : for the reft we may fee them indifferent, without \ndifcovering any Faith or Spirit of Religion. It may be called \nrather an effed of their Curiofity : Some of them come upon \nthe account of Intereft, others upon a Motive of Fear, or \nfome particular Efiieem they have for the Perfon of fome \nMiffioner, whom they often regard as a confiderable Chief. \n\nAll therefore that can be done, is to draw out of the \nWoods fome Families which fhew the moft Docility, and to \ndifpofe them to fettle in fome inhabited Place. There are \ntwo Villages in the Neighbourhood of Quebec^ and two other \nhigher up upon the River of St. Lawrence^ near Mont-royal^ \nwhich are feparated from the Commerce of the Europeans. \nIt\'s therefore in thofe Parts that the Church of the Savages \nis to be found. Tho their Language as well as Manners \nare altogether favage, yet for all that thofe Neophytes are kept \nin their Devoir. Great pains is taken to educate them in \nPiety, yet not much is gain\'d upon their Spirit. There are \nfome that are Chriftians in good earneft ; but there are many \nentire Families who efcape from the Miflioners after having \nabode with them ten or twelve Years, and return to the \nWoods to their firft mode of living. \n\nIt may be reply\'d by fome, that we fee many Chriftians \nin Europe fwerve from their Duty, and difgrace their Char- \n\n\n\n586 A Voyage into North America. \n\nafter by a Libertine Condudt ; but we do not difcourfe here \nof the Corruption of the Manners of the Savages, but of \ntheir adhefion to Chriftianity : It\'s certain they quite apofla- \ntize from it. \n\n[159] The contrary has been declar\'d in France, in fev- \neral Relations, which have been pubhfh\'d upon this Subje6t, \nwhich were order\'d to be read to the Penfionaries of the \nUrfulines. It\'s faid, that there are a great many Indians con- \nverted, and others ready for the Sacrament of Confirmation, \nand that fome of them have received the leffer Orders. \nWould to God that all thofe Churches fpoke of in the Re- \nlations were as real, as all the judicious People of Canada \nknow they are chimerical. If they were formerly, what\'s be- \ncome of them now? after almoft an Age they are no more \nto be feen ; and yet the Colony of Canada increafes. The \nTrade is greater than formerly, and it\'s better known, fo that \nthe pretended number of Converts would be eafily difcovered. \n\nWhen formerly thefe Relations were read to Perfons who \nhad not that knowledg of Canada we have at prefent, it \ngained Credit with every body according to their Inclina- \ntions. It was eafy to impofe upon People in this refpedt. \nBut as to me who have been upon the Place, and who have \nalways fpoke my mind with a great deal of Candor and \nLiberty, I content my felf to appeal to all the Inhabitants \nof New France, who are at prefent fifteen or fixteen thoufand \nSouls ^ ; I am affured they will confefs ingenuoufly, there is \n\n\n\n^The population of Canada is given by Suite [Canad.-Frangais, v, p. 89; vi, \n46-48) as follows : In 1681, 9,677; in 1691, 12,000; in 1698, about 16,000. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 587 \n\nfcarce any Chriftianity among the Savages at this day, except \nfome particular Perfons, and thofe in fmall numbers, very \nfickle and inconftant, ready at every moment for any fmall \nIntereft to abandon their Religion. \n\nIt may be that fome Advances are made towards the \ncivilizing thofe Barbarians, and to make them more polite \nthan they were. But all the Inhabitants of thofe Countries \nknow, that they are no more Chriftians than formerly. Not- \nwithftanding it\'s very probable that they would have adhered \nbetter to the Chriftian Religion, if they had trod in the fteps \n[160] of the Religious of our Order, if they had kept a folid \nPeace with the Iroquois and other Savage Nations, and if \nthey had been mingled among the Europeans, to make them \nmore docible and more tradlable. \n\nWhile I was in the Miffion of Canada^ I bethought me \none day to ask fome judicious Men, how it happen\'d that \nwe had no more Annual Relations of the Miffions of Canada. \nWhen thofe whom I had asked gave me no Anfwer, a cer- \ntain Perfon who thought no ill, told me, that the Court of \nRome had order\'d that the Relations of foreign Miffions \nfhould be exadlly true : That the Congregation De propa- \nganda Fide had order\'d that no more fhould be publifhed \nthat were not of publick Notoriety, and clear as the Sun at \nNoon. This feem\'d to me to be a judicious Anfwer.^ \n\n\n\n^ In the preceding four pages, Hennepin has attacked the missionary labors of the \nJesuits in Canada, although without mentioning that order by name. The published \nreports here alluded to are the annual Relations sent by the Jesuit missionaries in \nCanada to their superiors in France or at Rome ; these were regularly published from \n1632 until 1672. From that time they ceased to appear, in consequence of an order \n\n\n\nS88 A Voyage into North America. \n\nRefle6ling upon this, we ought to admire the Judgments \nof God upon thefe barbarous Nations, and to acknowledg \nhis Mercy toward us, that he has been pleafed to let us be \nborn of Parents illuminated with the bright Rays of the \nChriftian Faith, in a Country where we are betimes formed \nto Piety, and all manner of Vertues ; where the multitude of \ninteriour Graces and exteriour Helps prefent us the means \nto fecure our Salvation, if we be faithful. \n\nWe ought to give him the Glory that is due to him for \nthe excellent Lights we have received, and which diftinguifh \nus fo advantageoufly from fo many Nations who are in the \nDarknefs of Error and Blindnefs. This ought to oblige us \nto make our Election fure by all forts of good Works, fet- \nting before our Eyes the account we muft one day give be- \nfore the dreadful Tribunal of God, of the ufe we have made \nof all his Graces and Benefits. \n\n\n\nissued (Dec. 19, 1672) by the Congregation of the Propaganda, and enforced by a \nbrief (Apr. 6, 1673) of Pope Clement X, forbidding the publication (without written \npermission from the Congregation) of any books about missions. See Jes. Relatiotis, \nespecially Iv, pp. 315, 316. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\np/1 61 \n\n\n\n\nThe Ihki?!^ 0/ \':iusl\xc2\xa3e /y T/i\xe2\x82\xac^ <^lz/A \n\n\n\n/^/^Voftd^r^iicAi- \xe2\x80\xa2:fcu\xc2\xa3- \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 589 \n\n\n\n[161] CHAP. XXXVI. \n\nTbe Hifiory of the Irruption lubich the Engli/h made into Canada \nin the Tear 1628. Tbe taking of Quebec, tbe Metropolis of \nCanada, in tbe Tear 1629. Tbe mofl honourable Treatment \ntbey gave tbe Recolets. \n\nI THOUGHT my felf obliged to publifh the Obfervations \nwhich I have drawn from the Reverend Father Valentine \nle Roux, Provincial Commiffary of our Recolets of Canada, \nwho is a Man of fingular Merit. I have told you in my firft \nVolume, that I communicated to him my Journal of the \nDifcovery I made of all the River of Mefchafipi. This Man, \nwho has a deep and piercing Judgm.ent, has publifhed what \nhe knows of the Intrigues of Canada under a borrowed \nName^; and he fhews in his Work, that the Condudl of \nProvidence is always admirable, and that fhe accomplifhes \nher Defigns by ways impenetrable, in their Beginning, in their \nProgrefs, and in their Perfe6tion. \n\nThe Colony of New France, fays this clear-fighted Reli- \ngious, for a long tim.e flourifhed more and more ; great Dif- \ncoveries were m.ade, Trade advanced, the People encreafed, \nChappels and Oratories were built in many places, and the \n\n\n\n^Seethe first sentence of the following chapter (xxxvii). Hennepin here gives a \nsort of paraphrase of chap, xii in Le Clercq\'s Etablissement de la Toy. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\n590 A Voyage into North America. \n\nCountry had a new face of Government : But God permitted \nall this to be ruined by the defcent of the Englifh, who pre- \ntend that their Soveraign is not only King of three King- \ndoms, but alfo of the Sea. \n\nSome Englifh, zealous for their Nation, armed a Fleet in \n1628,^ to feize upon Canada^ in the Reign of Lewis XIII, \nFather of the prefent King. Two Turtles,^ [162] of which \ngreat Flights are in this Country, fell of themfelves in a very \ncalm time into the Fort of Quebec the ()th of July the fame \nYear. The Inhabitants of Canada took it for a Prefage of \nthe Change that happen\'d. \n\nThe Englifh in their Route feized upon a French Veffel \nwhich was at the Mouth of the River of St. Francis,^ in that \npart of the Ifle which is called Pierced, becaufe of a fmall \nCape of Land which fhoots out into the Sea, in the middle \nof which is a great Arch which is naturally pierced in the \nRock, under which the Chaloups that fifh for Poor Jack pafs \n\n\n\n1 Reference is here made to the London trading company called "Merchant \nAdventurers to Canada." Its founder, Sir William Alexander, had obtained from \nJames I of England a grant of all the territory from the St. Croix River to the St. \nLawrence, ignoring all French claims to that region. In 1627, Alexander settled a \nsmall colony in Nova Scotia ; and in the following year David Kirk, another of the \nassociates, seized all the French fishing vessels in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, threatened \nQuebec, and captured a French squadron sent with supplies for that town. In 1629, \nhe returned to the attack, captured Quebec, and took possession of Canada for \nEngland. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n2 The passenger pigeon {Columba migraioria) ; formerly abundant, but now prac- \ntically extinct, in the United States. The word " Turtles " is, however, an absurd \nerror of either Hennepin or his English translator; for this incident, as originally \nrelated by Sagard {Canada, Tross ed., pp. 831, 832, 887), was that of the sudden \nfall, without apparent cause, of two small towers (Fr. toiirelles) of the fort. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n^ The Mai Bale River, in Gaspe ; Isle Percee is not far from its mouth. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed, \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 591 \n\nwhen they return from Fifhing. The Engllfh fail\'d with a \nfair Wind, and advanced up the River as far as Tadoujjac} \nwhich is a River that falls into this, and comes from the \nCountries which are towards Hudfori\'s, Bay, as may be feen in \nthe Maps. \n\nThe Englifh found a Bark, which they made ufe of to \nland 20 Souldiers : Thefe were fent to feize upon Cape \nTourment, fo called, becaufe of the danger the Ships are in \nthere during the Tempefts, which are more frequent here \nthan in any part of the River. Two Savages who lived among \nthe Europeans having difcovered them, gave advice to Quebec, \nwhich is but about feven or eight Leagues from the Cape. \n\nMonfieur Champlin,^ who was Governour of that City, \nentreated Father Jofeph Caron, Superiour of the Recolets, to \ngo near the Englifh Fleet in a Canoo of Bark, to know the \nTruth. The Advice was but too true. He found it con- \nfirm\'d about five Leagues from Quebec, and had no other \ntime but prefently to run a fhoar, and fave himfelf in the \nWoods. The two Religious we had at Cape Tourment came \nby Land to Quebec, with the Sieur Faucher, who was Com- \nmandant there, to give an account of the taking of Cape \n\n\n\n^Tadoussac is the seaport village at the mouth of the Saguenay River, Que. \nThis river rises in Lake St. John, into which fall rivers that connect, by portages, \nwith the streams flowing into Hudson Bay. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n2 Samuel de Champlain, the great explorer of Canada and the New England \ncoast. His Voyages \xe2\x80\x94 of which several editions were published during his life, and \nwhich has also been translated into English \xe2\x80\x94 is one of the prime authorities on early \nCanadian history and geography. He founded Quebec (1608), and was the first \ngovernor of the colony (1612 until his death, Dec. 25, 1635 \xe2\x80\x94 except during the \nEnglish occupation, 1629-32). \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\n592 A Voyage into North America. \n\nTourment. The Englifh there feized upon all the Effeds \nvaluable, and the Inhabitants fled into the [163] Woods. \nThere v/ere but three that fell into the hands of the Englifh ; \none of whom was called Piver} with his Wife and his Niece. \nSoon after they appeared before Quebec^ accompanied with \nan Officer of Mr. Kirk, Admiral of the Englifh Fleet. \n\nThis Officer fummoned them by a Letter from the Ad- \nmiral to furrender the Place : but the Governour, who was \na gallant Man of his Perfon, tho much embarafs\'d with this \nInvafion, remaining firm and undaunted, made them fo fierce \nan Anfwer, that the Englifh, who will rather perifh than defifl \nfrom an Enterprize, believed by this Anfwer that the Fort \nof Quebec was in a better condition than they thought it was. \nSo this time they let it alone, and putting oflF their Defign \nto a more convenient time, they fet fail for England. \n\nThe Englifn General then putting off the Defign to the \nYear following, contented himfelf with taking a great number \nof Prifoners, which he carried into England, and among the \nreft a young Savage Huron, called Lewis of the Holy Faith^^ \nwho had been baptized two Years before by the Archbifhop \nof Rouen. The refl: of the Prifoners, doubtlefs with a defign \nto be the more valued, faid, that that Savage was the Son \nof the King of Canada. The Englifh General believed that \nfo confiderable a Prifoner would much facilitate the Con- \nqueft of the whole Country the Year following. But he was \nmuch furprized when after he had taken Quebec, he under- \n\n\n\n1 Nicolas Pivert, one of the first settlers at Beaupre, Que. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n2 Louis de Sainte-Foi, whose Huron name was Amantacha. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 593 \n\nftood that the Father of this Savage was a poor miferable \nHtiron, who had neither Credit nor Power in his own Nation. \nThis was the Reafon that the Son was reftored in a pitiful \nHabit : The Englifh took from him all the Equipage they \nhad given him, as fuppofing he had been the Son of a King. \nThe Reputation this Savage was in for fome time was the \nCaufe of his Ruin, and it may be of his eternal Damnation ; \nfor being [164] among the Savages, he loft all the Ideas of \nChriftian Religion. \n\nIn the fright that every body v/as in upon the Arrival \nof the Englifh, many Savage Mountaineers came to offer \ntheir Service to the Recolets of Quebec : among the reft the \nabove-mentioned Napaga Bifcou, who having been inftruded \nand baptized by Father Jofepb Caron, endeavoured to do the \nbeft fervice he could to his Benefador. As foon therefore \nas he could make his Efcape from the Englifh, he repre- \nfented to Father Jofepb, that if the Enemy did the fame at \nQuebec they had done at Cape Tourment, the Savages would \nfind no Retreat any more for their Comfort during Winter: \nI beg of you Father, fays this Savage, that you would be \npleafed to let two or three of your Friars go along with me ; \nthey will fay Prayers for us, and inftrudl our Children, and \nthofe of our Nation who have not as yet feen any Naked Feet, \nfor fo they call our Recolets : I\'ll fupport them ; they fhall \nbe treated as my felf, and we\'ll come from time to time to \nvifit you. \n\nFather Jofepb liked v/ell this Propofition : the Savage took \ntwo along with him, which he led to a place where this In- \n\nII-IG \n\n\n\n594 ^ Voyage into North America. \n\ndian dwelt, who likewife begg\'d that Friar Gcrva/e Mobier, \na Lay-brother, might be one of them : they defigned to pafs \nthat Winter among the Algonqiiins. They prefently therefore \ndeparted for the three Rivers, and run a great many rifques \nin the Journey : Their Canoos were bilged about fifteen \nLeagues below the three Rivers, fo that they were forced to \ngo the reft of the Journey thorow the Woods. They thought \nto be carried by the Tide, which flows up the River of St. \nLawrence above a hundred and thirty fix Leagues from the \nSea: At laft by the help of a Canoo which they light upon \nby chance, they came to the three Rivers,^ where were Vil- \nlages ereded by the Mountaineers and Algonquins : [165] \nthefe Savages were expedting there the Harveft-time for their \nIndian Corn. They made great demonftrations of the real \nAfTedion they had for them, of whom they had heard much \nDifcourfe from Father to Son. \n\nBeing there, they underftood the Englifh were gone out \nof the River, and that before that they had fought and van- \nquifhed the French Fleet which came into Canada. This \nNews obliged Monfieur Champlin, Governour of Quebec, as \nwell as all the reft of the French, to defire Father Jofepb to \ncome back. \n\nWhile things paffed thus, twenty Canoos were feen to ar- \nrive, conduced by the Hurons, who brought along with them \n\n1 An appellation of the St. Maurice River, given on account of the three divisions \nor branches of its current made by two islands which lie near its mouth ; a French \nsettlement was founded by Champlain (1634) at its mouth, which is now the city of \nThree Rivers, Que.\xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 595 \n\nFather Jofeph de la Roche Daillon,^ Recolet. The Grief of \nNepaga Btifcon is not to be expreffed when he was to part \nwith this Religious : But the Order was peremptory. I can- \nnot here forget the dexterous Contrivance of a young Chrif- \ntian Savage to rid himfelf out of the hands of the Englilh, \nor rather to procure fome Prefent from the French : He was \ncalled Peter Antony Arekouanon^ and had been baptized in \nFrance^ and educated in a College at the Expence of the \nPrince of Guimeni : He was at Tadoiijfac when the Englifh \nappeared there, and fo was taken Prifoner with the reft, and \ncarried aboard : he was interrogated in French and Latin, \nbut made as if he underflood nothing of what he was asked. \nCaptain MicheP a French-man, who out of Difcontent had \na long time before gone over to the Englifh, knew this Sav- \nage, and that he underftood both Languages : He gave an \naccount to the General of it, who kept him for an Interpreter \nfor the Engliih when they fhould go to traffick with the \nIndians. Peter Antony could no longer conceal his Knowledg \nof the two Languages, and that he was a Chriftian ; but he \nbethought him of a Stratagem: He pretended [i66] he \nwould really efpoufe the part of the Engli/h. He told the \nAdmiral he was to keep fome meafures with the French ; and \n\n^This Recollet missionary came to Canada in 1625, and labored among the Hu- \nrons from 1626 to 1628 ; he then went to Quebec, and was sent back to France by \nKirk in the following year. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n2 Pierre Antoine Atetkouanon (according to Le Clercq ; but Pastedechouan, in \nthe Jesuit Relations, q. v. under that name). \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n3 Jacques Michel, mentioned in the Relations as a Huguenot. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\n59^ A Voyage into North America. \n\nabove all, that he was much obliged to the Recollets who had \nconverted him, and who had taught him what he underftood \nof Latin and French. He begg\'d of the Admiral, that he \nwould not carry him to Quebec^ that he could be more fervice- \nable to him if he would be pleafed to let him go to the three \nRivers with Canoos loaden with Provifions and Merchan- \ndizes ; and that he would induce a great number of Savages \nto come and trade. The Admiral believed what he faid, and \ngranted him all he demanded : But this Man feeing himfelf \nout of the hands of the Eitgli/Ji, who had treated him very \ncivilly, went ftraight to the Red IJland^ crofs\'d the River of \nSt. Laurence^ came to the River of JVolves [Riviere du Loup], \nand afterwards the Admiral heard no farther tidings of him. \nThey had a hard Winter of it at Quebec^ for they wanted \nall forts of Neceffaries ; and becaufe the Ships which brought \nProvifions were feized on by the Engli/h, they were therefore \nobliged to divide the fmall Provifion that was left. Our \nReligious might have had their fhare as well as others, but \nthey contented themfelves with Indian Corn, and the Pulfe \nthey had fown. Madam Hebers^ made them a Prefent of \ntwo Barrels of Peafe, which are extraordinary good and large \nin Canada ; befides they had Raifins, and had made a pro- \nvilion of Acorns in cafe of neceffity, and they were fo happy \nas to catch fome Eels, which are plentiful in that River. \n\n1 An island in the St. Lawrence, opposite the mouth of the Saguenay ; in early \ntimes, noted for its seal-fisheries. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n2 Marie Rollet, widow of Louis Hebert ; he was the first agricultural settler in \nCanada (1617). He died in 1627. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 597 \n\nProvidence multiplied their Provifions fo, that they were \nable to furnifh three Seminaries of Savages, and many more \nwho were in great Neceffity. \n\nThe Jefuits, who for fome time had made ufe of one half \nof our Houfe, having built one for themfelves, where they \nnow dwell, did their utmoft to fuccour the French. \n\n[167] Early in the Spring Monfieur de Champlin feeing \nthe Neceflity we were in all Winter, which was very fharp \nin Canada^ infomuch that for the moil part the Snow was five \nor fix foot deep, and continued fo, for it feldom rains in \nWinter, begged of Father Jojeph to grant him a part of our \nLands towards Hair-pointy or Point aux lievres^: Some other \nprivate Perfons granted other Lands : They were plowed in \nhafte, and there was fown bearded Wheat, Peafe and Indian \nWheat, at the beginning and middle of May. They were \nforced to do fo, becaufe Wheat there cannot endure the Win- \nter as in our Parts of Europe, becaufe of the extream Cold. \n\nThe faid Sieiir Champlin had fent People towards Gafpee, \nwhich is between the Pierced IJland and Bojion, which belongs \nto the Engli/h, to fee if they could hear any tidings of any \nFrench Veffel; they went in a Chaloup, but could hear no \nnews of any. But they were affured that the Gafpefien \nSavages offered to maintain twenty intire Families. The \nAlgonqidns and Mountaneers offered larger Supplies. A Ship \nwas equipped to go into France; the Sieur de Boiile, Sieur \n\n\n\n1 " Point of Hares"; a headland on the St. Lawrence shore, near Quebec; the \nJesuits had a cattle-farm there. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\n598 A Voyage into North America. \n\nChamplin\'s Brother-in-law, was made Captain of her; he \ntook the Sieur des Dames\'^ Commiffary of the Company, for \nhis Lieutenant. \n\nBeing come near Gajpee in the Bay of St. Laurence^ they \nhappily met with a French Ship commanded by the Sieur \nEmeric de Caen^ who brought them Supplies. He told them \nthat the King did fend the Sieur de Rafilly to fight the Engli/h, \nand fave the Country .^ The Ship was laden, and the Sieur de \nBouUe returned towards Quebec^ and then was taken by an \nEnglifh Veffel, and was made a Prifoner of War with all his \nCrew. \n\nIn the interim the Hurons arrived at Quebec with twenty \nCanoos, we bought their Indian Corn : Monfieur de Champlin \ngave one part to the Jefuits, who [i68] had taken upon them \nthe charge to take care of feveral ; and our Recollets having \nalfo receiv\'d a fupply of Vi6luals, fubfifted till the arrival of \nthe Englijhy which was not long. \n\nThe Englijh Fleet furprifed the French in Canada; they \nappeared in the Morning the \\()th of July 1629, over againft \n\n1 Thierry Desdames, a naval captain ; he came to Canada as early as 1622, and \nremained until the conquest. Returning after the retrocession of that country, he was \ncommandant at Miscou from 1639 to 1646. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n2 Emery de Caen, a Huguenot naval officer, was prominent in the early history of \nCanada. During 1620-27 he, with his uncle Guillaume de Caen, was at the head of \na mercantile company who had obtained the monopoly of the Canadian fur trade ; for \nfull account of this and several other commercial companies, see H. P. Biggar\'s \nEarly Trading Companies ofNenv France (Toronto, 1901) . He was also provisional \ngovernor of Quebec during the first year of the French reoccupation. \n\nIsaac de Razilly, a naval officer of high standing, was ordered to relieve the suf- \nfering Quebec colonists ; but, through some misunderstanding or neglect of orders, \nthe ships failed to reach the place in time to prevent its capture by Kirk. Razilly is \nbest known as governor of Acadia (1632-35. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 599 \n\nthe great Bay of Quebec, at the Point of the Ifle of Orleans. \nThe Fleet confifted of three Ships, and fix others which ftay\'d \nat Tadouffac, and followed them. The Mifiioners, Jefuits, \nand RecoUets had Orders to retire into the Fort of Quebec with \nthe Inhabitants. Father Valentine le Roux affures us there was \nonly Powder for three or four Difcharges of Cannon, and \neight or nine hundred Loads for Mufquets. \n\nMr. Kirk, General of the Englifh Fleet, fent an Englifh \nGentleman to Sieur de Cbamplin to fummon the Place, and \nto deliver a very honourable Letter. The miferable ftate of \nthe Country, which had neither Provifions nor Ammunition, \nfor there had come no Supply for two Years pail, obliged \nthe Governor to return a more fupple Anfwer than the Year \npaft. \n\nHe therefore deputed Father Jofeph Caron, Superior of \nthe RecoUets, and fent him aboard the Englifh Admiral, to \ntreat of the Surrender of Quebec upon advantagious Terms ; \nand above all, to obtain fome delay, if pofTible. Father Jofeph \ndemanded fifteen days, but the Englifh General knowing the \nweak condition of the place, would admit of no delay. The \nFather infilled ftill upon fifteen days, upon which the Englifh \ncall\'d a Council, and the Refult was, they would only grant \nthem that day till night. The Admiral gave Orders to \nFather Jofeph to return to ^ebec with this Anfwer, and that \nthey fhould there make the Articles of Capitulation ready, \nwhich fhould be pundually perform\'d. \n\n[169] The Englifh Admiral in a very civil and obliging \nmanner told Father Jofeph, that he with his Religious might \n\n\n\n6oo A Voyage into North America. \n\nreturn to their Convent, and bid him be of good chear, for \nno harm fhould be done them, happen what would. \n\nTwo French Prifoners, the one called Bailli,^ formerly \nCommiffary of the Company of Merchants, and Peter le Roy^ \nby trade a Waggoner, had done ill Offices to the Jefuits with \none of the Englifh Captains : They perfwaded him that he \nfhould find with them great Riches. This was the reafon \nthat this Captain told Father Jofeph in a heat, that if the \nWind had proved good, they would have begun with their \nCollege firft. Father Jojepb at his return told them of the \ndefign, on purpofe that they might take care of their Affairs \nin the Articles of the Treaty which were to be made. \n\nFather Jofeph having receiv\'d this Anfwer from the Ad- \nmiral, who fhewed him the Ships with all the Ammunition, \nand the Souldiers with their Arms ; in conclufion, he was fet \na fhoar, and made his Report to Monfieur Champlin at \nQuebec. \n\nA Council was held, and they were divided in their Sen- \ntiments. Two French Men who had accompanied Father \nJofeph^ obferved that the Englifh were but few in number, \nand that they had not above two or three hundred Men of \nregular Troops, v/ith fome others that had not the Mein of \nSouldiers : Befides, they confided much in the Courage of \nthe Inhabitants of Quebec; they were therefore much inclined, \nas well as the Jefuits, and our Religious, to run the risk of a \nSiege. But the Experience that Monfieur Champlin had of \nthe Bravery of the Englijii, who would rather perifh than \n\n1 Called Le Baillif in the Jesuit Relations. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 60 1 \n\ndefift from an Enterprize which they had once begun, advifed \nthe Council rather to furrender upon honourable Terms than \nruin all. The Articles of Capitulation were drawn up accord- \ning [170] to Monfieur Champlin\\ Advice: Father Jofepb \nwas commiflioned to carry them aboard the Englifh Admiral; \nand all things being adjufted, they demanded time till the \nnext day. \n\nAt the fame time the Savages that were lovers of our \nReligious, and above all, the afore-mentioned Cbaumin, folic- \nited Father Jofepb and our Friars, that they would be pleafed \nto grant, that two or three of our Religious might retire into \nthe Woods, and from thence into their Country. Altho Cbau- \nmin was not yet well confirmed in the Chriftian Religion, he \nhad a very great love and efi:eem for our Religious, becaufe \nthey lived in common as the Savages do. Then having delib- \nerated on this Propofition, they confidered on the one fide, \nthat the Englifli would not be any long time in poffefiion of \nthe Country, and that fooner or later the King of France \nwould re-enter by Treaty, or fome other ways ; that in the \ninterim it would advance the common good amongft the \nSavages, who offered to entertain our Religious ; and that \nwhen the Country returned under the Dominion of France^ \nour Religious might ftill be found in Canada^ and in eftate \nto continue their ordinary Labours, and fupport their begun \nEftablifhment. They were the more invited to embrace this \nPropofal, becaufe the Englifh General had given fo great \nmarks of Friendfliip to Father Jofepb : In conclufion, two of \nour Religious offered to go. Father Jofepb at the fame time \n\n\n\n6o2 A Voyage into North America. \n\ndid not go far off, and during this he thought it good to \nlofe no time, fince they muft depart and efcape, as fome of \nthe French did, who went away with the Savages in a Canoo ; \nand it was not little Grief to the Miffioners to be flopt by \nforce in their juft Defigns. \n\nThe Council of Quebec and the other Chieftains oppofed \ntheir departure, and it was concluded for divers Reafons \npolitick and purely human; which [171] whether it was for \nthe Reproach they pretended to have reafon to fear in France^ \nor whether it was the diftruft of Providence towards our \nReligious, or whether, in fhort, it was they did not believe \nthe French would return again into Canada^ they were forced \nto yield. \n\nThis afforded matter to build a Complaint upon at Court, \nand particularly by our Friars of the Province of St. Denis, \nagainft Father Jofeph, as not having that Firmnefs and Zeal \nwhich he ought to have had on this occafion; and that the \nSavages who had put all their Confidence in the Recollets, \nhad been better difpofed to the Chriftian Rehgion than ever \nbefore. \n\nFather Jofeph juftified himfelf the beft he could, and af- \nfirmed he had done nothing but executed the Orders of the \nCouncil of Quebec, as the Anfwers make evident, when he \ngave an account to the Definitor of his Province at his \nreturn, giving an account of his Miffion. \n\nThe next day, being the 20th of July, in the Year 1629, \nthe Sieiir de Cbamplin having been on board the Englifh Ad- \nmiral, the Articles of Capitulation were figned by both \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 603 \n\nParties; after which the Englijh went afhore, and were put \nin poffeffion of Canada by the Sieur de Champlin. \n\nFather Valentine de Roux, an antient Commiffaire, Provincial \nof the Friars of Canada, whom I faw at my return from my \nDifcovery, hath all the Articles of Capitulation made by the \nFrench at Quebec with the Engli/h, when the Englijh took pof- \nfeffion ; he faid the Sieur de Champlin faved with his Family \nall his EflFeds, and even found fome advantage by this Treaty \nby the good Entertainment the Englifli fhew\'d him. The \nFrench Inhabitants who were then in the Country had every \none twenty Crowns, and all the reft of their Goods were to \nremain to the Conquerors; [172] and from this was made \nthe great Complaint, becaufe there were found fome partic- \nular Perfons who were enrich\'d upon this occafion. Thofe \nwho were willing to ftay in the Country, obtained great \nAdvantages of the Englijh, but moft of all the Family of \nMonfieur Hebert, whom I have often converfed with at Mount \nRoyal, when I paffed by to go to the Fort of Frontenac. The \nReligious, I confefs, were much indebted to the Generofity \nof the Englijh for divers fingular Favours, which has always \nmade me have a great Efteem for that brave Nation: They \nkept punctually their Word given by their Admiral, not fuf- \nfering any Injury to be done to the Convent of our Lady of \nAngels at Quebec, nor to our firft Refidence, which v/as the \nplace where now ftands the Cathedral Church of Quebec, our \nReligious not having been re-eftabhfhed there fmce.