b'\n\n\nA* V< V \n\n\n\n\xc2\xb0<* \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n* o\xc2\xb0 \n\n\n\n\xc2\xbb ^ \n\n\n\n~* CX A? \xe2\x80\xa2! \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nr \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\xe2\x80\xa2* \n\n\n\n^ ^ J - \n\n\n\n\n\n\n4> *4 \n\n\n\n\n- %. C \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\no A*^-> \n\n* *o a> v .-". ** o* c \n\n\n\n\n\n0* .^\'< \n\n\n\n\xe2\x80\xa2 k * a& <>. \n\n\n\n<fe \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n^f \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n"o.-vtrrsj? V- \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nv^^ \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n^ \n\n\n\n\xe2\x80\xa2 ^ \n\n\n\nA\' \n\n\n\nr .. \n\n\n\nbV \n\n\n\n^ A? **^l&fc\'. ^. A 1 \n\n\n\n\xe2\x80\xa2 A>^ \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n^\xc2\xb0^ \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\xe2\x80\xa2 ^ \xc2\xb0^ \n\n\n\n\n\n\nlV^ \n\n\n\nV \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n^ ^. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n6* \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n77:*. A \n\n\n\n\'9* " \n\\ \n\n\\\\ *<> \xe2\x80\xa2 \n\n\n\n5 V .\xe2\x99\xa6 \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n^\xc2\xb0- \n\n\n\n\n\n\nV^^T\'\\^ \n\n\n\n\n% V \n\n\n\n^ *\xe2\x80\xa2 \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n" \xe2\x80\xa2 V^ I\'; %/ \n\n\n\naP^ .*^> "> \n\n\n\n\n\n\n**\\ \n\n\n\n\n\n\n.>* \n\n\n\n\n5- h ^ \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nw \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n^0* \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n9**t77** % _\xc2\xa3 \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n** \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n%/ \n.#*% \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n*bv v :iBS^ *W \n\n\n\n\n\n\n^ \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nrr^ a \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\xe2\x80\xa2 ***** ^ \n\n\n\n1 \xe2\x80\xa2 c5> ^ \n\n\n\n\n\n\n: &% \n\n\n\n\'\xe2\x80\xa2 % \n\n\n\nV .4? \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\xe2\x80\xa2" ^ \n\n\n\n^ h \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nAT <JJ\xc2\xbb - - - * v \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nL c\xc2\xb0*.^t.% ,/,c^v y.-^r.\xc2\xb0- ./.\xe2\x80\xa2 \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n^-0^ \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n-\xe2\x80\xa2- -^^ \n\n\n\n^ \n\n\n\n.0 ^ \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n4> \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n. ^ \n\n\n\n. \xe2\x99\xa6*\' ** \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n^.e-\' \n\n\n\n" ^ \n\n\n\n^" \xe2\x99\xa6 \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n^o< \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n^ \n\n\n\n>. \n\n\n\nSPEECH \n\n\n\nHON. HORATIO SEYMOUR, \n\n\n\nACADEMY OF MUSIC, BROOKLYN, \n\nOctober 22, 1862. \n\n\n\nFellow Citizens: \xe2\x80\x94 The events of the last few \nweeks have essentially changed our relationship \nto the government. A few months ago we were \napparently a minority who had no legal rights, no \nprotection for our persons, no protection for our \nhomes. But the elections that have taken place, \nfrom Maine to the Mississippi, have demonstrated \nthat at every point, either the majorities of \nthe Radical party have been diminished or they \nhave encountered serious and signal defeats. \xe2\x80\x94 \n(Cheers.) For all moral purposes we are now the. \nrepresentatives of that great Conservative part) \nwhich commands the situation. I do not speak of \nit as a mere revolution in office \xe2\x80\x94 I speak of the \nfact, which the world will heed, and which will be \nheeded, too, at the seat of government \xe2\x80\x94 that the \nAmerican people demand a wise and conservative \npolicy, looking to the restoration of our Unio; 1 , \nand meaning the upholding of our Constitution in \nall its consequences. (Cheers.) I stand before \nyou, to-night, speaking in behalf of the great Con- \nservative interests of our country, as one who \nshould be outspoken in his statements. I do not \nfeel as one who comes before you to plead for \nyour suffrages; but I feel as one who stands here \nnow, knowing your sentiments, knowing your \nviews, and having a right to say what policy wiJl \ngovern us hereafter in our conduct towards the \ngreat question which now agitates the Amerh an \nmind. (Applause.) It has been truly stated that \nthe life of our nation is in peril. This very propo- \nsition, involving, as it does, not alone our govern- \nment, but our social system, our personal security, \nour home rights, is one of such magnitude that we \nare bound to approach it with an earnest, honest, \nsincere desire to do our whole duty in the premi- \nses. (Cheers.) In that spirit I shall speak to \nyou this night. I