b'>-:/: \n\n\n\n%<= \n\n\n\n.^^ \n\n\n\n\'*. \n\n\n\n\xe2\x80\xa2 \' (> . V \xe2\x96\xa0* .\'^ \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n^ <.v \n\n\n\n\n\n\n,0 O. \n\n\n\n.?- \n\n\n\n^,# \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\xe2\x96\xa0<?\xe2\x96\xa0 \n\n\n\n-^. .,^\' \n\nS^^^ \n\n\n\n.X\' \n\n\n\n% V*\' \n\n\n\n^A V \n\n\n\no^-\' \n\n\n\n\n\n\no5 ^i^ \n\n\n\n.vV \n\n\n\n^\xe2\x80\xa2^\'^ \n\n\n\n.\xe2\x96\xa0*" \n\n\n\n\'^y. .-^^ \n\n\n\n"<:/- v^\' \n\n\n\n\n\n\n.^ \'\'t.. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\ns- \'e \n\n\n\nf,. cy \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\xe2\x80\xa2V. .<x^^ \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\xc2\xabVvI>. \', \n\n\n^./ \n\n\n\xe2\x96\xa0- \' \n\n\n.S^- \xe2\x96\xa0\':>\xe2\x96\xa0. \n\n\n-y \n\n\ny, \n\n\n^ V*\' ." \n\n\n\n\n\no> O, \n\n\n\n\',%.. -- \n\n\n\n\'/^ \n\n\n\' * \xc2\xbb \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n.^^^ \n\n\n\n\n^6 \n0^ \n\n\n<-^^\' \n\n\n\n\ny \ny \n\n\n\nA " \xe2\x80\xa2 \xe2\x96\xa0 \n\n\n\n.^\' \xe2\x96\xa0\'\xe2\x80\xa2\'\xe2\x80\xa2.. \n\n\n\n\xe2\x96\xa0 .s^^ . \n\n\n\n<^. v> \n\n\n\n\n\n\n-i \n\n\n\n.-.. \xe2\x80\xa2V.,^ \n\n\n\nV> -\'-c. \n\n\n\nv^-^- \n\n\n\n\xe2\x96\xa0\'.. <0 \n\n\n\n.^^^\xe2\x80\xa2 \n\n\n\nsN^-^ ">\xe2\x96\xa0- \n\n\n\n\\ S.. C^ \xe2\x96\xa0 \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nx^,^\' \n\n\n\n-\xe2\x96\xa0 \'^^ \n\n\n\n\xe2\x96\xa0J- \\> \n\n\n\n\xe2\x96\xa00- N ^ \n\n\n\n.-S v.. \n\n\n\n,0 o \n\n\n\n\n\n\n^..^ \n\n\n\n\n\n\n-<,. C^ \n\n\n\n,0 \xe2\x96\xa0 \n\n\n\n^^. ,^^ \n\n\n\n\n\n\n/ ^^^\xe2\x96\xa0\'^\xe2\x96\xa0^ \n\n\n\n, o \n\n\n\n\n\n\n:*^^/ .^^^" \n\n\n\n\'\xe2\x96\xa0<\xe2\x96\xa0. c^\' \n\n\n\n-. 0\' \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\xe2\x96\xa0^.,- ,x^^ \n\n\n\n,\\ \n\n\n\nA"\' \xe2\x96\xa0\'". \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n<>. c^^ \n\n\n\nvvl \'- , \n\n\n\n/ \n\n\n\n\n\n\nPUBLIC PAPERS AND ADDRESSES \n\n\n\nOF \n\n\n\nBENJAMIN HARRISON, \n\n\n\nTWENTY-THIRD PRESIDENT OF THE \nUNITED STATES. \n\n\n\nMarch 4. 1889, to March 4, 1893. \n\n\n\nWASHING T O N ; \n\nGOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE. \n\n1893. \n\n\n\n\xe2\x96\xa0? \n\n\n\nC6pya \n\n\n\n\nA^ \n\n\n\n0-\' \n\n\n\nPUBLIC PAPERS AND ADDRESSES \n\n\n\nBENJAMIN HARRISON \n\n\n\nLETTERS OF ACCEPTANCE. \nI. \n\nACCEPTING FIRST NOMINATION, 1888. \n\nHon. M. M. EsTEE and others, \n\nCommittee^ etc.: \n\nGentlemen : When your committee visited me, on the Fourth \nof July last, and presented the official announcement of my nomi- \nnation for the Presidency of the United States by the Republican \nconvention, I promised as soon as practicable to communicate to \nyou a more formal acceptance of the nomination. vSince that time \nthe work of receiving and addressing, almost daily, large delega- \ntions of my fellow-citizens has not only occupied all of my time, but \nhas in some measure rendered it unnecessary for me to use this letter \nas a medium of communicating to the public my views upon the \nquestions involved in the campaign. I appreciate very highly the \nconfidence and respect manifested by the convention, and accept the \nnomination with a feeling of gratitude and a full sense of the \nresponsibilities which accompany it. \n\nIt is a matter of congratulation that the declarations of the \nChicago convention upon the questions that now attract the interest \nof our people are so clear and emphatic. There is further cau.se of \ncongratulation in the fact that the convention utterances of the \nDemocratic party, if in any degree uncertain or contradictory, can \nnow be judged and interpreted by executive acts and messages, and \nby definite propositions in legislation. This is especially true of \nwhat is popularly known as the tariff question. The issue can not \n\n\n\n2 Public Papers and Addresses of Bcnjauiin Harrison. \n\nnow be obscured. It is not a contest between schedules, but between \nwide-apart principles. The foreign competitors for our market have, \nwith quick instinct, seen how one issue of this contest ma}- bring \nthem advantage, and our own people are not so dull as to miss or \nneglect the grave interests that are involved for them. The as.sault \nupon our protective system is open and defiant. Protection is \nassailed as unconstitutional in law, or as vicious in principle, and \nthose who hold such views sincerely can not stop short of an abso- \nlute elimination from \xe2\x80\xa2 ar tariff laws of the principle of protection. \nThe Mills bill is oily a step, but it is toward an object that the \nleaders of Democratic thought and legislation have clearly in mind. \nThe importai.c question is not so much the length of the step as the \ndirection of it. Judged by the executive message of December last, \nby the Mills bill, by the debates in Congress, and by the St. Louis \nplatform, the Democratic party will, if supported by the country, \npuce the tariff laws upon a purely revenue basis. This is practical \nfree trade \xe2\x80\x94 free trade in the English sense. The legend upon the \nbanner may not be "Free Trade"\xe2\x80\x94 it may be the more obscure \nmotto, "Tariff Reform;" but neither the banner nor the inscription \nis conclusive, or, indeed, very important. The assault itself is the \nimportant fact. \n\nThose who teach that the import duty upon foreign goods sold \n\nin our market is paid by the consumer, and that the price of the \n\ndomestic competing article is enhanced to the amount of the duty \n\non the imported article \xe2\x80\x94 that every million of dollars collected for \n\ncustoms duties represents many millions more which do not reach \n\nthe treasury, but are paid by our citizens as the increased cost of \n\ndomestic productions resulting from the tariff laws \xe2\x80\x94 may not \n\nintend to discredit in the minds of others our .system of levying duties \n\non competing foreign products, but it is clearly alread\\- discredited in \n\ntheir own. We can not doubt, without impugning their integrit>-, \n\nthat if free to act upon their convictions they would so revise our \n\nlaws as to lay the burden of the customs revenue upon articles that \n\nare not produced in this country, and to place upon the free list all \n\ncompeting foreign products. I do not stop to refute this theory as \n\nto the effect of our tariff duties. Those who advance it are students \n\nof maxims and not of the markets. They may be safely allowed to \n\ncall their project "tariff reform," if the people understand that in \n\nthe end the argument compels free trade in all competing products. \n\nThis end may not be reached abruptly, and its approach may be \n\naccompanied with some expressions of sympathy for our protected \n\nindustries and our working people, but it will certainly come if \n\nthese early steps do not arouse the people to effective resistance. \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. 3 \n\nThe Republican party liolds that a protective tariff is constitu- \ntional, wholesome, and necessary. We do not offer a fixed schedule, \nbut a principle. We will revise the schedule, modify rates, but \nalways with an intelligent provision as to the effect upon domestic \nproductions and the wages of our working people. We believe it \nto be one of the worthy objects of tariff legislation to preserve the \nAmerican market for American producers, and to maintain the \nAmerican scale of wages by adequate discriminative duties upoi. \nforeign competing products. The effect of lower rates and larger \nimportations upon the public revenue is contingent and doubtful, \nbut not so the effect upon American production and American \nwages. Less work and lower wages must be accepted as the inevi- \ntable result of the increased offering of foreign goods in our market. \nBy way of recompense for this reduction in his wages, and the loss \nof the American market, it is suggested that the diminished wages \nof the working man will have an undiminished purchasing power, \nand that he will be able to make up for the loss of the home market \nby an enlarged foreign market. Our workingmen ha\\e the settle- \nment of the question in their own hands. They now obtain higher \nwages and live more comfortabl>- than those of any other country. \nThey will make choice of the substantial advantages they have in \nhand and the deceptive promises and forecasts of these theorizing \nreformers. The\\- will decide for themselves and for their country \nwhether the protective system shall be continued or destroyed. \n\nThe fact of a Treasury surplus, the amount of which is variously \nstated, has directed public attention to a consideration of the methods \nby which the national income may best be reduced to the level of \nwise and neces.sary expenditure. This condition has been seized \nupon by those who are hostile to protective customs duties as an \nadvantageous base of attack upon our tariff laws. They have \nmagnified and nursed the surplus, which thev affect to deprecate, \nseemingly for the purpose of exaggerating the evil, in order to \nreconcile the people to the extreme remedy they propose. A \nproper reduction of the revenues does not necessitate, and should not \nsuggest, the abandonment or impairment of the protective system. \nThe methods suggested by our convention will not need to be \nexhausted in order to effect the necessary reduction. We are not \nlikely to be called upon, I think, to make a present choice between \nthe surrender of the protective s\\stem and the entire repeal of the \nmternal taxes. Such a contingency, in view of the present relation \nof expenditures to revenues, is remote. The in.spection and regu- \nlation of the manufacture and .sale of oleomargarine is important, \nand the revenue derived from it is not so great that the repeal of the \n\n\n\n/ \n\n\n\n4 Public Papers and Addresses of Beiijaniiit Harrison. \n\nlaw need enter into an}- plan of rexenue reduction. The surplus \nnow in the Treasury- should l^e used in the purchase of bonds. The \nlaw authorizes this use of it, and if it is not needed for current or \ndeficiency appropriations, the people, and not the banks in which it \nhas been deposited, should have the advantage of its use by stoppiui^ \ninterest upon the public debt. At least those who needlessly hoard \nit should not be allowed to use the fear of a monetary stringency, \nthus produced, to coerce public sentiment upon other questions. \n\nClosely connected with the subject of the tariff is that of the \nimportation of foreign laborers under contracts of service to be \nperformed here. The law now in force prohibiting such contracts \n\\ received my cordial support in the Senate, and such amendments \n\nas may be found necessary effectively to deliver our working men \nand women from this most inequitable form of competition will \nhave my sincere advocacy. Legislation prohibiting the importation \nof laborers under contract to serve here will, however, afford very \ninadequate relief to our working people if the system of protective \nduties is broken down. If the products of American shops must \ncompete in the American market, without favoring duties, with the \nproducts of cheap foreign labor the effect will be different, if at all, \nonly in degree, whether the cheap laborer is across the street or over \nthe sea. Such competition will soon reduce wages here to the level \nof those abroad, and when that condition is reached we will not \nneed any laws forbidding the importation of laborer unders contract \xe2\x80\x94 \nthey will have no inducement to come, and the employer no induce- \nment to send for them. \n\nIn the earlier years of our histor\\\' public agencies to promote \nimmigration were common. The pioneer wanted a neighbor with \nmore friendly instincts than the Indian. Labor was scarce and \nfully employed. But the day of the immigration bureau has gone \nby. While our doors will continue open to proper immigration, \nwe do not need to issue .special invitations to the inhabitants of other \ncountries to come to our shores or\xc2\xabto share our citizenship. Indeed, \nthe necessity of some inspection and limitation is obvious. We \nshould resolutely refuse to permit foreign governments to send their \npaupers and criminals to our ports. We are also clearly under a \nduty to defend our civilization by excluding alien races whose ulti- \nmate assimilation with our people is neither possible nor desirable. \nThe family has been the nucleus of our best immigration, and the \nhome the most potent assimilating force in our civilization. \n\nThe objections to Chinese immigration are distinctive and con- \nclusive, nd are now so generally accepted as such that the ques- \ntion lias passed entirely beyond the stage of argument. The laws \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. 5 \n\nrelating to this subject would, if I should be charged with their \neuforcemeut, be faithfully executed. Such amendments or further \nlegislation as ma\\\' be necessary and projjer to prevent evasions of \nthe laws and to stop further Chinese immigration would also meet \nmy approval. The expression of the convention upon this subject \nis in entire harmony with my views. \n\nOur civil compact is a government by majorities, and the law \nloses its sanction and the magistrate our respect when this compact \nis broken. The evil results of election frauds do not expend them- \nselves upon the voters who are robbed of their rightful influence in \npublic affairs. The individual or community or party that prac- \ntices or connives at election frauds has suffered irreparable injury, \nand will sooner or later realize that to exchange the American \nsystem of majority rule for minority control is not only unlawful \nand unpatriotic, but very unsafe for those who promote it. The \ndisfranchisement of a single legal elector l)y fraud or intimidation is \na crime too grave to be regarded lightly. The right of every quali- \nfied elector to cast one free ballot and to ha\\\'e it honestly counted \nmust not be questioned. Every constitutional power should be \nused to make this right secure and to punish frauds upon the ballot. \nOur colored people do not ask special legislation in their interest, \nbut only to be made secure in the common rights of American \ncitizenship. They will, however, naturally mistrust the sincerity \nof tho.se party leaders who appeal to their race for support only in \nthose localities where the suffrage is free and election results doubt- \nful, and compa.ss their disfranchisement where their votes would be \ncontrolling and their choice can not be coerced. \n\nThe nation, not less tlian the States, is dependent for prosperity \nand .security upon the intelligence and morality of the people. \nThis common interest ver>\' early suggested national aid in the estab- \nlishment and endowment of .schools and colleges in the new States. \nThere is, I believe, a present exigency that calls for still more \nliberal and direct appropriations in aid of common-school education \nin the States. \n\nThe territorial form of government is a temporary expedient, not \na permanent civil condition. It is adapted to the exigency \'that \nsuggested it, but becomes inadequate, and even oppressive,\' when \napplied to fixed and populous communities. Several Territories \nare well able to bear the burdens and discharge the duties of free \ncommonwealths in the American Union. To exclude them is to \ndeny the just rights of their people, and may well excite their indig- \nnant protest. No question of the political preference of the peopTe \nof a Territory should close against them the hospitable door which \n\n\n\n6 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nhas opened to two-thirds of the existing States. But admissions \nshould be resohitely refused to any Territorj\' a majority of whose \npeople cherish institutions that are repugnant to our civilization or \ninconsistent with a republican form of government. \n\nThe declaration of the convention again.st "all combinations of \ncapital, organized in trusts or otherwise, to control arbitrarily the \ncondition of trade among our citizens," is in harmony with the \nviews entertained and publicly expressed by me long before the \nassembling of the convention. Ordinarily, capital shares the losses \nof idleness with labor; but under the operation of the trust, in some \nof its forms, the wage- worker alone suffers loss, while idle capital \nreceives its dividends from a trust fund. Producers who refuse to \njoin the combination are destroyed, and competition as an element \nof prices is eliminated. It can not be doubted that the legislative \nauthority should and will find a method of dealing fairly and \neffectively with those and other abuses connected with this subject. \n\nIt can hardly be necessary for me to say that I am heartily in \nsympathy with the declaration of the convention upon the subject \nof pensions to our soldiers