^ But \n\n\n\n1 This is evidently an error; as we have already seen, the Recollets returned to \nQuebec in 1670. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\n6o4 A Voyage into North America. \n\nnotwithftanding all the Diligence that the Englilh Officers \nmade ufe of in our favour, they could not hinder but one \nof their Souldiers ftole from us a Silver Chalice : But the \nEnghfh Officers, who are naturally generous, teftified much \nTrouble at it to our Religious, and fwore folemnly to take \nRevenge on the Party if he could be difcovered. \n\nThe Jefuits, who came not into Canada till fourteen or \nfifteen Years after our Friars^ (who by confequence were \nthe firft Miffioners of America) met with a Treatment far \ndifferent; their Houfe was pillaged, and all that was found \nwas given as a Prey to the Souldiers ; and they were obliged \nto imbark the next day with the ^\'leur Champlin^ and all the \nFrench except twenty feven, who fet fail towards Tadouffac : \nBut the two Brothers Lewis and [Thomas] Kirk^ the one \nAdmiral, and the other Vice-Admiral of the Engli/h, permitted \nour Religious to ftay at Quebec: The Englifli teftifying then \npublickly, that they left us in Canada^ to inftrud the Natives \nin the [173] Principles of the Chriftian Religion, and that \nwith the confent of the King of England^ that we might be \nhindred from returning into France. They had at the fame \ntime as much famiharity with them in all things, to fay or \ndo, or make Vifits, with the fame liberty as before the taking \nof Quebec ; alfo they were fo far from hindering the exercife \nof the Romiffi Religion, that they prayed them to take from \nthem Wine for the Mafs ; which they knew was before de- \n\n\n\n^The Recollets in Canada, finding themselves unequal to so great a task, invited \nthe Jesuits (1624) to aid them in evangelizing the Indian tribes. In accordance with \nthis request, a party of Jesuit missionaries came to Canada in the following year; \nand the two orders labored together until the conquest (1629) . \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 605 \n\nputed for the ordinary Service of the Church, which there \nthey heartily offered. Our RecoUeds hved fo above fix \nWeeks after the taking of Quebec^ and received much Civility \nfrom the Englifh, who folicited them to ftay amongft them, \nhaving liberty to inftrud the Natives who dealt with them. \nThis continued till the 9th of September following, when they \nembarked us aboard the Sieur Pontgrave^ who remained at \nCanada^ becaufe of his Indifpofition, with a defign to rejoin \nthe Sieur Champlin^ the Jefuits, and all the French of Can- \nada^ who were ordered to pafs to Tadouffac^ the day after the \ntaking Quebec. I leave you to think how great Sorrow the \nMiiHoners were plunged into, when enforced to abandon a \nMiffion fo long followed, and with fo much application. \n\nThe hopes that our Friars had of returning in fome good \ntime into Canada^ made them hide in feveral places part of \ntheir Utenfils, and clofed up in a Cafe of Elk Skins, put \ninto a good Box, which no Air could get into, the principal \nOrnaments of the Church. The Englifh Fleet fet fail the \n14th of September for England, and arrived at PUmoiith the \n1 8th of October, where our Recolle6ls ftaid five or fix days; \nafter which they were conduced to London, with fome more \nFrench; from London they got to Callice [Calais] the 24th of \nthe fame Month, and from thence to our Convent of Paris. \n\n[174] The Publick may remark, that the Englifli having \nconferved our Convent of Quebec, and that of our Lady of \nAngels, the laft of which was found in good eftate to receive \n\n1 Francois du Pont (also called Pontgrave) was a French merchant who came with \nhis friend Champlain to Canada in 1603 ; he was engaged in the fur trade from that \ntime until the conquest. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\n6o6 A Voyage into North America. \n\nthe Jefuits at their return into Canada^ whilft their Houfe was \nmaking ready ; our Religious having told them of the place \nwhere they had hid their Ornaments, gave power to the Jefuits \nto make ufe of them, or any thing they had there, as by their \nconfent declared to Father \'John the Jefuit,^ which they were \npleafed to accept, and made ufe of our Goods as their own; \nalfo of our Houfe, of our Church, and of our Lands, of \nwhich one part they hold at prefent, from a place called the \nGribanne^ unto the fide of the Convent of our Lady of \nAngels. From which it is to be obferved, that a Letter \nattributed to Father L\' Allemant Jefuit, and related in the \n13th Tome of the French Mercury^ muft be a Forgery: For \nthere he, amongft other things contrary to Truth, makes him \nfay that he was of the Sentiments of his Provincial, to whom \nhe writ, to dedicate their Church to our Lady of Angels, \nand that ours was confecrated to St. Charles; which clearly \ndemonflrates that this Letter was not Father U Allemant\'s^ as \nis faid : He was better vers\'d in the Hiftory of America^ than \nto be ignorant that the firft Church in Canada belonged to \nthe Recolle6ts, who were the firft MifHoners, and that it was \nconfecrated under the name of our Lady of Angels} \n\n^ This is a blunder for Paul le Jeune, who was first of the Jesuits to return to \nCanada in 1632. He was one of the most noted among the Canadian missionaries \nof that order, and was superior of the missions during 1632-39. In 1649 he returned \nto France. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n2 A reference to a letter written (Aug. i, 1626) by Charles Lalemant, then \nsuperior of Canadian missions, to his brother Jerome, also a Jesuit. It was published \nat Paris in 1627, and reprinted in the Mercure Frangois, then the chief periodical \njournal of France. Hennepin\'r, statement that this letter is a forgery seems to have no \nvalid foundation. See Shea\'s Le Clercq, p. 329, note*; also Jes. Relations, iv, \npp. 185-227, 248-250 \xe2\x80\x94 where the letter is republished in full. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 607 \n\n\n\n[175] CHAP. XXXVII. \n\nHow the Religious of the Order of St. Francis, in their MiJJions \nthrough the habitable J\'Forld., have been before the Jefuits. \n\nI CANNOT but follow the Sentiments of Father Valentine \nle Roux, whom I have mentioned in the foregoing Chap- \nter, which he hath been pleafed to publifh under the Name \nof Father Chriftian le Clerc. \n\nIt is a great Glory, and a great fubjedt of Confolation, \nfor our Holy Order of the Religious of St. Francis^ to have \nhad the advantage to be the firft Forerunners of the Rev- \nerend Fathers of that Company of Jefus, in all places, by \npreaching the Gofpel, and firft digging, and preparing the \nVineyard of our Lord, in all Apoftolical things, in both the \nIndies Eafi and IFefl^ in Afia^ in Barbary, in Turky, and gen- \nerally through all parts ; where the Children of St. Ignatius \nhave fince walked in the Steps of the Children of St. Francis. \n\nIn the Eafl-Indies, where the Jefuits are at this day great \nin Credit, in Merit, and in Wealth, having the Dew of \nHeaven, and the Fat of the Earth ; the Receiver-General, \nwhofe Name I have forgot, made this Difcourfe in my pref- \nence, at the Table of Monfieur Comte de Frontenac, Governour- \nGeneral of New-France : That eight Friars Minors were fent \nin the Year of our Lord 1500, and preached the Gofpel at \n\n\n\n6o8 A Voyage into North America. \n\nCallecute, and Cochim\'^; there receiving the Crown of Martyr- \ndom, all except Father Henry, who at his return into Spain was \nmade Confeffor to the King of Portugal, and Bifhop of Ceuta. \n\n[176] In 1502, there was ordered a great Miffion of our \nReligious, who opened the way much farther to advance the \nStandard of the Crofs; and there made a very great progrefs \nof the Gofpel, by the Converfion of a prodigious number of \nthefe People. \n\nIn the Year 15 10, our Religious of the Order of St. Francis \nbuilt the famous College or Seminary of Goa,^ the capital \nCity of the Eajl-Indies ; and our Religious had the Condud: \nof it, and what accrued to it, for the fpace of 28 Years; till at \nthe laft, in the Year 1542, our Religious gave it to St. Francis \nXaverius, that he might apply himfelf wholly, with his Dif- \nciples, to preach the Gofpel to thofe barbarous Nations ; of \nwhich the Hiftorians of thofe times give evidence, and the \nLife of St. Francis Xaverius, the firft Edition, does declare ; \nabove all Father Horace Torcelin, in a later Edition, alloweth \nit: But a certain late Author of the Jefults has been pleafed \nto fupprefs this mark of Acknowledgment, which of Juftice \nIs due to us.^ \n\nIt Is well known we have had the honour both in the \nEajl and Weft-Indies, and even in Japan, where we have been \n\n^ These names should be Calicut and Cochin, cities on the west coast of Southern \nHindostan. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n2 One of the most important cities on the west coast of India. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n3 The Society of Jesus was founded in 1534, by Ignacio de Loyola; his most \nprominent disciple was Francisco de Xavier. These two were afterward canonized, \nas St. Ignatius and St. Francis Xavier. The latter began, in 1541, the missionary \nlabors which have made him famous as " the apostle of the Indies "; in India and \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 609 \n\nfharers v/Ith the Fathers in the Crown of Martyrdom ; our \nReligious having planted the Gofpel in the Kingdom of \nVoxu^ part of the Eaft of Japan^ as I have fhewn in the Pref- \nace of this Book : and it is in thefe vaft Countries where the \nJefuits have been afterwards introduced, fupported, loved, \nfavoured, and joined with them in the Apoftolical Labours. \n\nIt is not lefs evident in other parts of the World ; the \nReligious of St. Francis having fupported and imployed to \nthis day, as powerful Miflioners as any fince the beginning \nof their Order. \n\nAlexattder the Fourth, in the Year 1254, gives Tefiiimony, \nin one of his Epiftles, that our Religious had fpread them- \nfelves in all Countries, not only of [177] Schifmaticks, but \namongft thofe of Infidels. Remark the words of the Sover- \neign PontiflF. \n\n^\'^ Alexander^ &c. To Our well-beloved the Friars-minors, \n" who have been fent Miffioners into the Land of the Sarazens^ \n^^ Painims^ Greeks, Bulgarians, Cumanians, Ethiopians, Syrians, \n^^ Iberians, Jacobites, Nubians, Neftorians, Georgians, Armenians, \n\'\'\'\'Indians, Monofolites, Tartars, the Higher and Lower Hun- \n^^ gary, to the Chriftian Captives among the Turks, and to \n" other unbelieving Nations of the Eaft, or in any other parts \n"where they are, wifhing them Health, and fending them our \n"Apoftolick Benedidlion. \n\nIn 1272, our Reverend Father Jerom d\' A f cole, afterwards \n\nJapan his preaching converted thousands to the Christian faith, and in this occupation \nhe died (1552). \n\nOrazio Torsellini (Torcellin) was a professor in the Jesuit college at Rome, and \nwrote many historical and poetical works ; he died in 1599. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n11-17 \n\n\n\n6io A Voyage into North America. \n\ncreated Pope Nicholas the Fourth, with his Difciples, not \nonly managed the ReconciHation of the Greek with the Latin \nChurch, but preached alfo the Gofpel in Tartary; and by \nthis means the Religious of our Order were fent for by the \nPrinces of the Higher and "Lo^tr Armenia^ in 1289, and con- \ntinued their Conquefts in 1332. \n\nTtirky, with the Kingdoms and Countries under the \nGrand Signior, have been, and are yet the Theaters of the \nZeal of the Religious of St. Francis, and are demonftrations \nof our Travels. In the Holy Land, and other places, now \nfubje6l to the Turks, the Chriftians are yet governed by the \ndiredion of the Children of St. Francis. Thofe who keep the \nSf^pulchre of our Lord Jefus Chrift, have done confiderable \nService to the Reverend Fathers Jefuits ; others of them \nupon divers occafions have willingly ferved them. \n\nHiftory maketh mention, that in the Year 1342, our Mif- \nfioners went into Bofnia and Sclavonia, amongft the Infidels, \namongft the great Tartars; who now poffefs China, and into \nPerfta, Media, and Chaldea. \n\n[178] In 1370 our Miflion was reinforced by Urban the \nfifth with 60 of our Religious ; the Order being then hon- \noured by a great number of Martyrs. \n\nThe Embaffy of Eiigenius the 4//??, and the Miflion of 40 \nof our Religious to Prefler John^ in 1439, fupported afterward \n\n\n\n1 Prester (i. e., Priest) John was the title given, in the middle ages, to a supposed \nChristian sovereign and priest in Central Asia. It is said that this notion arose from \nthe conversion by Nestorian missionaries, in the eleventh or the twelfth century, of a \nTartar chief named Ung Khan, v,rhich was corrupted or incorrectly translated into \nPrester John. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 6ii \n\nby a greater Number, is well known, as well as the Redu6licn \nof thefe States by them to the Obedience of the Church of \nKome. \n\nI fhould never have done, if I fhould undertake to give \nan account of all the famous Miffions we have been honoured \nwith through all the World ; in which the Reverend Fathers \nJefuits have fince fpread themfelves, and are now entred into \nour Labours, or rather we have the Advantage of continuing \nthem with us, and adling together in perfe(51: Union for the \nGlory of God, and Propagation of his Gofpel, which we \nonly feek. \n\nIt is for this reafon, that our Recolets of Paru called into \nCanada the Jefuits to help them, that they might labom\' \ntogether for the gaining of Souls : But it is remarkable, that \nwhen the Englifh had reftored Canada to the French after \nfour Years abode there, the Jefuits, who had better Helps \nfor returning thither than our Religious, and as it were by \nIntrigues, a Bar was put to the Return of our Recolets. It \nwas a fenfible trouble to fee, that fince we had preceded \nall the Jefuits in all other Miffions of the Chriftian World, \nthat of New France was the only Place where we had not \nthe Confolation to continue with them in the Apoftolical \nLabours ; and by fo much the more, becaufe that reciprocal \nCharity, which was not in the leaft diminifhed between the \ntwo Bodies, perfwaded us that the Jefuits, full of Vertue \nand Merit, had much regretted our abfence, as feems to be \nevident by their Letters at that time. \n\nIt would require a Volume to defcribe the Difficulties that \n\n\n\n6i2 A Voyage into North America \n\nour Religious have had, to return into our [179] MifTions of \nCanada^ and the Intrigues that fome have made ufe of to \nhinder it : but nothing was omitted as to that. In conclu- \nfion, about thirty years after the Deputies of Canada^ who \nwere impatient for the return of our Recolets, told our \nReligious more than they were willing to know, and more \nthan Charity would permit to publifh ; the Deputies told our \nReligious, they wanted fome to make Curats at Quebec, and \nin fome other places ; that their Confciences were much \ntroubled to have to do with the fame People, both for Spiri- \ntuals and Temporals, there being no Perfons to whom they \nmight communicate the difficulties of their Confciences, but \nto the Jefuits ; and that the Recolets not being fuffered to \nbe amongft them was a great lofs. \n\nThe Diredlors of the Company of Canada^ difcourfed us \nto the like purpofe, particularly Monfieur Roje^ in company \nof Monfieur Margonne, Berhuhicr, and others ; who fpeaking \nto our Recolets, exprefs\'d himfelf in thefe terms. \' My \n\' Fathers, it had been better you had returned into Canada \n\' than any others ; it is a high Injuflice done to them, and the \n\' Inhabitants : we now fee where the Fault lay, prefent your \n\' Reafons, and you, and thofe of the Country, fhall have all \n\' the Juftice we can do you. The Secretary of the Company \n\n\n\n^ The commercial company (formed 1627) by Richelieu and other French officials, \nwith many wealthy merchants, for carrying on the fur trade ; it was called \' \' Company \nof New France," also " the Hundred Associates." It had a monopoly of all Cana- \ndian trade, and thus gained enormous profits. In 1663 the company surrendered its \ncharter to the crown. Margonne and Jean Rozee were directors of the company ; the \nother name is probably a misprint for Berthier (Alexandre) . \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 613 \n\nlikewife fpoke thus to the Religious. \' At other times, my \n\' Fathers, I have been againft you, for which I have begged \n\' God\'s pardon : I v/as miftaken at that prefent ; I fee well I \n\' have offended ; and I pray God you may be fuffered to re- \n\' turn into Canada^ after fo long time, there to take charge \n\' of your Cures : you are much longed for, for the repofe of \n\' Confciences. \n\nFather Zachary Moreau, Recolet, who died the death of \nthe Juft in my Arms, in our Convent of St. Germains en Lay^ \nand Paul Huett^ who hath been my Father and Mafter from \nmy Youth, at our Convent [i8o] of Recolets at Montargis, \nfaid to the Deputies of the Company of Canada ; \' That tho \n\' they would even permit us to return, we would not pretend \n\' to exercife the Fundion of Curats, left we fhould give \n\' Jealoufy to any : But if the Reverend Fathers the Jefuits \n\' fhould do us the fame favour that our antient Fathers had \n\'done them, in the Year 1625, when our Father Jojeph le \n\' Caron, Superiour of our Convent of Quebec, permitted them, \n\' and even pray\'d them out of love to exercife the Fundlion \n\' of Cures by turns. But all at laft ferved for nothing ; the \n\' Company fent back our Religious to the Council of Quebec, \n\' to amufe them ; becaufe the Council was compofed of a \n\' Governour, and Perfons who were Creatures of the Rev- \n\' erend Fathers Jefuits, as were the Superiour of the MifTion \n\' of \\_sc. and] the Sindic, and [some] of the Inhabitants, whom \n\' they eafily gained to hinder our return into Canada. The \n\' Father Provincial of the Jefuits, and the Father U Allemont \n\' Superiour of the Profeft Houfe, was then in France, Supe- \n\n\n\n6 14 A Voyage into North America. \n\n\' Hour of the Miffions, which all center\'d to prolong our \n\' return. The Reader may judg, that if the Reverend Fathers \nJefuits had been in our place, and our Recolets in theirs, \nwhether we fhould have been wanting to put a value upon \ntheir Requefts, and employed our Credit to ferve them : \nOur Recolets ftood firm for them againft the whole Country, \nwho were againft their coming into Canada; and after their \narrival, when the Governour and Inhabitants oppofed their \nReception, in the Year 1625, we fupported them. \n\nTrue Charity, which is right and fimple, perfwaded us \nthe Reverend Fathers Jefuits would not be wanting to make \nus a wiUing return of the like, upon this prefent occafion ; \nand they affured us by their Letter the Year following, that \nit was only want of Power and Credit in the Council of \nQuebec^ that they could not do us the Service they defired. \n\n[181] From this it is eafy to judg, that there was not \none favourable Refolution given towards our Religious : The \nDiredlor-General of the Company, Monfieur Lauzon, appear- \ning to be carelefs of our return, and in it a very great \nObftacle ; he pafTing in quality of Governour of Canada, \nhaving often promifed our Re-admifTion : and afterwards \ngoing Governour, pretended not to be wanting to do us \ngood Offices. The Marquefs de Deno\\_n\']ville, who after the \ngreat Difcovery I had made, went over in quality of Gover- \nnour of Canada, made us the like Promifes of Monfieur \nLauzon} for the progrefs of our Difcovery: befides, the \n\n\n\n1 Jean de Lauzon (one of the Hundred Associates) was Governor of Canada during \n1651-56. Both he and Denonville were friendly to the Jesuits. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 615 \n\nMarquefs had Orders to fupport our Recolets in their \nInftitute, from the Court of France ; but it proved quite con- \ntrary. The Court afterwards recalling him from his Govern- \nment, it was given to Monfieur the Count de Frontenac^ who \nhath been in my time a true Father to our Recolets, and a \ngreat fupport to our MifTions in Canada; as I have fpoke \nat large in my Defcription of my Louifiana, and more in my \nformer Volume. \n\n\n\n6i6 A Voyage into North America. \n\n\n\nCHAP. XXXVIII. \n\nOf the Sentiments that a Miffioner ought to have of the little Prog- \nrefs they find in their Labours. \n\nALL the Chrlftian World acknowledg for a certain and \nundoubted Truth, and Maxim of Religion, and one of \nthe chief Principles of Faith, that the Vocation and true Con- \nverfion of People and Nations, is the great Work and Mercy \nof the Power of God, and of the triumphant Efficacy of his \nGrace and Spirit. But if this be true of Nations that are \nInfidels and Idolaters, which are already under fome [182] \nLaws and Rules, and fo better prepared to receive the In- \nflrudlions of Chriftian Religion ; the Apoftolick Man ought \nmuch more to acknowledg this dependance upon the Sov- \neraign Lord, in refped: of thofe barbarous Nations who have \nnot any regard of any Religion true or falfe, who live without \nRule, without Order, without Law, without God, without \nWorfhip, where Reafon is buried in Matter, and incapable \nof reafoning the mofb common things of Religion and Faith. \nSuch are the People of Canada^ all along the River of \nSt. Laurence^ and generally a prodigious quantity of People, \nof fundry Nations ; which I have given an account of in \nmy Louifiana, or former Book. And that which I offer is \nthat they would in earneft acknowledg, that the Work of \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 617 \n\nthe converfion of fo many blind Nations, is above our \nftrength, and that it only appertains to the Father of Spirits, \nas faith St. Paul^ who hath the Hearts of all Men in his \nHands, and who only is able to remove the Vail which cov- \nereth the Eyes of thefe Barbarians, and to clear their Under- \nftanding, to diffipate the Chaos of darknefs, wherein they \nare buried, to bend their Inclinations, foften their hard and \ninflexible Hearts, and civiHze them, and make them capable \nof thofe Laws which right Reafon fuggefts ; and fo fubmit \nthemfelves to that which Religion prefcribes. \n\nThis is the Foundation of a true Apoftlefhip, in refpedt \nof the Natives of Canada^ and all our great Difcoveries twelve \nhundred Leagues beyond it. They ought to have all Moral \nand Theological Vertues, who are defigned for fo great a \nwork as the Converfion of fo many Nations ; for whofe \nSalvation I would wiUingly expofe my Life. But before one \nfacrifices, and wholly devotes himfelf to this great Miflion, \nhe ought to lay it down for a certain Principle, That none \ncan be drawn efficacioufly to Jefus Chrift, if the [183] Father \nof Lights do not draw him by the force of his vidlorious \nGrace : This his invifible Spirit breathes where and when he \npleafes ; that the moments of Grace are known to God, \nand in the hands of the Power of the Father ; and that having \ncalled all Men to Faith, in the preparation of his good Will, \ncommon to all, he gives them in his own time, exterior, \ninterior, and fufficient Grace to obtain it : That the work is \nnot only of him that runs, nor him that wills, but principally \nof him who illuminates and touches the Heart. The Glory \n\n\n\n6i8 A Voyage into North America. \n\ndoes not belong to him that preaches, nor to him that plants, \nnor to him that waters, but to him that gives the increafe. \nThat a Sacrifice of all Nature is not able to merit of right, \nthe firft Grace of Creation, which does not fall under that \nhead. That it\'s in vain to endeavour to eredl a Spiritual \nEdifice, if God do not aflifl by his preparing and preventing \nGrace. \n\nAn humble Simplicity muft be the fole of all their Apof- \ntolical Labours, and a profound Annihilation of themfelves, \nand fubmifTion to the holy Will of God. When their Zeal \nhas not its eflfeft, they mufl be content to fay. We have done \nour part, as to what is required of our Miniflry, but we are \nunprofitable Servants. \n\nI now beg of my Lord God upon my Knees, with my \nhands lifted up to Heaven, that he would be pleafed to \ncontinue and imprint in my Heart even to death, the Senti- \nments of SubmifTion to the Will of God, and my Superiors, \ntouching the Salvation of the Souls of fo many Savages, who \nare in the darknefs of Ignorance ; that I may make an intire \nSacrifice of the reft of my days in fo laudable an Affair, ex- \npofing my Soul to all the Events of the Providence of God, \nliving and dying ; and that I may be fo happy as to leave \nSentiments truly Apoftolical, full of light, capacity, Vertue \nand Grace, of Zeal and Courage to undertake [184] any thing \nfor the Converfion of Souls, to fufTer patiently the greateft \nDifficulties, and the fevereft Contradidlions. for the accom- \nplifhment of their Miniftry. \n\nI beg of God from the bottom of my Heart, that all the \n\n\n\nA Voyage into North America. 619 \n\nMiffioners of the Univerfe may with me be of the number \nof the Veffels of Eledion, deftinated to carry the Name of \nour Lord to People and Barbarous Nations, to the utmoft \nends of the World ; and that the adorable Providence of \nGod would be pleafed to fortify his Militant Church with a \nnumber of Workmen, to labour in his Vineyard, to fecond \nthe Labours of all other Orders, Secular and Regular, in the \nnew eftablifhments of the Kingdom of Jefus Chrift. \n\n\n\nFINIS. \n\n\n\n[185] An Account of fever al New Difcoveries in \nNorth-America. \n\nOf New-France. \n\nMR. Joliet^ who was fent by Count Frontenac to dif cover \na Way into the South-Sea^ brought an exa6l Account \nof his Voyage, with a Map of it ; But his Canow being over- \nfet, at the Foot of the Fall of St. Louis, in fight of Montroyal, \nhis Cheft and his two Men were loft; therefore the following \nAccount contains only what he has remembred.^ \n\nI fet out from the Bay of Puans in the Latitude of 42 \nDegrees 4 Minutes, and having travell\'d about 60 Leagues to \nthe Weftward, I found a Portage; and carrying our Canows \nover-land for half a League, I embark\'d with fix Men on the \nRiver Mifconfing, which brought us into the Mefchafipi in the \nLatitude of 42 Degrees and an half, on the 15th of June, 1674. \nThis Portage is but 40 Leagues from the Mijfijfipi. This \nRiver is half a League broad ; its Stream is gentle to the \nLatitude of 38 degrees ; for a River, from the Weft-North \nwhich runs into it, increafe fo much its Rapidity, that we \n\n\n\n1 This is a poor and inaccurate abridgment of the account given in a contemporary \nMS. which is published by Margry in his Decowvertes et etahlissements des Fran- \ngais, i, pp. 262-270; it is reproduced (with translation) in Jes. Relations, Iviii, \npp. 92-109. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\n622 A New Difcovery of \n\ncou\'d make but five Leagues a Day in our Return. The \nSavages told us, that the Current is not half fo great in \nWinter. The Banks of that River are covered with Woods \ndown to the Sea ; but the Cotton-Trees are fo big, that I \nhave feen fome Canows made of thofe Trees, eighty Foot \nlong, and three broad, which carry thirty Men. I faw i8o \nof thofe Wooden-Canows in one Village of the Savages, \n[i86] confifting of 300 Cabins. They have abundance of \nHolly Trees, and other Trees, the Bark whereof is White ; \nGrapes, Apples, Plums, Chefnuts, Pomegranates, Mulberries, \nbefides other Nuts unknown to Europe; plenty of Turky- \nCocks, Parrots, Quails, Wild-Bulls, Stags, and Wild-Goats. \nThefe Savages are affable, civil and obliging ; and the firft I \nmet with prefented me with a Pipe or Calumet of Peace, \nwhich is a Protedion even in a Fight. Their Women and \nold Men take care of the Culture of the Ground, which is fo \nfertile as to afford three Crops of Indian Corn every Year. \nThey have abundance of Water-Melons, Citruls, and Gourds. \nWhen they have fown their Corn, they go a Hunting for \nWild Bulls, whofe Flefh they eat, and the Skin ferves for \ntheir Coverings, having drefs\'d the fame with a fort of Earth, \nwhich ferves alfo to dye them. They have Axes and Knives \nfrom the French and Spaniards^ in exchange of their Beavers, \nand Skins of Wild Goats. Thofe who live near the Sea \nhave fome Fire-Arms. \n\nThe Mijfi/Jipi has few Windings and Turnings, and runs \ndirectly to the South, and having follow\'d its Courfe till \nthe 33d Degree of Latitude, I refolv\'d to return home, feeing \n\n\n\nfeveral Countries in America. 623 \n\nthat River did not difcharge it felf into Mar Vermejo^ which \nwe look\'d for, as alfo becaufe the Spaniards obferv\'d our \nMotions for fix Days together. The Savages told me, that \nthe Spaniards live within thirty Leagues to the Weftward. \n\nThe faid M. JoUet adds, That he had fet down in his \nJournal an exad Defcription of the Iron-Mines they dif- \ncover\'d, as alfo of the Quarries of Marble, and Cole-Pits, \nand Places where they find Salt-Petre, with feveral other \nthings. He had alfo obferv\'d what were the fittefl: Places \nto fettle Colonies, (s\'c. The Soil is very fertile, and produces \nabundance of Grapes, which might make delicious Wines. \n\n[187] The River of St. Lewis^- which hath its Source near \nMiffichiganen [Michigan], is the biggeft, and the moft con- \nvenient for a Colony, its Mouth into the Lake being very \nconvenient for an Harbour. It is deep and broad, and well \nftock\'d with Sturgeons, and other Filhes. The Stags, Bulls, \nWild-Goats, Turky-Cocks, and other Game, are more plenti- \nful on the Banks of the faid River, than any where elfe. There \nare Meadows Ten or Twenty Leagues broad, encompafs\'d \nwith fine ForePcs ; behind which are other Meadows, in which \nGrafs grows fix Foot high. Hemp grows naturally in all \nthat Country. \n\nThofe who fhall fettle themfelves there, need not be \noblig\'d, as we are here, to befl:ow Ten Years labour for fell- \ning down the Trees, and grubbing up the Land, before it is \nfit for Corn; for the Ground is ready for the Plough in that \n\n^The Vermillion Sea, now the Gulf of California. \xe2\x80\x94 ^Ed. \n\n2 So called by Joliet, but later known as the Illinois River. Ed. \n\n\n\n624 A New Difcovery of \n\nfortunate Country, where they may have good Wine. Their \nyoung Wild Bulls may be eafily learn\'d to plough their Land ; \nand their long curl\'d Hair, or rather Wool, may ferve to \nmake good Cloth for their wearing. In fhort, that Soil \nwou\'d afford any thing neceffary for Life, except Salt, which \nthey might have another way. \n\n\n\nfeveral Countries in America. 