shall not find it necessary, in \ndiscussing these questions, to use a single epithet \nor to indulge in a single denunciation. If I am \nhonored this night with the attendance of one of \nthose who are politically opposed to me, I beg him \nto undei stand that I come here in no spirit of ar- \nroganee, with a view of dictating to him what his \npolicy should be. I have no term of reproach as \nto the past ; but I do stand here mast earnestly to \nimplore hira to listen, not to my wisdom, but to \n\n\n\nthe wisdom of our fathers, who framed the Consti- \ntution. I ask him not to yield to our views. We \nseek no such triumph. But I wish to implore him \nto yield to the views of the great and good men \nwho laid the foundation of the government and \nframed the Constitution under which we became \nso great, so prosperous, and so mighty as a na- \ntion. I stand here to invoke him to return again \nto those time-honored principles which for so many \nyears were recognized by men of all classes as es- \nsential to our safety and our security as a people, \n\xe2\x96\xa0ripeaking then, as I feel I have a right to do, in \nbehalf of the great Conservative party which from \nthis time forth is to represent the policv of our \ngovernment, I mean to be most explicit and out- \nspoken in all that I have to say. (Great applause.) \nI shrink from no questions. I seek to grapple \nwith every problem involved in our present posi- \ntion. If the people of this State shall see fit to \n;>1 ice me again in the Executive chair, I wish to \n,:<> there with the full understanding on their part \n1 all my views and of all my purposes. (Cheer3.) \n>Vhat, then, is now the situation of this land ? I \ndo not propose to look backward. I do not pro- \npose to review the past. I propose, in the first \nj.laee, to inquire what is now the situation of our \ne-juntry, and what duties does that condition im- \npose upon us. / believe the war might have been \naverted; but when I believe thus, I recognize the \nfact cf its existence ; and recognizing that fact, I \naccept it as a thing which I am bound to regard \nin all my views as to the policy of the future. I \nrecognize and accept the fact that at this moment \nthe destinies, the honor, the glory of our country, \nhang poised on the conflict of the battlefield. I \nrecognize the fact now that whether we would \nhave had war or not, it exists in all its vast pro- \nportions in our land ; and I recognize the fact now \nthat it is the duty ef every man who loves his \ncountry, of every true man who would stand by its \ninstitutions, to see that the whole measure of his \ninfluence and all the weight of his power is thrown \nin that battle-field on the side of the ling of our \nUnion. (Cheers.) For this reason, then, we are \nbound to do in the future what many of us have \ndor.o in the past. I have stood eroong the hills \nand vales of the country where I live to invoke \n\n\n\n\n\n\nE*sa \n\n\n\nour young men to rany around the standard of \nour conntry. I have done all that was in my \npower to do to uphold this Government. Al- \nthough it was not an administration of my choice, \nyet still it was the Government of my country; I \nhave invoked all men to stand loyally by it, be- \ncause such was their duty. (Cheers.) Now, It \nme state distinctly what I understand to be the \nposition of the great Conservative classes of our \nland. I use this term "Conservative" in antago- \nnism to the term " RadieaL," for this reason : I do \nnot ignore the existence of parties in our country; \nI do not wish to ignore them. I believe them to \nbe essential to the wise and just conduct of our \naffaire. The Convention which met al B \nand which put in nomination another ticket, dif- \nferent from that on which my name stands, saw \nfit to make a new line. They saw fit to seek a \ntriumph not alone over us, but over the 0O1 \ntive members of their own organization. They \nsaw fit there to say that they would put in nomi- \nnation a ticket whose very presentation by that \norganization should be an argument at the I \nof our country, that their own pecu \nviews of policy should be followed out by thifl \ngovernment. Now, then, in behalf ot all (\' \native men \xe2\x80\x94 I care not what party they miy have \nheretofore acted with \xe2\x80\x94 I accept the issues which \nthey have made with us, and I will state them \nvery plainly and clearly, to show whether at this \ntime we should be sustained by the great \'\xc2\xbbo !y i ; \nthe loyal, intelligent and conservative ci: \nour State. In the first place, then, we hold pr\'n - \nciples upon these subjects which are not held by \nour opponents, and which are essential, net only \nto our success in this threat war in which \nengaged, but which an Endbpenf il>le to the suc- \ncess of the Government under any dream \nI opposed the election of Mr. Lincoln. I d \ntlut result; but he was elected constitutionally, \n;md it was my duty to bow to that decision. I \nfor the purpose