and sailors. What they gave and what \nthey suffered I had some opportunity to observe, and, in a small \nmeasure, to experience. They gave ungrudgingly; it was not a \ntrade, but an offering. The measure was heaped up, running over \nWhat they achieved only a distant generation can adequately tell. \nWithout attempting to discuss particular propositions, I may add \nthat measures in behalf of the surviving veterans of the war and of \nthe families of their dead comrades should be conceived and exe- \ncuted in a .spirit of justice and of the most grateful liberality, and \nthat, in the competition for civil appointments, honorable military \n.service should have appropriate recognition. \n\nThe law regulating appointments to the cla.ssified civil service \nreceived my support in the Senate in the belief that it opened the \nway to a much-needed reform. I still think so, and, therefore, \ncordially approve the clear and forcible expression of the conven- \ntion upon this subject. The law should have the aid of a friendly \ninterpretation and be faithfully and vigorously enforced. All \nappointments under it should be absolutely free from partisan con- \nsiderations and influence. Some extensions of the classified list \nare practicable and desirable, and further legislation extending the \nreform to other branches of the service to which it is applicable \nwould receive my approval. In appointment to every grade and \ndepartment, fitness, and not party service, should be the essential \nand discriminating test, and fidelity and efficiency the only sure \ntenure of office. Only the interests of the public service should \n\n\n\nPi(hh\'c Papers and Addresses of Benjaiiiiit Harrison. 7 \n\nsuggest removals from office. I know the practical difficulties \nattending the attempt to apply the spirit of the civil-service rules \nto all appointments and removals. It will, however, be my sincere \npurpo.se, if elected, to advance the reform. \n\nI notice with pleasure that the convention did not omit to express \nits .solicitude for the promotion of virtue and temperance among our \npeople. The Republican part>- has always been friendly to ever\\-- \nthing that tended to make the home life of our people free, pure, \nand prosperous, and will in the future be true to its history in this \nrespect. \n\nOur relations with foreign powers should be characterized by \nfriendliness and respect. The right of our people and of our ships \nto hospitable treatment should be insisted upon with dignity and \nfirmness. Our nation is too great, both in material strength and \nin moral power, to indulge in bluster or to be suspected of timor- \nousness. Vacillation and inconsistency are as incompatible with \nsuccessful diplomacy as they are with the national dignity. We \nshould especially cultivate and extend our diplomatic and commer- \ncial relations with the Central and South American states. Our \nfisheries should be fostered and protected. The hardships and \nrisks that are the necessary incidents of the business should not be \nincreased by an inhospitable exclusion from the near-hing ports. \nThe resources of a firm, dignified, and consistent diplomacy are \nundoubtedly equal to the prompt and peaceful .solution of the diffi- \nculties that now exist. Our neighbors will .surelv not expect in \nour ports a commercial hospitality they deny to us in theirs. \n\nI can not extend this letter b>- a .special reference to other subjects \nupon which the con\\-ention gave an expression. \n\nIn respect to them, as well as to those I have noticed, I am in \nentire agreement with the declarations of the convention. The \nresolutions relating to the coinage, to the rebuilding of the Navy, \nto coast defenses, and to public lands, express conclusions to all of \nwhich I gave my support in the Senate. \n\nInviting a calm and thoughtful consideration of these public \nquestions, we submit them to the people. Their intelligent patri- \notism and the good Providence that made and has kept us a nation \nwill lead them to wise and safe conclusions. \n\nVery respectfully, your obedient .ser\\-ant, \n\nBenj. H.^rrlson. \nIndianapoi.ls, Ind., \n\nSeptember 11^ 18S8. \n\n\n\n8 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nII. \n\nACCEPTING SECOND NOMINATION, 1892. \n\nHon. William McKinley, Jr., and others, \n\nCommittee^ etc.: \n\nGentlemen : I now avail myself of the first period of relief from \npublic duties to respond to the notification which you brought to \nme on June 20 of my nomination for the office of President of the \nUnited States by the Republican national convention recently held \nat Minneapolis. I accept the nomination, and am grateful for the \napproval expressed by the convention of the acts of the adminis- \ntration. \n\nI have endeavored without wavering or weariness, so far as the \ndirection of public affairs was committed to me, to carry out the \npledges made to the people in 1888. If the policies of the admin- \nistration have not been distinctively and progressively American \nand Republican policies, the fault has not been in the purpo.se, but \nin the execution. I shall speak frankly of the legislation of Congress \nand of the work of the executive departments, for the credit of any \nsuccesses that have been attained is in such measure due to others \xe2\x80\x94 \nSenators and Representatives and to the efficient heads of the several \nexecutive departments \xe2\x80\x94 that I may do .so without impropriety. \n\nA vote of want of confidence is asked by our adversaries, and this \nchallenge to a review of what has been done we promptly and gladly \naccept. \n\nThe great work of the Fifty-first Congress has been subjected to \nthe revision of a Democratic House of Representatives and the acts \nof the executive department to its scrutiny and investigation. A \nDemocratic national administration was succeeded by a Republican \nadministration, and the freshness of the events gives unusual facil- \nities for fair comparison and judgment. There has seldom been a \ntime, I think, when a change from the declared policies of the \nRepublican party to the declared policies of the Democratic party \ninvolved such serious results to the business interests of the country. \nA brief review of what has been done and of what the Democratic \nparty proposes to undo will justify this opinion. \n\nThe Republican party, during the civil war, devised a national \ncurrency, consisting of United States notes, issued and redeemable \nby the Government, and of national-bank notes, based iipon the \nsecurity of United States bonds. A tax was levied upon the issues \n\n\n\nPublic Papers ami Addresses of Beujaniin Harrison. 9 \n\nof State banks, and the intended resnlt, that all such issues should \nbe withdrawn, was realized. There are men among us now who \nnever saw a State-bank note. \n\nThe notes furni.shed directly or indirectly by the United States \nhave been the only and the safe and acceptable paper currency of \nthe people. Bank failures have brought no fright, delay, or loss to \nthe bill-holders. The note of an insolvent 1)ank is as good and as \ncurrent as a Treasury note, for the credit of the United States is \nbehind it. Our money is all national money \xe2\x80\x94 I might almost say \ninternational, for these bills are not only equally and indiscrimi- \nnately accepted at par in all the States, but in some foreign countries. \n\nThe Democratic party, if intrusted with the control of the Gov- \nernment, is now pledged to repeal the tax on State-bank issues, \nwith a view to putting into circulation again, under such diver.se \nlegislation as the States may adopt, a flood of local bank issues. \nOnly those who, in the years before the war, experienced the incon- \nvenience and losses attendant upon the u.se of such money, can \nappreciate what a return to that system involves. \n\nThe denomination of a bill was then often no indication of its \nvahie. The bank detector of yesterday was not a safe guide to-day \nas to credit or values. Merchants deposited several times during \nthe day, lest the hour of bank closing should show a depreciation of \nthe nionev taken in the morning. The traveler could not use in a \njourney to the East the issues of the most solvent banks of the West; \nand in con.seqnence a mone\\--changer"s office was the familiar \nneiehbor of the ticket office and the lunch counter. The farmer \nand the laborer found the money received for their products or their \nlabor depreciated when