625 \n\n\n\n[188] An Account of M. La Salles Voyage to the River \nMiffiffipi. Directed to Count Frontenac, Gov- \nernor of New-France. \n\nTHE River of Niagara is Navigable for three Leagues, \nthat is, from the Fall to the Mouth of the Lake Erie; \nbut the Stream is fo rapid, that it is almoft impoffible for a \nBark to fail up into the Lake, without a ftrong Gale, and the \nhelp of many Men to hale from the Shore at the fame time. \nBut befides all this, it requires fo many other Precautions, \nthat one cannot expedt always to fucceed. \n\nThe Mouth of the Lake Erie is full of Sands, which make \nit dangerous ; therefore to avoid that Danger, and not venture \na Ship every Voyage, it will be fafer to leave it at an Anchor, \nin a River which runs into the Lake fix Leagues from the \nRiver Niagara, and is the only Harbour and Anchorage in \nthis Lake. \n\nThere are three great Points which advance above ten \nLeagues into it ; but being chiefly made up of Sand, they \nare fo low that there is great Danger of running a Ship \nagainft them before they are difcover\'d, and therefore a Pilot \nmuft be very skilful and careful to fceer a Ship in this dan- \ngerous Lake. \n\nThe Streight or Canal between the Lake Erie, and the \nHuron, is very rapid, and no lefs difficult than that of Niagara^ \n\n11-18 \n\n\n\n626 A New Difcovery of \n\nthough much deeper. The Strelght of Mijfilikinac between \nthe Lake Huron, and that of the IIlinGis, is attended with no \nlefs Difficulties, for the Current is commonly againft the \nWind. There is no Anchorage in the Lake [189] Huron, \nnor any Harbour in that of the Ulinois, upon the Northern, \nWeftern, and Southern Coafts. There are many Mands in \nboth Lakes, which make the Navigation of that of the Ulinois \nvery perilous; for there being no Harbour to run into for \nflielter, and the Storms being very terrible on that Lake, \'tis \na great Providence when a Ship efcapes being dafh\'d in pieces \nagainft thofe Iflands. However, fome Canals and Anchor- \nages may be difcover\'d in time, which will remove thofe great \nDifficulties, as has hapned in the Lake of Frontenac, the Navi- \ngation whereof is now eafy, whereas it was at firft as danger- \nous as that of the Lake Huron or Illinois. \n\nThe Creek through which we went from the Lake of the \nUlinois, into the Divine River, is fo fhallow, and fo much ex- \npos\'d to the Storms, that no Ship can venture to get in, \nunlefs it be in a great Calm.^ Neither is the Country be- \ntween the faid Creek and the Divine River, fit for a Canal ; \nfor the Meadows between them are drown\'d after any great \nRain, and fo a Canal will be immediately fill\'d up with Sands: \nAnd befides, it is impoffible to dig up the Ground, becaufe \n\n\n\n^This "creek" was the Chicago River; and the Divine River was the Des \nPiaines, the northern fork of the Illinois ; on Joliet\'s map of 1674 the name Divine is \napplied to the entire course of the Illinois. The old portage-trail and these two \nrivers have been made the route for the great Chicago Drainage Canal, which extends \nfrom Chicago to Joliet, and furnishes a waterway for navigation (thus far, not open \nto large vessels) between the Great Lakes and the Mississippi. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\nfeveral Countries in America. 627 \n\nof the Water, that Country being nothing but a Morafs: \nBut fuppofing it were poffible to cut the Canal, it wou\'d be \nhowever ufelefs ; for the Divine River is not navigable for \nforty Leagues together; that is, from that Place to the Vil- \nlage of the Illinois^ except for Canows, who have hardly \nWater enough in Summer-time. Befides this Difficulty, there \nis a Fall near the Village. \n\nWe have feen no Mines there, though feveral Pieces of \nCopper are found in the Sand when the River is low. There \nis the beft Hemp in that Country I have feen any where, \nthough it grows naturally without any culture. The Savages \ntell us, that they have found near this Village fome yellow \nMetal; but that cannot be Gold, according to [190] their \nown Relation, for the Oar [Ore] of Gold cannot be fo fine \nand bright as they told us. There are Coal-Pits on that \nRiver. \n\nThe Wild Bulls are grown fomewhat fcarce fince the Illi- \nnois have been at War with their Neighbours, for now all \nParties are continually Hunting of them. The Navigation is \neafy from Fort Crevecceur to the Sea ; and New-Mexico is not \nabove twenty Days Journey from the faid Fort. The Na- \ntions of the Metontonta^ who live within Ten Days Journey \nfrom the faid Fort, came to fee M. la Salle, and brought a \nHorfe\'s Hoof with them : They told us, That the Spaniards \nmake a cruel War upon them, and that they ufe Spears \nmore commonly than Fire-Arms. One may go by Water \nfrom Fort Crevecceur to the Habitation of thefe Savages. \n\n\n\n^ Or Otontenta ; the Des Moines River, and tribes dwelling thereon. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\n628 A New Difcovery of \n\nThere are no Europeans at the Mouth of the River Col- \nbert (or Mijfijfipi) ; and the Monfter of which M. Joliet gives \nfo dreadful a Defcription, is a Fancy of fome Savages, and \nhad never any Original. It is within a Days Journey and a \nhalf from Fort Crevec^eur ; but had M. Joliei gone down the \nRiver, he might have feen a more terrible one. That Gentle- \nman has not confider\'d that the Mofopoela, of whom he takes \nnotice in his Map, were altogether deftroy\'d before he fet \nout for his Voyage. He fets down alfo in his Maps feveral \nNations, which are nothing but Families of the Illinois. The \nPronevoa^ Carcarilica^ Tamaroa^ Koracocnilonon, Chinko, Caokia, \nChoponfcay Amonokoa., Cankia^ Ocanfa^ and feveral others, make \nup the Nation and the Village of the Illinois^ confifling of \nabout 400 Cabins cover\'d with Rufhes, without any Forti- \nfications. I have told 1800 fighting Men amongft them. \nThey have Peace now with all their Neighbours, except the \nIroqiiefe ; and it wou\'d be eafy to reconcile them, were it not \nto be fear\'d that they wou\'d afterwards fall upon the Out- \ntouats, whom they mortally hate, and difturb [191] thereby \nour Commerce ; fo that we muft leave them as they are ; for \nas long as they fhall have occafion for us, they will be ready \nto comply with any thing that we can defire from them, and \nkeep in awe the Nations inhabiting to the Weftward, who \nare much afraid of the Illinois. \n\nThe Banks of feven or eight Rivers, which difcharge \nthemfelves into the MiJfiJfipi, or Colbert-River, the leaft where- \nof runs above 300 Leagues, are cover\'d with Fine Timber \nfor Building Ships. \n\n\n\nfeveral Countries in America. 629 \n\nM. la Salle has feen fome Savages of three Nations \nthrough which Ferdinand Sotto pafs\'d with his Army, viz. the \nSicachia, Cafcin, and Aminoya\'^: They told him that we might \ngo by Water from Crevecceur into their Country. \n\nIt is highly neceffary to carry on this Difcovery ; for the \nRiver inhabited by the Sicachia^ which in all likelihood is the \ntrue Cbukagoua, has its Source near Carolina, and confe- \nquently very near the Habitation of the Engli/h, about three \nhundred Leagues to the Eaflward of the Mijfijfipi in the \nFrench Florida, at the foot of the Apalachin Hills : For had \nthe EngUPi notice of it, they might by means of this River- \nTrade with the Illinois, Mianiis, Nadouejfians, and other Sav- \nages, fpoil for ever our Commerce. \n\nThe Winter has been as hard in the Country of the Illi- \ntiois as at Fort Frontenac ; for though the Weather was there \nin January as temperate as in Provence, yet the River was ftili \nfrozen on the 22d of March ; and therefore I conclude \'tis \nmuch the fame Climate as the Country of the Iroquefe. \n\nThe Country between the Lake of the Illinois and the \nLake Erie, is a row of Mountains for a hundred Leagues \ntogether, from whence fpring a great number of Rivers, \nwhich run to the Weftward into the Lake of the Illinois, to \nthe North into the Lake Huron, to the Eaft into the Lake \nErie, and to the South into the River Ohio? Their Sources \n\n\n\n1 Sicachia were Chicasas. The Tennessee River was on early maps called Cas- \nquinambo ; one of these, by De 1\' Isle, names it " River of the Casquinambaux or \nCheraquis " (Cherokeesj. It is apparently the Tennessee River which is men- \ntioned in the following paragraph. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n2 The southeastern watershed of the Lower Peninsula of Michigan varies from 400 \n\n\n\n630 A New Difcovery of \n\nare fo near one [192] another, that in three Days Journey I \ncrofs\'d twenty two, the leaft whereof Is bigger than that of \nRichelieu. The top of thefe Mountains are flat, and full of \nBogs and Moraffes, v/hlch being not frozen, have prov\'d an \ninfupportable difficulty and trouble in our Voyage. There \nare now-and-then fome Plains, which I take to be very fertile ; \nthey are cover\'d with Bears, Stags, Wild-Goats, Turkey- \nCocks, and Wolves, who are fo fierce as hardly to be frighted \naway by the Noife of our Guns. There is a River in the \nbottom of the Lake Erie^ within Ten Leagues of the Canal, \nwhich may very much fhorten the way to the Illinois^ it being \nnavigable for Canows till within two Leagues of theirs^; but \nthe moft convenient of all is the River Ohio^ which being \nnavigable for Barks, will fave all the trouble of making a \nCommunication between the Lake of the Illinois and the \nDivine River, and the great Expences of making the faid \nRiver navigable to Fort Crevecmir. \n\nOne muft not fancy that the Ground in the Country of \nthe Illinois is ready for the Plough ; fome of them are too \ndry, others too wet ; and in fhort, all require fome Toil and \nTrouble ; but I am fure they can fufficiently recompence in \na little time, thofe who will be at the pains to cultivate them. \n\nThe Nations through which we have pafs\'d have receiv\'d \nus very kindly, becaufe of our Calumet of Peace, which is a \n\n\n\nto 600 feet in altitude. Hennepin mentions it as a "row of Mountains" simply \nbecause it rises abruptly from a trough or depression (with an altitude of not over 72 \nfeet) which extends across the center of the Peninsula ; this sudden rise gives the \neffect of an apparently much greater height to the watershed. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n^The Maumee River. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\nfeveral Countries in America. 631 \n\nfafe Coiidud and a fufficient Recommendation amongft the \nSavages. \n\nThe Illinois offer\'d to accompany us to the Sea, in hopes, \nas we told them, that we would fupply them that way with \nEuropean Commodities ; for the want of Knives, Axes, &c. \nmakes them very officious. The young Calves may be eafily \ntam\'d, and very ufeful for fetling our Plantations. The Illi- \nnois have alfo many Slaves ^ which may be of great ufe to us. \n\nThere are as many idle Fellows amongft them as among \nother Nations, and a great many more Women [193] than \nMen. They marry feveral Wives, fometimes nine or ten, \nand commonly all Sifters if they can, thinking they agree \nbetter in their Family. \n\nI have feen three Children who have been Baptiz\'d ; one \ncall\'d Peter^ the other Jofeph, and the third Mary, who never- \nthelefs are like to live as their Father, who has marry\'d three \nSifters ; for they have no farther Chriftian Inftrudion ; Father \nAlloiiez,^ who Baptiz\'d them, having left that Country, un- \nlefs one would think that the Stick that Father left amongft \nthem, as a Mark that the Country belongs to him, has any \nextraordinary Virtue to promote Chriftianity. Thefe are the \n\n^The Illinois Indians were especially active in collecting, and selling to other \ntribes, slaves captured from the regions beyond the Mississippi. The French who \nsettled at Kaskaskia and other places on the great river adopted from the savages the \ncustom of slaveholding \xe2\x80\x94 first of Indian captives, and later of negroes brought from \nLouisiana.\xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n2 Claude Jean Allouez came to Canada in 1658, and labored in the Western \nmissions from 1665 until his death (Aug. 27, 1689). He founded the Jesuit mis- \nsions at Chequamegon Bay and Green Bay, and succeeded Marquette among the \nIllinois tribes ; at the time of his death, he was laboring with the Miamis on St. \nJoseph River.\xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\n632 A New Difcovery of \n\nonly Chriftlans I have found amongfl: them, which I am fure \ncannot be fuch but in Fide Ecclefi^. \n\nFather Alloiiez lives now in a Village of the Miamis, Maf- \nkoutens, and Ochiakenens, who have quitted their own Nation \nand Ancient Habitations, to confederate themfelves with the \nIroquefe againft the Illinois; and for that purpofe they fent lafl: \nSummer an Embaffy into the Country of the Iroquefe, with a \nLetter of Father Allouez. The end of that Embaffy was, as \nI have faid, to oblige \'em to unite themfelves with them \nagainft the Illinois ; and they were negotiating the Alliance, \nwhen I arriv\'d at the Village of the Tfonnontouans ; and upon \nnotice thereof, a Woman was fent to tell them to run away, \nfor fear the Iroquefe fhould kill them. They had however no \ndefign to do them any harm, as it appear\'d afterwards; for \nthe Iroquefe having overtaken the faid Ambaffadors, they were \nkindly us\'d ; but they enter\'d upon no Bufinefs, as long as I \ncontinu\'d there. I met with one of the faid Ambaffadors \nfince that time in their own Country, who told me fuch hor- \nrid things, that I cannot entirely believe them ; and I rather \nfufpedt the Miamis to be Contrivers thereof. However, \nFather Allouez had no fooner intelligence that I was arriv\'d \nat the Village of the [194] Illinois, than that they fent one \nMonfo, one of their Chiefs, with four large Kettles, twelve \nAxes, and twenty Knives, to perfuade the Illinois that I was \nBrother of the Iroquefe; that my Breath fmell\'d like theirs; \nthat I eat Serpents ; that I was fent to betray them, and \nattack them one way, while the Iroquefe fhould attack them \n\n\n\nfeveral Countries in America. 633 \n\nby another ; that I was hated by all the Black-Gowns^ who for- \nfook me becaufe I defign\'d to deftroy the Miamis, having \ntaken two of them Prifoners; and, laftly, that I underftood \nPhyfick enough to poyfon all the World. Their Suggeftions \nwere fo ridiculous and fo falfe, that I had no great difficulty \nto convince the Illinois of the Malice of my Enemies ; and \nMonfo was in great danger of lofing his Life for his pains. \nThey told him he had an Iroquefe Serpent under his Tongue, \nmeaning his Bafenefs and Malice ; that his Comrades who \nhad been Ambaffadors into their Country, had brought that \nVenom, and had breathed in the Malice of the Iroquefe in \nfmoaking in their Calumet. I was oblig\'d to intercede for \nhim, for elfe they would have murther\'d him. \n\n\'Tis certain, that their Defign is to engage Count Frontenac \ninto a War with the Iroquefe ; and having tri\'d in vain feveral \nWays to fucceed, they think there is no better than to per- \nfuade the Nation of the Miamis, who are our Confederates, \nto fettle themfelves near the Illinois, and make an Alliance \nwith them, infomuch that the Iroquefe cannot attack one \nNation, without breaking with the other, and thereby oblige \nyour Lordfhip either to forfake our Allies, or declare Wars \nagainft the Iroquefe. This is not a rafh and groundlefs Judg- \nment ; for thefe Miamis, with whom Father Allouez lives, have \nkill\'d feveral Iroquefe this Winter ; and having cut the Fin- \ngers of another, they fent him back to tell their Nation that \nthe Miamis are join\'d with the Illinois againft them. Perhaps \nthat Perfidioufnefs obliges [195] Father y^//o\xc2\xab^z to quit them \n\n\n\n634 A New Difcovery of \n\nnext Spring, as I underftand he defigns to do. However, I \nam confident to ftop the Progrefs of this Cabal, if your \nLordfhip comes this Year to weep for the Death of the Onon- \ntake [Onondagas], who have been kill\'d ; for the Illinois have \npromis\'d me to releafe fome Slaves, and forbear their Ex- \ncurfions againft the Iroquefe, who having been inform\'d of \nmy Good Offices, have exprefs\'d a great Gratitude thereof. \nThis Weeping is a common Ceremony among the Savages, \nwhen any of their Warriors have been kill\'d. \n\nI do not wonder that the Iroqtiefe fhould talk of invading \nour Allies ; for they are every Year provok\'d ; and I have \nfeen at Miffilinaokinak, amongft the Poutouatamits and the \nMiamis, the Heads of feveral Iroqtiefe^ whom they have kill\'d \nby Treachery, as they were a Hunting laft Spring. This is \ncome to the Knowledge of the Iroquefe ; for our Allies have \nbeen fo impudent as to boaft of it ; and efpecially the Pou- \ntouatamits, who dancing the Calumet at Mijfdinaokinak before \nthree Agneiz, or Envoys of the Iroquefe, boafted of their \nTreachery, and held in their Hands feveral Heads of Hair \nof Iroquefe\'s. \n\nI cannot forbear to take notice of the Difcourfe I had \nwith a Savage of the Nation of the Wolf, who being convinc\'d \nof the Truth of the Chriftian Religion, and preffed by fome \nMiffionaries to embrace the Catholick, and by fome Englifh \nMinifters to embrace Theirs, was in great perplexity which \nof the two he fhould chufe ; for, as he told me, thefe Men \nare very unlike the Apoftles ; the former becaufe of their \ngreat Covetoufnefs, and the latter becaufe of their being \n\n\n\nfeveral Countries in America. 635 \n\nmarri\'d. But having obferv\'d in the Recolle5ls both Chaftlty \nand the Contempt of the Riches of the World, he was Bap- \ntiz\'d by them. \n\nI hav6 feen in this Country abundance of Green Parrots, \nbigger and finer than thofe of our Iflands. \n\n\n\n636 A New Difcovery of \n\n\n\n[196] A Difcovery of fome New Countries and Nations in \nthe Northern America. By Father Marquette. \n\nON the 13th of May, 1673, I embark\'d with M. JoUet, \nwho was chofen to be our Diredlor in this Undertak- \ning, and five other French-men, in two Canows made of Barks \nof Trees, with fome Indian Corn and boil\'d \\_sc. smoked] Flefh \nfor our Subfiftence. We had taken care to get from the Sav- \nages all the Intelligence we could, concerning the Countries \nthrough which we defign\'d to travel, and had drawn a Map \nof the fame, according to their Relation, in which we had \nmark\'d the Rivers, and the Name of the Nations we were to \nmeet, and the Rhombs of the Wind we were to make ufe of \nin our Journey. \n\nThe firft Nation we met with, is call\'d the Nation of the \nWild-Oats\'^: I went into their River to vifit that People, to \nwhom we have preach\'d the Gofpel for feveral Years, and \namongft whom there are many good Chriftians. The Wild- \nOats, from which they have got their Name, Is a fort of Corn \nwhich grows naturally in the fmall Rivers, the bottom whereof \nis Owzie,2 as alfo in marfhy Grounds. It is much like our \n\n^The Menominees, whose name means "wild-rice people" \xe2\x80\x94 so called because \nthat grain {Zizania aquatica) is abundant in their country, and an important part of \ntheir food. They lived on the river which still bears their name ; it forms part of the \nboundary between Michigan and Wisconsin. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n2That is, oozy, meaning " slimy " or " muddy." \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\nfeveral Countries in America. 637 \n\nEuropean Oats ; the Stem is knotted, and grows about two \nFoot above the Surface of the Water. The Corn is not big- \nger than ours, but it is twice as long, and therefore it yields \nmuch more Meal. It grows above the Water in June^ and \nthe Savages gather it about September in this [197] manner: \nThey go in their Canows into thofe Rivers, and as they go \nthey fhake the Ears of the Corn in their Canows, which eafily \nfalls, if it be ripe : They dry it upon the Fire ; and when it is \nvery dry, they put it into a kind of Sack made with the Skin \nof Beafts ; and having made a Hole in the Ground, they put \ntheir Sack therein, and tread on it till they fee the Chaff is \nfeparated from the Corn, which they Winnow afterwards. \nThey pound it in a Mortar to reduce it into Meal, or elfe \nboil it in Water, and feafon it with Greafe, which makes it \nnear as good as our Rice. \n\nI acquainted that Nation with the Defign I had to travel \nfarther into the Country, to difcover the remoteft Nations, \nand teach them the Myfteries of our Holy Religion ; at which \nthey were mightily furpriz\'d, and did their utmoft to diffwade \nme from that Enterprize. They told me that I fhould meet \nfome Nations who fpare no Strangers, whom they kill without \nany Provocation or Mercy ; that the War thofe different \nNations had one with the other, fhould daily expofe me to \nbe taken by their Warriors, who are perpetually abroad to \nfurprize their Enemies : That the great River was exceed- \ningly dangerous, and full of dreadful Monfters, who devour\'d \nMen, and even the Canows themfelves. They added. That a \nDevil ftopp\'d the Paffage of the faid River, and funk thofe \n\n\n\n638 A New Difcovery of \n\nwho were fo bold as to come near the place where he ftood ; \nand, in fhort, that the Heat was fo exceflive in thofe Parts, \nthat we fhould never be able to preferve our Health. \n\nI return\'d them my hearty Thanks for their good Ad- \nvices ; but told them I would not follow them, fince the \nSalvation of a great many Souls were concern\'d in our \nUndertaking, for whom I fhould be glad to lofe my Life. \nI added, That I laugh\'d at their pretended Devils and Mon- \nfters, and that their [198] Informations would oblige us to \nftand the more upon our Guard to avoid any Surprize. \nAnd fo having pray\'d to God with them, and given them \nfome Inftrudlions, we parted from them, and arriv\'d at the \nBay of Puans [Green Bay], where our Fathers make a con- \nfiderable Progrefs towards the Converfion of thofe Ignorant \nNations. \n\nThe Name of this Bay founds better in the Language of \nthe Savages than in ours ; for according to the Word they \nmake ufe of, one may call it as well the Salted Bay, as the \nStinking Bay; for they call the Sea after the fame Name. \nThis oblig\'d us to enquire whether there were in that \nCountry any Salt Springs, as there is one among the Iroquefe; \nbut we could find none ; and therefore we think that this \nName was given to this Bay, becaufe of the great quantity of \nMud and Owze that is there, from whence fuch Vapours \narife, that occafion the moft dreadful Thunders that ever I \nheard in any Country. \n\nThis Bay is about thirty Leagues long, and about eight \n\n\n\nfeveral Countries in America. 639 \n\nbroad, that is to fay in its greateft breadth ; for it grows nar- \nrower, and forms a Cone at the extremity ; where one may \neafily obferve, that this Bay has its fetled Tides juft as the \nSea. This is not a proper place to enquire whether the Flow- \ning and Ebbing of the Water of this Bay, may be properly \ncall\'d a Tide, or whether they are occafion\'d by the Winds, \nwhich never, or very feldom fail to blow from the fame Point \nupon the Moon\'s afcending our Horizon ; but this I may fay, \nThat in the greateft Calm, the Waters in this Bay flow and \nebb according to the Motion of the Moon ; though I will \nnot deny but that the Winds, which move the Waters towards \nthe middle of the Lake, may contribute to this effedl.^ \n\nWe left this Bay to go into a River that difcharges it \nfelf therein; and found its Mouth very [199] broad and \ndeep. It flows very gently ; but after we had advanc\'d \nfome Leagues into it, we faw it was interrupted by feveral \nRocks and rapid Streams ; and fo fhallow in fome places, \nthat it would hardly bear our Canows. The bottom is full \nof Flints, which are as fo many Razors that cut the Canows, \nand made it impofTible for our Men to walk therein, to \nmake the Canows more light, when the fhallownefs of the \nWater did not permit us to row away.^ It is full of Buftard, \nDucks, and Teals, becaufe of the Wild Oats in the Marlhes \nthereabouts. However, we conquer\'d thofe Difficulties, and \n\n\n\n^ See the observations made by the Jesuit Louis Andre upon these tides [Jes. \nRelations, Ivi, pp. 137-139 ; Ivii, 301-305 ; Ix, 205-207). \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n2 The (Lower) Fox River of Wisconsin, the outlet of Lake Winnebago. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\n640 A New Difcovery of \n\ncame to an Habitation of the Miamis, Maskoutens^ and Kika- \nbeux^; but before we arriv\'d at the Village, I had the Curi- \nofity to tafte the Mineral Water of a River near it, and \nfound a Simple of a wonderful Virtue againft the Venom of \nthe Serpents. A Savage who knew it, had fhown it to Father \nAllouez^ who had often occafion to try its Virtues, God hav- \ning been pleafed to provide that Country with that wonder- \nful Antidote againft the Serpents, who are very dangerous \nin thofe Parts. The Root of that Simple is very hot, and \ntaftes like Gunpowder ; they chew it, and apply it to the \nPart of the Body ftung by the Serpents ; and this without \nany other Myftery cures the Wound ; and the Serpents have \nfuch an Antipathy againft the Herb, that they run away from \nany Man who has rubb\'d his Body with the fame. It pro- \nduces feveral Stalks about a foot high ; the Leaves are fome- \nwhat long ; the Flower is white, and the whole looks like \nour Gilliflowers. I took one into our Canow, the better to \nexamine it. \n\nThis Bay of Puans had been hitherto, as one may fay, \nthe Ultima Thulce of the French^ for they never durft advance \nfurther into the Country. This Village, as I have intimated, \nconfifts of three feveral Nations, viz. Miamis, Maskoutens, \nand Kikabeux [Kickapoos]. The firft are more civil than \nthe other, and better [200] ftiap\'d, as well as more liberal. \nThey wear long Hair over their Ears, which looks well \n\n\n\n^ The site of this Indian village cannot be identified, further than to locate it on \nthe Upper Fox River, above Lake Winnebago \xe2\x80\x94 probably in Green Lake County. \nSee discussion of the subject in Jes. Relations, liv, p. 308 ; and fVis. Hist. Colls., xvi, \np. 42, note 1. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\nfeveral Countries in America. 641 \n\nenough. They are accounted valiant Men amongft their \nNeighbours ; but are fo cunning, that they feldom return \nfrom their warlike Expeditions without Booty. They are \napt to learn any thing, for they love to hear the European\'s \nTalk ; and Father Alloiiez told me, That they had fuch a \nviolent defire to be inftruded, that they often difturb\'d his \nReft to ask him Queftions about what he had told them the \nDay before. The Maskoutens and Kikabeux are more Clown- \nifti ; and there is as much difference between the Miamis and \nthem, as between our Boors and Citizens. As the Rind of \nBirch-Trees are fcarce in this Country, they are oblig\'d to \nmake their Cabins with Rufhes, which ferve as well for \ncovering the fame, as for Walls. It muft be own\'d that \nthefe Cabins are very convenient; for they take them down \nwhen they pleafe, and carry them by fmall Parcels where- \never they will, without any trouble. \n\nWhen I arriv\'d there, I was very glad to fee a great \nCrofs fet up in the middle of the Village, adorn\'d with fev- \neral White Skins, Red Girdles, Bows and Arrows, which \nthat good People had offer\'d to the Great Manitou, to re- \nturn him their Thanks for the care he had taken of them \nduring the Winter, and that he had granted them a prof- \nperous Hunting. Manitou is the Name they give in general \nto all Spirits whom they think to be above the Nature of \nMan.i \n\nTheir Village is fituated on a Hill, from whence one may \n\n^The cross had to these savages a symbolic meaning, long before they saw white \nmen. See W. J. Hoffman\'s explanation of its use by the Medicine society among \nthe Menominees, in U. S. Bur. Ethnol. Rep., 1885-86, p. 155.\xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n11-19 \n\n\n\n642 A New Difcovery of \n\ndifcover the largeft Meadows in the World, adorn\'d at \ncertain diftance with Groves and Woods. The Soil is very \nfertile, and produces a great quantity of Indian Corn. They \npreferve alfo Plums and Grapes. \n\n[201] As foon as we were arriv\'d, M. JoUet and I defir\'d \nthe Eldeft of the Savages to meet us, and I told them that \nM. JoUet was fent by the Governor of Canada to difcover \nnew Countries, and I from God Almighty to teach them the \nKnowledge of their Creator, who being abfolute Mafter of \nall his Creatures, will have all Nations to know him ; and \nthat therefore to comply with his Will, I did not value my \nLife, which I freely expos\'d to all manner of Dangers ; Con- \ncluding, That we wanted two Guides to put us in our Way, \nwhich we defir\'d them to grant us. We enforc\'d our Com- \npliment with fome Prefents that were kindly accepted by the \nSavages ; who anfwer\'d us likewife with a Prefent, viz. a Maty \nwhich was our Bed during our Voyage. They granted us \nalfo two Guides, to accompany us for fome Days. The next \nDay, being the loth of June^ the two Miamis who were to \ncondud us, imbark\'d with us in fight of all the Inhabitants \nof the Village, who could not admire enough that feven \nEuropeans fhould venture upon fo dangerous and extraor- \ndinary an Undertaking. \n\nWe were inform\'d, that within three Leagues of the \nMaskoiitens^ there was a River which runs into the *Henepin ca.\\h \n*MiJfiJ[ipi, and that we were to go diredly to the \'* Mefchafipi. \nWeft-South- Weft, to find it ; but there are fo many MorafTes \nand Lakes between it, that had it not been for our Guide, \n\n\n\nfeveral Countries in America. 643 \n\nwe had never been able to find it ; and the River upon which \nwe row\'d, to find the Place we were to Land and carry our \nCanow into the other, was fo full of Wild-Oats, that it lookt \nrather like a Corn-Field than a River ; infomuch that we \ncou\'d hardly difcover its Channel. As the Miamis frequented \nthis Place, they conducted us to the ufual Place of Portage, \nand help\'d us to carry our Canow over-land into the other \nRiver, diftant from the former about two Miles and a half^; \nfrom [202] whence they return\'d home, leaving us in an \nunknown Country, having nothing to rely upon but the \nDivine Providence. We made a Solemn Vow in this place, \nand refolv\'d to ufe fome particular Prayers every Day to the \nBleffed Virgin, to recommend our Perfons and Enterprize \nto her Protedion, and afterwards embark\'d. \n\nThis River is call\'d Mefconfin [Wisconsin] : It is very \nbroad, but the Sands make its Navigation difficult ; and this \nDifficulty is increas\'d by an infinite Number of Iflands cover\'d \nwith Vines. The Country through which it flows is very fine; \nthe Groves difpos\'d at certain Difbances in the Meadows, \nmake a noble Profped ; and the Fruit of the Trees difcovers \nthe Fertility of the Soil. Thofe Groves are full of Wallnut- \nTrees, as alfo of Oaks, and of another fort of Trees un- \nknown to us in Europe, the Boughs whereof are arm\'d with \nlong Thorns. We faw no other Game in thefe Meadows but \nabundance of Wild-Goats, and Wild-Bulls. Within thirty \nLeagues of this Place where we embark\'d, we found fome \nIron-Mines ; and one of our Company, who had formerly \n\n^The Fox-Wisconsin portage (see p. 306, note i, ante). \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\n644 A New Difcovery of \n\nfeen fuch Mines, told us that thefe were extraordinary good: \nThey are not above three Foot deep, and are fituate near a \nRow of Rocks, the Foot whereof is coverM with fine Woods. \nAfter having row\'d ten Leagues further, that is, forty \nLeagues in all from the Place where we embark\'d, we came \ninto the MiJJiJfipi on the 17th of June. The Mouth of the \nMefconfin is about forty two Degrees and a half of Latitude. \nThe Satisfa6lion I had to fee this famous River, is almoft \nincredible ; for though the Savages had often fpoken of it \nto our Men, none of them had been fo bold as to venture fo \nfar in this unknown Country. This oblig\'d me to confider \nthis River with a greater Attention than otherwife I wou\'d \nhave done, as the Reader will perceive in perufing the follow- \ning Account. \n\n[203] The Mijfijfipi is form\'d by feveral Lakes in the \nNorth-Country, from whence it runs to the South. Its \nChannel is pretty narrow at the Mouth of the Mefconfin^ \nbeing flreighten\'d by a Row of high Mountains on the \nother fide ; but however its Stream is very gentle, becaufe of \nits depth ; for we found there nineteen Fathom Water. But \na little below that Place, it enlarges it felf, and is about three \nquarters of a League broad. Its Banks are very fine ; but \nthree Days after, we difcover\'d a much better Country. \nThe Trees are higher, and the Iflands fo beautiful, that I \nverily believe there is nothing like it in the World. The \nMeadows are cover\'d with an infinite number of Wild-Goats \nand Bulls, and the River with Buftards and Swans without \nWings, becaufe their Feathers fall in this Country about that \n\n\n\nfeveral Countries in America. 