of sustaining him as the Pn \nof the United States. I deplored the policy be \nadopted at the outset of his administration ; but \nit w is his right to decide and adopt a poli \nit was my duty to obey, and I yielded to the \nof rightful authority. My friends, we bare \nbeen opposed to the doctrine of the "higher law " \n\xe2\x80\x94 that doctrine that men have a right t o \ntheir own views, their own passions and pn \nagainst the law of the land or the d \nregularly constituted authorities acting within their \nConstitutional limits. (Applause and cheers.) \xe2\x80\x94 \nIt is thus: because we hold that men arc dis- \npleased with the laws of the land, the] \nhave them repealed Constitutional \nmust not be resisted. We hold, also, that if men \nare opposed to those in authority, the rightful \nremedy has been given them by the Constitution, \nThat kind of remedy you applied in my case once. \nWhen you became tired of me, you turned me out. \nThat is the remedy to be applied for the removal \nof unpopular olficers. Now, when we held the \npower of the State, we contended for these prin- \nciples of loyalty to the laws, this doctrine of obe- \nto law\xe2\x80\x94 to the principle that vou arc \n\n\n\nbound to respect authority. Those principles j \nwhich we advocated then, we mean to p \nnow, fully and completely. We tender, I \nthis Government no conditional support. We rec- ) \nognixe Mr. Lincoln as President of the United I \n\n\xe2\x80\x94as the representative of its hon.>;. \ndignity and its strength; and though I am politi- \ncally opposed to him, I never have allowed \nto utter against him one disrespectful term, nor j \nwill I ever allow myself to do so. \nto this Government, you have our firm i \xe2\x96\xa0 \nour cmfidence, our unconditional loyalty. We \nimpose no terms upon you, we do not ask \nadopt our policy, but to mark out anotl \nwill receive our unwavering, our cheerful support. \nTiiat is our position on this subject. This is the \npolicy we have ever advocated ; not now al \nwhen we were in the majority, two \\- \n\n12 well as now \xe2\x80\x94 when many of our \nRepubli re denouncing the Adminis- \n\ntration of their own creation, when many of their \njournals wore indulging in language which we held \nto be unfit to be applied to the Chief Magistrate \nof the country, we avowed the sentiments I now \ni yoc. We look to the other side of the \nhouse, and what do we see there? They say that \n\nBOt loyal men; and we are not unfreipient- \nly denounced as men untrue to our Government, \nnotwithstanding we have not only made these de- \nclarations, but we have carried them out in the \nvery letter and to the very spirit. Has their loy- \nnld ask, been unconditional f II i- then \n\nobedience been without tonus V I beg ol \nlook back with me, and see how this f is, md \nwhat was it they demanded, before troop- \nbe sent to defend the fl tg oi the country\xe2\x80\x94 of your \ncountry \xe2\x80\x94 that a policy should We adopted to please \nthem. Who was it that did this thing but the ex- \n\n\' \xe2\x96\xa0\' \nsensation.) Who were among the joun i \n\n\\ iministration \xe2\x80\x94 \nI it with overthrow \ntain line of policy was not carried out ! V. re \nthey Democratic editors? No, my friend \nknow they were not. Who among the join \nwas it that continuously expressed I \nol the great Radical party of the court \nit all times endeavored to force their \\ \npolicy upon the Government of the-e IVivd \nStates, without respect to the cmbarr.i--n.onta \nthey might occa-ion ? Not the Democratic \nnab \xe2\x80\x94 not the Conservative journals. No, all \nbut the men who denounced you and ra# \n\xe2\x80\xa2 untrue to the institutions of the eountrw \nI loving that flag (poi -irsa\xc2\xbbB \n\nStripes) as well as they loved it. (<i \n\n\xe2\x80\xa2 i \' \nthem hero, and I appeal to j ot trojfl \n\nthat t 1 d foremost in every measafl \n\nanient, and *\xe2\x96\xa0 \nhinder and \n\n: . ries >d -Tli it \nNow let me say this. The i \n\nion to furnishing your Gofl \n\nI w\'th all it demand- I armsfl \n\nmen, it has. in addition to all that, a loyal 9*M \n\n\n\n\n\n\n/\'* \n\n\n\nthe pan of the people of the country. It \nI in vain you furnish arms ; it is vain to furnish ma- \n\nlength, except, also, there be obedience to \nlaw and respect to Constitutional authority. Now, \noy friends, we give to the Government that unity \n\xc2\xbbf action, that entire concert of opinion, which is \no bring the war to a prompt and triumphant close. \nJut I appeal to you if that can be done on the \nninciples and action endorsed by the Radical \n)arty of the country and the Radical press of the \nCountry? (Cheers, and cries of "Xo!") I ask \n;>ou, my friends, if it is possible, if every man \niorces his own will, his own feelings, his own \nlonest conviction, it may be, upon the action of \n;he Government, if this vast community can be \nbrought to concert of action \xe2\x80\x94 to that unanimity \n){ purpose without which we can never e \nn bringing