they came to make their purchases, and the \nwhole business of the country was hindered and burdened. \n\nChanges may become necessary, but a national system of cnr- \nrenc\\-, .safe and acceptable throughout the whole country, is the \ngood fruit of bitter experiences, and I am sure our peo])le will not \nconsent to the reactionary propo.sal made by the Democratic party. \n\nFew subjects have elicited more discu.ssion or excited more gen- \neral interest than that of a recovery by the United vStates of its \nappropriate share of the ocean carrying trade. This subject touches \nnot only our pockets but our national pride. Practically all the \nfreights for transporting to PZurope the enormous annual supplies of \nprovisions furnished liy this country and for the large return of \nmanufactured products have for man\\- >ears been paid to foreign \nowners. \n\nThousands of immigrants annually seeking homes under our flag \nhave been denied the sight of it until they entered Sandy Hook, \n\n\n\nTO Public Papers and Addresses of Bcujami)! /farrisnii. \n\nwliile increasing thousands of American citizens, bent on European \ntravel, have each year stepped into a foreign jurisdiction at the New \nYork docks. Tlie merchandise balance of trade which the Treasury \nbooks show is largely reduced by the annual tribute which we pay \nfor freight and passage monevs. \n\nThe great ships \xe2\x80\x94 the fastest upon the sea \xe2\x80\x94 whicli are now in \npeace profiting by our trade, are, in a secondary sense, warships of \ntheir respective governments, and in time of war would, under \nexisting contracts with those governments, speedily take on the guns \nfor which their decks are already prepared and enter with terrible \nefficiency upon the work of destroying our commerce. The undis- \nputed fact is that the great steamship lines of Europe were built up \nand are now in part sustained by direct or indirect government aid, \nthe latter taking the form of liberal pay for carrying the mails or of \nan annual bonus given in consideration of agreements to construct \nthe ships so as to adapt them for carrying an armament and to turn \nthem over to the government on demand upon specific terms. \n\nIt was plain to every intelligent American that if the United \nStates would have such lines a similar policy must be entered upon. \nThe Fifty-first Congress enacted such a law, and under its beneficent \ninfluence sixteen American steamships of an aggregate tonnage of \n57,400 tons and costing $7,400,000 have been built or contracted to \nbe built in American shipyards. \n\nIn addition to this it is now practically certain that we shall soon \nhave under the American flag one of the finest steamshij) lines sail- \ning out of New York for any European port. This contract will \nresult in the construction in American yards of four new passenger \nsteamships of 10,000 tons each, costing about $8,000,000, and will \nadd to our naval reserve six steamships, the fastest upon the sea. \n\nA special interest has been taken by me in the establishment of \nlines from our South Atlantic and Gulf ports; and, though my \nexpectations have not yet been realized, attention has been called \nto the advantages possessed by these ports, and when their people \nare more fully alive to their interests, I do not doubt that thev will \nbe able to secure the capital needed to enable them to profit bv their \ngreat natural advantages. \n\nThe Democratic party has foimd no place in its platform for anv \nreference to this subject, and has shown its hostility to the general \npolicy by refusing to expend an appropriation made during the last \nadministration for ocean mail contracts with American lines. \n\nThe patriotic people, the workmen in our shops, the capitalists \nseeking new enterprises, must decide whether the great ships owned \nby Americans which have .sought American registry shall again \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Benjawin Ifarrisou. 1 1 \n\nhumbly ask a place in the English naval reserve; the great ships \nnow on the designers\' tables go to foreign shops for construction, \nand the United vStates lose the now brightening opportunity of \nrecovering a place commensurate with its wealth, the skill of its \nconstructors and the courage of its sailors, in the carrying trade of \nall the seas. \n\nAnother related measure, as furnishing an increased ocean traffic \nfor our ships, and of great and permanent benefit to the farmers and \nmanufacturers as well, is the reciprocit>- policy declared by section \n3 of the tariff act of 1890, and now in practical operation with five \nof the nations of Central and South America, San Domingo, tlie \nSpanish and British West India Islands, and with Germany and \nAustria, under special trade arrangements with eacli. \n\nThe removal of the dut\\- upon sugar and the continuance of \ncoffee and tea upon the free list, while giving great relief to our \npeople by cheapening articles used increasingly in ever>- household, \nwas also of such enormous advantage to the countries exporting \nthese articles as to suggest that in consideration thereof reciprocal \nfavors should be shown in their tariffs to articles ex])orted by us to \ntheir markets. \n\nGreat credit is due to Mr. Blaine for the vigor with which he \npressed this view upon the country. We have only begun to realize \nthe benefit of these trade arrangements. The work of creating new \nagencies and of adapting our goods to new markets has necessarily \ntaken time, but the results already attained are such, I am sure, as \nto establish in popular favor the policy of reciprocal trade, ba.sed \nupon the free importation of such articles as do not injurioush- \ncompete with the products of our own farms, mines, or factories, in\'\' \nexchange for the free or favored introduction of our products into \nother countries. \n\nThe obvious efficacy of this policy in increasing the foreign trade \nof the United States at once attracted the alarmed attention of \nEuropean trade journals and boards of trade. The British board of \ntrade has presented to that government a memorial asking for the \nappointment of a commission to con.sider the best means of connter- \nactino- what is called "the commercial crusade of the United \nStates." \n\nAt a meeting held in March last of the A,s.sociated Chambers of \nCommerce of Cireat Britain, the president reported that the exports \nfrom Crreat Britain to the Latin-American countries during the last \nyear had decreased $23,750,000, and that this was not due to tem- \nporary causes, but directly to the reciprocity ])()licy of the United \nStates. \n\n\n\n12 Public Papers and Addresses of Bcn/aniiH Harrison. \n\nGermany and France have also shown their startled appreciation \nof the fact that a new and vigorons contestant has appeared in the \nbattle of the markets and has already secnred important ad\\-antages. \n\nThe most convincing evidence of the tremendons commercial \nstrength of our position is found in the fact that Great Britain and \nSpain have fonnd it necessary to make reciprocal trade agreements \nwith ns for their West India colonies, and that Germany and Austria \nhave given us important concessions in exchange for the continued \nfree importation of their beet sugar. \n\nA few details only as to the increase of our trade can be given \nhere. Taking all the countries with which such arrangements have \nbeen made, our trade to June 30, 1892, had increased 23.78 per cent ; \nwith Brazil the increase was nearly 11 per cent; with Cuba, during \nthe first ten months, our exports increased $5,702,193, or 54.86 per \ncent, and with Porto Rico $590,959, or 34 per cent. The liberal \nparticipation of our farmers in the benefits of this policy is shown \nby the following report from our consul-general at Havana, under \ndate of July 26 last : \n\nDuring the first half year of iSgi Havana received 140,056 bags of flour from Spain \nand other ports of the island about an equal amount, or, approximately. 