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ADDRESS OF Hon. WHEELER H. PECKHAM 

AT BANQUET OF EMPIRE STATE SOCIETY 

SONS OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 



^FEBRUARY 15th, 1901. 



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ADDRESS OF Hon. WHEELER H. PECKHAM AT BANQUET 

OF EMPIRE STATE SOCIETY SONS OF 

THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 

FEBRUARY 15, J 90 1. 



In the note in which I was first invited to address you it was stated that the subject 
generally to be considered would be "The heritage of patriotism of this century from 
the founders of the republic." 

In a later note advising me of time and place it was stated that the subject would be 
"What the twentieth century has inherited from the founders of the republic." 

You will notice that the second statement is substantially the same as the first with 
the "patriotism" left out. 

I conclude, however, that the omission of "patriotism" in the second statement was 
inadvertent, and that the idea really in the mind of the Society was "what of patriotism 
have we inherited" rather than inheritage of any other character. 

Inasmuch as the most essential thing in any discussion is agreement as to the sub- 
ject matter thereof, I thought that I would see what definitions there might be of "patriot- 
ism" and to that end looking in a dictionary of poetical quotations found the following: 

"This was the noblest Roman of them all: 
All the conspirators save only he 
Did that they did in- envy of great Caesar; 
He only in a general honest thought 

And common good to all made one of them." 

— Shakespeare, Julius Caesar. 

"And here and ther« some stem high patriot stood 
Who could not get the place for which he sued." 

BVRON. 

"Patriotism is the last refuge of a scoundrel." 

— Johnson. 

You will note the second definition as the mean between the two extremes. 

I imagine, however, that you do not care for me, or any who are to address you, to 
consider the patriotism which we have inherited as being in any respect other than that 
of Brutus as defined by Shakespeare— the patriotism of "a general honest thought and 
common good to all." 

Our question is one of inheritance and we can only have inherited that of which otir 
ancestors were possessed. 

Had they this patriotism of the Brutus kind? Were they moved by "a general honest 
thought and common good to all," or was it some mere personal motive that prompted 
their action? For observe — of all who gathered round and took part in the slaying of 
Caesar there was but one patriot — Brutus — as he only did what he did for " the general good. " 



The patriotism of our ancestors which we have inherited and of which we are proud 
was evidenced by rebellion in support of which the}^ fought a long, bitter and unequal 
war with their mother country; and why? 

The answer may be stated in three words. They could not submit to "taxation 
without representation." 

They objected to being governed by others for the purposes of others. 

Their condition was an illustration of the definition of "statesmanship" given b^' the 
late Charles O'Conor. 

"Statesmanship," said he, "was known to the fathers mainly as exhibited in the 
annals of time. It there appears as an art whereby in all climes and ages the few have 
contrived to oppress the many." 

England attempted by taxation without representation to use the powers and re- 
sources of the Colonies for her own purposes and to gratify her own ambitions. 

Against such purposes and ambition we rebelled, and thereupon was born the prin- 
ciple "No taxation without representation." 

Was the whole popular movement from which that principle sprang patriotic in the 
highest sense of the term? 

I answer that nothing could have been more so. Nothing but a universal sentiment 
of self-sacrifice — of love of freedom — of determination to enjoy the right to use our own 
resources for our own benefit could have prevailed over the odds arrayed against us. 

Our organization — i. c, the confederation of the several states— was pitiful. The 
confederate Government at Philadelphia, could make only requisitions on the States 
whether for men or money. It could not act directly in raising either men or money. 

Yet during those long seven years the stream of patriotism flowed steadih^ on — never 
shrinking — alwaj-s broadening and strengthening until at Yorktown it culminated in 
complete victory and independence. 

I am almost afraid to cease the expression of my admiration for and appreciation of 
the great deeds of our forefathers in thus bringing to a successful conclusion the war for 
our independence because great as they were I do not regard them as bj- any means con- 
stituting their most important and fundamental contribution to our welfare. 

In speaking, however, of patriotism, we must remember those whose individual fame 
has not come down to us. 

There was but one Washington — but few like Lee and Greene and Gates — but there 
were unnumbered hosts of lesser officers and private soldiers whose claim upon our memory 
and thankfulness is in no whit less than that of those who led them. Nay it is greater. 
To them there was no hope of great renown — or great reward. To them war was known 
by its sufterings. To them the agony was not of death but of life. Wearisome marches 
— unhealth}^ camps — wounds, disease, hospitals — all these and things like these were 
the daily iteration of their lives — soothed and cheered by the consciousness that they 
bore these things only for "the common good to all." 

They were patriots indeed and they were great. With bowed heads and reverent 
hearts let us thank them. 

Little, however, had probably been the results of our success had the States remained 
separate and independent, and our ancestors exhibited a greater patriotism when, after 
the war, they adopted the Constitution of the United States by which the several States 
were welded into one nation. 

In the first place they expressed in our first State constitution what Mr. O'Conor said 
"might fairly be called a new political institute," vz's.: that the people were the on/j' source 
of political power. 

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Thus by a single sentence fell the doctrine that any one could reign by Divine Right. 

In the second place by the adoption of the constitution of the United States they 
eliminated most of the possibilities of contention between the States and provided for the 
solution of all that might remain in the forum of the United States Supreme Court "in 
peaceful forum of judicial procedure" instead of "by the arbitrament of the sword." 