down this gigantic and wicked rebel- \nion ? On the other hand \xe2\x80\x94 and now I appeal to \n^ou, my Radical friends \xe2\x80\x94 I ask you, if not to come \no our ground \xe2\x80\x94 to that ground which we have ever \nleld, to throw away your higher law doctrine ; come \no us on this plain and simple platform, that lay- \nng down and putting away from among us dis- \ninct and disturbing views and opinions, we will all \ninite in declaring that the laws shall be m \nind the constituted authorities of the country re- \njected, and this war brought to a short and sue- \n\n..rmination, because we are a united peo \n>le. (Appl iuse.) I appeal to you if then \njther ground of complete union \xe2\x80\x94 if there \n)ther ground of complete concord of action ? I \nisk your consideration for this proposition we \nnake you. I ask you, is this policy op; \nbe Government? " Ought it not to l e \n\nother side of the house? Let them do \nLet them be as loyal as they may d< \nwill join them in that; outlet them join \nhus end the contest, and then the clouds and the \n\n- which how overhang the land will be dis- \ntnd we will see before us a hope of ma- \nting our country what it was three short y< \n\xe2\x80\x94 the glory, the admiration, and I \n.he world. (Applause.) In another thb \nmust agree with me. And here, again, m \n:al friends, I invoke your assistance. Insubordi \nnation must be rebuked. Insubordination in the \narmy, insubordination in the departments of Gov- \nernment, must be put down. I appeal to you \nagain with regard to another point. Who in the \n6eld are the Generals, who, at all times, have \nbowed cheerfully to the decisions and mandates of \nthe Government ? (Cries of " McClellan I" and en- \nthn-iastic applause.) Who are those who have \ntaken whatever positions have been assigned to \nthem by the constituted authorities without com- \nplaint? Who have cheerfully and laboriously \ngone on performing their duties as well \nmight or could, without disturbing the community \nwith stories of personal wrongs or personal disap- \npointments? (Applause.) On the other hand \xe2\x80\x94 \nand again I appeal to you if this is not true ? \n\xe2\x80\x94 who are the Generals who have been made prom- \ninent from the simple fact that they have placed \nthemselves in antagonism to their superior?, or at- \ntempted to overturn the policy of the Government, \n\n\n\ny might gain for themselves peculiar dis- \ntinction, instead of confining themselves to faith- \nful service in upholding the constituted authority, \nand winning victories on the battle-field? (A \nvoice, "J. C.!") This spirit of insubordination \nmust be put down, if we are to save the life of the \ncountry. \n\nBut, my friends, another thing is necessary to \nthe national life. The people mu3t be fairly dealt \nwith. (Applause.) There must be no more with- \nholding of truths from the people\'s eyes. Why, \nlook at this thing for a moment. Look at the \nconsequences to the country, if this policy, that \nhas so long kept us in darkness as to the actual \ncondition of the country, is longer permitted to \nprevail. What do you hear said every day, when \nspeakiDg of the war and its reverses ? What gen- \ntle terms are used \xe2\x80\x94 " We have been laboring un- \nder misapprehensions." I will adopt the term \nwhich they so calmly introduced \xe2\x80\x94 " misapprehen- \nsion." How happened it, my friends, that more \nthan two hundred thousand Northern men, in the \nvigor of life \xe2\x80\x94 young men, the hopes of families, \nthe pride and hope of our land \xe2\x80\x94 have been laid in \nnew-made graves ? It is, indeed, a fact \xe2\x80\x94 and a \n\n, too \xe2\x80\x94 that we have misapprehended the \npower of those with whom we have been combat- \nting. (Cheers.) Now, whence came all this mis- \napprehension? Was it accidental or casual? \n! I - a came it about ? We were all of us taught at \n\nthat the South had great resources. We \n\nild of its productions, of the character of \nthe country, and its great capabilities. We learn- \ned in our early readings the character of the \nSouthern people, and we weir taught to look upon \n\n\xe2\x96\xa0 \xe2\x96\xa0 . \nRevolutionary struggle. We all heard of General \nJackson and the battle \n\nWe \xc2\xbb11 gloried in the stern valor of Taylor. (Ap- \nplause.) The courage of the American people. \nith alike, was known in every house \nbold in the land. But more than that : we of the \ngreat metropolis, you of the beautiful city of Brook \nlyn, while you every day looked out on the beauti- \nlul bay yonder, and saw vessels deeply freighted \nwith the "rich productions of the South ; while you \nfind in your workshops ten thousand evidences ol \nthe wealth of the South to buy, and the ability tc \n\xe2\x80\xa2 , you were made to believe for years past. \nthat this was a helpless, dependent, poverty-strick \nen, imbecile people. How came it, that against \nyour early teachings, against your readings in his \ntory, against