280,112 bags. \n\nDuring the same period Havana received 13,976 bags of American flour and other \nports approximately an equal amount, making about 28,000 bags. \n\nBut for the first half of this year Spain has sent less than 1,000 bags to the whole \nisland, and the United States has sent to Havana alone 168,487 bags and about an equal \namount to other ports of the island, making, approximately, 337,000 for the first half \nof 1892. \n\nPartly by reason of the reciprocal trade agreement, but more \nlargely by reason of the removal of the sanitary restrictions upon \nAmerican pork, our export of pork products to Germany increased \nduring the ten months ending June 30 last $2,025,074, or about 32 \nper cent. \n\nThe British Trade Journal, of London, in a recent issue, speaking \nof the increase of American coal exports and of the falling off of \nthe English coal exports to Cuba, says : \n\nIt is another case of American competition. The United States now supply Cuba \nwith about 150,000 tons of coal annually, and there is every prospect of this trade \nincreasing as the forests of the island become exhausted and the use of steam \nmachinery on the sugar estates is developed. .Alabama coal, especially, is securing \na reputation in the Spanish West Indies, and the river and rail improvements of the \nSouthern States will undoubtedly create an important Gulf trade. \n\nThe new reciprocity policy by which the United States are enabled 10 import Cuban \nsugar will, of course, assist the .American coal exporters even more eftectively than the \nnew lines of railway. \n\nThe Democratic platform promises a repeal of the tariff law con- \ntaining this pro\\\'ision, and especially denounces as a sham recipro- \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. 13 \n\nciU\' tliat section of tlie law under whicli these trade arrangements \nlia\\e been made. If no other issue were involved in the campaign \nthis alone would give it momentous importance. \n\nAre the farmers of the great grain growing States willing to sur- \nrender these new, large, and increasing markets for their surplus? \nAre we to have nothing in exchange for the free importation of \nsugar and coffee and at the same time to destroy the sugar planters \nof the South and the beet-sugar industry of the Northwest and of \nthe Pacific coast, or are we to have the taxed sugar and coffee, which \na "tariff for revenue only" neces.sarily involves, with the added \nloss of the new markets which have been opened? \n\nAs I have shown, our own commercial rivals in Europe do not \nregard this reciprocity policy as a "sham," but as a serious threat \nto a trade supremacy they have long enjoyed. They would \nrejoice \xe2\x80\x94 and if prudence did not restrain would illuminate their \ndepressed manufacturing cities \xe2\x80\x94 over the news that the United \nStates had abandoned its system of protection and reciprocity. \nThey see very clearly that restriction of American production and \ntrade and a corresponding increase of European production and trade \nwould follow, and I will not believe that what is so plain to them \ncan be hidden from our own people. \n\nThe declaration of the platform in fa\\\'or of "the American \ndoctrine of protection " meets my most hearty approval. The con- \nvention did not adopt a schedule, but a principle that is to control \nall tariff schedules. There may be differences of opinion among \nprotectionists as to the rate upon particular articles necessary ti> \neffect an equalization between wages abroad and at home. In some \nnot remote national campaigns the issue has been, or, more correctly, \nhas been made to appear to be between a high and a low protective \ntariff, both parties expressing some solicitous regard for the wages \nof onr working people and for the prosperity of our domestic indus- \ntries. \n\nRut, under a more courageous leadership, the Democratic party has \nnow practically declared that if given power it will enact a tariff law \nwithout any regard toitseffect upon wagesorupon thecapitalinvested \nin our great industries. The majorit\\- report of the committee \non platform to the Democratic national convention at Chicago \ncontained this clause : \n\nThat when custom-house taxation is levied ii|Hm articles nf any Ivind produced in \nlliis country the difference between the cost of labor liere and labor al>road, wlien such \na difference exists, fully measures any possible benefits to labor, and the enormous \n\xe2\x80\xa2idditional impositions of the existing tariff fall with crushing force upon our farmers \nand working men. \n\n\n\n14 Public Papers and .Iddresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nHere we have a distinct admission of the Repnblican contention \nthat American workmen are advantaged by a tariff rate equal to the \ndifference between home and foreign wages, and a declaration only \nagainst the alleged "additional impositions" of the existing tariff \nlaw. \n\nAgain, this majority report further declared : \n\nBut in making a reduction in taxes, it is not proposed to injure any domestic \nindustries, but rather to promote their healthy growth. * * * Moreover, many \nindustries have come to rely upon legislation for successful continuance, so that any \nchange of law must be at every step regardful of the labor and the capital thus involved- \nHere we have an admission that many of our industries depend \nupon protective duties "for their successful continuance," and a \ndeclaration that tariff changes should be regardful of the workmen \nin such industries and of the invested capital. \n\nThe overwhelming rejection of these propositions, which had \nbefore received the sanction of Democratic national conventions, \nwas not more indicative of the new and more courageous leadership \nto which the party has now committed itself than the substitute \nwhich was adopted. This substitute declares that protective \nduties are unconstitutional \xe2\x80\x94 high protection, low protection \xe2\x80\x94 all \nunconstitutional. \n\nA Democratic Congress holding this view can not enact, nor a \nDemocratic President approve, any tariff schedule the purpose or \neffect of which is to limit importations or to give any advantage to \nan American workman or producer. A bounty might, I judge, be \ngiven to the importer under this view of the Constitution, in order \nto increase importations, and so the revenue for "revenue only " is \nthe limitation. Reciprocity, of course, falls under this denuncia- \ntion, for its object and effect are not revenue, but the promotion of \ncommercial e.xchanges, the profits of which go wliolh- to our pro- \nducers. \n\nThis destructive, un-American doctrine was not held or taught \nby the historic Democratic statesmen whose fame as American \npatriots has reached this generation \xe2\x80\x94 certainly not by Jefferson or \nJackson. This mad crusade against American shops, the bitter \nepithets applied to American manufacturers, the persistent disbelief \nof everv\' report of the opening of a tin-plate mill or of an increase \nof our foreign trade by reciprocity are as surprising as they are \ndiscreditable. \n\nThere is not a thoughtful business man in the country- who does \nnot know that the enactment into law of the declaration of the \nChicago convention upon the subject of the tariff would at once \nplunge the country into a business convulsion such as it has never \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Benjamin J/ai rison. 15 \n\nseen; and there is not a thoughtful workiuginan who does not know \ntliat it would at once enoruiously reduce the amount of work to be \ndone in this countr\\- b\\\' the increase of importations that would \nfollow and" necessitate a reduction of his wages to the European \nstandard. \n\nIf any one suggests that this radical policy will not be executed \nif the Democratic party attains power, what shall be thought of a \npart)- that is capable of thus trifling with great interests? The \nthreat of such legislation would be only less hurtful than the fact. \n\nA distinguished Democrat rightly described this movement as a \nchallenge to the protected industries to a fight of extermination, \nand another such rightly expressed the logic of the situation when \nhe interpreted the Chicago platform to be an invitation to all \nDemocrats holding even the most moderate protection views to go \ninto the Republican part)-. \n\nAnd now a few words in regard to the existing tariff law. We \nare fortunately able to judge of its influence upon production and \nprices by the market reports. The day of the prophet of calamity \nhas been succeeded h\\ that of the trade reporter. \n\nAn examination into the effect of the law upon the prices of \nprotected products and of the cost of such articles as enter into the \nliving of people of small means has been made by a Senate committee \ncomposed of leading Senators of both parties, with the aid of the \nbest statisticians, and the report, signed