They thereby' deprived the States of all power to enter into a treaty — grant letters 
of marque and reprisal — coin money — emit bills of credit, tnake anything but gold and 
silver a legal tender — pass any bill of attainder or ex post facto law or any law impairing 
the obligation of contracts, grant any title of nobility; or without the consent of Congress 
to tax imports or exports except for inspection laws, the net produce of which should go to 
the United States, to lay any tonnage duty — keep troops or ships of war in time of peace 
or enter into any agreement or compact with another State or with a foreign power or 
engage in any war unless actually invaded or in such imminent danger as will not admit 
of delay. 

What have these provisions not done for us? Who can express the infinite debt we 
owe to those who made them and enacted them in our organic law? 

They are the expressions of the highest patriotism — of infinite lab6r, ' ' for the com- 
mon good." They are the work of men who achieved prominence in the conflict for 
independence and who if they had selfishly followed the precedents of the past would 
have grasped for themselves the powers they had wrested from the crown. 

Nothing in history is so sublime. They made the people the source of power. They 
eliminated war as the ultimate arbiter for the solution of controversies between the 
States and substituted a Court wherein the weapons were the intellect and victory was the 
prize of reason; and they almost eliminated controversies themselves by confining the 
political activities of the States to their local concerns. 

To think of it. From the Atlantic to the Pacific — from the Canadian and the Russian 
line to the Gulf and Republic of Mexico — there can hardly be a serious controversy between 
the forty-five States now in the Union, and even should one arise, it must be solved only 
in the same kind of proceedings in the Courts that apply to differences between individuals. 

Having done all this our patriotic ancestors stepped down from their high position 
and rested from their labors. 

They gave to the States and to us Peace, and Peace is the heritage that by their patriot- 
ism they left us. 

How have we profited by it? 

I will say nothing to-night in respect to our course as to "expansion" — so called — 
whether in Porto Rico, Cuba, Philippines or China. 

As to those questions men differ and although my own views are most emphatic — 
although it seems to me that the highest and noblest duty to the human race that we can 
perform is to show to the world by our example how a great people can live in peace and 
prosper bevond the dreams of the past and yet absorb perhaps a continent within its 
cordon of independent States; yet I prefer to-night to turn to matters as to which there 
is no room for difference. 

Retiiming for a moment to the great principle expressed in our first State constitu- 
tion that the people are the source of all political power we must all agree that if a com- 
monwealth so organized is to prosper the people and their representatives must be honest. 

Are they honest? 

We have the great authority of so astute a politican as the late Samuel J- Til den, that 
up to the time of the adoption of the Constitution of 1846 corruption in legislative bodies 
was unknown, and we have the same authority that in 1863-1869. corruption had become 



almost universal. In 1870-1871 came the disclosures of the Tweed Ring. Later came 
the humiliating disclosures of the Broadway railroad and the "Aldermanic business." In 
earlier daj's "the stufi" was carried to Albany — Mr. Tilden says that a clerk told him 
that "the stuff had been sent up." Now, "the stuff" is not sent up. The "boss" is seen 
and arrangements made through him. Now every kind of concentrated corporate wealth 
buys what it wants and pays for exemption from what it fears. 

We need to-night to make no references to our own city. 

Take the recent report of Milwaukee conference for good city government and see 
what they say as to Philadelphia the stronghold of the Republican party which claims to 
be the better and purer of the two great parties of the day. 

" In 1897 Philadelphia leased its gas works, not because the people of the city wanted 
to lease them but because Councils voted to pass the ordinance in the face of another 
proposition made by responsible capitalists which was better by ten million dollars than 
the proposition of the United Gas Improvement Company. Is it not fair to conclude 
that in this case at least the Improvement Company would prefer to deal with a corrupt 
City Council than with an honest one?" 

Many other illustrations might be given but are unnecessary. 

My object is not to parade existing conditions — we all know them. My object is to 
ask you if we have retained that precious heritage of patriotism left us by the founders 
of the Republic, and if we have where does it show itself ? 

Don't we know that both corruption and the Republic cannot endure? 

Have we awakened to this thing ? Are we making any self-sacrifice ? Are we giving 
any time and labor to the eradication of corruption? 

Do we socially show to the man who bribes that we detest his action? 

Is there any one thing we do, to which we can point and say — -This heritage from the 
founders we appreciate and we have made this sacrifice to preserve it? 

To put it right down to the concrete here we have drafted and pending for the con- 
sideration of the legislature certain amendments to the charter of our city — the work of 
able self-sacrificing men — work which probably cost the life of one of them, the late 
Charles C. Beamafi. 

How many of us have ever taken the trouble to know what the amendments were 
about or to form an intelligent opinion concerning them? 

Or take the very principle of corruption itself — the bossism which buys and sells 
and profits on us. Do we rebel ? Do we feel or express or act on the righteous indignation 
which ought to thrill through the very marrow of our bones? Does not the patriotism 
of the Brutus kind — for "the common good" — in trumpet tones demand that we shotild 
rise up and destroy this canker that is eating into the life of the republic? 

Let us remember then that this heritage of ours is not only precious but burdensome. 
It is like the old maxim "Noblesse oblige." Not only have we received it, but we are 
bound to transmit it untarnished to succeeding generations. 

I have no inclination to take a pessimistic view of the present or future, but we must 
remember that, while by the many wonderful inventions of the last century there is vastly 
more of comfort and enjoyment in the world, human nature has changed but little if at 
all. 

The same strong elements of vice and tyranny and wrong exist to-day as in the past 
— but we at least may hope that the same patriotism of strength, courage and self-sacrifice 
which of old sufficed to resist coercion will to-day suffice to extinguish the even greater 
evils of corruption. 



WYNKOOP. 
, hALLENBECK. 
I^RAWFOKD Cq 
,ART PRINTERS. 



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