the daily observations and experi \nences of life, you entertained this monstrous mis \ntake which has dyed the land red with the blooc \nwhich has flowed from the veins of your brethren \' \nGo back, my Radical friends, to your teachings, t< \nyour Radical press, to your prayer meetings. G< \nback to the sacred house of God, and you will se \nthat this monstrous lie was told by no accident am \nby no inadvertence. I tell you this fatal ignoranc \nwa3 the result of long years of systematic teachin; \nthat spread upon the land the terrible calamitie \nthat now flood it. (Cheers.) Say what yo \nplease, think what you please, as the cause of th \nwar. Say it is Slavery, say it is Abolitionism, sa, \n\n\n\nit is ambition, say it is the thirst of wealth ; but \nevery man knows, from one end of the country to \nthe other, North and South, that if the people had \nbeen well informed with regard to each other\'s \npowers and resources, North and South, this war, \nmy friends, would never have been. (Cheers.) I \nassert, then, that the great underlying cause of \nthese evils has been ignorance. But for this mis- \napprehension, this fatal mistake, that was so insidi- \nously inculcated in your minds, your country to- \nday would not be bathed in the blood shed by \nbrothers in an unnatural and fratricidal war. \n(Cheers.) Now, I say, my friends, that the na- \ntional life demands the truth, the outspoken truth. \nWe must no longer be amused by Cabinet officers \nand others in high places, who tell us that the war \nwill be a matter of only thirty days or ninety days, \nor that it will be ended in the next three months. \nDo you remember a little while ago, when a man\'s \nperson was unsafe in your own intelligent city ? \nIf he said that three hundred thousand men could \nnot crush out the rebellion, he was in danger of \nimprisonment ; and now more than two hundred \nthousand men sleep in bloody graves. (Cries of \n" That\'s so.") My Radical friends, I again invoke \nyour attentiou. I do not believe that the conceal- \ning a truth destroys the truth. I do not believe if \nyou close our lips against fair and full debate, you \nwill thereby avert the calamities which ignorance \nand a false direction of affairs must inevitably \nbring upon this land of ours. You may imprison \ngold \xe2\x80\x94 you may lock it up in banks or hide it in \ndeep vaults, but I tell you, notwithstanding that, \nit tells a tale of depreciated currency, as surely as \nif it passed from hand to hand in the full light, of \nday. (Cheers.) Hide abuses in Government; \nlock U3 up if you will while we tell of the abuses \nand mistakes which have brought defeat upon our \narmies and slaughter upon our brethren, and which \nto-day redden the great ocean itself with the \ntlames of burning ships. Conceal these facts if \nvou will, but will that stay destruction 1 will that \nambition be less hurtful, because you seal our lips? \nN T o, my friends, you but aggravate the evil. We \ntell you this for your benefit, as well as for our \nown. We belong to that great conservative party \nthat will govern this country hereafter. (Cheers.) \nI tell you, my Radical friends, whether you like it \nor not, the day has come when a mighty political \nrevolution is not only about to take place, b \nalready actually taken place. (Applause.) I tell \nyou that when we shall have that power whicli we \nwill yet wield, we will not only ourselves enjoy \nfree speech and free action, but we will extend the \nsame privileges to you. In good faith, I tell you \nthat we shall never retort the unworthy threats \nyou made against us. (Applause.) And when \nyou discuss our policy, when you condemn our \njudgments, you will be still protected by our \nstrong arms as completely as we shall now protect \nourselves. But there is another thing necessary \nto save the nation\'s life. That is, honesty and \neconomy in the administration of public affairs. \n(Applause.) Now, you and I have not been un- \nfrequently told, when we wished to point out what \nwas regarded as great evils in public, that we were \n\n\n\nuntrue to the country, and were diverting the pub- \nlic mind entirely from the affairs of the South into \nsome other channel. (Laughter.) It was a punk \nto those people how we could had so much leisure \nto discuss the merits and demerits of individuals. \nBut I am extremely puzzled to know how some of \nthose people themselves can deem it worth their \nwhile to wiite long articles about a man so insig- \nnificant as myself. Whenever you and I attempt \nto look into the monstrous frauds which are being \npracticed upon the country, we are told we must \nnot divert the public mind froru the gi eat war on \nthe South. (Applause.) Why, my friends, look \nat these things. I tell you it is in vain for you to \nplace armies in the field. It is in vain you freely \noiler up your lives for your country. In vain you \nsend your eons, brothers and friends to the field, \nfor, I tell you, wheu they are placed on the battle \nfield there is no wise system of government to sus- \ntain them there, no honest administration of affairs \nthat will supply them with all the necessaries of \nlife and the means of carrying on the war success- \nfully. None doubt this. All admit that corrup- \ntion destroys the army as well as it destroys the \nnation\'s morality. All men know that unle.