by all the members of the \ncommittee, has l^een given to the public. No such wide and \ncareful inquir)- has ever before been made. These facts appear from \nthe report: \n\nFirst. The cost of articles entering into the use of those earning \nless than $1,000 per annum has decreased up to May, 1892, 3.4 per \ncent, while in farm products there has been an increase in prices, \nowing in part to an increased foreign demand and the opening of \nnew markets. \n\nIn England, during the same period, the cost of living increased \n1.9 per cent. Tested by their power to purchase articles of necessity \nthe earnings of our working people have never been as great as \nthey are now. \n\nSecond. There has been an average; advance in the rate of wages \nof .75 of I per cent. \n\nThird. There has been an advance in the price of all farm prod- \nucts of 18.67 percent, and of all cereals 33.59 per cent. \n\nThe ninth annual report of the chief of the bureau of labor \nstatistics of the State of New York, a Democratic officer, very \nrecently i.ssued, strongly corroborates as to that State the facts found \n\n\n\n1 6 Public Papers and Addresses of Bciijai)ii)i Harrison. \n\nb\\ tlie Senate coinniittee. His extended inquiry shows that in the \nyear immediately followini^ the passage of the tariff act of 1890 \nthe aggregate sum paid in wages in that State was $6,377,925 in \nexcess, and the aggregate production $31,315,130 in excess of the \npreceding year. \n\nIn view of this sliowing of an increase in wages, of a reduction in \nthe cost of articles of common necessity and of a marked advance in \nthe prices of agricultural products, it is plain that this tariff law has \nnot imposed burdens, but has conferred benefits upon the farmer and \nthe workingman. \n\nSome special effects of the act should be noticed. It was a cour- \nageous attempt to rid our people of a long-maintained foreign \nmonopoly in the production of tin plate, pearl buttons, silk pkish, \nlinens, lace, etc. Once or twice in our history the production of \ntin plate had been attempted, and the prices obtained by the \nWelsh makers would have enabled our makers to produce it at a \nprofit. But the Welsh makers at once cut prices to a point that \ndrove the American beginners out of the business, and, when this \nwas accomplished, again made their own prices. \n\nA correspondent of the Industrial World, the official organ of the \nWelsh tin-plate workers, published at Swansea, in the issue of June \n10, 1892, advises a new trial of these methods. He says : \n\nDo not be deceived. The victory of the Republicans at the polls means the reten- \ntion of the McKinlcy bill and means the rapidly accruing loss of the 80 per cent of the \nexport American trade. Had there been no Democratic victory in iSgo the spread of \nthe tin-plate manufacture in the United States would have been both rapid and bona \nfide. It is not yet too late to do something to reduce the price of plates. Put them \ndown to II shillings per box of 100, 14 by 20, full weight basis. Let the workmen take \nhalf pay for a few months and turn out more. Then let the masters forego profits for \nthe same time. \n\nAnd again that paper says : \n\nIt is clearly the interest of both (employer and workmen) to produce tin plates, tariff \nor no tariff, at a price that will drive all competitors from the field. \n\nBut, in spite of the doubts raised by the elections of 1890 and of \nthe machinations of foreign producers to maintain their monopoly, \nthe tin-plate industry has been established in the United States, and \nthe alliance between the Welsh producers and the Democratic part}- \nfor its destruction will not succeed. \n\nThe official returns to the Treasury Department of the production \nof tin and terne plates in the United States during the last fiscal \nyear show a total production of 13,340,830 pounds, and a compari- \nson of the first quarter, 826,922 pounds, with the last, 8,000,000 \npounds, shows the rapid development of the industry. Over 5,000,000 \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Beiijainiii Harrison. 17 \n\npounds during tlie last quarter were made from American black \nplates, the remainder from foreign plates. \n\nMr. Aver, the Treasury agent in charge, estimates, as the result \nof careful inquiry, that the production of the current year will be \n100,000,000 pounds, and that l)y the end of the year our production \nwill be at the rate of 200,000,000 pounds per annum. \n\nAnother industry that has been practically created by the McKiuley \nbill is the making of pearl buttons. Few articles coming to us \nfrom abroad were so distinctly the product of starvation wages. \n\nBut without unduly extending this letter I can not follow in detail \nthe influences of the tariff law of 1890. It has transplanted .several \nimportant industries and established them here, and has revived or \nenlarged all others. The act gives to the miners protection against \nforeign silver-bearing lead ores, the free introduction of which \nthreatened the great mining industries of the Rocky Mountain \nStates ; and to the wool-growers protection for their fleeces and \nflocks, which has saved them from a further and disastrous decline. \nThe House of Representatives, at its last session, passed bills placing \nthese ores and wool upon the free list. The people of the West will \nknow how destructive to their prosperity these measures would be. \n\nThis tariff law has given employment to many thousands of \nAmerican men and women and will each year give employment \nto increasing thousands. Its repeal would throw thousands out of \nemployment and give work to others only at reduced wages. The \nappeals of the free trader to the workingman are largely addressed \nto his prejudices or to his passions and not infrequently are pro- \nnouncedly communistic. The new Democratic leadership rages at \nthe employer and seeks to communicate his rage to the employe. \nI oreatly regret that all employers of labor are not just and consid- \nerate, and that capital sometimes takes too large a share of the profits. \nBut I do not see that these evils will be ameliorated by a tariff policy, \nthe first necessary effect of which is a severe wage cut, and the second \na large diminution of the aggregate amount of work to be done \nin this country. \n\nIf the injustice of his employer tempts the workman to strike \nback he should be very sure that his blow does not fall upon his \nown head or upon his wife and children. The workmen in our great \nindustries are as a bod\\- remarkabh- intelligent and are lovers of \nhome and countr>\'. They may be roused by injustice, or what \nseems to them to be such, or be led for the moment by others into \nacts of passion ; but they will settle the tariff contest in the calm \nlight of their November firesides and with sole reference to the \n15151 2 \n\n\n\ni8 Public Papers and Addresses of Beiijainin Plarrison. \n\nprosperity of tlie country of which they are citizens and of the \nhomes they have founded for their wives and children. \n\nNo intelligent advocate of a protective tariff claims that it is able \nof itself to maintain a uniform rate of wages without regard to \nfluctuations in the supply of, and demand for the products of labor. \nBut it is confidently claimed that protective duties strongly tend to \nhold up wages, and are the only barrier against a reduction to the \nEuropean scale. \n\nThe Southern States have had a liberal participation in the bene- \nfits of the tariff law, and though their representatives have generally \nopposed the protection policy, I rejoice that their sugar, rice, coal, \nores, iron, fruits, cotton cloths, and other products have not been \nleft to the fate which the votes of their representatives would have \nbrought upon them. \n\nIn the construction of the Nicaragua Canal, in the new trade \nwith South and Central America, in the establishment of American \nsteamship lines, the.se States have also special interests, and all \nthese interests will not always consent to be without representation \nat Washington. \n\nShrewdly, but not quite fairh\', our adversaries speak only of the \nincreased duty imposed upon tin, pearl buttons and other articles \nby the McKinley bill, and omit altogether any reference to the great \nand beneficial enlargement of the free list. During the last fiscal \nyear $458,000,772 worth of merchandise, or 55.35 per cent of our \ntotal importations, came in free (the largest per centage in our his- \ntory); while in 1889 the per cent of free importations was onh- 34.42 \nper cent. \n\nThe placing of sugar upon the free list has saved to the consumer \nin duties in fifteen months, after paying the bounties provided for, \n$87,000,000. This relief has been substantially felt in every house- \nhold upon every Saturday\'s purchase of the workingmau. \n\nOne of the favorite arguments against a protective tariff is that it \nshuts us out from a participation in what is called with swelling \nemphasis "the markets of the world." If this view is not a false \none, how does it happen that our commercial competitors are not \nable to bear with more serenity our supposed surrender to them of \nthe "markets of the world?" And how does it happen that the \npartial loss of our market closes foreign tin-plate mills and plush \nfactories that still have all other markets? \n\nOur natural advantages, our protective tariff, and the reciprocity \npolicy make it possible for us to have a large participation in the \n"markets of the world," without opening our own to a competition \nthat would destroy the comfort and independence of our people. \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. 