645 \n\ntime. We faw extraordinary Fifhes, and one of them was fo \nbig, that our Canow was like to be broke into Pieces, \nbecaufe it run againft it. We faw alfo a very hideous Sea- \nMonfter; his Head was like that of a Tyger ; but his Nofe \nwas fomewhat (harper, and like a Wild-Cat; his Beard was \nlong, his Ears flood upright, the Colour of his Head being \nGrey, and the Neck Black. He look\'d upon us for fome \ntime ; but as we came near him, our Oars frighted him \naway : This is the only one we faw.^ We caught abundance \nof Sturgeons, and another fort of Fifh fomewhat like our \nTrouts, except that their Eyes and Nofe are much leffer, \nand that they have near the Nofe a Bone like a Woman\'s \nBusk, three Inches broad, and a Foot and a half long, the \nEnd whereof is flat and very broad, infomuch that when they \nleap out of the Water, the Weight of that Bone makes them \nfall backwards. We faw alfo abundance of Turky-Cocks on \nthe Banks of the River. \n\n[204] The PifikiouSy which we call Wild-Bulls, are not \nmuch unlike ours ; they are not altogether fo long, but twice \nas big : We fhot one of them, and thirteen Men had much \nado to drag him from the Place where he fell. Their Head \nis of a prodigious bignefs, their Forehead broad and flat, \nand their Horns (between which there is at leaft a Foot and \na half diftance) are all black, and much longer than thofe of \nour European Cattle. They have a Bump on the Back; and \ntheir Head, Breaft, and part of the Shoulders, are cover\'d \n\n\n\n1 Probably a panther. The fish here described is the spade-fish (p. 219, notei, \nante). \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\n646 A New Difcovery of \n\nwith long Hair. They have in the middle of their Forehead \nan ugly Tuff of long Hair, which falling down over their \nEyes, blinds them in a manner, and makes them look dread- \nful. The reft of the Body is cover\'d with curl\'d Hair, or \nrather WooU, like our Sheep, but much thicker and ruffer. \nTheir Hair falls in Summer-time, and then their Skin is as \nfoft as Velvet, nothing remaining but a kind of fhort Down. \nThe Savages make ufe of their Skins for Gowns, which they \npaint with feveral Colours. Their Flefti and Fat is excellent, \nand the beft Difh of the Savages, who deftroy abundance of \nthem, though they are very fierce and dangerous; and if \nthey can but take a Man with their Horns, they tofs him \nup, and then tread upon him. The Savages hide themfelves \nwhen they have fhot at them, for elfe they fhou\'d be in \ngreat danger of their Lives, thofe Beafts being fiercer when \nwounded ; they follow them at certain diftances, till they \nhave loft fo much Blood as to be unable to do them any \nhurt, or to defend themfelves. They Graze upon the Banks \nof the River ; and I have feen above four hundred together.^ \nWe continu\'d to fall down the River, having feen nothing \nfor above a hundred Leagues, but Beafts and Birds ; how- \never, we were always upon our Guard, and efpecially during \nthe Night, for [205] fear of any Surprize. We landed in \nthe Evening to drefs our Supper, and made but a little Fire, \nand then left the Shore, cafting an Anchor near the middle \n\n\n\n^Regarding the bison (usually known as buffalo), see monographs in U. S. Geol. \nand Geog. Survey of the Territories, Ann. Rep., 1875, pp. 443-587; and Smith\' \nsonian Inst. Rep., 1887, pt. 2, pp. 367-548. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\nfeveral Countries in America. 647 \n\nof the River, where we lay, as the fafeft Place, and yet one \nof us watch\'d always by turns. On the 25th of June we \nwent a-fhore, and found fome frefh Traces of Men upon the \nSand, and then found a Path which led into a Meadow. We \ncall\'d our Men together, and it was refolv\'d that our Men \nfhou\'d continue in the Canows, while M. Joliet and I fhou\'d \nfollow that Path, and endeavour to find the Habitation of \nthe Savages. This Undertaking was very bold, yet relying \nupon God Almighty, we went on, and within ten Leagues \nfrom thence, difcover\'d a Village on the Banks of a River, \nand two other Villages on a Hill within half a League from \nthe former. Having again implor\'d God\'s Protection, we \nadvanc\'d fo near to the Savages, that we cou\'d hear them \ntalk, and therefore thought it was time to give them notice \nof our Arrival, which we did with a loud Cry, and then \nftopp\'d. The Savages immediately came out of their Cabins, \nand feeing but two Men, they were not frighted, and efpe- \ncially becaufe we had acquainted them by our Cry, with our \nApproach ; therefore they fent four of their Old Men to talk \nto us, and fee who we were, and what Bufinefs we came \nupon. They carri\'d two Pipes adorn\'d with Feathers of \nfeveral Colours, which they prefented to the Sun, without \nfpeaking a Word. They march\'d fo (lowly, that we began \nto be impatient; and when they came near us, they ftopp\'d, \nand us\'d many Ceremonies. We were very glad to fee them \ncover\'d with Cloth, for thereby we judg\'d they were either \nour Allies, or Friends of our Allies ; and therefore I fpoke \nto them, and ask\'d them who they were? They anfwer\'d, \n\n\n\n648 A New Difcovery of \n\nThat they were Illinois^ and [206] prefented us their Pipe to \nfmoak, defiring us alfo to walk to their Habitations. Thofe \nPipes are call\'d both by the Savages and Europeans^ Calumets ; \nand therefore I fhall make ufe of their Word for the future, \nhaving often occafion to mention thefe Pipes. \n\nThey conduced us to a Cabin, where an Old Man waited \nfor us, in a very extraordinary Pofture, which, as I underftand \nfince, is the ufual Ceremony they ufe for the Reception of \nStrangers. This Man flood before the Cabin, having both \nhis Hands lifted up to Heaven, oppofite to the Sun, info- \nmuch that it darted its Rays through his Fingers, upon his \nFace ; and when we came near him, he told us. What a fair \nDay this is ftnce thou comeft to vifit us ! All our People wait for \nthee, and thou /halt enter our Cabin in Peace, Having repeated \nthe Compliment to M. Joliet, he conduced us into his Cabin, \nwhere abundance of People croweded to fee us, keeping \nhowever a great Silence, that we heard nothing a great while, \nbut now and then thefe Words, Tou have done well, Brothers^ \nto come and fee us. \n\nAs foon as we fat down, they prefented us, according to \nCuftom, their Calumet, which one muft needs accept, for elfe \nhe fhou\'d be lookt upon as an open Enemy, or a meer Brute; \nhowever, it is not neceffary to fmoak ; and provided one puts \nit to his Mouth, it is enough. While the Old Man fmoak\'d \nin our Cabin to entertain us, the Great Captain of the Illinois \nfent us word to come to his Village, where he defign\'d to \nconfer with us ; and accordingly we went to him, being \nattended by all the Inhabitants of this Village, who having \n\n\n\nfeveral Countries in America. 649 \n\nnever feen any Europeans before, accompani\'d us all the Way. \nWe met that Captain at the Door of his Cabin, in the middle \nof Ten Old Men ; all of them were^ftanding, and each had \nhis Calumet [207] towards the Sun. He made us a fhort \nSpeech, to congratulate our happy Arrival in that Country; \nand prefented us his Calumet^ wherein we were oblig\'d to \nfmoak before\'we went into his Cabin. \n\nThis Ceremony being over, he conducted us, and defir\'d \nus to fit down upon a Mat, and the Old Men of that Nation \nbeing prefent, I thought fit to acquaint them with the Sub- \nje6t of our Voyage, and therefore I told them, i. That we \ndefign\'d to vifit all Nations that were on that River, down \nto the Sea. 2. That God Almighty, their Creator, took pity \non them, and had fent me to bring them to the Knowledge \nof his Being, and therefore expeded a full Submiflion from \nthem. 3. That the Great Captain of the French had com- \nmanded me to tell them, that he had fubdu\'d the Iroquefe, \nand wou\'d have every Body to live in Peace. 4. We defir\'d \nthem to tell us whatever they knew concerning the Nations \nwe were to meet along the River. We enforc\'d every Point \nof our Speech with a Prefent, and then fate down. The \nCaptain of the Illinois anfwer\'d, That he was very glad to \nhear of the great A6tions of our Captain, meaning the Gov- \nernor of Canada, and defir\'d us to remain amongft them, \nbecaufe of the great Dangers to which we fhou\'d be expos\'d \nin continuing our Voyage ; but I told them that we did not \nfear to lofe our Lives for the Glory of God ; at which they \nwere mightily furpriz\'d. He prefented us with a Calumet, \n\n\n\n650 A New Difcovery of \n\nthe moft myfterlous thing in the World ; of which I fhall give \nan Account in another Place. \n\nThe Council being over, we were invited to a Feaft, \nwhich we were oblig\'d to accept. The firft Mefs was a Difli \nof Sagamittee, that is, fome Meal of Indian Corn boil\'d with \nWater, and feafon\'d with Greafe : The Mafter of Ceremonies \nholding [208] a kind of Spoon-full of that Sagamittee^ put \nfome thrice into my Mouth, and then did the like to M. \nJoliet. They brought for a Second Courfe, three Fifhes in \na Difh, whereof he took a Piece, and having took out the \nBones, and blown upon it to cool it, he put it into my \nMouth, juft as a Bird feeds his young ones. The Third \nService was a huge:Dog, whom they kill\'d on purpofe ; but \nunderftanding that we eat no fuch Creatures ; they brought \na Piece of Beef, and ferv\'d us as before. \n\nAs foon as we had done, we went to vifit the Village, \nwhich confifts of near three hundred Cabins, being attended \nby an Officer, to oblige the Savages to make room, and not \ncrowd upon us. They prefented us with Girdles and Gar- \nters, and fome other Works made of the Hair of Bears and \nBulls. We lay in the Cabin of the Captain, and the next \nDay took our Leave of him, promifing to return in Four \nMoons.^ They conducted us as far as our Canows, with \nnear eight hundred Perfons, who exprefs\'d an extraordinary \nJoy for our kind Vifit, as they call\'d it. \n\nIt will not be improper to relate here what I obferv\'d of \nthe Cuflom and Manners of this People, which are very \n\n* That is, four months ; for the Indians reckon time by the moon\'s revolutions. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\nfeveral Countries in America. 651 \n\ndifferent from what is pradis\'d among the other Nations of \nthe Northern-America. \n\nThe Word Illinois in their Language fignifies Men^ as if \nthey did look upon the other Savages as Beafts ; and truly it \nmuft be confefs\'d that they are not altogether in the Wrong, \nfor they have more Humanity than all the other Nations that \nI have feen in America. The fhort time I remain\'d with them, \ndid not permit me to inform my felf, as much as I defir\'d, of \ntheir Cuftoms and Manners ; but here is what I was able to \nobferve ; They are divided into feveral Villages, whereof fome \nare very remote [209] from thofe that I have feen. They \ncall them Perouarca [sc. Peouarea] ; but as they live fo far \none from the other, their Language is alfo very different. \nHowever, it is a Dialed: of the Algonquin, and therefore we \nwere able to underftand what they faid, and to converfe \nwith them. They are good-natur\'d Men, tradable and eafy : \nThey keep feveral Wives, and yet they are exceedingly \njealous: They obferve with great Care their Behaviour; and \nif they find them in any Fault as to their Chaftity, they cut \noff their Nofes and Ears ; and I faw feveral who carry\'d upon \ntheir Faces the Marks of their Infidelity. The Illinois are \nvery well ffiap\'d, and very dextrous : They are good Marks- \nmen with their Arrows and fmall Guns, with which they are \nfupply\'d by the Savages that have Commerce with the Euro- \npeans. This makes them formidable to the other Nations \ninhabiting to the Weftward, who have no Fire-Arms. The \nIllinois knowing how much they are frighted at the Noife \nof their Guns, make Excurfions very far to the Weflward, \n\n\n\n652 A New Dlfcovery of \n\nand bring Slaves from thence, which they barter with other \nNations for the Commodities they want. Thofe Nations are \naltogether ignorant of Iron Tools ; and their Knives, Axes, \nand other Inftruments, are made of Flints, and other fharp \nStones. \n\nWhen the Illinois go upon any Expedition, the whole Vil- \nlage muft have notice of it ; and therefore they ufe to make \nan Out-cry at the Door of their Huts the Evening before \nthey go, and the Morning they are to fet out. Their Cap- \ntains are diftinguifh\'d from the Soldiers by Red Scarfs, made \nwith the Hair of Bears or Wild Bulls, that are curioufly \nwrought. They have abundance of Game ; and their Soil is \nfo fertile, that their Indian Corn never fails, and therefore \nthey never labour under Famine. They fow Beans and Mel- \nons, which are excellent, and efpecially thofe whofe Seed is \nRed. They [210] greatly efl:eem their Citruls, though they \nare none of the beft. They dry them up, and keep them till \nthe Winter and Spring. Their Cabins are very large ; they \nare made, cover\'d, and pav\'d with Mats of Marifh-Rufhes. \nTheir Difhes are of Wood ; but their Spoons are made of \nthe Bones of the Skull of Wild-Oxen, which they cut fo as to \nmake them very convenient to eat their Sagamittce. They have \nPhyficians amongft them, towards whom they are very liberal \nwhen they are Tick, thinking that the Operation of the Rem- \nedies they take, is proportionable to the Prefents they make \nunto thofe who have prefcrib\'d them. They have no other \nClothes but Skins of Beafts, which ferve to cover their \n\n\n\nfeveral Countries in America. 653 \n\nWomen ; for the Men go moft of the Year ftark-naked. I \ndon\'t know by what Superftition fome of the Illinois and \nNadoiiejfians wear Womens Apparel. When they have taken \nthe fame, which they do in their Youth, they never leave it \noff; and certainly there muft be fome Myftery in this Matter, \nfor they never Marry, and work in the Cabins with Women, \nwhich other Men think below them to do. They may go \nhowever to their Wars, but they muft ufe only a Club, and \nnot Bows and Arrows, which are fit, as they fay, for Men \nalone. They affift at all the Superftitions of their Jiiglers, and \ntheir folemn Dances in honour of the Calumet, in which they \nmay fing, but it is not lawful for them to dance. They are \ncall\'d to their Councils, and nothing is determin\'d without \ntheir Advice ; for, becaufe of their extraordinary way of \nLiving, they are look\'d upon as Manitous, or at leaft for \ngreat and incomparable Genius\'s,^ \n\nI muft fpeak here of the Calumet, the moft myfterious \nthing in the World. The Scepters of our Kings are not fo \nmuch refpedled ; for the Savages have fuch a Deference for \nthis Pipe, that one may call it. The God of Peace and War, \nand the Arbiter of [211] Life and Death. One, with this \nCalumet, may venture amongft his Enemies, and in the hotteft \nEngagement they lay down their Arms before this Sacred \nPipe. The Illinois prefented me with one of them, which \nwas very ufeful to us in our Voyage. Their Calumet of Peace \nis different from the Calumet of War ; They make ufe of the \n\n^ See p. 168, note i, ante. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\n654 A New Difcovery of \n\nformer to feal their Alliances and Treaties, to travel with \nfafety, and receive Strangers ; and the other Is to proclaim \nWar. \n\nIt is made of a Red Stone like our Marble^; the Head \nis like our common Tobacco-Pipes, but larger; and it is fixt \nto a hollow Reed, to hold it for fmoaking. They adorn it \nwith fine Feathers of feveral Colours; and they call it, The \nCalumet of the Sun, to whom they prefent it, efpecially when \nthey want fair Weather or Rain, thinking that that Planet \ncan have no lefs refpedl for it than Men have, and therefore \nthat they fhall obtain their Defires. They dare not wafh \nthemfelves in Rivers in the beginning of the Summer, or \ntafte the new Fruit of Trees, before they have danc\'d the \nCalumet, which they do in the following manner: \n\nThis Dance of the Calumet is a folemn Ceremony amongfl: \nthe Savages, which they perform upon important Occafions, \nas to confirm an Alliance, or make Peace with their Neigh- \nbours. They ufe it alfo to entertain any Nation that comes \nto vifit them ; and in this Cafe we may confider it as their \nBalls. They perform it in Winter-time in their Cabins, and \nin the open Field in the Summer. They chufe for that pur- \npofe a fet Place among Trees, to fhelter themfelves againft \nthe Heat of the Sun, and lay in the middle a large Matt, as \na Carpet, to lay upon [it] the God of the Chief of the \n\n\n\n^ This red stone was that now known as "catlinite," thus named for George \nCatlin, the artist, who was the first to describe (1836) the place from which the Indians \nobtained it. This is the noted Pipestone Quarry, in Pipestone county, in the south- \nwestern corner of Minnesota. See Jes. Relations, lix, p. 310. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\nfeveral Countries in America. 655 \n\nCompany, who gave the Ball ; for every one has his peculiar \nGod, whom they call Manitoa [jf. Manitou]. It is fometime \na Stone, a Bird, a Serpent, or any thing elfe that they dream \nof in [212] their Sleep; for they think this Manitoa will \nfupply their Wants, by Fifhing, Hunting, and other Enter- \nprizes. To the Right of thoir Manitoa they place the Calumet^ \ntheir Great Deity, making round about it a kind of Trophy \nwith their Arms, viz. their Clubs, Axes, Bows, Quivers, and \nArrows. \n\nThings being thus difpos\'d, and the Hour of Dancing \ncoming on, thofe who are to fing, take the moft Honourable \nSeats under the Shadow of the Trees, or the Green Arbours \nthey make in cafe the Trees be not thick enough to fhadow \nthem. They chufe for this Service the beft Wits amongft \nthem, either Men or Women. Every Body fits down after- \nwards, round about, as they come, having firft of all faluted \nthe Manitoa^ which they do in blowing the Smoak of their \nTobacco upon it, which is as much as offering to it Frank- \nincenfe. Every Body, one after another, takes the Calumet^ \nand holding it with his two Hands, dances with it, following \nthe Cadence of the Songs. This Preludium being over, he \nwho is to begin the Dance, appears in the middle of the \nAffembly, and having taken the Calumet, prefents It to the \nSun, as if he wou\'d invite him to fmoke. Then he moves it \ninto an infinite number of Poftures, fometimes laying it near \nthe Ground, then ftretching its Wings, as if he wou\'d make \nit fly, and then prefents it to the Spedators, who fmoke with \n\n\n\n656 A New Difcovery of \n\nit one after another, dancing all the while. This is the firft \nScene of this famous Ball. \n\nThe Second is a Fight, with Vocal and Inftrumental \nMufick; for they have a kind of Drum, which agrees pretty \nwell with the Voices. The Perfon who dances with the \nCalumet, gives a Signal to one of their Warriours, who takes \na Bow and Arrows, with an Ax, from the Trophy already \n[213] mention\'d, and fights the other, who defends himfelf \nwith the Calum.et alone, both of them dancing all the while. \nThe Fight being over, he who holds the Calumet, makes a \nSpeech, wherein he gives an Account of the Battels he has \nfought, and the Prifoners he has taken, and then receives \na Gown, or any other Prefent, from the Chief of the Ball. \nHe gives then the Calumet to another, who having aded his \nPart, gives it to another, and fo of all others, till the Calumet \nreturns to the Captain, who prefents it to the Nation invited \nunto that Feaft, as a Mark of their Friendfhip, and a Con- \nfirmation of their Alliance. I can\'t pretend to be fo much \nMafter of their Language as to judge of their Songs, but \nmethinks they are very witty. \' \n\nWe parted from the Illinois towards the middle of June, \nabout Three a-clock, and fell down the River, looking for \nanother call\'d Pekitanoiii,^ which runs from the North-Weft \ninto the MiJJiJJipi, of which I fhall fpeak anon. As we fol- \nlow\'d the Banks, I obferv\'d on a Rock a Simple, which I \ntake to be very extraordinary. Its Root is like fmall Tur- \nnips link\'d together by fome Fibres of the fame Root, which \n\n1 One of the early names of the Missouri River. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\nfeveral Countries in America. 657 \n\ntaftes like Carrots. From that Root fprings a Leaf as large \nas one\'s Hand, and about an Inch thick, with fome Spots in \nthe middle ; from whence fpring alfo fome other Leaves, each \nof them bearing five or fix yellow Flowers, like little Bells. \n\nWe found abundance of Mulberries as good and as big \nas ours ; and another Fruit which we took at firft for Olives, \nbut it taftes like Orange. We found another Fruit as big as \nan Egg, and having cut it into two Pieces, we found the in- \nfide was divided into fixteen, eighteen, and twenty fmall Cells \nor Holes, and in each of them a Fruit like our Almonds, \nwhich is very fweet, though the Tree fliinks : Its Leaves are \nlike our Walnut-Trees. We [214] faw alfo in the Meadows \na Fruit like our Filbirds [Filberts] : The Tree which bears it \nhas its Leaves much broader than ours ; and at the End of \nthe Branches there is a kind of a Purfe like a Turnbole, in \nwhich the Filbirds are lock\'d up.^ \n\nAlong the Rocks I have mention\'d, we found one very \nhigh and fl:eep, and faw two Monfters painted upon it, which \nare fo hideous, that we were frighted at the firft Sight, and \nthe boldeft Savages dare not fix their Eyes upon them. They \nare drawn as big as a Calf, with two Horns like a Wild-Goat ; \nTheir Looks are terrible, though their Face has fomething \nof Human Figure in it : Their Eyes are Red, their Beard is \nlike that of a Tyger, and their Body is cover\'d with Scales. \nTheir Tail is fo long that it goes o\'er their Heads, and then \n\nt ^B. F. French (in Shea\'s Discovery of the Mississippi Valley, p. 38), identifies \nthese fruits as Cactus opuntia, Diospyros \'virginiana (persimmon), and Castanea \npumila (chincapin). \n\n" Turnboie " is a misprint for " turnsole " {Fr. iournesol), the sunflower. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n11-20 \n\n\n\n658 A New Difcovery of \n\nturns between their Fore-Legs under the Belly, ending like \na Fifh-Tail. There are but three Colours, \'viz. Red, Green, \nand Black ; but thofe Monfters are fo well drawn, that I can- \nnot believe that the Savages did it ; and the Rock whereon \nthey are painted is fo fteep, that it is a Wonder to me how \nit was poffible to draw thofe Figures : But to know to what \npurpofe they were made, is as great a Myftery. Whatever \nit be, our befl Painters wou\'d hardly do better. \n\nAs we fell down the River, following the gentle Stream \nof the Waters, and difcourfing concerning thofe Monfters, \nwe heard a great Noife of Waters, and faw feveral Pieces of \nTimber, and fmall floating Iflands, which were hudled down \nthe River Pekitanoiii. The Waters of this River are fo muddy, \nbecaufe of the violence of its Stream, that it is impoflible to \ndrink of it, and they fpoil the Clearnefs of the MiJJiffipi, and \nmake its Navigation very dangerous in this Place. This \nRiver runs from the North- Weft; and I hope to difcover, in \nfollowing its Channel towards its Source, [215] fome other \nRiver that difcharges it felf into the Mar Marvejo [i. e., \nBermejo, or Vermejo], or the Caliphornian-Gulph. The Sav- \nages told me. That about fix Days Journey from its Mouth, \nthere is a Meadow of thirty Leagues broad, at the end \nwhereof, dire6lly to the North-Weft, is a fmall River, which \nis almoft navigable for Canows, and runs to the South-Weft \ninto a Lake, from which fprings a deep River, which runs \ndiredlly Weftward into the Sea, which certainly muft be the \nMar Fermejo; and I hope I fhall have, one time or other, the \nopportunity to undertake that Difcovery, to inftrud thofe \n\n\n\nfeveral Countries in America. 659 \n\npoor Nations who have been fo long ignorant of their Crea- \ntor. But leaving this Digreflion, I return to the Mijfijfipi. \n\nAbout 20 Leagues lower than the Pekitanotii, we met \nanother River call\'d Oiiabouskigoti, which runs into the Mif- \n/ijjipi, in the Latitude of 36 degrees ; but before we arriv\'d \nthere, we pafs\'d through a moft formidable Place to the Sav- \nages, who believe that a Manitoa, or Devil, refides in that \nPlace, to deftroy fuch who are fo bold as to come near it. \nThey told us dreadful Stories to deter us from our Under- \ntaking ; but this terrible Manitoa proves nothing but fome \nRocks in a turning of the River, about thirty foot high, \nagainft whom the Stream runs with a great violence; and \nbeing beaten back by the Rocks and Ifland near it, the \nWaters make a great noife, and flow with a great rapidity \nthrough a narrow Canal, which is certainly very dangerous \nto unskilful Canow-men. This River Ouabouskigou comes \nfrom the Eaftward ; the Chiioanous^ inhabit its Banks, and \nare fo numerous, that I have been inform\'d there are thirty \neight Villages of that Nation fituated on this River. This \nPeople is much infefted by the Iroquefe, who make a cruel \nWar upon them without any Provocation, but only becaufe \nthey are [216] a poor harmlefs Nation, unacquainted with \nany Arms. They take them without any refiftance, and \ncarry them into Slavery. \n\nA little above the Mouth of the River, we faw fome \n\n\n\n^ A misprint for Chouanons (Shawnees). The river here mentioned was the Ohio, \noften called by early French explorers Ouabache, which is apparently a corruption of \nthe Indian name given in the text. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\n66o A New Difcovery of \n\nDowns, wherein our Men difcover\'d a good Iron-Mine: \nThey faw feveral Veins of it, and a Lay of about a foot thick. \nThere is alfo a great quantity of it adhering to the Flints, \nfome of which they brought into our Canow. There is alfo \na kind of fat Earth of three different Colours, viz. Purple, \nViolet, and Red, which turns the Water into a deep Blood- \ncolour. We found alfo a red Sand very heavy : I put fome \nupon my Oar, which Immediately became red ; and the \nWaters could not wafh it away for a Fortnight together. \nWe had feen no Reeds or Canes ; but they begin to be fo \nthick in this Place, that Wild Bulls can hardly go through \nthem. They grow very high and big, and their Knots are \ncrown\'d with feveral Leaves long and fharp, the greennefs \nwhereof is incomparable. \n\nWe had not been troubled hitherto with Gnats, but they \nbegan to be very troublefome to us a little lower in the \nOiiabouskigou. The Savages who inhabit this Country are \noblig\'d to build their Huts in a different manner from the \nother, becaufe of thofe troublefome Flies. They drive into \nthe Ground big Poles, very near one another, which fupport \na large Hurdle, which ferves them Inftead of a Floor, under \nwhich they make their Fire ; and the Smoak drives away \nthofe Creatures, who cannot abide it. They lay upon that \nHurdle, the Roof whereof is cover\'d with Skins againft the \nRain, and ferves alfo to fhelter them againft the Heat of the \nSun. The fame Reafon oblig\'d us to make a Cabin over \nour Canow. \n\n[217] As we were confidering the Country, the Banks of \n\n\n\nfeveral Countries in America. 66 1 \n\nthe River being very low, we difcover\'d feveral Savages arm\'d \nwith Fire-Arms, waiting for us upon the Shoar, where the \nStream of the River carri\'d us. Our Men prepar\'d them- \nfelves to fight, and it was refolv\'d to let them fire firft of all; \nand as we came near, I fpoke to them in the Language of the \nHurons^ and fhew\'d my Calumet of Peace ; but they did not \nanfwer me, which we took for a Declaration of War. How- \never, we refolv\'d to venture to pafs ; but when they had feen \nus at a nearer diftance, they defir\'d us in a friendly manner \nto come to their Habitations, where they entertain\'d us with \nBeef and Oil of Bears, together with white Plums, as good \nevery whit as ours. Thefe Savages have Guns, Knives, Axes, \nShovels, Glafs-Beads, and Bottles wherein they put their Gun- \npowder. They wear their Hair long as the Iroquefe do, and \ntheir Women are cover\'d as they are amongft the Hurons. \nThey told us, That they were only within Ten Days Journey \nof the Sea; that they bought thofe Commodities from Euro- \npeans who live to the Eaftward ; that thefe Europeans had \nImages and Beads ; that they play upon Inftruments ; that \nfome were cloath\'d as I was, and that they were very kind to \nthem. However, I could find nothing in them that could \nperfuade me that they had receiv\'d any Inftrudions about our \nHoly Religion. I endeavour\'d to give them a general Idea \nof it, and prefented them with fome Medals to put them in \nmind of it. \n\nThe account given us by the Savages was a great Encour- \nagement to us, in hopes to fee the Sea in a few Days ; and \ntherefore we row\'d with an extraordinary vigour. The Banks \n\n\n\n662 A New Difcovery of \n\nof the River began to be cover\'d with high Trees, [218] \nwhich hinder\'d us from obferving the Country, as we had \ndone all along ; but we judged from the bellowing of the \nBulls, that the Meadows are very near. We faw fome Quails \non the Water-fide, and fhot a fmall Parrot, who had the half \nof his Head red, and the other part and the Neck yellow, \nand the reft of the Body green. We found our felves in this \nPlace in the Latitude of 33 Degrees, fteering diredly South- \nerly ; and a little while afterwards we difcover\'d a Village on \nthe River-fide call\'d Michigamea. The Savages made a great \nnoife, and appear\'d in Arms, dividing themfelves into three \nParties, one of which ftood on the Shoar, while the others \nwent into their Wooden Canows, to intercept our Retreat, \nand prevent our efcape. They were arm\'d with Bows and \nArrows, Clubs, Axes, and Bucklers. Notwithftanding thefe \nPreparations, we row\'d diredly to the Shoar, where their main \nBody ftood ; and as we came near, two of their young War- \nriours flung themfelves into the Water to board my Canow, \nwhich he would have done, had not the rapidity of the Stream \nprevented his Defign ; fo that they were forc\'d to return \na-fhore, having thrown at us their Clubs, which by good for- \ntune went over our Heads. I prefented my Calumet of Peace, \nbut they were fo bufy that they could not fee : However, as \nthey advanc\'d in a body to ftioot at us, the Old Men dif- \ncover\'d my Calumet ; whereupon they made an Out-cry, com- \nmanding their Youth to ftop, and two of them advanc\'d to \nthe Water-fide, throwing their Arrows and Quivers into our \nCanow, as a fign of Peace, defiring us by figns to come \n\n\n\nfeveral Countries in America. 