-s you \nhave honesty and economy in the government of \nnational affairs, as in the coudact of private affairs, \nruin inevitably follows. \n\nThere is another matter to be referred to. By \nact of Congress, in 1808, when our fathers lived, \nwho thought that honesty and integrity were es- \nsential to a nation\'s life, it was provh \'.< d that no \nmember of Congress should in any way be inte- \nrested in contracts, and heavy penalties were \nimposed to guard against the infraction of the law. \ni it law was subsequently amended, and the pro- \n\\ i uon made more stringent ; but though contracts \nhave been made since the outbreak of the rebel- \ng to hundreds of millions, the \ncountry, by no new act of Congress, has been \nprotected by such provisions as the interest of the \ncountry at such a time demanded. I leave this \nm ittei to you, my Radical friends, to think over; \nI leave it to you, my Conservative friends \xe2\x80\x94 hither- \nto deterred by threats, deterred by imputations on \n\n.; I> uiiotism \xe2\x80\x94 to read these investigations, and \nto learn something of the frauds which have sap- \nnation\'s stability. John P. Hale, the \nan Senator, told the truth when he said \nthat the Government had more to fear from cor- \nruptions in its departments than it had from the \nenemy in tie field. Let me [ass on to the consid- \neration of some other points. If you will examine \nthis quc;tio:i for yourself \xe2\x80\x94 if you will sit down in \nyour own home and inquire, as you would in \nregard to your own private iuterests, witli regard \nto your own private concerns \xe2\x80\x94 what is necessary \nto s\'ave the public life, you will fiud that ycu will \nbe called upon to do a great deal more and to say \na great deal more than our friends upon the other \nside of the house deem entirely consistent with \npatriotism. Now, I appeal to you as business men, \nI appeal to you as men who, in all the concerns of \nlife, regard all the principles I have staled, whether \nthey should not be regarded in the conduct of our \nnational affairs? Is corruption less dangerous \n\n\n\n/so \n\n\n\npere than it is in the workshop or the counting- \nroom ? Is depai tare from sound principles and \nrules of conduct less dangerous in the manage- \nment of national affairs than in the conduct of \nprivate affairs? Il is only necessary in all those \npatters to apply to the concerns of your nation \ntho-c same principles which you all adhere to with \nregard to your own private interests, to learn that \nyou cannot save the nation\'s life. Unless you will \ndo what we now urge you to do, not only to main- \ntain your army, not only to support your Govern- \nment, but, in addition to that, to demand a clear \nstatement of the nation\'s affairs ; and then, too, to \ndemand that those affairs shail be conducted with \neconomy, with integrity, and with honesty. Now, \nmy friends, we must not only save the nation\'s \nlife, but I want to speak a few words as to the \nmode by which the nation\'s life shall be saved. \nIt is not my remedy. I do not stand up before \nyou to claim to be wiser than my fellows. I do \nnot urge this upon you, my Radical friend, because \nit is a conclusion I have arrived at. It is wisdom \nin which you are as much interested as I am ; it is \nas much to your advantage as it is to mine. The \nremedy that I offer for you is the result of the \nwisdom, of the patriotism, of the suffering and of \nthe toil of patriots of our own and of every land, \nwho for long years have been endeavoring to work \nout principles of government that should benefit \nthe human race. I mean the remedy for all this \nthing is the Constitution of the United States. \n(Cheers.) Now, the nation\'s life will not only be \nsaved, but it must be saved, by a strict and rigid \nadherence to that great charter of your liberties. \n(Renewed cheers.) Why is it that in this day it \nis spoken of so lightly? That in a time when \nour country is agitated \xe2\x80\x94 when we are in the midst \nof a civil war \xe2\x80\x94 men are so prompt to desert the \ngreat barriers which upheld not only the institu- \ntions of our country, but which protect you and \neach man of you in your person and in your rights ? \n(Applause.) The Constitution of the United States ! \nIs it a mere parchment? Is it a mere dead letter? \nIs it a mere record, having no vitality and no \nvalue ? Tell me that yonder flag is but a piece o( \npatchwork and of bunting, instead of being, as it \nis, a glorious emblem, instinct with everything that \narouses our patriotic feelings and appeals to the \nnation\'s