19 \n\nThe resolution of the convention in favor of binietalisni declares, \nI think, the true and necessary conditions of a movement that has, \nupon these lines, my cordial adherence and support. I am thor- \nouglily convinced that the free coinage of silver at such a ratio to \ngold as will maintain the equality in their commercial uses of the \ntwo coined dollars would conduce to the prosperity of all the great \nproducing and commercial nations of the world. \n\nThe one essential condition is that these dollars shall have and \nretain an equal acceptability and value in all commercial transac- \ntions. They are not only a medium of exchange, but a measure of \nvalues, and when two unequal measures are called in law b>- the \nsame name commerce is unsettled and confused and the unwary and \nignorant are cheated. Dollars of unequal commercial value will \nnot circulate together. The better dollar is withdrawn and becomes \nmerchandise. \n\nThe true interest of all our people, and especially of the farmers \nand working people, who can not closely observe the money market, \nis that every dollar, paper or coin, issued or authorized by the Gov- \nernment, shall at all times and in all its uses be the e.xact equivalent, \nnot only in debt-paying, but in purchasing power of any other \ndollar. \n\nI am quite sure that if we should now act upon this subject inde- \npendently of other nations we would greatly promote their interests \nand injure our own. The monetary conditions in Europe within \nthe last two years have, I think, tended very much to develop a \nsentiment in favor of a larger tise of silver, and I was much pleased \nand encouraged by the cordiality, promptne.ss, and unanimity with \nwhich the invitation of this Government for an international con- \nference upon this subject was accepted by all the powers. We may \nnot only hope for, but expect highly beneficial results from this con- \nference, which will now soon assemlile. When the result of the \nconference is known we shall then be able intelligently to readjust \nour financial legislation to any new condition.s. \nIn my last annual message to Congress I said : \n\nI must yet entertain the hope that it is possible to secure a calm, patriotic consider- \nation of such Constitutional or statutory changes as m.iy be necessary to secure the \nchoice of the officers of the Government to the people by fair apportionments and free \nelections. I believe it would be possible to constitute a commission, nonpartisan in \nits membership and composed of patriotic, wise, and impartial men, to whom a consid- \neration of the questions of the evils connected with our elections systems and methods \nmight be committed with a good prospect of securing unanimity in some plan for \nremoving or mitigating those evils. \n\nThe Constitution would permit the selection of the commission to be vested in the \nSupreme Court if that method would give the best guaranty of impartiality. This com- \nmission should be charged with the duty of inquiring into the whole subject of the law \n\n\n\n20 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \xe2\x96\xa0 \n\nof elections as related to the choice of officers of the National Government, with a \nview to securing to every elector a free and unmolested exercise of the suffrage and as \nnear an approach to an equality of value in each ballot cast as is attainable. * * * \nThe demand that the limitations of suffrage shall be found in the law, and only there, \nis a just demand, and no just man should resent or resist it. \n\nIt seemed to me that an appeal to our people to consider the \nquestion of readjusting our legislation upon absolutely fair non- \npartisan lines might find some effective response. Many times I \nhave had occasion to say that laws and election methods designed \nto give unfair advantages to the party making them would some \ntime be used to perpetuate in power a faction of a party against the \nwill of a majority of the people. \n\nOf this we seem to have an illustration in the recent State election \nin Alabama. There was no Republican ticket in the field. The \ncontest was between white Democrats. The Kolb party say they \nwere refused the representation guaranteed by law upon the election \nboards, and that when the courts by mandamus attempted to right \nthis wrong, an appeal that could not be heard until after the election \nmade the writs ineffectual. Ballot boxes were thrown out for alleged \nirregularities, or destroyed, and it is asserted on behalf of one-half, \nat least, of the white voters of Alabama that the officers to whom \ncertificates have been given were not honestly elected. \n\nThere is no .security for the personal or political rights of any \nman in a community where any other man is deprived of his per- \nsonal or political rights. The power of the .States over the question \nof the qualification of electors is ample to protect them again.st the \ndangers of an ignorant or depraved suffrage, and the demand that \nevery man found to be qualified under the law shall be made secure \nin the right to cast a free ballot, and to have that ballot honestly \ncounted, can not be abated. \n\nOur old Republican battle-cry, "A free ballot and a fair count," \ncomes back to us not only from Alabama but from other States, and \nfrom men who, differing with us widely in opinions, have come to \nsee that parties and political debate are but a mockery if, when the \ndebate is ended, the judgment of honest majorities is to be reversed \nby ballot-box frauds and tally-sheet manipulations in the interest of \nthe party or party faction in power. \n\nThese new political movements in the States and the recent \ndecisions of some of the State courts against unfair apportionment \nlaws, encourage the hope that the arbitrary and partisan election \nlaws and practices which have prevailed may be corrected by the \nStates, the laws made equal and nonpartisan, and the elections free \nand honest. The Republican party would rejoice at such a solution, \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Beiijainiii Harrison. 