663 \n\na-fhoar, which we did, though with great apprehenfions. I \nfpoke to them in fix different Languages, [219] of which \nthey underftood none ; but they brought an Old Man who \nfpoke Illinois^ whom we told, That we defign\'d to go to the \nSea, and made them fome fmall Prefents. They underftood \nwhat I told them on this matter; but very little, as I fear, \nof what I added concerning the CREATOR of the \nWorld. They anfwer\'d. That we fhould learn whatever we \ndefir\'d ten Leagues lower, at a great Village call\'d Akamjea^ \nand prefented us with their Sagometta, and fome Fifh. \n\nWe lay there that Night in great Fears, and the next \nMorning embark\'d again with our Interpreter and ten Sav- \nages in one of their Wooden Canows, and met within half a \nLeague from Akamfea two large Canows full of Savages. \nThe Captain was ftanding in the firft, holding his Calumet^ \nof which he made feveral Motions, according to the Cuftoms \nof his Country. I ftood up likewife in my Canow with my \nCalumet^ at which they were fo pleas\'d, that they met us with \nall imaginable Demonftrations of Joy, attended with Songs \nand Shouts. They prefented us their Calumet to fmoak, and \nfome Bread made of Indian Corn, and then return\'d home, \nbidding us to follow him, which we did at fome diftance. \nThey had in the mean time prepar\'d a kind of Scaffold to \nreceive us, adorn\'d with fine Mats ; upon which we fat down, \nand the Old Men and Warriours near us, the reft of the \nPeople ftanding off. We found amongft them a young Man \nwho fpoke Illinois much better than the Interpreter we had \nbrought with us from Mitchigamea ; and we defir\'d him to \n\n\n\n664 A New Difcovery of \n\nacquaint his Nation with the Subjedl of our Voyage, as he \nhad underftood it from us. We made him fome fmall Pref- \nents, which they receiv\'d with great Civility, [220] and \nfeem\'d to admire what I told them concerning GOD, the \nCreation of the World, and the Providences ; telling us by \nthe Interpreter, That they fhould think themfelves very \nhappy, if we would remain with them to teach them. \n\nThey told us that we were within five Days Journey from \nthe Sea ; but that they were not acquainted with the Nation \ninhabiting the fame; meaning doubtlefs the Europeans; for \ntheir Enemies hindred them from keeping any Correfpon- \ndence with them. They added, That their Axes, Knives, \nand Glafs Beads, had been given them in exchange of other \nCommodities, by fome Nations inhabiting to the Eaftward, \nand by fome Illinois^ who had an Habitation to the Weftward \nwithin four Days Journey of them : That the Savages whom \nwe had met with Fire-Arms, were their Enemies, who hindred \ntheir Commerce with the Europeans ; and that we fhould be \nexpos\'d to great Dangers, if we did venture to proceed \nfarther, becaufe thofe Savages were continually cruifing on \nthe River. In the mean time, they brought us fome Saga- \nmettea, with fome roafted Corn, and a piece of a Dog. \n\nThefe Savages are very courteous, and give freely what \nthey have ; but their Provifions are but indifferent, becaufe \nthey dare not leave their Habitation to go a Hunting for \nfear of their Enemies. They have Indian Corn in great \nplenty, and at all times, having three Crops every Year. \nThey roaft it, or elfe boil it in great Pots of Earth, which \n\n\n\nfeveral Countries in America. 665 \n\nare curioufly made.^ They go naked, and wear their Hair \nvery fhort, boring their Ears, which they adorn with Rings \nof Glafs-Beads ; but their Women are cover\'d with Skins, \nhaving their Hair divided into two [221] Treffes, which they \nthrow behind their Back, without any other Ornament. \nTheir Feafts are without any Ceremony: They ferve their \nMeats in great Difhes, and every one eats as much as he \npleafes. Their Language is very difficult, and I could never \npronounce any Word of it. Their Cabins are made with the \nBarks of Trees, and are generally very long ; they lie at the \ntwo ends, their Beds being about two foot higher than the \nFloor. They keep their Corn in Paniers made of Rufhes, \nor in great Gourds. They have no Beavers, and all their \nCommodities are the Skins of Wild Bulls. It never fnows \nin their Country, and they have no other Winter than fome \nviolent Rains, which makes the only difference between Sum- \nmer and Winter. They have no other Fruit but Water- \nMelons, though their Soil might produce any other, did \nthey know how to cultivate it. \n\nThey held a Council, wherein fome propofed to murther \nus, becaufe of our Commodities ; but their Chief oppos\'d \nthat bafe Defign, and having fent for us, danc\'d the Calumet \nin our Prefence, which he prefented me with, to feal our com- \nmon Friendfhip. M. Joliet and I in the mean time call\'d \nour Men together, to advife whether we Ihou\'d proceed any \n\n\n\n^ Regarding the pottery manufactured by the tribes of this region, see Holmes\'s \n" Ancient Pottery of the Mississippi Valley," in U. S. Bur. Ethnol. Rep., 1882-83, \npp. 360-436 ; and Reports of Peabody Museum for 1875 and 1878. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\n666 A New Difcovery of \n\nfurther, or return home from thence ; and having confider\'d \nthat the Gulph of Mexico lying in the Latitude of 31 Degrees \nand 40 Minutes, cou\'d be but within three or four Days \nJourney from the Akatnfea^ and that therefore the Mijfijfipi \ndifcharg\'d it felf into it, and not to the Eaftward of the Cape \nof Florida^ or into the Californian-Sea, as it was expedled, it \nwas refolv\'d to return home. We confider\'d likewife that \nthe Advantage of our great Voyage wou\'d be altogether loft \nto our Nation, did we fall into the [222] hands of the Span- \niards, from whom we cou\'d exped: no other Treatment but \nDeath or Slavery ; and therefore it was more prudent to \ncontent our felves with this Difcovery, and make a Report \nthereof to thofe who had fent us. So that having refted \nanother Day, we left the Village of the Jkamfea, on the 17th \nof July, having follow\'d the MiJfiJfipi from the Latitude of 42 \nto 34, and preach\'d the Gofpel to the utmoft of my Power, \nto the Nations we vifited. We went up the River with \ngreat difficulty, becaufe of the Rapidity of the Stream, and \nleft it in the Latitude of 38 Degrees, and went into a River, \nwhich conduced us into the Lake of the Illinois, which Way \nis much fhorter than the other, by the River Mefconftn, \nthrough which we came. \n\nI never faw a more pleafant Country than the Banks of \nthat River. The Meadows are cover\'d with Wild-Bulls, \nStags, Wild-Goats ; and the Rivers and Lakes with Buftards, \nSwans, Ducks, Beavers. We faw alfo abundance of Parrots. \nSeveral fmall Rivers fall into this, which is deep and broad, \nfor 65 Leagues, and therefore navigable almoft all the Year \n\n\n\nfeveral Countries in America. 667 \n\nlong. There is but a Portage of half a League into the Lake \nof the Illinois} We found on the Banks of the faid River a \nVillage of Illinois call\'d Kiiilka \\^sc. Kaskasia], confifting of \n74 Cabins. They receiv\'d us with all the Kindnefs imagin- \nable, and oblig\'d me to promife that I wou\'d return to in- \nflru6t them, and live in their Country. Their Captain, with \nmoft of their Youth, accompani\'d us to the Lake of the \nIllinois [Lake Michigan], from whence we return\'d to the \nBay of Puans ; where we arriv\'d towards the latter end of \nSeptember^ having been about three Months In our Journey. \n[223] Although my tedious Journey fhou\'d be attended \nwith no other Advantage than the Salvation of one Soul, I \nfhou\'d think my Pains fufficiently rewarded, and I hope I \nmay prefume fo much ; for having preach\'d the Gofpel to the \nIllinois of Perouacca for three Days together, in our Return, \nmy Words made fuch an Impreffion upon that poor People, \nthat as we were embarking, they brought to me a Dying \nChild, to Chriften him, which I did about half an Hour before \nhe dy\'d, by a fpecial Providence of God, who was pleas\'d to \nfave that innocent Creature.^ \n\n\n\n^ A reference to the Chicago-Des Plaines portage ; see p. 626, ncte 1, ante. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n2 This is an inaccurate and often abridged translation of Marquette\'s report of his \nvoyage with Joliet down the Mississippi River. For an accurate reproduction of this \ndocument (with translation), see Jes. Relations, lix, pp. 189-163. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\n668 A New Difcovery of \n\n\n\n[224] Frequent mention having been made in the preced- \ning yournal, of M. du Salles ; // may be expecled \nfome Account fhould be given of his latter Difcov- \nerieSj the unfortunate Succefs thereof^ and his own \nTragical End; which fo difcourag^d the French, \nthat they never made any further Attempt. \n\nMR. du SalleSy with divers French who did accompany him, \nfell down to the Mouth of the Great River, where \nit difembogues it felf into the Gulf of Mexico; but neither \nhe nor any of his Company underftanding Navigation, or \nwanting Inftruments, fanci\'d they were in the Latitude of 27 \nDegrees, whereas really it was 29 ; and not being able to \ninform themfelves of its Longitude, or diftance from the moft \nWefterly End of the Gulf, they prefum\'d they were within a \nfew Leagues of the River of Magdalen, which is 60 Leagues \nNorth of the River of Palms, and 120 from the River Panuco, \nas it is reprefented in Hennepin^s Chart, and on the Great \nGlobe of CoronelW^ \\ which great Miftake was the caufe of \nall his Misfortunes: For after his return up the River, and \nthrough the Great Lakes to Canada, he embrac\'d the next \nOpportunity of returning by Shipping for France ; where he \n\n\n\n1 Marco Vincenzo CoronelH, an Italian geographer, who lived from about 1650 to \nlyp*. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\nfeveral Countries in America. 669 \n\nto the King and his Minifters gave fuch a favourable Repre- \nfentation of the Country, and Commodities therein contain\'d, \nthe Populoufnefs [225] of the Country, Civility of the Inhab- \nitants, far exceeding all the other Natives of America they had \nthe Knowledge of; that the King thereupon order\'d him a \nFleet, and a very confiderable Equipage, viz. a Man of War \ncarrying 56 Guns, a great Fly-boat, a Patache,^ and a Brig- \nantine, with things convenient for eftablifhing a Colony and \nTraffick with the Natives. This Fleet was Commanded by \nM. BeaujeaUj an Experienc\'d Sea-Captain, who was ViAuall\'d \nfor a Year; and M. dii Salles had under his Command 150 \nLand-men, who were to fettle in the Country. The Fleet \npafs\'d by Martinico and Guardaloupe, where they took in frefh \nProvifion and Water, together with divers Voluntiers ; and \nby M. du Salle\'s Diredion, fail\'d thence to the North-Weft \nend of the Gulf, in 27 Degrees. When they arriv\'d there, \nthey were in great Confufion, not being able to come near \nthe Coaft of Florida, by reafon of a long Bank Reciff, or as \nthe French call it, Contre-cofte,^ which they fearch\'d for fome \nhundred Miles. It was no-where above a Musket-fhot over, \nand every twenty or thirty Miles there was a Breach, by \nwhich the Water iffu\'d out of a vaft Lagiine, whofe breadth \nthey could not learn. They went in their Ship-Boat above \nforty Miles, and could not gain fight of the main Land or \n\n\n\niParkman(La Salle, p. 331) calls these two vessels " a store-ship and a ketch." \n\xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n2 This term is not to be found in standard French dictionaries, but it evidently \nrefers to the reef-formations which front that and other parts of the Gulf coast, as well \nas the Atlantic Southern States. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\n670 A New Difcovery of \n\nContinent. This Lagune was fhallow, in fome Places fix foot, \nin few above nine or ten ; there are fcatter\'d up and down in \nit divers fmall Iflands, upon one of them they found above \nfour hundred Indians^ who did not inhabit there, but came \naccidentally, being upon fome Expedition. They were all \nArchers, very proper goodly Men ; their Hutts were cover\'d \nwith Skins of the wild crook-back Kine, which the French \ncall Peftkieus,^ the Spaniards Corcobades, or Crook-back. They \nconvers\'d and traffick\'d very friendly with the French divers \nWeeks, until an unhappy Accident made a great Breach. \n\n[226] M. du Salles, againft the Opinion of the Pilots, \nwould adventure the Fly-boat through one of the Breaches \ninto the Lagiine, apprehending he had found a Channel of \nfufiicient depth, through which he might pafs to the Conti- \nnent : But whether the Channel was too fhallow, or that they \nmiftook it, the Fly-boat was loft, and the Frigat drawing lit- \ntle Water, efcap\'d. The Indians upon the Ifland fav\'d fome \nfmall matter of the Wreck, v/hich the French would take \nby force from them : They offer\'d in exchange Skins, and \nfuch other Commodities as they had. The French when they \ncould get no more, took two of their Piroques, or large \nCanows; which being abfolutely neceffary for them, and \nwithout which they could not poflibly return to the main \nLand from whence they came, occafion\'d a Skirmifh, in which \nthe French loft fifteen Men, and the Indians many more. \nM. du Salles being almoft diftraded, not knowing how to \n\n^The name Pisikiou is an Algonkin appellation of the wild bison ; it was, natur- \nally, adopted by the French. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\nfeveral Countries in America. 671 \n\nfind the Mouth of the River, took the Frigat, divers Boats \nand Pinnaces, together with a hundred and fifty Men, and \nProvifions for a Month, and crofs\'d the Lagune, with an \nintention to fearch the Coaft till he found the Mouth of the \nGreat River. M. Beaujeau waited ten Weeks, and heard no \nTidings from him, it being in the Heat of Summer. They \nwanting Water and Provifions, befides abundance of his Men \nfalling Sick of Fevers and Bloody-fluxes, he departed for \nFrance, without any News of M. du Salle; who after he \ndeparted from the Ships, rambled fome Days in the Lagune, \nand coafted the Main chiefly towards the Weft; which was \ndiredly contrary to the Courfe he ftiould have taken, the \ngreat River being diftant above one hundred Leagues to the \nEaft. But many believe M. du Salle was guilty of a wilful \nmiftake ; for he perfuaded his Men, That fince they could \nnot find the River, and were come to the River of St. Mag- \ndalen, being the North-Wefterly [227] end of the Gulf, which \nwas not above two hundred Leagues from the rich Mines of \nEndehe, Santa Barbara, la Parale, and others in the Province \nof Saceatecas [Zacatecas], where the Spaniards are few, and \nnot Warlike, they could not fail of rich and eafy Booty. \nThis Propofition occafion\'d a great Divifion amongft his \nMen, and deadly Feuds : One part were ready to comply \nwith his Projed ; others for returning to their Ships ; a \nthird Party for fearching the Continent towards the Eaft, till \nthey found the Great River, and then return and Pilot the \nShip thither, and purfue their Inftrudlions of Planting and \nTrading. From Words they came to Blows; many were \n\n\n\n672 A New Difcovery of \n\nkill\'d in the Scuffle, and amongft others, M. du Salle very \ntreacheroufly by one of his pretended Friends. Upon his \nDeath they divided, and took feveral Courfes. They that \nreturn\'d to feek the Ship, found it departed, and were never \nheard of fince ; others fcatter\'d, fome Eafterly, fome Weft- \nerly, and Northerly. When I receiv\'d this Account, which \nwas above three Years after this difaftrous Expedition, not \nabove Six were return\'d to Canada^ and amongft them M. \ndu Salle\'s Brother.^ \n\nSo that the Providence of Almighty GOD feems to have \nreferv\'d this Country for the Engli/h, a Patent whereof was \ngranted above Fifty Years ago to the Lords Proprietors of \nCarolina, who have made great Difcoveries therein, feven \nhundred Miles Wefterly from the Mountains, which feparate \nbetween it Carolina and Virginia, and Six hundred Miles from \nNorth to South, from the Gulf of Mexico to the great Inland \nLakes, which are fituated behind the Mountains of Carolina \nand Virginia. Befides, they have an Account of all the Coaft, \nfrom the Cape of Florida to the River Panuco, the Northerly \nBounds of the Spaniards on the Gulf of Mexico, together with \nmoft of the chief Harbours, Rivers, [228] and Iflands there- \nunto appertaining ; and are about to eftabhfh a very con- \nfiderable Colony on fome part of the Great River, fo foon \nas they have agreed upon the Boundaries, or Limits, which \n\n^This entire paragraph is grossly inaccurate in its statements. For a correct \naccount of La Salle\'s colony, and of its and his tragic end, see Parkman\'s La Salle, \npp. 351-428, 442-446. Cf. Hennepin\'s own account as given in the present volume, \npp. 388-441. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n\n\nfeveral Countries in America. 673 \n\nthe Lords Proprietors of Carolina^ who claim by a Patent \nprocur\'d long after that of Carolana} But there being fpace \nenough for both, and the Proprietors generally inclin\'d to \nan Amicable Conclufion, the Succefs of this Undertaking is \nimpatiently expedled : For confidering the Benignity of the \nClimate, the Healthfulnefs of the Country, Fruitfulnefs of the \nSoil, Ingenuity and Tra6tablenefs of the Inhabitants, Variety \nof Produdions, if prudently manag\'d, it cannot, humanly \nfpeaking, fail of proving one of the moft confiderable Col- \nonies on the North-Continent of America, profitable to the \nPublick and the Undertakers. \n\nPOSTSCRIPT. \n\nI AM inform\'d a large Map, or Draught, of this Country \nis preparing, together with a very particular Account of \nthe Natives, their Cuftoms, Religion, Commodities, and Ma- \nterials for divers forts of Manufactures, which are by the \nEttgli/h procur\'d at great Expense from other Countries. \n\nFINIS. \n\n\n\n^The earlier of these grants was made in 1627, to Sir Robert Heath : it covered \nthe territory from 31 degrees to 36 degrees north latitude, and extending from the \nAtlantic coast to the Western Sea ; and to this territory was given the name Carolina, \nin honor of Charles I. In 1663, the same region was granted by Charles II. to \nEdward, earl of Clarendon, and others of the King\'s adherents; and various settle- \nments in what are now North and South Carolina were made under their auspices. \nHeath had sold his patent, and later it was formally set aside in favor of the Carolina \nproprietors ; but about 1690 it was purchased by Daniel Coxe, who endeavored to \nobtain governmental recognition for his claim. He also had schemes for planting \ncolonies in the region that he claimed. It is to this state of affairs that reference is \nmade in our text. \xe2\x80\x94 Ed. \n\n11-21 \n\n\n\nINDEX \n\n\n\nINDEX \n\n\n\nABE \n\nAbenaki Indians, characteristics, 515. \n\nAcadia. See Nova Scotia. \n\nAccau (Accault, Ako), Michel (Mit- \nchel), leader of expedition, xxix, xxxi; \nopposes Hennepin, 182, 183, 187, 233, \n253; fears Spaniards, 199; disap- \npointed in trade, 200 ; impatient to \nreturn, 200 ; avoids Fort Crevecceur, \n219; captured, 227-231 ; unable to \nswim, 248 ; adopted, 252 ; ill-disposed \ntoward Hennepin, 253, 264, 272-275 ; \nremains with Issati, 276, 289; re- \nproached for cowardice, 2S9 ; ransomed \nby Du Luth, xxxi ; arrives at Fort \nFrontenac, 329; sketch, 180. \n\nAcolapissa Indians. See Quinipissa. \n\nAcorns, used for food, 596. \n\nAdders, in North America, 564. \n\nAgnier Indians. See Mohawks. \n\n"Aimable,"of La Salle\'s fleet, sets sail, \n389 ; driven ashore, 393, 394. \n\nAlabaster, in Canada, 556. \n\nAlbany (N. Y.), visited by Hennepin, \nxvii, 42. \n\nAlders, in Illinois, 145. \n\nAlexander IV, pope, despatches Fran- \nciscans, 609. \n\nAlexander, Sir William, settles Nova \nScotia, 590. \n\nAlgonquin Indians, habitat, 559, 594; \ncharacteristics, 514, 515; divinities of, \n451; mission to, 593, 594; method of \nfire-making, 246; language of, 651, \n670 ; friendly to Hurons, 60 ; assist \nsettlers, 597. \n\n\n\nAPP \n\nAllart, Germain, Recollect superior, or- \nders Hennepin to make discoveries, 67. \n\nAlligators. See Crocodiles. \n\nAUouez (d\'AUoues), Jean Claude, Jesuit \nmissionary, founds Illinois mission, \n144, 631 ; among Miamis, 632, 633 ; \nopposes Hennepin, 632, 633; plots \nagainst Frontenac, 633 ; at Green Bay, \n640, 641 ; sketch, 631. \n\nAlum, found among Iroquois, 152. \n\nAmantacha (Louis de Sainte-Foi), Huron \nchief, in England, 592 ; reputed Ca- \nnadian prince, 592, 593; reverts to \npaganism, 593. \n\nAmerica, described, 449, 450 ; natives of, \n462 ; Indian creation myth, 452. \n\nAmerican Antiquarian Society, Proceed- \nings, 406. \n\nAmikoue (Beaver) Indians. See Nez \nPerces. \n\nAminoyo Indians, seen by La Salle, 629. \n\nAmonokoa Indians, Illinois tribe, 628. \n\nAnachorema Indians, visited by La Salle, \n420. \n\nAnalau Indians, location, 437. \n\nAnastase, Father. See Douay. \n\nAndre, Louis, Jesuit missionary, 639. \n\nAndros, Sir Edmond, governor of New \nYork and Virginia, 42. \n\nAnies Indians. See Mohawks. \n\nAnnapolis. See Port Royal. \n\nAntonetta, Indian child, baptized by \nHennepin, 264. \n\nApples, cultivated by Taensa Indians, \n195; on the Mississippi, 622. \n\n\n\n6/8 \n\n\n\nIndex \n\n\n\nAQU \n\nAquipaguetin, Issati chief, head of \n\nfamily, 256; characteristics, 240-242; \ndesires revenge, 235, 240, 242 ; \nmakes feast, 239; adopts Hennepin, \n239. 252, 304, 368, 373, 475 ; per- \nsecutes Hennepin, 241-245, 286 ; \nlater relations with Hennepin, 258, \n271, 285, 286; visits the Wisconsin, \n285 ; wonders at compass, 258 ; desires \nEuropean goods, 285 ; parts with Hen- \nnepin, 304. \n\nArchaeological Institute of America, \nPapers, 447. \n\nArekouanon (Peter Anthony), Indian con- \nvert, 595 ; educated in France, 595 ; acts \nas interpreter, 595 ; stratagem of, 596. \n\nArkansas (Akansa) Indians, name given \nby Illinois, 177; habitat, 177, 443, 666; \ncharacteristics, 206, 665, 666 ; language, \n206, 665 ; Jolliet and Marquette among, \n663-666; visit La Salle, 177; Henne- \npin among, 192, 205-207. \n\nAscole, Jerome d\' (Pope Nicholas IV), \nFranciscan missionary, 609, 610. \n\nAspens, food of beavers, 518, 519. \n\nAspics, in North America, 564. \n\nAssiniboin (Assinipoualak) Indians, \nstock, 267 ; location, 267. \n\nAstrolabe, used by Hennepin, 199. \n\nAtaentsic, Huron divinity, 450. \n\nAtahauta, Indian divinity, 451, 453. \n\nAtetkouanon. See Arekouanon. \n\nAthlone, Godert de Ginkel, Earl of, \npatronizes Hennepin, 11. \n\nAttriouati Annontage, Le Grande Gueule, \nIroquois chief, 504, 505, 551. \n\nAuguel, Antoine du Gay (le Picard), \nbirthplace and relatives, 264 ; accom- \npanies Hennepin, xxix, 180; ill-treats \nHennepin, 182, 183, 187, 204; fears \n\n\n\nBAY \n\nAuguel (continued). \n\nSpaniards, 199; disappointed in trade, \n200; impatient to return, 200; avoids \nFort Crevecceur, 219; captured by \nIssati, 227-231; favorable to Henne- \npin, 233, 248, 252; unable to swim, \n248 ; adopted, 252 ; abandons Henne- \npin, 272-275; leaves Issati, 276 ; dream \nof, 279, 295; supposes Hennepin dead, \n282 ; kills various animals, 282, 283 ; \nbadly-treated by Indians, 2S9 ; returns \nto Fort Frontenac, 329 ; conceals \ndiscoveries, 334. \n\nBahamos Indians, in Texas, 419, 420. \nBailli (Le Baillif), made prisoner by \n\nEnglish, 600. \nBancroft, George, exposes Hennepin, \n\nxxxvi. \nBandelier, A. F. A., " Southwestern \n\nHistorical Contributions," 447. \nBaptism of Indians, discussed, 458-461 ; \n\nIndian ideas of, 486, 537 ; value in \n\nmissions, 578. \nBarbels (fish), on upper Mississippi, 287, \n\n28S; size, 288, 558. \nBartlett, John Russell, notes on Henne- \npin, xlv, xlvii. \nBaude. See Frontenac. \nBay of Chaleurs, location, 546. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 of Chequamegon, 631. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 of Quebec, 599. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Georgian, Hurons near, 60, 112 ; \nOttawas near, 115, 559. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Green (Bay of Puans), origin of \nname, 62, 638; location, 61, 221, \n621, 640; described, 638, 639; tides \nin, 638, 639 ; part of Lake Michigan, \n307, 308; Winnebagoes near, 308; Pot- \nawatomis on, 309; Outagamis on, 130. \n\n\n\nIndex \n\n\n\n679 \n\n\n\nBAY \n\nBay, Hudson, location, 560, 561 ; explored, \n\n\xe2\x96\xa0 560; portage to, 591; distance from \n\n. Quebec, 561 ; fogs within, 561 ; ice \n\nupon, 561 ; English forts on, 561 ; \n\nFrench attempt to capture, 561. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Matagorda (Tex.), 446 ; described, \n\xe2\x96\xa0 400, 418, 419 ; colonized by La Salle, \n\n7, 392-401, 419; La Salle leaves, 419; \ndistance from Mississippi, 442 ; mis- \ntaken for Mississippi, 445; fate of \ncolony at, 446, 447. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Mobile (Santo Spirito), named by \nSpaniards, 200; location, 200; La Salle \nat, 392. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Moran (East and West), off Mackinac \nStrait, 114. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Quinte (Kente), Cayugas at, 32, 53; \nSulpitians, 32, 47 ; Recollects, 47, 97 ; \nvisited by La Salle, xxi. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 St. Lewis. See Matagorda. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Santo Spirito. See Mobile. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Saginaw (Sakinam), passed by \n"Griffon," 113. \n\nBayagoula Indians. See Mugulashas. \nBeads. See Rassade, and Canons. \nBeans, in Louisiana, 213 ; in Illinois, \n\n652. \nBear, on Mississippi, 228, 239; in Ohio \n\ncountry, 630; near Lake Erie, 315; \n\nhunted, 516; as food, 315, 517; \n\nfound by La Salle\'s party, 130, 138 ; \n\ndespoils Indian grave, 225; value of \n\nskins, 558. \nBeauchamp, \\V. M., map of Iroquois \n\nvillage sites, 81 ; " Earthenware of the \n\nNew York Aborigines," 526. \nBeaujeu, \xe2\x80\x94 , commands "Joly," 389, \n\n669; sails for France, 394, 395, \n\n671. \nBeaupre, early settlers of, 592. \n\n\n\nBRE \n\nBeavers, in Illinois country, 151, 666; \non Mississippi, 211, 228, 276; on \nFox River, 307 ; on Trinity River, \n436; in Arkansas, 437, 438; dams \ndescribed, 307, 517, 51S; method of \nhunting, 516-519; used for food, 22S; \nvalue of skins, 558, \n\nBeaver robes, as presents, 568, 570; as \narticles of trade, 622. \n\nBegon, \xe2\x80\x94 , intendant of French West \nIndies, 391. \n\nBelle Fontaine, \xe2\x80\x94 , commandant of \nFort Crevecoeur, 444. \n\nBerthier, Alexandre, director of Com- \npany of Canada, 612. \n\nBiggar, H. P., Early Trading Companies \nof New France, 598. \n\nBiskatronge (Weeping) Indians, La Salle \namong, 406, 407. \n\nBlack Hills, occupied by Tetons, 107. \n\nBlair, Emma Helen, assists on notes, \nxlii. \n\nBlathwait (Blaithwayt), William, Eng- \nlish secretary of war, 560; patronizes \nHennepin, xxxviii, 10, 11. \n\nBlueberry (Fr. bluet), Indian food, 252; \nDutch name for, 252. \n\nBonivet, \xe2\x80\x94 , judiciary of Three Rivers, \n70. \n\nBoston, 597 ; fur-trade depot, 83, 559 ; \nsubdued by Andros, 42. See also Fur- \nTrade. \n\nBoule, Sieur de, commands relief ship, \n597, 598 ; captured, 598. \n\nBourgroyal, settlement on St. Lawrence, \n\n34- \nBout de risle, Canada, 372. \nBrandy, in Indian traffic, 553. \nBreme (fish), 558; in upper Mississippi, \n\n284. \n\n\n\n68o \n\n\n\nIndex \n\n\n\nBRI \n\nBrinton, D. G., Myths of New World, ^^o. \n\nBrisay, Jacques Rene de. See Denonville. \n\nBrodhead, John Romeyn, History of New \nYork, xvii. \n\nBrossard, Anthony, Recollect interpre- \nter, 83. \n\nBruyas, Jacques, Jesuit missionary, xvi ; \ntranscribes Iroquois dictionary, 42. \n\nBuffalo (Sp. Corcobades ; Fr. Pisikiou, \nPesikieus), characteristics, 150, 576, \n624; described, 1 47-1 51, 563, 645, \n646; food of, 150; paths of, 148; mi- \ngration, 148, 563; hunted by Indians, \n147-151, 280, 519, 622; take shelter \nin woods, 148; flesh used as food, \n190, 282, 285, 290, 424; use of wool, \n149, 563, 634; of skins, 149-151, 406, \n665, 670; of hoofs, 150; great num- \nbers of, 146, 149, 151 ; enmired, 146; \non Mississippi, 185, 211, 224, 242, \n282, 290, 300, 622, 644-646, 660, \n662; on Illinois, 146, 219, 340, 623, \n624, 627, 666; near Lake Michigan, \n134; on Missouri, 189; in Wisconsin, \n643 ; in Texas, 395, 398, 404, 424. \n\nBuffalo Historical Society, Publications, \n\nS3. 90- \n\nBuisset, Luke, with Hennepin among \nIroquois, xvi, 38, 39, 45, 68 ; at Fort \nFrontenac, xx, xxiii, 47, 72, 98, 330, 542 ; \ngreets Hennepin\'s return, xxxi, 330; \nreturns to Quebec, xvii ; death, 39. \n\nBustards, in North America, 558, 559; in \nIllinois, 146, 1 51, 666; in Louisiana, \n202 ; on Fox River, 639 ; on Missis- \nsippi, 644 ; tamed by Chickasaws, 192. \n\nCache, described, 193. \nCaddoan Indians, 412, 416; habitat, 434, \n436, 442 ; receive Caveliers, 434-436. \n\n\n\nCAN \n\nCaen, Emery de, commands relief-ship, \n598 ; sketch, 598. \n\nCaen, Guillaume de, governor of Que- \nbec, monopolizes fur-trade, 598. \n\nCahinnio Indians, habitat, 442 ; guide \nCaveliers, 436-440. \n\nCahokia Indians, tribe of Illinois, 628. \n\nCahokia (111.), location, 183. \n\nCalumets, 547; described, 125, 126, 654; \nmaterial for, 213, 530; adornment, 196, \n654; sacredness of, 205, 653; emblem \nof peace, 124, 192, 194, 205, 22S, 303, \n33S. 339. 393. 406, 412, 434, 630, 647- \n649, 653, 661-663; emblem of war, 236, \n565, 653; in religious ceremonies, 214; \nin embassies, 256; offering to dead, 225, \n530 ; used in hunting, 520 ; sign of re- \nprieve, 232, 246, 252 ; refused, 229, \n230; article of trade, 217; dance of, \n119, 408, 634, 654-656, 665; used by \nIllinois, 156; by Chickasaws, 190, 191; \nby Quinipissas, 202 ; by Issati, 229, 230, \n232, 246, 252, 303. \n\nCanada, 560; extent, 368, 369; climate, \n597; forests of, 155, 555, 556; mines, \n556; fisheries, 555, 556; natives, 215, 216, \n616; origin of name, 65 ; discovered by \nSpaniards, 65, 106 ; settled by French, \n591. 596; conquered by English in \n1629, xiii, 8, 584, 590-597 ; retroceded \nto France xiii, 546, 61 1 ; capital, xv ; \ngovernment, 65-67, 292 ; growth, 586, \n589 ; population, 586 ; fur-trade, 557, \n558 ; ship-building, 556; Iroquois war \nagainst, 552, 566-571, 582; missions \nto, xiii, 8, 70, 611-615. See also Cham- \nplain, Franciscans, Jesuits, Frontenac, \nand Iroquois. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Company of, monopolize trade, 457, \n612; hinder missions, 457, 460, 613; \n\n\n\nIndex \n\n\n\n68i \n\n\n\nCAN \n\nCanada, Company of (continued). \nfavor Jesuits, 614 ; desire Franciscans, \n613; sketch, 612. \n\nCanadians, 586, 589 ; characteristics, 308, \n312, 327 ; in Iroquois war, 552, 566-571, \n582 ; expedition against Hudson Bay, \n561 ; in fur-trade, 308, 3ii-3i3. \n\nCankia Indians, Illinois tribe, 628. \n\nCanoes, size, 35, 37, 122; manufacture, \n36, 37, 272, 276, 336, 366 ; of buffalo \nskins, 422 ; usefulness in new country, \n32-36 ; propelled, yi \\ rapidity, 366 ; \ninsecurity, 273 ; superior to perogues, \n184, 197, 205, 238; inadequacy, 242; \nshoot rapids, 71. \n\nCanons, form of Indian beads, 180. \n\nCanroi, \xe2\x80\x94 , procurator-general of Pre- \nmonstrants, 264; abbot of Beaulieu, \n264. \n\nCape St. Anthony, named by Hennepin, \n207, 443- \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 St. Francis (Long Point), Lake Erie, \nnamed by La Salle, 108. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 St. Mary Magdalen, location, 546 ; \nmission at, 545. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Tourmente, on St. Lawrence, 34 ; or- \nigin of name, 591 ; French commandant \nof, 591 ; captured by English, 592, \n\n593- \n\nCapuchins, in Acadian missions, 546. \n\nCarcarilica Indians, Illinois tribe, 628. \n\nCarolina, 629; extent, 672; charter of, \n672, 673. \n\nCaron, Joseph le, Franciscan mission- \nary, 568 ; receives Iroquois hostages, \n570; aids Champlain, 591, 594, 599; \nbesought for missionaries, 593; treats \nfor surrender of Quebec, 599-602 ; \nsolicited to go with Indians, 601 ; \ncomplaint against, 602; sketch, 613. \n\n\n\nCAY \n\nCarp, in North America, 558; in Mis- \nsissippi, 284. \n\nCarr, Lucien, naturalist, 406. \n\nCartier, Jacques, winters at Charles- \nbourg-Royal, 34; names Assumption \nIsland (Anticosti), ()2. \n\nCarver, Jonathan, early traveller, de- \nscribes St. Anthony\'s Falls, 294 ; \nTravels, 267, 294. \n\nCasein Indians. See Cherokees. \n\nCastors. See Beavers. \n\nCatarakouy. See Fort Frontenac. \n\nCatlin, George, describes calumet stone, \n654. \n\nCatlinite, used for calumets, 654. \n\nCaughnawaga, mission at, 546. \n\nCavelier, Abbe Jean, Sulpitian priest, \nbrother of La Salle, 386; characterized, \n429; accompanies expedition, 395- \n400; sets out with La Salle, 403-417 ; \nstarts for Illinois, 419-422; learns of \nLa Salle\'s death, 429; escapes from \nmurderers, 431-433; assumes charge \nof survivors, 434; journey to Illinois, \n434-444; arrives at Fort Crevecoeur, \n444 ; departs for Canada, 447, 672 ; \nsails for France, 447 ; conceals La \nSalle\'s death, 447. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Jean, La Salle\'s nephew, accompa- \nnies La Salle, 3S8 ; on Texas expedi- \ntion, 419-422 ; learns of La Salle\'s \ndeath, 429 ; escapes from murderers, \n431-433; journey to Illinois, 434- \n444; travels by perogue, 441 ; returns \nto France, 447 ; Relation, 403. \n\nCayuga (Goyogouin, Oiogouin) Indians, \nlocation, 40, 53, 97, 511; missionary \namong, 32; Hennepin among, 47, 524; \nremove, 100; address Frontenac, 550. \nSee also Ganneousse, and Iroquois. \n\n\n\n682 \n\n\n\nIndex \n\n\n\nCED \n\nCedars, on lower Mississippi, 212; near \nNiagara Falls, 319; in Texas, 411; \nvalue for ship-building, 556. \n\nCenis Indians, habitat, 412, 413, 442; \ntrade with Spaniards, 413; map drawn \nby, 413; war of, 431 ; La Salle among, \n411-416; La Salle\'s murderers among, \n430, 431; guide Caveliers, 434; Dou- \nay\'s mission to, 446. \n\nChamplain, Samuel de, founds Quebec, \n591 ; governor of Canada, 591 ; West- \nern exploration, 115; imports Fran- \nciscans, X, xiii, 8 ; founds Three \nRivers, 592 ; besieged at Quebec, \n592; aided by Caron, 591, 594, 597, \n599 ; reconnoitres, ~ 597 ; purchases \ncorn, 598; capitulates Quebec, 599- \n603 ; treatment by English, 603 ; re- \nturns to France, 604, 605 ; sketch, 591 ; \nVoyages, 591. \n\nChannels, Bahama, 392 ; Chippewa on \nLake Erie, 58; Tonnawanda on Lake \nErie, 59. See also Straits. \n\nChaonauon Indians. See Shawnees. \n\nCharlevoix, Pierre Fran9ois Xavier de, \nJesuit, denounces Hennepin, xxxvi ; \nJournal Historique, 1 7 7. \n\nCharon, \xe2\x80\x94 , Canadian habitant, accom- \npanies Hennepin, 96. \n\nChaumin, Indian convert, 601. \n\nChefdeville, \xe2\x80\x94 , Sulpitian priest, accom- \npanies La Salle, 386, 401 ; at Mata- \ngorda Bay, 446. \n\nCherokee (Casein, Casquinambaux) In- \ndians, location, 629 ; met by La Salle, \n629. \n\nCherries (wild), near Niagara, 106. \n\nChessagouasse (Chassagouache), head \nchief of Illinois, 160; abandons Chris- \ntianity, 169. \n\n\n\nCON \n\nChestnuts, near Detroit, 109; on Mis- \nsissippi, 213, 622. \n\nChicago (Checagou), Indian name for \nFort Crevecoeur, 170. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 , drainage canal, 626; Dial, article on \nHennepin, xxxvi. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Desplaines portage, 667. \n\nChickasaw (Chicasas, Chikacha, Cikaga, \nSikacha) Indians, location, 177, 442 ; \ndescribed, 191, 192, 442; hunting, \n207; hostile to French, 177; La Salle \nmeets, 177, 629; Hennepin meets, \n190-192 ; willing to remove to Illi- \nnois, 442. \n\nChincapins, on Mississippi, 657. \n\nChinko Indians, Illinois tribe, 628. \n\nChippewa (Ojibway, Fr. Sauteur) Indi- \nans, at Sault Ste. Marie, 116, 117. \n\nChoctaw (Cha\'hta) Indians, absorb Ko- \nroas, 195; band called Quinipissas, \n198. \n\nChoponsca Indians, Illinois tribe, 628. \n\nChouart. See Groseilliers. \n\nChougasketon Indians, Siouan tribe, ori- \ngin of name, 225; habitat, 225. \n\nCibola, Spanish term for buffalo, 404. \n\nQtrouilles. See Squash. \n\nClement X, forbids Jesuit Relations, 588. \n\nCoal, in Canada, 556; in Illinois, 152, \n627 ; on Mississippi, 213, 623. \n\nCodfish in North America, 563, 590. \n\nColbert. See Seignelay. \n\nColumbus, Christopher, discovers Amer- \nica, 384 ; accompanied by Francis- \ncans, 374. \n\nComanche (Chouman) Indians, habitat, \n413 ; trade with Cenis, 413 ; at war \nwith Spaniards, 413; recognize Fran- \nciscans, 414, 415. \n\nCongregation of the Propaganda, gov- \n\n\n\nIndex \n\n\n\n683 \n\n\n\nCON \n\nCongregation {continued). \nems missions, 387 ; forbids Jesuit \nRelations, 587, 588. \n\nConti, Louis Armand de Bourbon, \nprince de, favors La Salle, 3S8. \n\nConvent of St. Mary (Recollect), Que- \nbec, Hennepin enters, 68. \n\nCopper mines, on Mississippi, 213 ; in \nIllinois, 152, 647 ; near Hudson Bay, \n562. \n\nCorcobades, Spanish term for buffalo, \n670. \n\nCornwall (Ont.), site of Long Sault, \n324; canal around, 324. \n\nCoronelli, Marco Vincenzo, geographer, \n668. \n\nCottonwood trees, size, 212, 622; de- \nscribed, 564; used for perogues, \n212, 622. \n\nCoureurs de bois, illicit fur-traders, 334 ; \nat Mackinac, 310-313 ; at Green Bay, \n308 ; Du Luth a type of, 334. \n\nCouture, \xe2\x80\x94 , accompanies Tonty, 438; \nleft at Arkansas River, 43S, 440; in \nCanada, 439 ; in the Illinois, 439. \n\nCoxe, Daniel, purchases Carolina, 673. \n\nCranes, in North America, 559. \n\nCreek, Cayuga, "Griffon" built on, 90. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Chippewa, Hennepin camps on, 78. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Irondequoit (Isonnontouan), loca- \ntion, loi ; Hennepin at, xxiii ; La \nSalle, xxiii. \n\nCrocodiles, on Mississippi, 160, 201, \n210 ; fear fire, 202 ; Hennepin fears, \n201; devour a man, 417, 421. \n\nDaillon, Joseph de la Roche, Francis- \ncan missionary, among Hurons, 595; \nsketch, 595. \n\nDeer, near Detroit, 109; on Illinois \n\n\n\nDOU \n\nDeer {continued). \nplains, 148, 151, 219, 623, 666; on \nMississippi, 211, 228, 276, 622; on \nOhio, 630; value of skins, 558. \n\nDenonville, Jacques Rene de Brisay, \nmarquis de, governor of Canada, 49, \n614; favors Jesuits, 614; orders Fort \nFrontenac abandoned, 50. \n\nDe Pere (Wis.), location, 307. \n\nDesdames, Thierry, naval captain, with \nChamplain, 598. \n\nDe Soto, Hernando, discoverer of Mis- \nsissippi, 384, 629. \n\nD\'Estrees, Cesar, French cardinal, favors \nFranciscans, 3S7. \n\nDetroit, country near, 109 ; settlement \nadvised by Hennepin, no, in; post \ncommanded by La Forest, 97. See \nalso Straits of Detroit. \n\nDe Valence, Martin, Franciscan mission- \nary in America, 28, 29, 266. \n\nDionne, N. E., bibliography of Henne- \npin, xlvi, xlviii. \n\nDodinga Indians. See Touginga. \n\nDogs, among Indians, 465, 517. \n\nDorsey, J. O., in American Ahitnr- \nalist, i-]i ; " Siouan Sociology," 225, \n268, \n\nDottrel in North America, 559. \n\nDouay, Anastase, Franciscan missionary, \naccompanies La Salle, 387, 419-426; \nin Texas, 403-426; confesses La Salle, \n426 ; buries La Salle, 427 ; informs La \nSalle\'s brother, 429; exhorts La Salle\'s \nmurderers, 430 ; escapes from La Salle\'s \nmurderers, 431-433 ; buries Marne, 435, \n436 ; returns to Illinois, 441-444 ; re- \nturns to Europe, 445 ; second voyage, \n446 ; at Cambray, 445 ; conceals La \nSalle\'s fate, 447 ; description of expe- \n\n\n\n684 \n\n\n\nIndex \n\n\n\nDOU \n\nDouay (continued). \n\ndition, 403, 414, 415, 421, 422, 424, 438, \n442, 446. \n\nDoves. See Pigeons. \n\nDubos, \xe2\x80\x94 , letter concerning Hennepin.xli. \n\nDuchesneau, Jacques, intendant of Can- \nada, favors Jesuits, 52. \n\nDucks (wild), in North America, 559; \noil Mississippi, 205, 224; on Lake \nOntario, 329; on Fox River, 639; in \nIllinois, 666. \n\nDu Luth (Du Lhut), Daniel Greysolon, \ncoureur de bois, 334 ; trades for Fron- \ntenac, xxxi, 334 ; takes possession of \nSioux country, 293 ; meets Hennepin, \nXXX, 293 ; kindness to Hennepin, xxxi, \n305; takes Hennepin with him, xxxi, \n294 ; admires St. Anthony\'s Falls, 294 ; \ndisputes with Hennepin, 299 ; fears \ntreachery, 302 ; at Mackinac, xxxi, \n310; remains among Ottawas, 334; \nsketch, 293. \n\nDu Plessis, Pacificus, Franciscan, warned \nof attack on Quebec, 567. \n\nDu Pratz, Le Page, Histoire de la Loiiisi- \nane, 194, 219. \n\nDutch, genius for colonization, 557 ; \nsearch for Northwest Passage, 337 ; in \nfur-trade, 553, 557 ; trade with Iro- \nquois, 42, 44, 56, 82, 83, 86, 553; \nfriendly with Iroquois, 399 ; furnish \nIndians firearms, 501 ; Hennepin \namong, xvi, xvii, 42, 504 ; language \nspoken by Hennepin, x, xvii, 42. See \nalso Albany, and Fur-trade. \n\nEagles, on coast of Lake Michigan, \n129; on upper Mississippi, 284, 2S7 ; in \nTexas, 411, 426; drop fish, 284, 287, \n288. \n\n\n\nFAU \n\nEels, in North America, 558 ; in the \nSt. Lawrence, 596; taken by Indians, \n524. \n\nElk, Canadian name of, 558 ; Indians \nhunt, 516; value of skins, 558; skins \nused as presents, 568, 570. \n\nEndehe, Spanish mines of, 671. \n\nEnglish, genius for colonization, 557; \nseek Northwest Passage, 373 ; furnish \nIndians firearms, 501 ; in fur-trade, \n553\' 557\xc2\xbb 629 ; conquest of Canada, \nxiii, 8, 584, 590-603 ; capture Boule, \n59S; obtain Quebec, 599-603; treat- \nment of Canadians, 592, 603 ; sequester \nJesuit estates, 584 ; restore Canada to \nFrance, xiii, 61 1 ; build forts at Hudson \nBay, 561 ; defend forts against French, \n561 ; pension Groseilliers, 560 ; in \nMississippi Valley, 629, 672, 673. See \nalso Fur-trade, New York, Virginia, \nand Carolina. \n\nEskimos, characterized, 515; methods of \nfire-making, 246. \n\nFalls of Niagara, outlet for great lakes, \n317. 318, 523; described, xxiii, 53-56, \n78, 90, 317-323. 368; height, 278, 320, \n322 ; roar, 318, 322, 324, 331 ; mist, 318, \n323; island in, 318, 319; rapids below, \n322, 323; lands about, 318, 319; por- \ntage at, xxi, 96, loi, 104, 324; map of, \n560, 668 ; fishing, 523 ; Iroquois aban- \ndon, 324. See also Niagara, and River \nNiagara. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 of St. Anthony, location, 186, 224; \nnamed, 294; described, xxx, 223, 278, \n294 ; object of worship, 277-279, 299, \n463; admired, 294 ; Hennepin at, xxx, \n247, 277 ; Issati near, 276-279. \n\nFaucher, \xe2\x80\x94 , French commandant, 591. \n\n\n\n/\'. \n\n\n\nIndex \n\n\n\n685 \n\n\n\nFAU \n\nFauna, of North America, 558, 563. See \n\nalso the various animals. \nFenelon. See Salignac. \nFerdinand, elector of Bavaria, patronizes \n\nHennepin, xxxix, 7, 10, 357,366; allied \n\nwith England, 365 ; death, 6. \nFillatre, Luke, Recollect missionary, \n\nchaplain to Frontenac, 332. \nFirs, near Niagara Falls, 319 ; useful for \n\nship-building, 556, 562. \nFish, of North America, 558, 559, 563; \n\nIllinois River, 623 ; Mississippi, 645. \n\nSee also the several species. \nFisheries, in North America, 555, 556, \n\n563- \n\nFive nations. See Iroquois Indians. \n\nFleche, Jesse, Acadian missionary, 461. \n\nFlorida, reefs of, 669 ; Indians in, 670 ; \ndiscovered, 384 ; possessed by French, \n629; La Salle reaches, 392, 669. \n\nFolles-Avoine Indians. See Menominees. \n\nForests, in North America, 555 ; of Mis- \nsissippi, 662. \n\nForiere, Iroquois Indian, warns Cana- \ndians, 567 ; reconciles French and \nIroquois, 567, 568. \n\nForiman Indians. See Tourima. \n\nFort Crevecceur (Checagou), 371, 438, \n627, 630; site, 165, 170, 171, 184, \n628; built, xxvii, 170-172; Indian \nname for, 170; origin of name, xxvii, \n171; Indians near, 442, 629; com- \nmandant, 444 ; visited by Western \nIndians, 627 ; plundered, 343 ; Cave- \nliers reach, 444. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Frontenac (Catarakouy, Kingston), de- \nscribed, 45, 46, 72 ; climate of, 629 ; \ncolony, 47, 49; Indian councils, 317 ; \nowned by La Salle, 95, 99, 383 ; com- \nmandant of, 330 ; visited by La Salle, \n\n\n\nFRA \n\n\n\nFort Frontenac (continued). \nxxi, 91, 172, 383, 390; by Cavelier, \n429 ; Hennepin at, xvi, xxiii, xxxi, 39, \n43. 72, 73. 8r, 96-100, 329-331, 338, \n390, 415, 428, 542 ; garden, 580; sketch, \n50. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Nelson, on Hudson Bay, 561. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Neusavane, on Hudson Bay, 561. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Niagara, location, xx, 56 ; built by \nLa Salle, xx, xxi, 56, 78-80, 325 ; de- \nserted, 326; later forts, 56. See also \nFalls of Niagara, Niagara, and River \nNiagara. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Ste. Anne, on Lake Champlain, built \nby La Mothe, 335 ; Hennepin at, 335. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 St. Louis (111.), built by Tout)\', 91 ; \ngranted to Tonty and La Forest, 96. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 St. Louis (Tex.), built, 396, 397 ; de- \nscribed, 418, 419; La Salle returns to, \n417; captured, 446. \n\nFox (Outagami, Fr. Renard) Indians, \nhabitat, 130, 166, 307 ; customs, 167, \n168; hostile to Issati, 278, 288, 292; \nLa Salle among, 130-135 ; dissuade \nLa Salle from visiting Illinois, 134. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Wisconsin portage, 221 ; location, \n306 ; described by Hennepin, 306 ; \nJolliet at, 621, 643. \n\nFoxes, value of skins, 558. \n\nFranciscans (Recollects), founded, 374; \nrules, xxxvii, 375, 573; habit, x, xii, \nxix, 194; Indian name for, 317, 326, \n582, 593 ; missionary zeal, 8, 28 ; \nprecede Jesuits, 607, 609, 611; his- \ntory of missions, 607-615; missions \nin Orient, 374, 375, 457, 462, 568, 571, \n574,607-611; in South America, 459; \nin Spanish America, 194, 199, 266, \n415, 573; among English, 87, 333; \nCanadian missions in general, 350, \n\n\n\n686 \n\n\n\nIndex \n\n\n\nFRA \n\nFranciscans [contintied). \n\n369, 370, 459, 563, 611-615; first in \nCanada, x, xiii, 8, 28, 29, 106, 112, \nS73> 591. 593. 594, 59^, 59S, 604, 606, \n607 ; invite Jesuit cooperation, 604, \n6ii, 614; at siege of Quebec, 599- \n605; sent back to France, 605; re- \nturn to New France, xiii, 574, 603 ; \nfavored by Frontenac, 8, 152, 332, \n574, 615; residence at Quebec, 68, \n603 ; convent of Notre-Dame des \nAnges, 349, 574, 603, 605, 606; Cana- \ndian provincial, 105, 349, 370, 372, \n5S9, 607; mission to Hurons, 595; \nat Fort Frontenac, xxiii, 38, 39, 47, \n49, 98, 330, 582 ; expelled therefrom, \n49; Fox Indians desire, 134; Illinois \n/desire, 176; abandon Illinois, 341, \n342; among Iroquois, xxiv, 572; at \nThree Rivers, 566 ; La Salle favors, \n98, 99, 3S6 ; accompany La Salle, \n386; in Europe, xxxvii, 10, 360, 364, \n366, 387, 445 ; Hennepin joins, ix, \n28 ; relations with Hennepin, xxxviii, \nxl, xli ; sketch, 8, 374. See also Henne- \npin, and Missions. \n\nFrench, B. F., identifies fruits, 657. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 settle Canada, 574, 591, 596; lose \nCanada in 1629, xiii, 8, 590-599; re- \ncover Canada, xiii, 546, 574, 61 1 ; \nattempts on Hudson I5ay, 561 ; fear \nIroquois, 551 ; subdue Iroquois, 649; \nin Florida, 629 ; Chickasaws hostile \nto, 177; fur-trade, 553, 557; poor \nminers, 562 ; language used by Hen- \nnepin, X. See also Canada, Canadians, \nand Fur-trade. \n\nFrogs in North America, 564; eaten by \nMohawks, 41. \n\nFrontenac, Louis de Baude, Comte de, \n\n\n\nGAM \n\nFrontenac {continued). \ngovernor of New France, 51, 52, 119, \n327. 539, 545; intrigued against, 633; \nopposed by Jesuits, 52 ; recalled, 52 ; \nreturns, 52; expedition against Iro- \nquois, 52; pacifies Iroquois, 502, 550, \n551; sends out Jolliet, 209, 621; in \nfur-trade, xxxi, 324; builds Fort Fron- \ntenac, 39, 44 ; restores Fort Frontenac, \n50; favors Recollects, xiv, xviii, 574, \n615; approves Hennepin\'s mission, \nxviii, 69; welcomes Hennepin, xxxii, \n3Z\'^~2>\'}>^f 349> 607 ; receives tidings \nfrom Illinois, 337 ; sends home Sali- \ngnac, 32 ; sketch, 52. \n\nFruit, on Mississippi, 195, 622, 657 ; in \nTexas, 405; in Wisconsin, 643. \n\nFur-trade, value of, 557-559; inexhausti- \nble, 557 ; advantageous to Indians, \n162; articles employed in, 71, 553; \nDutch and French rivalry, xvii ; Eng- \nlish and French rivalry, 629; French \nmonopolies, xx, xxiii, 334, 457, 598, \n605, 6i2;Mllicit trade, 308, 313, 325, \n334; Frontenac\'s relation to, xxxi, 52 ; \nwith Iroquois, 571 ; with Western In- \ndians, 118, 119, 177, 207, 311 ; Indians \nassemble for, 585 ; Du Luth in, xxxi, \n293 ; route for, 222 ; Dutch with Iro- \nquois, 42, 44, 56, 82, 83, 86; English \nwith Iroquois, 42, 44, 56, 82, 83, 86; \nIroquois damage, 502, 552. See also \nCanada, Boston, New York, Iroquois, \nand Company of Canada. \n\nGabriel, Father. See Ribourde. \n\nGagnon, Phileas, Essai de Biblicgraphie \nCanadienne, xlviii. \n\nGame, birds of America, 559; on Mis- \nsissippi, 207, 210, 211, 622, 644; in \n\n\n\nIndex \n\n\n\n687 \n\n\n\nGAM \n\nGame {continued). \n\nTexas, 424 ; plentiful on Illinois, \n\n623. \nGannaouens. See Kanawhas. \nGanneouse Kaera, Indian chief, 539. \nGanneousse, Cayuga village, location, 53, \n\n97; Hennepin at, 47, 524; removal of \n\ninhabitants, 100. \nGarakontie (Garagontie), Onondaga chief, \n\n550. \nGarangula (Grande Gueule). See At- \n\ntriouati. \nGarlic (rocambol), wild, near Niagara \n\n106 ; in Illinois, 346. \nGamier, Julien, Jesuit missionary among \n\nIroquois, 82, 85. \nGaspe (Acadia), location, 546, 555, 590, \n\n597. 598; mission, 370. \nGaspesian Indians, assist settlers, 597. \nGenins, \xe2\x80\x94 , French miners, 562. \nGilt-heads (fish), 558. \nGnats (mosquitoes), on Mississippi, \n\n660. \nGoats, wild among Iroquois, 78, 81, 93; \n\nnear Detroit, 109; near Lake Michi- \ngan, 129 ; in Wisconsin, 643 ; in \n\nIllinois, 148, 151, 219, 623, 666; on \n\nMississippi, 211, 276, 281, 622, 644; \n\non Ohio, 630; in Texas, 407, 411; \n\nPotawatomis feast on, 127; value of \n\nskins, 558, 622. \nGold mines, near Hudson Bay, 562. \nGooseberries, on Mississippi, 276. \nGourds, wild, used as poison, 564 ; grown \n\nby Indians, 622. \nGoyogouins. See Cayugas. \nGraef (Graevius), Joannes G., professor \n\nat Utrecht, 373. \nGrapes, wild. See Vineyards. \nGrasshoppers, pest to harvestj 47. \n\n\n\nGUL \n\nGravier, Jacques, Dicouvertes de la Salle, \n45. 75- \n\nGreen Bay (Wis.), Indians near, 130, 308, \n309; Jesuit mission at, xxxi; JoUict, \n621, 638, 667 ; Marquette, 636-639, 667 ; \nAllouez, 631, 640; Hennepin and Du \nLuth, 307; La Salle, xxiv, 119. \n\nGreen Lake county (Wis.), Indian village \nin, 640. \n\nGrey-gowns. See Franciscans. \n\nGribanne, near Quebec, Jesuit estate, \n606. \n\n" Griffon," La Salle\'s ship, planned, 83 ; \ncost, 129; rigging lost, xxi, 89; ship \nyard for, xxi, 90, 91; launched, xxii, \n91-93; Indians admire, xxii, 94, 102, \n103; fitted, 102; sails Lake Erie, xxiv, \n106-109; in storm on Lake Huron, \nxxiv, 114; at Mackinac, xxiv, 115, 116; \nHurons jealous of, 116; sailed for \nGreen Bay, xxiv, 119; sent back, xxv; \nlost, 120, 121; La Salle hears of loss, \nxxv, 139, 140. \n\nGroseiliiers, Medard Chouart, sieur de, \ndiscovers Hudson Bay, 560, 561 ; \npensioned by England, 560 ; sketch, \n560. \n\nGuaras Indians, in Texas, 420. \n\nGuiraeni, Prince of, patron of Indian con- \nvert, 595. \n\nGuinet Indians, in Texas, 419, 420. \n\nGulf of California (Vermilion Sea), 266, \n623, 658, 666. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 of Mexico, 672 ; Mississippi flows \ninto, 367, 385, 388, 404, 445 ; La Salle \non. 387, 391, 392, 669 ; La Salle\'s colony \non, 392-401 ; Douay on, 446. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 of St. Lawrence, fishing vessels cap- \ntured in, 590; French relief ship, 598; \nmission on, 545. \n\n\n\n688 \n\n\n\nIndex \n\n\n\nGUL \n\nGulls, eggs of, used for food, 97. \nGuoaquis Indians, in Texas, 419. \n\nHake {Merluccius vulgaris) . See Codfish. \n\nHale, Horatio, Iroquois Book of Rites, 44. \n\nHamel, Ensign de, on " Joly," 389. \n\n"Handsom," of La Salle\'s fleet, 388; \ncaptain sounds Matagorda Bay, \n399; captain murdered, 400; wrecked, \n401. \n\nHans of Wirtemberg, companion of La \nSalle, 405, 430; avenges La Salle, 431 ; \nleads La Salle\'s men, 431 ; fights for \nCenis, 431. \n\nHaquis Indians, in Texas, 434. \n\nHarisse, Henry, describes Hennepin edi- \ntions, xlv, xlvi. \n\nHarveau, F. Cesaree, Franciscan provin- \ncial, 364. \n\nHawthorn berries, La Salle\'s party eat, \n129. \n\nHeath, Sir Robert, grant of Carolina, \n673 ; sells patent, 673. \n\nHebert, Louis, first settler of Canada, \n596; advantaged by English occupa- \ntion, 603. \n\nHebert, Marie Rollet, aids Franciscan \nmissionaries, 596. \n\nHemlock spruce (epinetas), near Lake \nOntario, 73. \n\nHemp, in Illinois country, 151, 623, 627 ; \non Mississippi, 212; in Texas, 420. \n\nHennepin, Louis, birthplace, ix; native \nlanguage, x; joins Franciscans, x, 11, \n28, 179; novitiate at Bethune, x, 179, \n343,613; dissuaded from East Indian \nmission, x, xi ; passion for travelling, \nix, x, xii, xl, 25, 26, 28-30, 364 ; early \njourneys in Europe, ix, 29-31, 312; \npreaches at Halles, xi, 29; among \n\n\n\nHEN \n\nHennepin {continued). \nfishermen, xi, xii, 30; army chaplain in \nHolland, xii, xiii, 30, 31, 367 ; embarks \nfor Canada, xiii, 31 ; adventures en \nroute, xiv, 32; arrives at Quebec, xiv, \n32 ; preaches at Quebec, xv, 33, 561 ; \nitinerant missionary near Quebec, xv, \n33, 34; missionary at Fort Frontenac, \nxvi, xvii, 38, 39, 43, 46-50, 68, 81, \n383, 390, 415, 428, 429, 466, 523, 542, \n582 ; visits Iroquois and New Orange, \nxvi, xvii, 38-43, 502-504, 523, 524, 582 ; \nreturns to Quebec convent, xvii, 68; \nchosen to accompany La Salle, xviii ; \nsent in advance, xviii, xix, 71, 72 ; em- \nbassy toSenecas, xx, 80-88, 632 ; dis- \nliked by Tonty, xxii, 94, 98 ; keeps a \njournal, xxii, 94 ; returns to Fort Fron- \ntenac, xxiii, 96-100; second voyage to \nNiagara, 101-104; disagreement with \nLa Salle, 104, 105; on Lake Erie, xxiv, \n106-109; advises settlement at Detroit, \nno; on Lake Huron, xxiv, 113-115; \nat Mackinac, xxiv, 114-119; at Green \nBay, xxiv, 119-121; canoe voyage up \nLake Michigan, xxv, 122-124, 128-130, \n135; at River St. Joseph, xxv, 135- \n140 ; from Fort Miami to the Illinois, \nxxvi, 141-145; among Illinois, xxvi, \n155-182 ; missionary methods, 169, 486, \n487 ; to explore Mississippi, xxviii, 172, \n173; reluctant to go, xxviii, 178-182; \nembarks at Fort Crevecoeur, xxx, 182; \ndetained by ice, xxx, 185 ; describes \nvoyage down Mississippi, 186-208, 219, \n220; voyage up Mississippi, xxx, 221, \n222 ; taken prisoner by Issati, xxx, 222- \n224, 227-231 ; decides on non-resist- \nance, 231 ; adopted by chief, 239, 252, \n373. 475 ; wept over, 244 ; at St. An- \n\n\n\nIndex \n\n\n\n689 \n\n\n\nHEN \n\nHennepin {continued). \nthony\'s Falls, xxx, 246; hardships of \ncaptivity, xxx, 248-250, 258, 262, 276; \nat Indian village, 251-270; cured of \nillness, 2:55-257 ; considered a spirit, \n\n259, 532 ; learns Indian language, 259, \n\n260, 294 ; ministers to captors, 260-265, \n273\xc2\xbb 274, 532; wanderings, 272, 273, \n276-286, 288, 289, 293; encounters Du \nLuth, xxx, 293-295; ransomed by Du \nLuth, xxxi; leaves Issati, 299; meets \nnew band of savages, 302-304; on \nWisconsin and Fox Rivers, xxxi, 305- \n307; among Winnebagoes, 308-310; \nwinters at Mackinac, xxxi, 310-314; \nreturns to Niagara, xxxi, 314-317; at \nSeneca village, 326-328 ; welcomed at \nFort Frontenac, xxxi, 329-331 ; re- \nceived at Montreal, xxxii, 333-336, 603 ; \nexposes Du Luth, 334; returns to \nQuebec, xxxii, 334-336, 349-352 ; meets \nJoUiet, 209 ; Groseilliers, 560 ; rela- \ntions with Indians, 85, 317, 634; de- \nscribes Indian languages, 215; returns \nto Europe, xxxii, 3, 352 ; meets Seigne- \nlay, 388 ; expelled from France, xxxviii, \n9, 371 ; relations with order, xxxviii, xli ; \npatronized by William III, xxxviii-xl, \n7, 10, 360, 365 ; later European travels, \nxxxvii-xxxix, xli, ii ; a plagiarist, xxxiv- \nxxxix, 155, 169; relations with La \nSalle, xiv, xv, xxxv, 386, 388 ; reasons \nfor concealing Mississippi voyage, 9, \n186, 220, 334, 366-370, 388 ; last knowl- \nedge of, xli ; characterized, xli, xlii ; \nLouisiane,^, 188, 294, 309; published, \nxxxii, 9, 363-367, 423 ; described, \nxxxii, xxxiii; cited by author, 151, \n213, 563, 615, 616; bibliography, xlix- \nlii; New Discovery, published, xl, 11; \n\n\n\n11 \n\n\n\nHUD \n\nHennepin [continued). \ndescribed, xl, xli ; bibliography, lix, \nIxiv; Nouvelle Dkouverie, published, \nxxxiii, xxxix, 357, 359, 363 ; described, \nxxxiii ; cited, 268 ; bibliography, lii- \nIvi ; Nouveaii Voyage, published, xxxiv, \nxl ; described, xxxix ; bibliography, Ivi- \nIviii. \n\nHenry, bishop of Ceuta, in East Indies, \n608. \n\nHens, among Chickasaws, 192. \n\nHerbs, medicinal, of North America, \n563 ; poisonous, 564. \n\nHere, Chevalier de, lieutenant on " Joly," \n\n389- \n\nHerinx, William, bishop of Ypres, disci- \nplines Hennepin, xi, 29. \n\nHerons, in North America, 559. \n\nHerrera, Alonso de, bibliography of, \nxlvi. \n\nHewitt, J. N. B., " Iroquois Gods," 450. \n\nHill, Abraham, English statesman, aids \nHennepin, 11, \n\nHistorical Magazine, on Hennepin, xlv. \n\nHoffman, W. J., describes Indian medi- \ncine cult, 641. \n\nHolly trees, on Mississippi, 622. \n\nHolmes, W. H., " Ancient Pottery of \nMississippi Valley," 268, 526, 665 ; \n" Prehistoric Textile Art," 194, 522. \n\nHonmontages. See Onondagas. \n\nHonnehiouts. See Oneidas. \n\nHorses, described by Indians, 212; \npainted on rocks, 208 ; used in Texas, \n404, 411-413, 419, 422; price of, 446; \nknown by lowas, 627. \n\nHough, Walter, " Fire-making appara- \ntus," 246. \n\nHuars. See Loons. \n\nHudson Bay country, mines of, 561, 562. \n\n\n\n690 \n\n\n\nIndex \n\n\n\nHUD \n\nHudson\'s Bay Company, formed, 560 ; \nforts of, 561. \n\nHuett, Paul, Hennepin\'s early master, \n613. \n\nHulst, Felix van, biographer of Hennepin, \nix. \n\nHurier, \xe2\x80\x94 , officer of La Salle, 395. \n\nHuron Indians, origin of name, 60, 560 ; \nlanguage, 661 ; method of fire-making, \n246; creation myth of, 450; cannibal- \nism, 510; compared with Southern \nIndians, 195; name Lake Erie, 106; \nmissions among, 106, 310, 544-546, \n595; war with Iroquois, 60, 112, 501, \n560; incorporated among Iroquois, \n560; visited by La Salle, 116; at \nMackinac, 115-117, 311; aid Cana- \ndians, 59S. \n\nIberville, Pierre Le Moyne, sieur de, \nTonty with, 91 ; visits Taensa Indians, \n194. \n\nIllinois country, described, 151, 152, 623, \n627, 630, 666; climate, 168, 170, 171, \n629; minerals in, 152 ; fertihty of, 151, \n167, 623, 624 ; fur-bearing animals, \n340 ; Franciscans in, 386 ; La Salle\'s \ncolony, 385; La Salle searches for, \n403, 404, 419 ; Caveliers reach, 444. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Indians, significance of name, 62, 153, \n506, 651 ; habitat, xxvi, 75, 146, 153, \n184, 343; number, 156, 628; tribes \nof, 183, 628, 651 ; language, 217, 651, \n663; customs, 167-169, 631, 651-656; \nslavery among, 631, 652; character- \nistics of, 157, 168, 169, 195, 505, 651 ; \ndress, 168; villages and cabins, 153, \n167, 650, 667 ; hunting, 219, 627 ; agri- \nculture, 153, 154, 652; feasts, 650; \nrelations with Western Indians, 62S, \n\n\n\nIND \n\nIllinois Indians {continued). \n651 ; with Southern Indians, 175; with \nIroquois, 164, 505, 628, 634; Iroquois \nwar, 134, 177, 308, 309, 337-342; rela- \ntions with Miamis, 159, 177, 337, 632, \n633 ; Ottawas, 628 ; Shawnees, 337 ; \nSioux, 228, 288, 305; trade, 629, 631, \n664; missions to, 146, 178, 371; diffi- \ncult to christianize, 168, 169, 178 ; Mar- \nquette and JoUiet among, 647-650 ; \nLa Salle, xxvi, 155-163; Hennepin\'s \nrelations to, 146, 173, 182, 632, 633; \ndescribe Mississippi, 175, 176; describe \npainted monsters, 207, 208; troubled \nwith snakes, 168. \n\nIndians: \n\nPhysical Characteristics \xe2\x80\x94 well formed, \n477, 651 ; robust, 488, 489; keen senses, \n480; tall, 576; swift, 489; unbearded, \n539; uncleanly, 548, 549. \n\nMental Characteristics \xe2\x80\x94 in general, \n167, 168, 191, 195, 216, 227, 298, 455, \n460, 469, 582, 622 ; quickness, 298 ; \ngenerosity, 549; courtesy, xxvi, 81,82, \n86, 127, 204, 206, 230, 412, 541, 549, \n664 ; perseverance, 462 ; patience, 504 ; \nendurance, 509 ; worldly wisdom, 462 ; \narrogance, 506, 544, 547 ; brutality, \n548 ; cowardice, 167 ; cruelty, 507-509, \n5"\xc2\xbb 544, 566, 571; curiosity, 467; du- \nplicity, 14, 86, 87, 161, 227, 503, 515, \n553; drunkenness, 513, 514, 553; dis- \nrespect for age, 547-549; gluttony, \n469, 488, 544 ; inconstancy, 478, 480- \n483. 553. 554; indifference, 552-554, \n577; incivility, 547; jealousy, 167,481, \n651 ; lasciviousness, 167, 455, 469, 473 ; \nrevengefulness, 240, 469, 501 ; stupidity, \n466; shamelessness, 547, 549; self- \ninterest, 5S1 ; imitation of Europeans, \n\n\n\nIndex \n\n\n\n691 \n\n\n\nIND \n\nIndians [contittued). \n\n550, 551 ; belief in dreams, 463, 464. \n469, 538, 539, 655 ; freedom of opinion \n468, 469. \n\nPhilology \xe2\x80\x94 in general, 215, 467, 468 \nno common language, 215, 543; sign \nlanguage, 246, 249, 404, 407, 408, 414 \n435, 662 ; difficult to learn, 543 ; Algon \nquian stock, 651. \n\nMythology, Folk Lore, and Religion \xe2\x80\x94 \nin general, materialistic, 455, 537, 538, \n576; superstitions, 168, 259, 294, 295, \n456, 461, 465, 467, 484, 535, 542, 577; \nlack religious sentiments, 213, 455-463, \n466, 468, 541 ; ceremonies, 240, 463 ; \ndivinities, 208, 460, 461, 463, 466, 537, \n538, 577; sacrifices to natural objects, \n277-279, 299,463,464,655; fetichism, \n538, 655; sun-worship, 214, 240, 435, \n463, 654 ; fear of evil spirits, 208, 233, \n250, 295 ; spirits propitiated by presents, \n208,214,435,463; myths of creation, \n450-453 ; of deluge, 577 ; of origin of \nthunder, 452 ; belief in life after death, \n453. 454, 53I1 537\xc2\xbb 53^, 577 ; idea of \nheaven, 577 ; transmigration, 296 ; souls \nof animals, 453, 465, 466, 537, 539 ; medi- \ncine men (jugglers), 169, 259, 464, 465, \n485-487, 540, 542, 577, 578, 652, 653 ; \nmedicine societies, 641 ; prophecy, 539, \n540; learn prayers by rote, 467 ; revert \nto paganism, 467, 469, 586 ; significance \nof cross, 641. \n\nOccupations \xe2\x80\x94 hunting, 48, 49, 147, \n153, 154, 182, 219, 242, 261, 272, 280, \n290, 489, 490, 516-521, 627, 646; fish- \ning, 522-525; agriculture, 42, 153, 154, \n167, 258, 481, 490, 527, 622, 652, \n664; plant orchards, 192, 195; domes- \nticate animals, 150, 192; dress and \n\n\n\nIND \n\nIndians (continued). \n\ndye skins, 622 ; fire-making, 245, 246, \n\n526, 527. \n\nFood \xe2\x80\x94 in general, 41, 74, 191, 548, \n579; corn, 116, 153, 307, 664; sagamite, \n116, 312, 406, 473, 488, 579, 650, 663, \n664; wild rice, 224, 252, 256, 296, 298; \nfish, 116, 256, 258, 262, 650, 663; dogs, \n650, 666; bears, 176, 239, 579, 661; \nbeavers, 230 ; buffaloes, 148, 149, 225, \n280, 296, 521, 622, 646, 661 ; no salt, \n149, 290 ; method of preserving meat, \n24S, 290, 300, 521 ; fruit, 252, 661. \n\nFeasts \xe2\x80\x94 in general, 435, 437, 469, \n650, 655; customs at, 326, 471, 550; \nsongs at, 437, 473, 479; varieties of, \n471-475; in honor of dead, 295, 296, \n454. 474. 