pride. (Applause.) Why we, as I have \ntold you, are not only in favor of a loyal support \nto this Government without condition, but we have \nanother advantage over our opponents. We pro- \npose to bring this war to a speedy and successful \nconclusion, because, my friends, we have a definite \nand determinate object, and that is, to restore the \nUnion as it was. (Cheers.) We are told by a \ngreat many that they do not want the Union as it \nwas, but the Union as it should be according to \ntheir ideas of what the Constitution shall be. \n(Renewed applause.) Look for a moment at this \nthing, without impeaching the wisdom of these \nmen, without impeaching their patriotism. What \nis this proposition ? You, my friend, who want \nthis Union saved, you who want to know if we are \nin favor of bringing this war to a successful con- \nclusion, why do you doubt us when we tell you \n\n\n\nwhat we propose to dc \xe2\x80\x94 that a thing is definite, \nand that something is within our reach ? What \ndo you do, in the affairs of life, when you embark \nin a great undertaking ? Have you confidence in \nany project that is brought before you that is \nindefinite in its purposes and indefinite in its end ? \nWhat is this idea that men don\'t want the Consti- \ntution as it was, but they want an " amended \nConstitution." That implies that it is to be \namended to suit the fancies and to suit the views \nof every man in our land. Have I not as good a \nright to say that the Constitution shall be amended \nto suit me, as Mr. Greeley has to say that it shall \nbe amended to suit him? (Hisse3 for Greeley.) \nIf you open this Pandora box, where does it end ? \nOne man wants a provision that is to bear heavily \nupon one class of the country, and another man \nwants a provision that will bear heavily upon \nanother section of the country. One man wants \nto work at a provision that interferes with his \npeculiar views of governmental policy as a per- \nsonal right. And when, my friend, you will for a \nmoment tolerate this proposition that we are not \nto restore the Union as it was, you tolerate a pro- \nposition that, in addition to all the evils of civil \nwar and all the uncertainties which hang over our \ncountry, is to throw into this state of affairs an \nendless element of discord, and of confusion too. \n(Applause.) You must see this, and all men must \nfeel this. " \n\nNow, what are the facts ? I again appeal to \nyou, my Radical friends; for I speak for you as \nwell as for myself and for those who are with me. \nFor you we ask for good government, as well as \nfor ourselves. I say to you, then, if you find in \nthose journals that affect to lay before you facts \nconcerning the nation, statements of the mon- \nstrous frauds, clearly developed, not charged by us, \nnot subjects of vague representations, but proved \nto exist by authentic documents emanating from \nCongress and public investigations, I appeal to \nyou, at this time, when the nation\'s life is at stake, \nto seriously think about these terrible corruptions \nbefore pointed out to your attention. Our friends on \nthe other side of the house love to talk about the \nnation\'s life being in danger, while they do not \nwant you to talk about what is due to the nation\'s \nlife. I tell you, my friends, that happy individual \nwho hopes to conceal from the world the causes of \nhis downward course, he hopes that concealment \nwill be at another time remedied ; but he only \nhastens himself to an untimely end. I tell you \nthat the Government which conceals frauds com- \nmitted against itself, and which considers it unpa- \ntriotic to lay them bare, is on the road to de- \nstruction. Let the matter of slavery be forgotten \n\xe2\x80\x94 let it be true that no African ever placed his \nfoot upon the soil of this country \xe2\x80\x94 I tell you, if \nyou have a corrupt Government you will be de- \nstroyed, you will be doomed as inevitably as if \nthe army of the insurgents was this moment enter- \ning the capital of your country. Corruption will \nnot only destroy a nation\'s peace, but will destroy \na nation\'s character. Let me call your attention \nto a fact that should be rung throughout the land, \nand I will ask you if it ever before has been pe- \n\n\n\nTHE \n\n\n\nNew York Weekly Argus. \n\n\xc2\xbb-+-* \n\nTo Maintain the Constitution and to Restore the Union. \n\n\n\nFor years the Democratic and Conservative sentiment of the Nation has been keenly alive to the \nnecessity of being faithfully and ably represented by a first-class Newspaper, published in the City \nof New Yoik, sustaining the same relation to it as does the New York Tribune to Abolitionism and \nall kinds of Radicalism. \n\nThe undersigned, from their connection with the Albany Atlas and Argus \xe2\x80\x94 one of the oldest and \nbest known Democratic papers in the Union \xe2\x80\x94 had been constantly urged to respond to this demand, \nand finally yielded to the wishes of their political friends, and transferred the publication of their \nWeekly to the City of New York, and issued it under the name of the \n\nMEW YORK WEEKLY ARGUS. \n\nThe experiment has met with complete success. We are grateful to the friends of sound politi- \ncal principles, who have enabled us in a few months to establish, on a paying basis, a first-class New \nYork Weekly Paper. We have every where met with cordial cooperation, and Clubs of Subscribers, \nfrom all parts of the country, are being rapidly added to our list. \n\nThe friends of the New York Weekly Argus may boldly challenge comparison of it with any \nether New York Weekly \xe2\x80\x94 both as to typographical appearance and the contents of its pages. They \nalready insist, and we intend to make good their claim, that it is the \n\ng}mtifcMM$t Mil gt# WtM% ^t\\%\\mw m \xc2\xa7tew Uotfc. \n\nNo labor or expense will be spared to make a paper of which Democrats and Conservative men \nwill be proud. The responsible Editors are \n\nOALVERT COMSTOCK, WILLIAM OASSIDY and ELON 00MST00K, \n\nWith ample additional and special assistance in the several departments of the paper. \n\nTo sustain such a paper, and enable it to influence the political sentiment of the nation, an ample \nsubscription-list is necessaiy. Ours has already, in nine months, reached THIRTY THOUSAND, \nfind we appeal to those whose opinions the paper represents to give it \n\nONE HUNDRED THOUSAND SUBSCRIBERS, \n\nDuring the present year. This can be easily done by a general effort \xe2\x80\x94 as the paper is aiforded to \nClubs at the low price of ONE DOLLAR A YEAR. Shall it be done? We leave the answer to \nthose who wish the success of such a paper. \n\nTERMS. \n\nSingle Subscriptions, per Annum, $ 2 00 \n\nThree Copies, One Year, 5 00 \n\nEight Copies, " ....... 10 00 \n\nAdditional Copies, each, 1 20 \n\nTwenty Copies to one address, 20 00 \n\nWith an extra copy to the person sending the club of twenty. \n\nTo any person sending a club of 100, we will send the Albany Daiiy Atlas and Argus one year gratis, \n\nPAYABLE ALWAYS IN ADVANCE. \n\nLetters, whether containing remittances or otherwise, should be addressed to the undersigned, i \nCORNER OF BROADWAY AND TARK PLACE, (opposite City Hall Park,\') NEW YORK. \n\n^OMSTOCK & CASSIDY pirorietors. ... \n\n\n\np TP!!f \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n% - ""W \n\n\n\n\n\n\n%^*\\v^&-.\'w* \n\n\n\n$y \\P/ v\xe2\x84\xa2y \\w \n\n\n\n2lf /A\xc2\xb0 ^ \xc2\xab\xc2\xa3* \xc2\xab \n\n\n\nvr* .A \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nx* v *V W? *^v : .l ***** \n\n\n\n>V* \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n, + \n\n\n\n^6* \n\n\n\n\n\n\n*\xc2\xa9. ^TTV* A \n\n\n\n^ \n\n\n\n\n.^1 \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nr oV \n\n\n\n^o v \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\xe2\x80\xa2"** J>*\' "o, \xe2\x80\xa2\'TVS\'*" A <* *\xe2\x80\xa2\'\xe2\x80\xa2"\xc2\xbb* <\xc2\xa3* \n\n\n\n\nc V\xc2\xbb 1 \n\n\n\n\xc2\xb0 ^V \n\n\n\n\xe2\x96\xa0*>*<. \n\n\n\n"o. \'\'TVi* A \n\n\n\n\n\n\n. * : \n\n\n\n\n> ^ \n\n\n\n\xc2\xb0.. "\xe2\x80\xa2/\'\xe2\x80\xa2\xe2\x80\xa2 , *P \n\n\n\n\n**o* \n\n\n\n\xe2\x80\xa2 .\xc2\xab*\xc2\xb0<* \n\n\n\n\xe2\x80\xa2\xc2\xb0 * \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\xc2\xbb\xe2\x99\xa6.. \n\n\n\ni* A <* \xe2\x96\xa0 \n\n\n\n\nV- \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nA v \n\n\n\nq. **KV *p\' V*\xc2\xabTS \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n^ \xe2\x80\xa2i^L\'* \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\'*<? \n\n\n\nv ..^ \xe2\x80\xa2. ^> \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n0^ .\xe2\x80\xa2-\xe2\x80\xa2\xe2\x80\xa2*\xc2\xa9 \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n* "t, c u \xe2\x80\xa2! \n\n\n\n^o< \n\n\n\n\n\n\n!?^ \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n^ v \n\n\n\n\n\n\n? ^ \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nV */fTf>\' <V <, -f. .\' .6* ^9, \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\xe2\x99\xa6 . o. \n\n\n\n^oV y -^ ^\\ ^^" oV^ & ^^ \n\n\n\n^^^^v^ "?^e ^s\xc2\xbb .^>^ \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n^ \n\n\xe2\x80\xa2- *\xc2\xa3 \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nA \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n^^ \n\n\n\n/<! \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n* v , \n\n\n\n\\\'^\xc2\xb0- /\xe2\x80\xa2 \n\n\n\n\n\n\nV \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\xe2\x80\xa2\xe2\x80\xa2 ^ \n\n\n\n\n\xe2\x99\xa6 V \n\n\n\n1 V^ V \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n;\xe2\x80\xa2 ^ %> -Ai \n\n\n\n*fev* \n\n\n\n>\xc2\xb0v \n\n\n\n\n\'Aq\' \n\n\n\n\n* ^ \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nW \n\n\n\n\n\xe2\x80\xa2 \\f \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n/\xc2\xb0\' \n\n\n\n\n\n\njp--* \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\xe2\x80\xa2 ... 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