53\xc2\xb0 ; for the sick, 474, 485 ; \nfor war, 471-473; for marriage, 473, \n479 ; for adoption, 475 ; " feast of fools " \nor dreams, 514 ; time reckoned by, 296; \nsign of peace, 304. \n\nVillages and Cabins \xe2\x80\x94 villages de- \nscribed, 153, 167, 412; cemeteries in, \n530; construction of cabins, 167, 194, \n413, 665; built of reeds, 194, 203, 641, \n652 ; skins, 670. \n\nFurniture and Utensils \xe2\x80\x94 primitive, \n526; made of stone, 216, 521, 527,652; \nof wood, 527, 652 ; of bark, 230, 256, \n272, 497, 548 ; of bone, 665 ; of beavers\' \nteeth, 527 ; pottery, 268, 526, 665 ; bas- \nkets, 665 ; gourds, 527, 528; bags, 149, \n\n527, 528 ; mats, 528 ; beds, 665 ; ob- \ntained from Europeans, 527, 529; \nkettles, 473, 527; knives, 474, 521, 526, \n527 ; hatchets, 527 ; gridirons, 521 ; for \nagriculture, 527 ; for fire-making, 524, \n526, 527; for fishing, 522, 525. See \nalso Canoe, Perogue, and Calumet. \n\n\n\n692 \n\n\n\nIndex \n\n\n\nIND \n\nIndians (continued). \n\n\\ Dress \xe2\x80\x94 in general, 492-495, 547, \n661 ; unclothed, 168, 228, 483, 492, 494, \n653, 665 ; difference in summer and \nwinter, 168; of skins, 150, 165, 256, \n278, 412, 492, 494, 622, 646, 653; of \ntree-bark, 194 ; moccasins, 81, 168, 406; \nsnow-shoes, 40 ; no hats, 576 ; European \ngoods used, 492 ; for mourning, 455 ; \nof women, 493, 653, 665 ; children, 488, \n493, 494 ; babes, 528 ; Southern In- \ndians, 483, 547, 665 ; hair dressing, 291, \n661, 665. \n\nOrnaments \xe2\x80\x94 in general, 239, 493, \n650; of beads, 180, 406, 531, 665; \nporcupine quills, 241, 278, 296, 531 ; \nfeathers, 412, 493; sea-shells, 494; \npainting bodies, 435, 492, 493, 530; \nembroidering skins, 149, 168, 296, 646; \ndyeing, 530. \n\nWai-fare and Weapons \xe2\x80\x94 weapons in \ngeneral, 127, 167, 477 ; bows and arrows, \n234, 505, 520, 526, 662 ; clubs, 662 ; \nbucklers, 662 ; fear firearms, 396 ; \nwonder at, 202, 205, 216, 437, 520 ; \ndesire firearms, 235; obtain from \nEuropeans, 167, 501, 503, 622, 651 ; \narms buried with warriors, 531, 533; \nwars, occasions for, 471, 472, 501, 565, \n566; equipment, 503; proclamation, \n565; methods, 238, 239, 502-504; \nmarches, 247, 248; ambuscades, 239, \n489, 503 ; attacking forts, 396, 503 ; \nscalping, 507 ; hostages, 570 ; spoils, \n222 ; prisoners, treatment of, 87, 88, \n222, 229, 244, 251, 278, 341, 431, 507- \n509,659; cannabalism, 509, 510; mak- \ning peace, 568-570. \n\nGovernment, 216, 456, 513, 514. \n\nCouncils \xe2\x80\x94 held at night, 158; de- \n\n\n\nIND \n\nIndians {continued). \nscribed, 439, 565-570, 665 ; authority of \nelders, 550 ; methods of procedure, \n326, 327, 476, 565 ; smoking at, 570. \n\nCourtship and Marriage \xe2\x80\x94 courtship, \n478, 479 ; marriage customs, 478-4S3 ; \npolygamy, 167, 253, 256, 468, 480, 482, \n532, 631, 651 ; punishment for incon- \nstancy, 483, 651. \n\nWomen and Children \xe2\x80\x94 characteris- \ntics of, 147, 259, 489, 490, 535 ; occupa- \ntions, 149, 194, 202, 203, 224, 258, 276, \n291,481,490,622; child-bearing, 490; \ncare of children, 528, 548; children \nundisciplined, 548. \n\nSickness and Remedies \xe2\x80\x94 medicines, \n484, 485 ; herbs, 563 ; poisons, 564 ; \nfor snake-bites, 168, 485, 564, 640 ; \nfor arrow-wounds, 235 ; bleeding, 484 ; \nsweating, 256, 257, 484. \n\nMortuary Customs \xe2\x80\x94 in general, 225, \n* 454, 530-534; respect for dead, 255, \n296. 474. 530. 531; bewail dead, 235, \n237, 239-241, 407, 455, 531, 634; pres- \nents for dead, 530, 531, 533; coffins, \n530 ; burial places, 530 ; dead slain in \nbattle, covering, 241, 296, 474; burial \nof warrior, 531, 533; of children, 531. \n\nGift Giving \xe2\x80\x94 use of, 83, 127, 157, \n176, 193, 437, 549, 568, 642 ; value, 193; \nin councils, 649 ; to medicine men, 652; \nby missionaries, 476 ; as propitiatory \noffering, 230, 245, 487, 56S, 569; in \npeace negotiations, 56S, 569 ; for dead, \n241, 296, 474, 530, 531, 533; tobacco \nused for, 205, 229, 241, 304, 533; \nwampum, 569, 570. \n\nMiscellaneous Customs \xe2\x80\x94 games, 216, \n497-500; gambling, 168,497; dancing, \n195, 239, 240, 256; salutations, 194, 202, \n\n\n\nIndex \n\n\n\n693 \n\n\n\nIND \n\nIndians [fontinued). \n203, 255, 548, 550, 648; hospitality, \n434. 435 ; oratory, 472, 550, 569, 656; \nstory telling, 500; music, 195, 233, 437, \n473. 479, 499; slavery, 507-509, 631, \n652, 659; calendar, 516, 650; "berd- \nashes," 168, 653; adoption, 475-477; \nsymbol for admiration, 176, 191 ; sym- \nbol of protection, 245 ; use of tobacco, \n249, 533 \xe2\x80\x94 see also Calumets; guard \nfires at night, 189; desire European \neducation, 551. \n\nTrade \xe2\x80\x94 intertribal, 413, 652, 664; \nwith Europeans, 235, 241, 492, 528, \n622, 661 ; with Spaniards, 404, 413, 622 ; \nwampum used in, 83, 569, 570 ; traders, \n542, 543. See also English, French, \nand Fur-trade. \n\nSee also the several tribes. \n\nIndian Corn, rapidity of growth, 203 ; \nfertility, 213, 622; food, 116, 153,307, \n665 ; La Salle sows, 396, 398 ; in Wis- \nconsin, 642. \n\nInnocent XI, aids Canadian Missions, 3S7. \n\nlouskeka, Huron divinity, 450. \n\nIowa (Aioua, Ainove) Indians, Siouan \ntribe, 166; habitat, 166, 627; visit La \nSalle, 627 ; know Spaniards, 627. \n\nIron mines, near Lake Ontario, 73 ; in \nIllinois country, 152; on Mississippi, \n213, 623, 660 ; in Hudson Bay country, \n561, 562; in Wisconsin, 643, 644. \n\nIroquois country, climate, 629 ; salt in, \n638; alum, 152. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Indians, habitat, 39, 53, 71, 324, 325, \n341, SI I, 559; characteristics, 44, 45, \n195, 396, 501-503. 505, 506, 511-515. \n551. 552, 571; language, 42, 48, 228, \n449; customs, 48, 49, 74, 81, 82, 86-88, \n519-524; myths, 208, 451 ; war customs, \n\n\n\nISL \n\nIroquois Indians {continued). \n88, 507-510; persuaded to agriculture, \nxvi, 38, 524 ; provided with firearms, \n337. 501. 505; feared, 164, 165, 177, \n551 ; wars on Hurons, 60, 112, 501, 546, \n560; incorporate Hurons, 560; South- \nern raids of, 87, 88, 92, 102, 439, 505 ; \nhostile to Tetons, 107 ; to Ottawas, \n316, 326, 327; relations with Miamis, \n337-341, 632, 633 ; war on Illinois, 134, \n308,309, 337-343.628,632, 633; enslave \nIssati, 292 ; oppress Shawnees, 659 ; \nfavor English and Dutch, 86, 107, 399; \nfur-trade of, 56, 571 ; dangerous to \nCanada, 399, 501, 502, 552, 571, 5S2 ; \nwars with French, 50, 52, 396, 566-570, \n582, 634, 649; overawed by French \nforts, 46, 335 ; friendly to French, 327, \n550, 551 ; hard to destroy, 553; mis- \nsions among, xvi, 42, 74, 99, ico, 544, \n582 ; Tonty\'s relations with, 339, 444 ; \nHennepin among, xvi, 38, 43, 317, 326- \n329 ; embassy from La Salle, 79-88 ; \noppose building " Griffon," xxii, 92, \n93, 107. See also Senecas, Cayugas, \nFrontenacs, Mohawks, Onondagas, and \nOneidas. \n\nIsland Anticosti (Assumption), off St. \nLaviTence, 63, 387. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Cape Breton, fisheries of, 555; mis- \nsion in, 545; sighted by Hennepin, 32. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Cuba, La Salle\'s fleet at, 391. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Grand, in Lake Erie, 58. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Guadaloupe, La Salle\'s fleet passes, \n669. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Gull (Goilans), on Lake Ontario, 97. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Manitoulin, in Georgian Bay, 112; \nOttawas on, 115. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Martinique, La Salle\'s fleet passes, \n\n\n\n694 \n\n\n\nIndex \n\n\n\nISL \n\nIsland, Miscou, location, 546 ; mission at, \n545 ; French commandant, 59S. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Newfoundland, fisheries of, 555 ; seen \nby Hennepin, 32. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Orleans, near Montreal, 34, 49, 71 ; \nattacked by Iroquois, 396. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Peace, La Salle\'s fleet at, 391. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Red, near Saguenay River, 596. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 St. Domingo, La Salle\'s destination, \n389 ; inhabitants deceitful, 391 ; domes- \ntic animals from, 398. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 St. Lawrence. See Orleans. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Washington (Isle des Pouteouatamis), \nlocation, xxiv, 119 ; visited by La Salle, \n119, 122. \n\nIsle of Orleans, in Quebec Bay, 599. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Percee, origin of name, 590 ; location, \n597 ; fisheries of, 555, 563 ; Recollect \nmission at, 563. \n\nIssati (Santee) Indians, habitat, 188, 225, \n249; characteristics, 233, 236, 247-249, \n\n259, 510; language, 217, 259, 260, 294; \nfood, 252, 256, 258; hunting, 242, 271, \n276-292 ; fire-making, 245, 248 ; customs \non march, 236, 237 ; war customs, 237, \n238, 251; feast for dead, 295, 296; \ndances, 239; superstitions, 233, 259, \n\n260, 27S; ignorance of iron, 271 ; weep \nover captives, 222, 229, 244, 255, 259, \n262 ; war with Southern Indians, 305 ; \nembassy from Western Indians, 266- \n268, 373 ; enslaved by Iroquois, 292 ; \ncapture Foxes, 27S ; desire alliance with \nLake Superior Indians, 293; capture \nHennepin and companions, xxx, 6r, \n222, 227-231, 510; weep over, 222, \n229, 244; carry away, 232-249; at vil- \nlages, 249, 251 ; dispute over Hennepin\'s \nbelongings, 249, 250 ; instructed by Hen- \nnepin, 261 ; permit Hennepin\'s depart- \n\n\n\nJEU \n\nIssati Indians (continued). \n\nure, 277 ; at St. Anthony\'s Falls, 276- \n278; attack each other, 2S0 ; wander- \nings, 289-29S; part from Hennepin, \n297-305. \n\nJacinth (Hyacinth), medicinal virtue of, \n128. \n\nJapan, 372-374; passage thither sought, \n385, 449, 564 ; Franciscans in, 374, 375, \n609 ; Jesuits in, 609. \n\nJenks, A. E., " Wild Rice Gatherers of \nthe Upper Lakes," 224. \n\nJesuits, order founded, 608; Eastern mis- \nsions of, 415, 607-611 ; come to Canada, \nxiii, 604, 61 1 ; during English siege, \n599, 600, 604 ; sent back to France, 8, \n604, 605; re-enter Canada, 606, 611; \nwork alone in Canada, xiii ; relations \nto Franciscans, xiii, 8, 42, 49, 574, 597, \n604, 606, 6ii, 613; relations with offi- \ncials, xiii, 51, 52, 613, 614; Canadian \nmissions, 546, 584; Huron mission, \n112; Iroquois mission, xvi, 20, 82, 85, \n341, 583 ; Northwestern missions, xxiv, \nxxxi, 310, 583, 631 ; Illinois mission, \n146, 631 ; Indian name for, 317, 341, \n633 ; La Salle trained by, 98, 99 ; as \nannalists, xviii ; intrigues, 632, 633 ; \nHennepin attacks, 584-587 ; estates in \nCanada, 584, 597. Jesuit delations, de- \nscribed, 587; European vogue, 586; \nceased, 587, 588 ; edited, xiii ; cited, 41, \n45, 60, 65, 81, 83, 87, 99, 126, 127, 168, \n^69, 177, 194, 208, 219, 246, 439, 450, \n451, 454, 461, 49S, 509, 514, 537, 5S4, \n588, 595, 600, 621, 639, 640, 654, 667. \n\nJeune, Paul le, Jesuit missionary, per- \nmitted to use Franciscan property, 606; \nsketch, 606. \n\n\n\nIndex \n\n\n\n695 \n\n\n\nJEU \n\nJeunet, Father Hilarion, Franciscan mis- \nsionary, 350. \n\nJohn, Father. See Jeune. \n\nJoliet, 111., on drainage canal, 626. \n\nJolliet, Louis, despatched by Frontenac, \n209, 621, 642; accompanied by Mar- \nquette, xiv, xviii, 209, 636; explores \nMississippi, xiv, xxiv, 209, 621-623; at \nGreen Bay, 636-639; on Fox River, \n639-643 ; Wisconsin River, 643, 644 ; \nreaches Mississippi, 644; among Illi- \nnois, 647-650 ; reaches the Missouri, \n658 ; reaches the Ohio, 659 ; among \nMitchigamia, 662, 663 ; among Arkan- \nsas, 663-666 ; alarmed by monsters, 209, \n62S ; reasons for return, 209, 623, 666 ; \nreturn journey, 666, 667 ; account of \ndiscoveries, 621-624 ; Hennepin meets, \n209. \n\n" Joly," La Salle\'s vessel, misprinted in \noriginal as " Toby," q. v. \n\nJoutel, Henri a Ploto, accompanies La \nSalle, 419; as mediator, 431; escapes \nfrom Cenis, 431-433 ; on the Arkansas, \n438; Narrative of La Salle\'s voyage, \n403- \n\nKakalin (Kekaling), Grand and Little, \nrapids of Fox River, Hennepin at, 307. \n\nKalm, Peter, Swedish traveller, denounces \nHennepin, xxxvi. \n\nKamouraska county (Que.), missions in, \n\n546. \n\nKanawha (Gannaouen, Ganniessinga, \nPiscatoway) Indians, raided by Iro- \nquois, 87. \n\nKanoatinno Indians, habitat, 421 ; war \nwith Cenis, 431. \n\nKansas Indians, migrations and habitat, \n177- \n\n\n\nLAK \n\nKaoukia, Illinois tribe, absorbed by Tama- \nroas, 183. \n\nKappa Indians. See Kwapa. \n\nKaskaskia (Cascaschua) Indians, Illinois \ntribe, habitat, 166, 667 ; slavery among, \n631 ; absorb Mitchigamias, 208 ; Jesuits \namong, 146; Jolliet and Marquette, 667. \n\nKickapoo (Kikapou) Indians, habitat, \n166, 307, 346, 640; characteristics, 641 ; \nabsorbed by Mascoutins, 166; massacre \nFather Ribourde, 343-346; war on Iro- \nquois, 346 ; Marquette among, 638-643. \n\nKingston. See Fort Frontenac. \n\nKirk, David, captor of Quebec, 590 ; first \nattempt, 592 ; second expedition, 594- \n603 ; deceived by Indian, 596 ; reas- \nsures missionaries, 600, 601 ; Champlain \ncapitulates to, 599-603. \n\nKirk, Thomas, English vice-admiral, 604. \n\nKironona Indians, La Salle among, 408, \n409 ; at war with Spaniards, 408. \n\nKoracocnitonon Indians, Illinois tribe, \n628. \n\nKoroa Indians, habitat, 195 ; cultivate \ncorn, 196; allies of Taensas, 19S; \nmerged with Chocktaws, 195; Henne- \npin among, 196, 203, 204. \n\nKaukauna (Wis.), rapids at, 307. \n\nKwapa (Kappa) Indians, migrations and \nhabitat, 177 ; tribes, 438, 439. \n\nLa Chine, origin of name, 372 ; settled \n\nby La Salle, 372. \nLa Fleur, \xe2\x80\x94 , sergeant, commands Fort \n\nFrontenac, 330. \nLa Forest (Delaforet), Guillaume de, \n\nLa Salle\'s lieutenant, 96; traffic with \n\nIndians, 97 ; sketch, 96. \nLake Assiniboin. See Lake Winnipeg. \n\xe2\x80\x94 Champlain, French fort on, 335. \n\n\n\n696 \n\n\n\nIndex \n\n\n\nLAK \nLake Erie, origin of name, 58, 106 ; de- \nscribed, 58, 59, 625, 629 ; affluents of, \n629; fishing in, 314; "Griffon" built \non, xxi; navigates, xxiv, 106-111; Hen- \nnepin returns through, 314-317. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Frontenac. See Lake Ontario. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Huron, origin of name, 60; loca- \ntion, 55, 625, 626; description, 60, 61, \n626, 629; fishing in, 311, 312; navi- \ngated by "Griffon," xxiv, 111-I14; \nnavigated on ice, 314. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Issati (Mille Lacs), location, 223 ; \noutlet, 224; region described, 224 ; dis- \ntance from Lake Superior, 224 ; Hen- \nnepin near, xxx. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Michigan (Illinois), origin of name, \n62; location, 55, 60, 61, 623; de- \nscribed, 62, 626; islands of, 626; afflu- \nents of, 629; explored, 560; portage \nfrom, 630, 667; navigated by " Griffon," \nxxiv, 119; "Griffon" founders in, 120, \n121; La Salle\'s party on, xxv, 123- \n\n135- \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Ontario (Frontenac), 38, 58 ; origin \nof name, 44, 51, 52, 53, 559; described, \n52, 53. 559; tides in, 72; outlet, 331 ; \nnavigation improved, 626; distance \nfrom Quebec, xvi; Indians on, 511; \nfur-trade, xxiii ; Fort Frontenac, 45 ; \nFranciscan mission, 582; Hennepin, \nxxiii, 38, 96, 97, lOi, 102, 326, 329- \n\n331- \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Peoria (111.), location, xxvi, 155; In- \ndian name, 155; La Salle on, xxvi, \n\n154. I5S- \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Pepin (Wis.), location, xxx ; Hen- \nnepin captured near, xxx, xxxiv; his \nname for, 222. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 St. Clair, named by Hennepin, 59, \nJ08 ; Indian name for, 59 ; navigated \n\n\n\nLAS \n\nLake (continued). \n\nby the " Griffon," xxiv, 1 1 1 ; Hennepin \n\nreturns through, 314. \nLake St. John, source of Saguenay River, \n\n591. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 St. Joseph, in Louisiana, 194. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Simcoe, Hurons near, 60. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Superior, described, 63, 64 ; outlet, \n61 ; explored, 560 ; as a route to Mis- \nsissippi, 222, 225 ; Issati near, 224, 292. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Winnebago, in Fox River, 639, 640. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Winnipeg (Assiniboin), location, 267. \nLalemant, Charles, Jesuit missionary, \n\n606, 613. \n\nLalemant, Jerome, Jesuit in France, 606. \n\nLa Meterie, \xe2\x80\x94 , Canadian notary, 99. \n\nLa Motte-Lussiere, Pierre de St. Paul, \nlieutenant of La Salle, xx, 335; com- \nmands La Salle\'s vessels, xx, xxiii, 76 ; \nbuilds Fort Niagara, xx; returns to \nCanada, xxi, xxii, 78 ; embassy to Sene- \ncas, 80-S8 ; dislikes missionaries, 85 ; \nbuilds Fort Ste. Anne, 335. \n\nLa Parale, Spanish mines at, 671. \n\nLa Potherie, Bacqueville de, Amerique \nSeptentrionale, 135, 522. \n\nLa prairie, location, 546 ; mission of, \n546. \n\nLa Rochelle, port of departure for Can- \nada, xiii, 254, 388, 389. \n\nLarousse, Pierre A., Dictionnaire, 254, \n\n385- \nLa Salle, Rene Robert Cavelier, Sieur \nde, birth, 45 ; educated by Jesuits, xviii, \n98, 99, 415, 428 ; first visit to Canada, \n99 ; settles La Chine, 372 ; proprietor \nof Fort Frontenac, xiv, 25, 99, 429 ; on \nship with Hennepin, xiv ; seeks French \nsupport for projects, xvii; returns to \nQuebec, xvii, xviii ; favors Recollects, \n\n\n\nIndex \n\n\n\n697 \n\n\n\nLAS \n\nLa Salle [continued). \nxviii, 98, 99 ; at Fort Frontenac with \nHennepin, 45, 47, 383, 390, 415, 428, \n505, 524 ; Hennepin to accompany, \nxviii, 7 ; starts from Fort Frontenac, \nxxi, 74; builds "Griffon," xxi, 89- \n95 ; returns to Fort Frontenac, xxi, 91 ; \nhated by fur-traders, xiv ; property \nseized by creditors, xxv, 95, 332 ; builds \nfort at Niagara, xxi, 56, 325 ; returns \nto " Griffon," xxii, xxiv, loi ; appeases \nSenecas, xxi, loi ; upbraids Hennepin, \n104, 105 ; embarks on Lake Erie, xxiv, \n106-109; on Lakes Erie and Huron, \nxxiv, 106-114; fears shipwreck, 114; \nat Mackinac, 115; party scatter for \ntrading, 118; at Green Bay, xxiv, 119- \n121; loses "Griffon," xxv, 120, 121; \ncanoe voyage up Lake Michigan, xxv, \n122-135; at River St. Josephs, xxv, \n135-139 ; learns loss of " Griffon," xxvi, \n139, 140, 172; embarks for Illinois, \nxxv, 141 ; desertions from party, xxviii, \n146, 163-165; reaches the Illinois, xxvi, \n154; parleys with Indians, xxvii, 155- \n159, 161-163, 177, 337; selects site for \nfort, 165, 170; sends Hennepin to ex- \nplore Mississippi, xxviii, 171-173, 179, \n180 ; returns to Fort Frontenac, xxvii, \n172, 173, 178, 179, 181, 277.333; fails \nto re-enforce Hennepin, 271, 276, 277, \n285 ; enemies in Canada, 344 ; favored \nby French court, 325, 333 ; voyage of \nMississippi discovery, xxxiv, 352, 367- \n371, 668; desires Illinois colony, 3S5 ; \ndesigns on New Mexican mines, 7, 357, \n390, 413, 427, 505, 671 ; secures royal \nindorsement, 385, 668, 669; chooses \nmissionaries, 386-388; character of \ncolonists, 388, 389 ; voyage to America, \n\n\n\nLEF \n\nLa Salle {continued). \n389-392, 669-671 ; seeks mouth of Mis- \nsissippi, 7, 385, 445 ; loses ship, 393, \n670 ; builds fort on Matagorda Bay, \n392-401 ; hostility of Indians, 394-397, \n419, 670, 671; visited by Western \nIndians, 627 ; relations with Indians, \n399,629; founds colony, 395-401, 419, \n672; expedition in Texas, 402-417; \namong Cenis, 411-416; leaves for Illi- \nnois, 419-423, 671 ; party divides, 672 ; \nassassinated, xv, xxxv, xxxviii, 7, 10, \n357. 384, 424-427, 672; hostility to \nHennepin, xiv, xxxv, 9, 10, 186, 333, \n352, 371 ; discredits Hennepin\'s writ- \nings, xxxiii, xlii ; characterized, 98, 99, \n384, 418, 427 ; Memoir, xxxv, xxxvi, \n668-673. \n\nLaurel, in Louisiana, 195. \n\nLauzon, Jean de, governor of Canada, \n614. \n\nLaval. See Montmorency. \n\nLead mines, on Mississippi, 213; in Hud- \nson Bay country, 562. \n\nLe Baillif. See Bailli. \n\nLe Clerc, Maxima, Franciscan, accompa- \nnies La Salle, 387, 395 ; in Canada, \n387 ; at Matagorda Bay, 446. \n\nLe Clercq, Christian, Franciscan mis- \nsionary, 370 ; relation to Membre, 371 ; \nidentified with Le Roux, 589, 607 ; \nsketch, 370 ; Relation de la Gaspesie, \n370 ; Etablissement de la Foy, published, \nxxxiv ; suppressed, xxxiv ; plagiarized \nby Hennepin, xxxiv, xxxix, 188, 191, \n570, 589 ; Shea\'s translation, 188, 198, \n309. 342, 371, 570, 606; cited, 155, 169, \n309. 370, 371. 403. 570, 595- \n\nLe Fevre, Hyacinth, Recollect commis- \nsary, XXX vii, 372, 386; friendly to La \n\n\n\n698 \n\n\n\nIndex \n\n\n\nLEF \n\nLe Fevre {continued). \n\nSalle, xxxvii; persecutes Hennepin, \n\nxxxvii, xxxviii. \nLenox, James, notes on Hennepin, xlv. \nLeon, Alonzo de, Spanish officer, ransoms \n\ncolonists at Fort St. Louis (Tex.), 446, \n\n447- \n\nLe Roux, Valentin, Franciscan commis- \nsary, 105, 349, 350, 372, 589, 599; \nadvises Hennepin, 351-353 ; quoted \nby Hennepin, 589-606; writes under \nname of Le Clercq, 607. \n\nLindens, bark of, used by Indians, 527. \n\nLime tree, bark of, used by Indians, 528. \n\nLivre, value of, 84. \n\nLondon, Franciscans at, 605 ; Company \nof, to exploit Canada, 590. \n\nLong Sault of the St. Lawrence, de- \nscribed, 324, 331, 332 ; Hennepin shoots, \n332- \n\nLoons (huars), in North America, 559; \nfeathers used for calumet, 125. \n\nLouis XIV, indorses La Salle, 385, 386; \nrelations to Hennepin, xxxviii, xli, 9, \nID; described to Indians, 414. \n\nLouis de Sainte-Foi. See Amantacha. \n\nLouisiana, climate of, 576 ; forests, 555 ; \nIndians, 494, 510; discovered, 3S6; de- \nscribed, 369, 370 ; slavery in, 631 ; \npolygamy in, 482. See also La Salle, \nand Mississippi River. \n\nLynx, value of skins, 558. \n\nMcGee, W. J., " Siouan Indians," 107, \n225. \n\nMackinac (Michilimakinak), mission at, \nxxxi, 310; Marquette and Jolliet, xxiv, \n209 ; La Salle\'s advance party, 75 ; La \nSalle, 114-119, 139; Hennepin, xxxi, \n114-119, 310-313, 634; winter sports, \n\n\n\nMAR \n\nMackinac (continued). \nxxxi, 312. See also Jesuits, Straits of \nMackinac, and St. Ignace. \n\nMajulle, \xe2\x80\x94 , Sulpitian priest, accompanies \nLa Salle, 386. \n\nMallery, Garrick, " Sign Language among \nNorth American Indians," 246. \n\nMambre. See Membre. \n\nMamenisi, Issati Indian, his child bap- \ntized, 263-265, 289; meets Hennepin, \n289. \n\nManitou, Indian divinity, 208, 453, 641, \n\n653. 659- \n\nMansopolea Indians, location, 443. \n\nMap, Indian, of Texas, 413 ; Hennepin\'s, \n560, 668; JoUiet\'s, 621, 626, 628, 636. \n\nMaples, for ship-building, 556 ; for sugar \nmaking, 580. \n\nMarble, in Canada, 556 ; on Mississippi, \n623. \n\nMargonne, \xe2\x80\x94 , director- of Company of \nCanada, 612. \n\nMargry, Pierre, documents on Hennepin, \nix, X, xxiii ; Decotivertes et etablissements \ndes Franfais, xxxv, 621, 668-673. \n\nMarmots, in Canada, 516. \n\nMarne, \xe2\x80\x94 , companion of La Salle, \ndrowned, 435, 436. \n\nMarquette, Jacques, accompanies Jolliet, \nxiv, xxiii, xxiv, xl, 209, 621-667 ; among \nMenominees, 636-639 ; on Fox River, \n639-643 ; addresses Miamis, 642 ; at \nFox-Wisconsin portage, 643 ; on Wis- \nconsin River, 643,644; visits Illinois, \n647-650 ; reaches the Missouri, 658 ; \ndescribes the Ohio, 659 ; among Mitchi- \ngamias, 208, 662, 663 ; among A rkan- \nsas, 663-666 ; return voyage, 666, 667 ; \nat Mackinac, xxiv, 209 ; founds Illinois \nmission, 146, 631, 667; knowledge of In- \n\n\n\nIndex \n\n\n\n699 \n\n\n\nMAR \n\nMarquette {continued). \ndian languages, 663 ; describes painted \nmonsters, 208, 657, 658 ; calumet-dance, \n654-656; sturgeon, 219. \n\nMarshall, O. H., " Building and Voyage \nof the Griffon," 53, 80. \n\nMartens, on Mississippi, 211 ; method of \ncatching, 519 ; value of skins, 558. \n\nMartin, Horace F., Castorologia, 307. \n\nMascoutin Indians, habitat, 143, 166, 307, \n640; customs, 167, 168, 641; absorb \nKickapoos, 166 ; allied with Miamis, \n632, 640 ; embassy to Illinois, xxvii, \n158, 632, 633; influenced by La Salle, \nxxvii, 159; Marquette among, 639- \n\n643- \n\nMaxime, Father. See Le Clerc. \n\nMeadows, in Texas, 418, 420; of Illinois, \n623 ; of Wisconsin, 642, 643. \n\nMelons, grown by Indians, 622, 652, 665. \n\nMembre, Zenobie, Franciscan mission- \nary, at Fort Frontenac, xxiii, 98 ; joins \nLa Salle, xxiii, xxiv ; on Illinois River, \nxxvi, 154; mission to UUnois Indians, \nxxviii, 169, 170, 178,370; refuses to re- \nplace Hennepin, xxviii, 178; later ad- \nventures among the Illinois, 309, 337- \n345 ; searches for Ribourde, 344, 345, \n348 ; relation to Tonty, 309, 348 ; ac- \ncompanies La Salle\'s second expedition, \nxxxiv ; account of Mississippi voyage, \nxxxiv, 188, 191, 342, 345, 370; accom- \npanies La Salle\'s last expedition, 3S6, \n387, 395; returns to Europe, 371 ; mis- \nsion to Matagorda Bay, 446 ; relation- \nship to Le Clercq, 371; Relation pub- \nlished by Le Clercq, xxxiv, 309, 370. \n\nMenominee (Folles Avoine) Indians, \nhabitat, 636; medicine society of, 641; \nMarquette among, 636-639. \n\n\n\nMIS \n\nMentou Indians, in Texas, 436, 442. \nMerchant Adventurers to Canada, 590. \nMcrcure Francois, cited by Hennepin, \n\n606. \nMertin, \xe2\x80\x94 , accompanies La Salle, 388. \nMessou (Manabozhu, Michabou), Indian \n\ndivinity, 451, 577. \nMetotantes Indians, tribe of Pawnees, \n\n443- \n\nMexico. See New Mexico. \n\nMiami Indians, habitat, 135, 143, 166, 307, \n640 ; tradition concerning, 208 ; char- \nacteristics, 640, 641 ; customs, 166-168, \n640, 641 ; hunting customs, 145-147 ; \nallied with Mascoutins, 632, 640; em- \nbassy to Illinois, xxvii, 158, 177 ; make \npeace with Illinois, 159, 177, 337, 663 ; \nwar with Iroquois, 633, 634 ; allied with \nIroquois, 337-341,632 ; war with Sioux, \n228, 2.\'\'.9, 235, 475 ; fur-trade of, 629 ; \nmission to, 631,632; Jolliet and Mar- \nquette among, 639-643 ; furnish guides, \n642, 643 ; desire instruction, 641. \n\nMichault, Father Innocent, indorses \nHennepin, 364. \n\nMichel, Jacques, French Huguenot in \nEnglish service, 595. \n\nMichigan, watershed of, 629, 630. \n\nMille Lacs. See Lake Issati. \n\nMines of Canada, 556 ; of Hudson Bay \ncountry, 561. \n\nMinneapolis (Minn)., at Falls of St. An- \nthony, XXX, 186. \n\nMinnesota Historical Society, Neill\'s ad- \ndress on Hennepin, xxxii, xlvii. \n\nMissions, characterized, 543, 578, 579, \n581-587 ; directed by Congregation,387 ; \ncharacter of missionaries, 584, 616-619; \nincidents of work, 545, 580; trials of, \n457, 458, 541-545. 553, 579, 581 i ob- \n\n\n\n700 \n\n\n\nIndex \n\n\n\nMIS \n\nMissions (contiyttted). \nstacles thereto, 467-470, 482, 541-546, \n553,554; at Indian councils, 476; mis- \nsion villages, 546, 585 ; affected by colo- \nnies, 45S ; Indian baptisms, 45S-461, \n578; English and French rivalry, 634; \namong Southern Indians, 470; West- \nern Indians, xxiv, xxxi, 310, 583, 631 ; \nIllinois, 146, 631 ; Menominees, 636; in \nCanada, 545. See also Capuchins, Fran- \nciscans, Jesuits, and Sulpitians. \n\nMissouri Indians, encountered by Henne- \npin, 207 ; enemies of Issati, 305. \n\nMitchigamia (Matsigamea) Indians, habi- \ntat, 208, 662 ; migration, 208 ; absorbed \nby Kaskaskias, 208 ; war with Miamis, \n208; Jolliet and Marquette among, 662, \n663. \n\nMobier, Gervase, Franciscan lay brother, \n\n594- \n\nMohawk (Agnier or Anie) Indians, \nhabitat, 40, 53, 511; customs, 524; \nembassy to Canada, 634; Hennepin \namong, 41-43. See also Iroquois. \n\nMohican (Wolf, Fr. Loup) Indians, habi- \ntat, 559 ; Hennepin meets, 634, 635 ; \naid La Salle, 91. \n\nMoll, Herman, early cartographer, 267. \n\nMontaignais Indians, village at Three \nRivers, 594; captured by English, 593; \nassist settlers, 597. \n\nMontmorency, Fran9ois Xavier de Laval \nde, bishop of Quebec, embarks for \nCanada, 3, 31 ; reaches Quebec, xiv, \n33 ; blesses Hennepin, xviii ; meets \nHennepin on his return, 334-336; dines \n\xe2\x80\xa2with Frontenac, 335; opposes Francis- \ncan mission, 387. \n\nMontreal, mission villages near, 546, 585 ; \nisland of, 386 j Sulpitians at, 386; Le \n\n\n\nNAS \n\nMontreal {conthtued). \nClercq, 370 ; La Salle, 372 ; Jolliet, \n621 ; Hennepin, xix, xxii, 332, 603. \n\nMoore, George H., assists in Hennepin \nbibliography, xlvi. \n\nMoose (Original), in Canada, 558. \n\nMoranger (Moranget .\' Parkman), nephew \nof La Salle, accompanies him, 38S, 419; \nwounded, 394 ; commands fort, 395 ; on \nTexas expedition, 403, 416 ; assassi- \nnated, 424, 425, 431. \n\nMoreau, Zachary, European Franciscan, \n613. \n\nMorquet, Denys, Franciscan, to accom- \npany La Salle, 387; falls ill, 387. \n\nMosopoela Indians, destroyed, 628. \n\nMosquitoes. See Gnats. \n\nMouso (Monso), Mascoutin chief, among \nIllinois, 158, 159, 632; intrigues de- \nnounced, 162, 163, 632; refuted, 174; \nin danger, 633. \n\nMovisa Indians, habitat, 445. \n\nMugulasha and Bayagoula Indians, habi- \ntat, 1 98. \n\nMulberry trees, on Mississippi, 213, 622, \n657; in Texas, 405, 418; in Louisiana, \n195 ; bark used for cloth, 194. \n\nMusk-rat, killed by La Salle, 211. \n\nNabiri (Naansi) Indians, in Texas, \n\n434- \n\nNadessioux Indians. See Siouan Indians. \n\nNapaga Biscou, Indian convert, 593; \ngrieves for missionary, 595. \n\nNarrehetoba, Issati chief, reprieves Hen- \nnepin, 232; protects Hennepin, 234, 235, \n244, 245 ; adopts prisoner, 252. \n\nNarvaez, Pamphilio de, Spanish discov- \nerer, 384. \n\nNassoni (Assoni) Indians, habitat, 442 ; \n\n\n\nIndex \n\n\n\n701 \n\n\n\nNAS \n\nNassoni (continued). \n\nreceive deserters, 416 ; La Salle\'s \nmurderers among, 430 ; Caveliers, \n432- \n\nNatchez (Miss.), habitat of Koroa Indi- \nans, 195. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 (Natchetes) Indians, in Texas, 436. \nNatchoos Indians, in Texas, 436. \nNaval stores, in Canada, 212, 556, 562. \nNavigation, to be encouraged, 557 ; of \n\nGreat Lakes, 64 ; by sailing vessels, 76- \n79) 96, 97 ; of Hudson Bay, 561 ; Lake \nErie, xxiv, 58, 95, 106-109, 315-317, \n625; Lake Huron, xxiv, 113, 114, 314, \n626; Lake Michigan, xxv, 1 19-123, 128, \n626; Lake Ontario, 53, 72, 76, 77, 626; \nLake St. Clair, xxiv, no; Lake Supe- \nrior, 63 ; Mackinac Straits, 626 ; River \nChicago, 626, 627 ; River Detroit, xxiv, \nIII, 626; River Fox, 639; River Illi- \nnois, 145, 183, 627 ; River Mississippi, \n174-176, 185, 186, 224, 227, 445, 622, \n627, 666; River Niagara, 55, 56, 95, \n\n\xe2\x96\xa0 317-323,625; River St. Lawrence, 83, \n324, 331, 332 ; River Wisconsin, 305, \n643, 644; Sault Ste. Marie, 61. \n\nNeill, Edward D., criticises Hennepin, \nxlvii; "Writings of Louis Hennepin," \nxxxii ; Dahkotah Land, 225 ; History of \nMinnesota, 225. \n\nNettles, fibres used for cords, 522, 528. \n\nNew France. See Canada. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Holland. See New York. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Orange. See Albany. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Mexico, location, 627 ; boundary, 449, \n564, 672 ; mines of, 7, 200, 357, 372, \n390. 413. 505. 671 ; Spaniards, 383, 39S, \n408, 413, 421, 433 ; invaded by Iroquois, \n505 ; Franciscans in, 266, 415. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Sweden, colony of, mentioned by Hen- \n\n\n\nNUT \n\nNew Sweden (continued). \n\nnepin, 106, 560 ; furnishes firearms to \nIndians, 501. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 York, Indians of, 41, 511, 559; in- \nhabitants, 399 ; fur-trade of, 44, 56, S3 ; \nsubdued by Andros, 42 ; Hennepin in, \nxvii, 42, 504; State Museum Bulletins, \n526. See also Dutch, and Fur-Trade. \n\nNez Perces (Amikoues) Indians, habitat, \n\n559- \n\nNiagara, Seneca village at, xxii, 80, 325; \nLa Salle builds fort, xx, xxi, 77-80 ; \nHennepin arrives at, xx, xxiii, 90; \nHennepin returns to, xxxi, 314-317; \nState Reservation Commissioners Re- \nport, xlviii. See also Falls of Niagara, \nand River Niagara. \n\nNicholas IV. See Ascole. \n\nNigamon, Iroquois hostage, 570. \n\nNikana, Shawnee Indian, guides La Salle, \n403-424; shoots goats, 407, 411 ; bitten \nby rattlesnake, 409; lost in woods, 410, \n411; among Cenis, 412; in France, \n403; assassinated, 424, 425. \n\nNikanape, Illinois chief, feasts La Salle, \n160-163; tries to detain La Salle, 160, \n161; silenced, 162; refuted, 174; de- \nscribes perils on Mississippi, 160, 161, \n164. \n\nNorth America, 552, 555 ; climate of, \n576; forests, 555, 564; herbs, 563, 564; \nreptiles, 564; fowl, 559; animals, 55S ; \nfisheries, 558, 559, 563, 564; first settled \nbecause of fisheries, 556. \n\nNotre-Dame des Anges, Franciscan con- \nvent, 574, 603, 605, 606. \n\nNova Scotia (Acadia), fisheries of, 555 ; \nmissions, 461, 546; French governor, \n598 ; settled by English, 590. \n\nNuts, on the Mississippi, 622. \n\n\n\n702 \n\n\n\nIndex \n\n\n\nOAK \n\nOaks, in Canada, 562 ; on Mississippi, \n212; in Texas, 418 ; in Wisconsin, 643. \n\nO\'Callaghan, E. B., notes on Hennepin, \nxlv. \n\nOil, article of trade, 556, 563. \n\nOiogouins. See Cayugas. \n\nOjibway Indians. See Chippewas. \n\nOkansa Indians, Illinois tribe, 628. \n\nOlier, Jean Jacques, founder of Sulpitian \norder, 386. \n\nOmaha Indians, migrations, 177. \n\nOmahouha (Wolf), Illinois chief, patron- \nizes Membre, 178. \n\nOneida (Onneiout, Honnehiout) Indi- \nans, habitat, 40, 53, 511; Hennepin \namong, 40, 41. \n\nOnnontio, Indian title for governor of \nCanada, 120, 326, 33S, 341, 539; origin \nof name, 550; favors Franciscans, 134. \n\nOnondaga (Onnontae, Honnontages) \nIndians, Iroquois tribe, habitat, 40, 53, \n511; characteristics, 511, 514, 551; \nslain by Miamis, 634; Hennepin \namong, 40, 41 ; address Frontenac, \n550 ; attack Tonty, 339. \n\nOntonagannha Indians. See Shawnese. \n\nOpossum, killed by La Salle, 142. \n\nOriginal. See Moose. \n\nOrmond, Duke of, patronizes Hennepin, \nII. \n\nOsage Indians, habitat, 443 ; migrations, \n177; visit La Salle, 177; Hennepin \namong, 188, 189. \n\nOssotteoez Indians. See Uzutiuhi. \n\nOtchimbi, Issati Indian, Hennepin with, \n291. \n\nOtkon, Iroquois divinity, 451, 453, 538, \n539. See also Manitou. \n\nOtoe (Autboutanta) Indians, habitat, \n166. \n\n\n\nPAN \n\nOtrewa\'ti (Grande Gueule), Onondaga \nchief, 551. See also Attriouati. \n\nOttanika Indians, on Mississippi, 445. \n\nOttawa (Outtaouatz) Indians, habitat, \n1 15-177, 311, 559; war with Iroquois, \n316, 326, 327; hostile to Illinois, 628; \nFrench allies, 326; warn Jolliet, 209; \nDu Luth among, 334. \n\nOtters, in Illinois country, 151 ; on Mis- \nsissippi, 211, 2S4; on Trinity River, \n436; in Arkansas, 437, 438; catch fish, \n2S4 ; method of trapping, 517; value \nof skins, 558. \n\nOuadebache Indians, located by Henne- \npin, 190. \n\nOuadebathon Indians, tribe of Sioux, \nhabitat, 225. \n\nOuasicoude (Pierced Pine), Issati chief, \nprotects Europeans, 300 ; befriends \nHennepin, 263, 271, 274, 275, 298, 303, \n304, 477 ; at feast, 295, 296 ; makes \nchart, 299, 306 ; goes hunting, 272. \n\nOuidiche Indians, furs among, 437 ; Cava- \nliers, 436, 437. \n\nOuitatanon Indians. See Weas. \n\nOzanbogus Indians, on the Mississippi, \n445- \n\nPacificus, Friar. See Du Plessis. \n\nPalaquesson Indians, allied with Span- \niards, 422. \n\nPalms, in Loinsiana, 195. \n\nPalonna, Indian village, La Salle visits, \n422. \n\nPaltsits, Victor Hugo, Bibliographical \nData, xlv-lxiii ; conclusions concerning \nHennepin\'s plagiarism, xxxvi. \n\nPana Indians, Pawnee tribe, 443. \n\nPanaloga Indians, Pawnee tribe, 443. \n\nPaneassa Indians, Pawnee tribe, 443. \n\n\n\nIndex \n\n\n\n703 \n\n\n\nPAN \nPanimaha Indians, Pawnee tribe, 443. \nPanther (catamount), Indian name for, \n\n211; described, 211, 212, 645. \nParkman, Francis, denounces Hennepin, \n\nxxxvi ; La Salle, 45, 75, 90, 146, 158, \n\niSo, 18S, 208, 214, 395, 403, 447, 669, \n\n672. \nParrots, in Illinois, 151, 635, 666; on Mis- \nsissippi, 211, 622, 662. \nParsons, Samuel H., notes on Hennepin, \n\nxlv. \nPartridges, in North America, 559; in \n\nIllinois country, 151 ; on Mississippi, \n\n211. \nPastedechouan. See Arekouanon. \nPawnee Indians, 412, 443; tribes of, 443. \nPayez, \xe2\x80\x94 , Franciscan commissary, 10. \nPeabody Museum /Reports, 665. \nPeaches, cultivated by Chickasaws, 192 ; \n\nby Taensas, 195 ; fruitful, 213. \nPears, near Detroit, 109. \nPeas, in Canada, 596. \nPelicans, in Illinois, 151 ; as food, 190. \nPeoria (111.), near Fort Crevecoeur, 171. \nPeoria (Perouaea) Indians, Illinois tribe, \n\n651 ; Marquette preaches to, 667. \nPerogue (pyrogue), described, 175, 191, \n\n622; made of cotton trees, 212, 622; \n\ninferior to canoes, 184, 191, 197, 205, \n\n238 ; used by Southern Indians, 239, \n\n394, 397, 409, 439, 662 ; by Jean Cave- \n\nlier, 441. \nPerrot, Nicolas, Memoir e, 126, 510. \nPersimmons, on Mississippi, 657. \nPetit-Guaves, La Salle\'s fleet reaches, \n\n390 ; soldiers ill at, 391. \nPicard du Gay. See Auguel. \nPicheno Indians, on Mississippi, 445. \nPierson, Philippe, Jesuit missionary at \n\nMackinac, xxxi, 310 ; sketch, 310. \n\n\n\nPOR \n\nPigeons, in North America, 559 ; as car- \nriers, 590; on Mississippi, 211; on \nLake Ontario, 329. \n\nPigmies, dwell in West, 267. \n\nPike, in North America, 558. \n\nPines, near Lake Ontario, 73 ; near \nNiagara, 323; for ship-building, 556. \n\nPipestone (Minn.), site of quarry, 654. \n\nPiscatoways. See Kanawhas. \n\nPisikiou. See Buffalo. \n\nPitch. See Naval stores. \n\nPivert, Nicolas, captured by English, \n592. \n\nPlums, near Detroit, 109; on Mississippi, \n213, 622, 661 ; in Wisconsin, 642. \n\nPoint aux lievres (Point of Hares), loca- \ntion, 597. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 aux Pins, Lake Erie, passed by \n" Griffon," 108. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 de Levi, on River St. Lawrence, 34. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Pelee, Lake Erie, passed by " Grif- \nfon," 108. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 St. Ignace (Mackinac), " Griffon " at, \nxxiv. \n\nPointe la Barbe, on Mackinac Strait, 114. \nPoisson, Paul de, Jesuit missionary, 439. \nPomegranates, on Mississippi, 213, 622. \nPonca Indians, migration, 177. \nPonce de Leon, Juan, discovers Florida, \n\n384- \n\nPont (Pontgrave), Franjois du, in fur- \ntrade, 605. \n\nPoole, William F., assents to Shea\'s de- \nfence of Hennepin, xxxvi ; translates \nLouisiane, xxxvi. \n\nPoor-Jack. See Codfish. \n\nPorcupine, near Lake Michigan, 123; \nhunted, 516, 517, 558. \n\nPorpoises on the St. Lawrence, 524 ; \nfisheries, 556. \n\n\n\n704 \n\n\n\nIndex \n\n\n\nPOR \n\nPortage (Wis.), on Fox-Wisconsin port- \nage, 306. \nPort de Paix, " St. Francis " at, 390. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Royal (Annapolis), mission at, 545, \n546. \n\nPotash. See Naval stores. \n\nPotatoes, in Illinois country, 346. \n\nPotawatomi (Poutouatami) Indians, habi- \ntat, 119, 123, 309; attack Iroquois, \n634; chief admires Frontenac, 119; La \nSalle\'s party near, 127 ; receive Tonty, \n\n309- \nPowell, John Wesley, " Indian Linguistic \n\nFamilies," 225. \nPremonstrants, monastic order, 264. \nPrester John (Ung Khan), Franciscan \n\nembassy to, 610, 611. \nPronevoa Indians, Illinois tribe, 628, \nPuants. See Winnebagoes. \nPulse, planted by Hennepin, 258 ; by La \n\nSalle, 396, 398. \nPurslain, ground covered with, 148. \n\nQuail, on Mississippi, 211, 622, 662. \n\nQuarries, on Mississippi, 213. \n\nQuebec, capital of Canada, xv, 559; \nfounded by Champlain, 591 ; Francis- \ncans at, X, xiii, 591-599 ; captured by \nEnglish, 590-603; terms of capitula- \ntion, 603 ; fort of, 574, 599 ; hospital \nof, XV, 33 ; cathedral of, 603 ; attacked \nby Iroquois, 396, 566, 567; Le Clercq \nat, 370 ; Hennepin at, xiii, xxxii, 32, 335, \n336. See also Bishop Montmorency. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 province, boundary, 561 ; fisheries, \n555 ; mission villages, 546, 585 ; Jesuit \nestates in, 584. \n\nQuinipissa (Acolapissa) Indians, habitat, \n198 ; encountered by Hennepin, 198, \n202, 203. \n\n\n\nRIC \n\nRacquets. See Snow-shoes. \n\nRadisson, Pierre Esprit, associated with \nGroseilliers, 560. \n\nRaffeix, Pierre, Jesuit missionary among \nIroquois, 82. \n\nRale, Sebastien, Jesuit missionary, de- \nscribes war-club, 127. \n\nRassade, described, 180 ; Indians value, \n406. \n\nRattlesnakes, described, 564 ; in Sioux \ncountry, 274, 532; on Mississippi, 283; \nin Texas, 409 ; on Niagara River, 324 ; \nIndian killed by, 222, 233. \n\nRavens, on Lake Michigan, 129. \n\nRazilly, Isaac de, governor of Acadia, 598. \n\nRecollects. See Franciscans. \n\nReeds, used for cabins, 194; in Texas, \n408; on Mississippi, 210, 660. \n\nRemington, Cyrus Kingsbury, bibliog- \nraphy of Hennepin, xlvi-xlviii; criti- \ncised, xlvii; Shipyard of the Griffon, \nxlvii, 90. \n\nRepentigny, Pierre le Gardeur, sieur de, \nearly Canadian colonist, 60. \n\nRibourde, Gabriel de la, Franciscan mis- \nsionary, early life, 179, 343; arrives in \nCanada, 347 ; among the Iroquois, 347 ; \nat Fort Frontenac, xxiii, 72, 98 ; ac- \ncompanies La Salle, xx, xxiii, loi, 103- \n105, 386; at Niagara, xxiv, 103, 105; \nPlennepin carries, 123; overcome by \nhardships, 128; at Fort Miami, 139; \non the Illinois, xxvi, 154, 495; min- \nisters to La Salle\'s party, 170, 178; \nencourages Hennepin, xxviii, 179, 180;\' \nstarts for Canada, 341, 344; lost, 344; \nsearched for, 344, 345; massacred, 309, \n343, 386 ; characterized, 344, 346-348. \n\nRichelieu, Cardinal, forms Company of \nCanada, 612. \n\n\n\nIndex \n\n\n\n705 \n\n\n\nRIG \n\nRiggs, Stephen R., " Dakota Grammar," \n\n225. \nRio Bravo. See Grande. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Escondido (Hidden River), on early \nmaps, 199. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Grande (Bravo), location, 199, 200; \nhabitat of Comanche Indians, 413. \nSee also River Magdalen. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Palmas (de San Fernando), distance \nfrom Mississippi, 200. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Panuco, distance from Mississippi, \n200. \n\nRiver Arkansas, location, 442, 443 ; habi- \ntat of Comanche Indians, 413; habitat \nof Kwapa Indians, 438 ; La Salle at, \n438; Couture upon, 438, 440, 441. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Amazon, on Hennepin\'s map, 369. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Black (Chebadeba), Hennepin passes, \n221. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Bois-Brule (Nissipikouet), portage of, \n222. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Brazos (Wicked; in Texas), origin of \nname, 421 ; described, 405 ; crocodile \nin, 417, 421. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Buffalo (Wis.), named by Hennepin, \n222 ; revisited by Hennepin, 288. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 of Canes, La Salle crosses, 420. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Cap Rouge, Cartier on, 34. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Cherokee. See Tennessee. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Chicago (Checagoumenans), described, \n626; Kaskaskias near source, 166. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Colorado of Texas, La Salle on, 420. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Des Moines (Otontenta), Indians on, \n166, 627 ; falls into Mississippi, 1S6, \n\n221. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Des Plaines (Divine), described, 626, \n630. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Fox, Indians on, 307, 640 ; described, \n306, 307, 639, 642, 643 ; Hennepin on, \nxxxi ; Marquette and Jolliet, 639-643. \n\n\n\nd5 \n\n\n\nRIV \n\nRiver Genesee (N. Y.), La Salle at, \nxxi. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Grave, or Mausolaeum. See St. Croix. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Hiens (Hans; in Texas), origin of \nname, 405, 420. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Humber, Hennepin anchors in, 77. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Illinois (Seignelay), described, 183, \n623, 627; breadth, 153; marshes and \nplains of, 145, 623; navigation, 145, \n146, 154; source, 143, 144; affluents, \nxxvi, 666; mouth, 155, 184, 185, 367, \n388, 404, 443, 623 ; Hennepin on, xxviii, \nXXX, 145, 146, 153; Jolliet and Mar- \nquette on, 666; on Hennepin\'s map, \n\n439- \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Iowa, seat of Iowa Indians, 166. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Kankakee, branch of Illinois, xxvi ; \nLa Salle on, xxvi. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Lavaca (River of Cows), 395. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Magdalen (Rio Grande, Sabine, San \nAntonio), location, 199, 200, 668, 671; \nLa Salle at, 671. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Mai Baie (St. Francis), French vessel \nseized at, 590. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Maumee, portage of, 630. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Menominee, location, 636. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Milwaukee (Mellioki), Mascoutins \nand Foxes on, 166. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Minnesota, falls into Mississippi, 186. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Mississippi, origin of name, 141 ; \nlength, 184, 200, 443; breadth, 186, 621, \n644; described, 3, 4, 185, 186, 190, 196, \n199, 200, 210-213, 224, 366-369, 371, \n622, 623, 644; affluents, 186, 188, 189, \n628; navigation of, 174-176, 666; di- \nvides into three channels, 198 ; climate \nof, 665; fish in, 210, 525, 645; forests \non, 555, 622, 628, 662; game near, 207, \n210, 211, 622, 644; imaginary perils of, \n160, 161, 174, 637, 659; Indian map of, \n\n\n\n7o6 \n\n\n\nIndex \n\n\n\nRIV \n\nRiver Mississippi {continued). \n\n175 ; ice in, xxx, 185 ; sea monsters said \nto be in, 150, 628, 637, 638, 645 ; painted \nmonsters on, 20S, 657, 658 ; tribes na- \ntive on, 175, 494, 510, 622; discovered \nby De 8010,384 ; Jolliet and Marquette, \nxiv, xxiv, 209, 621-667 ; La Salle on, \nxxxiv, 7, 75, 384, 668; discovery of, \nclaimed by Hennepin, 388, 403, 444, \n445. 589; location of mouth, 119, 200, \n445, 666, 668; La Salle seeks mouth, \n392, 400, 444; Caveliers on, 441-444; \nwater of, salt, 19S ; not frequented by \nSpaniards, 209, 628; should be garri- \nsoned, 575. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Missouri (Pekitanoui, Osage), location, \n443> ^56; characteristics, 188, 658; \nsource, 188, 189, 658; Jolliet and Mar- \nquette near, 222, 621, 658; Hennepin \nat, 188. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Neches (Tex.), La Salle near, 416. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Nepisiguit, mission at, 545, 546. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Niagara, described, 53-56, 317-323\' \n625; outlet of lakes, 58; empties into \nLake Ontario, 323; navigation of, 55, \n56, 95, 317-323. 625; fish, 523. See \nalso Falls of Niagara, and Niagara. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Ohio (Ouabouskigou), described, 442, \n443, 659 ; afifluents, 629 ; waterway be- \ntween lakes and Mississippi, 39, 62, \n630; Shawnees dwell on, 659; Jolliet \nand Marquette reach, 659 ; Hennepin, \n190; Caveliers, 443. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Osage, discharges into the Missouri, \n443. See also Missouri. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Oswego (Aoueguen, Chouaguen), La \nForest trades at, 97. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Otontenta. See River Des Moines. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Ottawa, branch of River St. Lawrence, \n71, 559 ; described, 559 ; Indians on, 559 \n\n\n\nRIV \n\nRiver of Palms, location, 668. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Panuco, location, 668 ; Spanish boun- \ndary, 672. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Pekitanoui. See Missouri. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Red, habitat of Comanches, 413 ; habi- \ntat of Caddoes, 434. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Restigouche, mission at, 545, 546. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Robeck (Tex.), 404, 405; origin of \nname, 421. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Rum (St. Francis), location, 276; \nhabitat of Sioux, 223, 224; Hennepin \non, 272. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Sabine (Tex.), La Salle on, 416. See \nalso Magdalen. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Sablonniere (Tex.), La Salle on, 421. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Saguenay (Tadoussac), described, 591 ; \nisland in mouth, 596. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 St. Bernard (Tex.), La Salle crosses, \n421. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 St. Charles, near Quebec, 574. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 St. Clair, named, 58, 59; tortuous pas- \nsage, III. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 St. Croix (Nova Scotia), 590. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 St. Croix (Wis.), called "River of \nGrave," 222, 223 ; portage to Lake Su- \nperior, 225; Hennepin on, 225. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 St. Francis (Ark.), habitat of Mitchi- \ngamias, 208. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 St. Francis (Que.). See Mai Bale. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 St. Josephs, empties into Lake Michi- \ngan, 62, 135; marshes of, 142; Miamis \non, 631; portage from, xxvi, 143, 144; \nrendezvous for La Salle, xxv, 135-140; \nLa Salle\'s fort on, xxvi, 136-139; La \nSalle embarks, xxvi, 141. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 St. Lawrence, source, 53, 59, 63, 369, \n523,559; length, 369; tide, 594; rap- \nids, 71, 83, 324, 331, 332 ; islands, 331, \n596; flora, 562; fishing, 524; as boun- \ndary, 590; Indians on, 451, 559, 560, \n\n\n\nIndex \n\n\n\n707 \n\n\n\nRIV \n\nRiver St. Lawrence {continued). \n616; missions, 5S5; Hennepin, 38, 86, \n70, 369; garrison needed at mouth, 575 \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 St. Louis. See Illinois. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 St. Mary\'s, rapids described, 61, 115 \ncommerce on, 117. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 St. Maurice, Three Rivers on, 546, \n\n594- \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 St. Peter (Que.), 372. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Saline, described, 443. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 San Antonio. See Magdalen. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Seignelay. See Illinois. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 of Tears, habitat of Biskatronge, 407. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Tennessee (Casquinambaux, Chero- \nkee), described, 629. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Trinity (Tex.), habitat of Cenis, 412, \n436; La Salle assassinated on, 426. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Wabash (Ouabache, Ouadebache). \nSee River Ohio. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Wisconsin (Misconsin, Ouisconsin), \ndescribed, 221, 223, 305, 642-644 ; Jol- \nliet and Marquette on, 621, 643, 644, \n666; Hennepin to meet La Salle on, \n271,277,285; Hennepin on, xxxi, 305. \nSee also Fox-Wisconsin portage. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Wolf (du Loup), location, 596 ; mis- \nsion on, 545, 546. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Yazoo, visited by Koroa Indians, 195; \nChickasaws on, 442. \n\nRiviere du Loup. See Wolf. \nRiviere Maligne (Wicked). See Brazos. \nRoy, Peter le, French prisoner, 600. \nRozee (Rose), Jean, director of Company \n\nof Canada, 612. \nRushes, in Illinois marshes, 145 ; used \n\nfor weaving, 527. \n\nSabin, Joseph, Dictionary, xlvi; bibliog- \nraphy of Hennepin, xlvi ; bibliography \nof Herrera, xlvi. \n\n\n\nSAL \n\nSaceatecas. See Zacatecas. \n\nSagamite, Indian food, described, 116, \n312, 406, 473, 478, 488, 524, 579, 650, \n663, 664 ; offered to dead, 531 ; used \nby missionaries, 579. \n\nSagard, Gabriel, Canada, 590. \n\nSaget, \xe2\x80\x94 , La Salle\'s servant, killed, 424. \n\nSt. Anne, village on St. Lawrence, 34. \n\nSt. Anthony (Cuba), La Salle\'s fleet at, \n\n391- \nSt. Augustin cloister (Que.), Hennepin \n\npreaches at, xv. \nSt. Barbe (N. Mex.), mines of, location, \n\n7 ; desired by La Salle, 200, 357, 372, \n\n390, 413,505,671. \n.St. Denis (France), Franciscans at, 386, \n\n602. \n"St. Francis," of La Salle\'s fleet, 389; \n\ncaptured, 390. \nSt. Francis d\'Assisi, founds order, 374, \n\n607. \nSt. Genevieve (Mo.), location, 443. \nSt. Ignace mission (Mackinac), xxxi; lo- \ncation, 114; Tonty at, xxv. \nSt. Ignatius, founds Jesuit order, 607, 608. \nSt. Lawrence, \xe2\x80\x94 , Governor of French \n\nWest Indies, 391. \nSt. Mary\'s, Recollect convent at Quebec, \n\nxvii. \nSt. Norbert, founder of Premonstrant \n\norder, 264. \nSt. Ours (Que.), Hennepin at, 70. \nSalignac, Fran9ois de, Abbe de Fenelon, \n\nmissionary to Cayugas, 31, 32; returns \n\nto France, 32. \nSalmon, in North America, 558, 563 ; \n\ntaken by Indians, 524. \nSalt, in Iroquois country, 638 ; lacking in \n\nWest, 625, 638. \nSaltpetre, on the Mississippi, 623. \n\n\n\n7o8 \n\n\n\nIndex \n\n\n\nSAN \n\nSantee Indians. See Issati. \n\nSault St. Louis, JoUiet wrecked at, 621. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Ste. Marie (Mich.), 61. \n\nSauteur Indians. See Chippewas. \n\nSauthois Indians. See Uzutiuhi, \n\nSeal, value of fisheries, 556. \n\nSea-larks, in North America, 559. \n\nSea-wolf. See Seal. \n\nSeignelay, Jean Baptiste Colbert, mar- \nquis de, befriends La Salle, 385, 3S8, \n439 ; river named for, 439. \n\nSeneca (Tsonnontouan) Indians, habitat, \n40. 53) 77. 78, 81, loi, 326, 511 ; cus- \ntoms, 46, 82 ; fur-trade, 56, 82 ; impor- \ntance, 511 ; mission for, xxiv ; embassy \nto, 80-88, 632 ; desire a smith, 84, 91, \n1 10 ; oppose fort, xx ; oppose building \n" Griffon," xxii, 92, 93 ; La Salle among, \nxxi, 90, loi ; welcome Hennepin\'s re- \nturn, 326-328 ; tale concerning, 537. \n\nSeneffe, Hennepin participates in battle \nat, xiii, 31, 367. \n\nSeven Islands (Que.), mission at, 387. \n\nShawnee (Chaouanon, Houtonagaha, On- \ntouagannha) Indians, origin of name, \n87 ; habitat, 87, 659 ; allied with Illinois, \n337. 33S > oppressed by Iroquois, 659 ; \nthought to have killed Hennepin, 350 ; \nvisit Illinois, 444 ; guide La Salle, 403- \n417. \n\nShea, John Gilmary, bibliography of \nHennepin, xlvi, liii ; evidence of Hen- \nnepin\'s plagiarism, 169. 188, 190, 191, \n352; interpolation theory, xxxvi, 352; \nDisccrvery of Mississippi, 75, 657 ; trans- \nlates and edits Hennepin\'s Loiiisiane, \nix, xl, xlvi. Hi, 97, 125, 155, 169, \n171, 190, 352; Le Clercq\'s Etablisse- \nment de la Foy, 188, 198, 309, 342, 371, \n403- \n\n\n\nSPA \n\nShip-building, in Canada, 556, 562, 628 ; \non Mississippi, 213. \n\nShoshonean Indians, tribes of, 413. \n\nSicacha, Chickasaw village, 442. See also \nChickasaws. \n\nSilver, in Hudson Bay country, 562. \n\nSiouan (Nadessioux) Indians, habitat, \n225; numbers, 226; migrations, 177; \nlanguage, 217; tribes of, 225; Jesuit \nmissions among, 310; fur-trade, 629. \nSee also Issati. \n\nSioux country, taken possession of by \nDu Luth, 293. \n\nSitteou Indians. See Uzutiuhi. \n\nSlate mines, in Illinois country, 152. \n\nSmithsonian Institution Report, 646. \n\nSnakes, among the Illinois, 168; on upper \nMississippi, 279, 294; in North Amer- \nica, 564 ; described by Hennepin, 279. \nSee also Rattlesnakes. \n\nSnow-shoes (racquets), described, 527 ; \nused by Hennepin, 40 ; Indian supersti- \ntion concerning, 454. \n\nSorbonne, discusses Indian baptisms, 461. \n\nSotello, \xe2\x80\x94 , Franciscan missionary, 374. \n\nSouth Bend (Ind.), at Kankakee portage, \nxxvi. \n\nSpada, Cardinal, protector of Henne- \npin, xli. \n\nSpade-fish, seen by Marquette, 645. \n\nSpaniards, as colonists, 414, 415; con- \nquests in America, 374 ; Indian wars \nof, 413, 421, 627; Indian policy, 571; \ncruelty, 398, 399, 408, 415, 421, 422, \n432, 627; Indian trade, 404, 413,622; \nfeared by French, 199, 207, 623, 666 ; \nin Texas, 200 ; not on Mississippi, 209 ; \nlearn La Salle\'s plan, 390, 391 ; rescue \nLa Salle\'s colony, 446. See also Fran- \nciscans, St. Barbe, and Zacatecas. \n\n\n\nIndex \n\n\n\n709 \n\n\n\nSQU \n\nSquash (Fr. citrouille), raised by In- \ndians, 537, 622, 652. \n\nSquirrels, hunted by Iroquois, 81. \n\nStrait of Anian (Agnian), origin of name, \n267 ; imagiiiary, 266-268 ; on ancient \nmaps, 267, yjT,. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Detroit, described, 58, loS, 109, in, \n314, 625, 626; " Griffon " passes, xxiv. \n\n\xe2\x80\x94 Maclvinac, connect lakes, 60-62, 626; \ndescribed, 114, 115, 626; commerce \nof, 117; "Griffon" passes, xxiv; dis- \ntance from Canada, 310. See also \nMackinac, and St. Ignace. \n\nSturgeon, in North America, 55S; in \n\nNiagara River, 57, 325 ; in Mississippi, \n\n219,284, 525,645; in Lake Erie, 3r4; \n\nin Illinois River, 623; described, 219, \n\n284; caught by otter, 284; caught in \n\nnets, 522. \nSugar cane, on Mississippi, 576. \nSulpitians, missions of, 32, 47, 3S6; sketch, \n\n386. \nSuite, Benjamin, Canadiens Frangais, 586. \nSwallows, on Mississippi, 279. \nSwans, wild, in North America, 559; near \n\nDetroit, 109 ; in Illinois, 147, 151, 666; \n\non Mississippi, 224, 644. \nSwedes, in North America. See New \n\nSweden. \nSweet-gum tree, on Mississippi, 212. \nSword-fish, in North America, 558. \nSycamore (Platanus occidentalis). See \n\nCottonwood trees. \n\nTag, Sixte le, Franciscan missionary, 70. \n\nTadoussac, English at, 591, 599; pris- \noners taken, 595 ; Champlain sails for, \n604, 605. See also River Saguenay. \n\nTaensa Indians, habitat, 194 ; character- \nistics, 204; customs, 194-196; Henne- \n\n\n\nTEX \n\nTaensa Indians {contitiued). \npin among, 194-196, 204, 205 ; Iberville, \n194. \n\nTagarondies (Gandagaro), chief village \nof Senecas, 81. \n\nTalon, Jean Baptiste, intendant of New \nFrance, restores Franciscans, xiii, 8 ; \ndislikes Jesuits, xiii; names Ottawa \nIndian, 316. \n\nTalon, Ottawa chief, met by Hennepin, \n316, 317; family captured by Iroquois, \n316, 326. \n\nTamaroa (Maroa), Illinois tribe, 628; \nhabitat, 183, 184, 189, 210; number, \n183; enemies of Sioux, 228, 305; de- \nstroyed by Iroquois, 308, 309 ; Henne- \npin among, 183, 1S4. \n\nTampico (Mex.), Spanish settlement, 200. \n\nTangibao Indians, habitat, 445 ; mur- \ndered by enemies, 198, 201 ; Hennepin \namong, 198, 201. \n\nTanico Indians, habitat, 437. \n\nTaraha, Indian village. La Salle at, 422. \n\nTebachi, Iroquois hostage, 570. \n\nTeganeot, Seneca chief, gift to Henne- \npin, 327. \n\nTejajagon, Cayuga village, near Fort \nFrontenac, 53, 77. \n\nTemiscouata county (Que.), missions in, \n546. \n\nTensas county (La.), habitat of Taensa \nIndians, 194. \n\nTeton (Tintonha) Indians, Siouan tribe, \norigin of name, 207, 223, 225 ; habitat, \n166, 223-225; feared, 207; raided by \nIroquois, 107. \n\nTexas, described, 422, 434 ; La Salle \nlands in, 392 ; colony in, 395-401, 419, \n446; explored, 402-417, 420-424. See \nalso Fort St. Louis, and Matagorda Bay. \n\n\n\n710 \n\n\n\nIndex \n\n\n\nTHO \n\nThorn trees, in Wisconsin, 643. \n\nThree Rivers (Trois Rivieres), origin of \nname, 594 ; location, 34, 70, 546 ; set- \ntled by Champlain, 594; removal of \ninhabitants, 49 ; Iroquois council at, \n566, 569 ; mission, 540 ; Le Caron, \n594 ; Sixte le Tac, 70. \n\nThwaites, R. G., Father Marquette, 61 ; \nedits /esziit delations, xliii. \n\nTimber, in Illinois country, 151. \n\nTobacco, Indian, qualities, 304 ; planted \nby Hennepin, 258. \n\n" Toby " (misprinted in original for \n"Joly"), vessel of La Salle\'s fleet, \n388 ; arrives at Petit-Guaves, 390 ; off \nFlorida, 392. \n\nToise (French measure), 45. \n\nTonty, Henri de, companion of La Salle, \nXX ; early life, 91,96; aids in building \n" Griffon," xxii ; commands La Salle\'s \nadvance, 117; wrecked on Lake Michi- \ngan, 140; at Fort Miami, xxv, 139; on \nRiver Illinois, 155; at Fort Creve- \ncoeur, 171 ; left in command, xxviii, \n178, 338, 444; mediates between hos- \ntile Indians, 338, 339; attacked by \nIroquois, 339; allows missionaries to \nleave, 342-344; abandons fort, 343; \nfears Iroquois treachery, 344, 345 ; \nleaves Father Ribourde, 309, 344, 345, \n347 ; retreats to Wisconsin, 309 ; \nsearches for La Salle, 436-438 ; leaves \nrear-guard, 438, 439 ; seeks Iroquois \nalliance, 444 ; hostile to Spaniards, xvii, \n96 ; enmity for Hennepin, xxii, 94, 98 ; \nsketch, 91. \n\nTorsellini, Orazio (Torcellin, Horace), \nLife of Xavier, 608, 609. \n\nTortoises, in Illinois country, 151; on \nWisconsin, 222 ; on Mississippi, 281, \n\n\n\nUTI \n\nTortoises {coittinited). \n\n287; difficult to catch, 2S1; used for \nfood, 2S1, 287 ; considered as divinity \nby Indians, 451, 452. \n\nTouginga (Dodinga) Indians, Caveliers \nvisit, 439. \n\nTourima (Foriman) Indians, Caveliers \nvisit, 439. \n\nTrigoanna Indians, war expedition \nagainst, 420. \n\nTritons, painted on rocks of Mississippi, \n208. \n\nTrois Rivieres. See Three Rivers. \n\nTronson, \xe2\x80\x94 , superior of Sulpitians, 386. \n\nTrout, in Lake Huron, 311; Lake On- \ntario, 524; of river, 525; of lake, 116; \nsalmon, 72. \n\nTsonnontouans. See Senecas. \n\nTuckahoe (koonti), root, Indian food, \n406. \n\nTurpin, Shawnee Indian, messenger to \nIllinois, 444. \n\nTurkeys (wild), abundant, 227 ; size, 558 ; \non Chippewa Creek, 78 ; Lake Ontario, \n329; near Detroit, 109; Lake Michi- \ngan, 129; in Illinois, 146, 151, 623; \nOhio country, 630 ; on Mississippi, 210, \n227,235,622,645; in Texas, 398; tamed \nby Chickasaws, 192. \n\nTurtles, on Lake Ontario, 329. \n\nTyakappan, Indian village, visited by La \nSalle, 422. \n\nUnited States, Bureau of Fthnology \nReports, 107, 177, 194, 224, 225, 246, 268, \n438, 522, 526, 641, 665; Geographical \nand Geological Survey Reports, 225, \n646 ; National Museum Reports, 246. \n\nUrban V, re-enforces Franciscans, 610. \n\nUtica (III.), site of Illinois village, xxvi, \n\n\n\nIndex \n\n\n\n711 \n\n\n\nUTI \n\nUtica [continued). \n\n146, 166; destroyed by Iroquois, 343; \n\nabandoned, xxvi. \nUzutiuhi (Ossotteoez, Sauthois, Sitteou) \n\nIndians, passed by Caveliers, 438. \n\nVaugondy, Robert de, early cartog- \nrapher, 267. \n\nVermilion Sea. See Gulf of California. \n\nVineyards, wild, near Detroit, 109; near \nLake Michigan, 129, 130, 138; in Illi- \nnois country, 151 ; on Mississippi, 213, \n224, 622, 663 ; in Texas, 405 ; Wiscon- \nsin, 642, 643. \n\nVirginia, extent of, 672 ; part of New \nSweden, 560 ; Franciscans in, 333 ; \nraided by Iroquois, 87. \n\n"Walnuts, near Detroit, 109, in Louisi- \nana, 195 ; in Wisconsin, 643. \n\nWampum, described, ?>t,, 569, 570. See \nalso Fur-trade. \n\nWar-club (Fr. casse-tete), described, 127 ; \nFather Ribourde killed by, 346. \n\nWatteau, Melithon, Recollect missionary, \nat Fort Frontenac, xxiii, 98; left at \nNiagara, xxiv, 106. \n\nWea (Fr. Ouiatanon) Indians, habitat, 143. \n\nWest Indies, Spanish possessions in, 414 ; \nLa Salle at, 389-392. \n\nWhale, fisheries for, 556, 563. \n\nWhitefish, in Great Lakes, 57, 63, 78, 89, \n116, 524; in Mississippi, 288. \n\nWildcats on Mississippi, 211 ; method of \nhunting, 517 ; grease from, 255; value \nof skins, 558. \n\nWild rice (oats), described, 6t,6, 637 ; in \n\n\n\nZAC \n\nWild rice (continued). \nMinnesota lake region, 224; in Wis- \nconsin, 639, 643 ; used as food, 252, 258, \n285, 296, 298, 636, 637 ; better than \nEuropean rice, 298. \n\nWild-rice Indians. See Menominees. \n\nWilliam III (Great Britain), befriends \nHennepin, xxxviii-xl, 7, 10, 365 ; \nbooks dedicated to, Ix, 3-1 1, 357-361. \n\nWilmington (Del.), site of Swedish \ncolony, 560. \n\nWine, from wild grapes, 129, 151, 309, \n580, 623. \n\nWinnebago (Puant) Indians, origin of \nname, 308 ; habitat, 308. \n\nWinsor, Justin, bibliography of Henne- \npin, xlvi, xlvii. \n\nWisconsin, fertility of, 305, 306; Mar \nquette and Jolliet in, 636-644 ; Henne \npin in, xxxi, 305-307 ; Historical Collec \ntions, 130, 640. See also Green Bay \nFox-Wisconsin portage. Fox River \nSt. Croix River, Wisconsin River, and \nLake Michigan. \n\nWolf Indians. See Mohicans. \n\nWolves, in Ohio country, 630; strangle \nwild-goat, 129; accompany buffaloes, \n148 ; value of skins, 558. \n\nWoodchucks, in Canada, 516. \n\nWoodcocks, on Mississippi, 211. \n\nYankton Indians, Siouan tribe, sun- \nworshippers, 214. \n\nZacatecas, Mexican province, Spaniards \nin, 671. \n\n\n\nH 5. 7 \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n<^ . \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n0\' \' \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n(^ ^\xe2\x96\xa0^\'r>?\'^\xe2\x96\xa0\'^ \n\n\n\n, O -7- \n\n\n\n\\^/ \n\n\n\n\\*^ "O V s \xe2\x80\xa2 \xe2\x80\xa2 , o .0 \xe2\x80\xa2 \' \n\n\n\n\n-"^^r \n\n\n\nI\' \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n^^ / \n\n\n\n\n\n\nV. \n\n\n\n-^0 \n\n\n\n\'\'/\xe2\x96\xa0^\' j-i^ss^ :; \n\n\n\n%^ \n\n\n\n\n.-^"^ O. \' o \xc2\xab \n\nA^ "^ <rv> \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\'J^. \n\n\n\n0^ \'f-^^^.y: ?^ :^K- .A \n\n\n\n\n.0 \n\n\n\nO *onO^ ^U vo. V 5 \xe2\x80\xa2 \xe2\x80\xa2 , o < \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n^^-^^^ \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\'-.\',\'\'\' \n\n\n\nV\'^\' \n\n.\xe2\x96\xa0i-^. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\\t,n\' \n\n\n\n\n\n\n"^ -.,. ,rx ^\' ^^ "\xe2\x96\xa0" - .<-...u--,^ \xe2\x80\xa2"" ^ \xe2\x96\xa0 "^ \n\n\\ %.^ ^^v \\/ ;^^ %,^ /i \n\n\xe2\x80\xa2^ \n\no > \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n4- ^ \n\n\n\n--. -^-^^Z \'km!-:- \xe2\x96\xa0: \n\n\n\n\n\n\n>:> \n\n\n\n\nC"*- N. MANCHESTER. \n^ INDIANA \n\n\n\n'