2i \n\nas a healthy and patriotic local sentiment is the best assnrance of \nfree and honest elections. \n\nI shall again urge upon Congress that provision be made for the \najipointment of a nonpartisan commission to consider the subject \nof apportionments and elections, in their relation to the choice of \nFederal officers. \n\nThe civil-service system has been extended and law enforced with \nvigor and impartiality. There has been no partisan jnggling with \nthe law in any ot the departments or bureaus, as had before hap- \npened, but appointments to the classified service have been made \nimpartially from the eligible lists. The system now in force in all \nthe departments has for the first time placed promotions strictly \nupon the basis of merit, as ascertained by a daih- record, and the \nefficiency of the force thereby greatly increased. \n\nThe approval so heartily given by the convention to all those \nagencies which contribute to the education of the children of the \nland, was worthih- bestowed and meets my hearty approval, as does \nalso the declaration as to liberty- of thought and conscience, and the \nseparation of church and state. \n\nThe safety of the Republic is an intelligent citizenship, and the \nincreased interest manifested in the vStates in education, the cheer- \nfulness with which the necessary taxes are paid by all classes, and \nthe renewed interest manifested by the children in the national flag, \nare hopeful indications that the coming generation will direct public \naffairs with increased prudence and patriotism. \n\nOur interest in free public schools open to all children of suitable \nage is supreme, and our care for them will be jealous and constant. \nThe public school system, however, was not intended to restrain \nthe natural right of the parent, after contributing to the public \nschool fund, to choose other educational agencies for his children. \n\nI favored aid b\\- the General (Tovernment to the public schools, \nwith a special view to the necessities of .some of the vSouthern States. \nBut it is gratifA\'ing to notice that many of these States are, with \ncommendable liberality, developing their school systems and increas- \ning their school revenues, to the great advantage of the children of \nboth races. \n\nThe considerate attention of the farmers of the wdujle country \nis invited to the work done through the State and Agricultural \nDepartments in the interest of agriculture. Our pork products \nhad for ten years been not only excluded by the great continental \nnations of Europe, but their value discredited b)- the reasons given \nfor this exclusion. All previous efforts to secure the removal of \nthese restrictions had failed, but the wise legislation of the Fifty- \n\n\n\n22 Public Papers and At/t/rcsscs of Ih-i/jniiiiii Harrison. \n\nfirst Congress, providing for the inspection and ofificial certification \nof onr meats, and giving to the President power to forbid the intro- \nduction into this country of selected products of such countries as \nshould continue to refuse onr inspected meats, enabled us to open \nall the markets of Europe to our pork products. The result has \nbeen not only to sustain prices by providing new markets for our \nsurplus, but to add fifty cents per one hundred pounds to the market \nvahxe of the inspected meats. \n\nUnder the recijirocity agreements special favors have been secured \nfor agricultural products, and onr exports of such products have \nbeen greatly increased, with a sure prospect of a further and rapid \nincrease. The Agricultural Department has maintained in Europe \nan agent whose special duty it is to introduce there the various \npreparations of corn as articles of food, and his work has been very \nsuccessful. \n\nThe Department has also sent skilled veterinarians to Liverpool \nto examine, in connection with the IJritish veterinarians, the live \ncattle from the United States landed at that port, and the result, in \nconnection with the sanitary methods adopted at home, has been \nthat we hear no more about our cattle being infected with pleuro- \npneumonia. A judicious system of quarantine lines has prevented \nthe infection of Northern cattle with the Texas fever. \n\nThe tariff bill of 1890 gives better protection to farm j^roducts \nsubject to foreign competition than they ever had before, and the \nhome markets for sucli products have been enlarged by the estab- \nlishment of new industries and the development of others. \n\nWe may confidently submit to the intelligent and candid judg- \nment of the American farmer whether in any corresponding period \nso much has been done to promote his interests, and whether, in \na continuance and extension of these methods, there is not a better \nprospect offered to him than in the invitation of the Democratic \nparty to give our home market to foreign manufacturers and to \nabandon the reciprocity policy, and better also than the radical and \nmitried methods of relief proposed by other parties which are solic- \niting his support. \n\nI have often expressed my strong conviction of the value of the \nNicaragua Ship Canal to our commerce and to our Navy. The \nproject is not one of convenience, but of necessity. It is quite pos- \nsible, I believe, if the United States will support the enterprise, \nto secure the speedy completion of the canal without taxing the \nTreasury for au)- direct contribution, and at the .same time to secure \nto the United States that influence in its management which is \nimperative. \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Beii/a)inii Harrison. 23 \n\nIt has been the purpose of the administration to make its foreign \npolicy not a matter of partisan politics, but of patriotism and \nnational honor, and I have very great gratification in being able to \nstate that the Democratic members of the Committees of Foreign \nAffairs responded in a true American spirit. I have not hesitated \nto consult freely with them about the most confidential and delicate \naffairs, and here frankly confess my obligation for needed coopera- \ntion. They did not regard a patient but firm insistence upon \nAmerican rights and upon immunity from insult and injury for our \ncitizens and sailors in foreign ports as a policy of "irritation and \nbluster." They did not believe, as some others seem to believe, \nthat to be a Democrat one must take the foreign side of every inter- \nnational cpiestion if a Republican administration is conducting the \nAmerican side. I do not believe that a tame submission to insult \nand outrage b}\' any nation at the hands of another can ever form \nthe basis of a lasting friendshii^ ; the necessary element of mutual \nrespect will be wanting. \n\nThe Chilean incident, now so happily and honorably adjusted, \nwill, I do not doubt, place our relations with that brave people upon \na more friendh- basis than ever before. This already appears in the \nagreement since negotiated by Mr. Egan for the .settlement by a \ncommission of the long unsettled claims between the two Govern- \nments. The work of Mr. Egan has been highly advantageous to \nthe ITuited States. The confidence which I refused to withdraw \nfrom him has been abundantly justified. \n\nIn our relations with the great European powers the rights of \nthe United States and of our citizens have been insisted u])on with \nfirmness. The strength of our cause and not the strength, of our \nadversar}\' has given tone to our correspondence. \n\nThe Samoan question and the Bering Sea question, which came \nover from the preceding administration, have been the one settled \nand the other submitted to arbitration upon a fair basis. \n\nNever before, I think, in a like period have so many important \ntreaties and commercial agreements been concluded and never \nbefore, I am sure, have the honor and influence, national and com- \nmercial, of the United States been held in higher estimation in both \nhemispheres. \n\nThe Union soldiers and sailors are now veterans of time as well as \nof war. The parallels of age have approached close to the citadels \nof life and the end, for each, of a brave and honorable struggle is \nnot remote. Increasing infirmity and years give the minor tones of \nsadness and pathos to the mighty appeal of service and suffering. \nThe ear that does not listen with sympathy and the heart that does \n\n\n\n24 Public Papers and Addresses of Beii/\'aniin Harrison. \n\nnot respond with generosity are the ear and heart of an alien and \nnot of an American. Now, soon again the surviving veterans are \nto parade upon the great avenue of the national capital and every \ntribute of honor and love should attend the march. A comrade in \nthe column of the victors\' parade in 1865, I am not less a comrade \nnow. \n\nI have used every suitable occasion to urge upon the people of all \nsections the consideration that no good cause can be promoted upon \nthe lines of lawlessness. Mobs do not discriminate, and the punish- \nments inflicted by them have no repressive or salutary influence. \nOn the contrary, they beget revenges and perpetuate feuds. It is \nespecially the duty of the educated and influential to see that the \nweak and ignorant when accused of crime are fairly tried before \nlawful tribunals. The moral sentiment of the country should be \naroused and brought to bear for the suppression of these offenses \nagainst the law and social order. \n\nThe necessity for a careful discrimination among the emigrants \nseeking our shores becomes every da}- more apparent. We do not \nwant and should not receive those who by reason of bad character or \nhabits are not wanted at home. The industrious and self-respecting, \nthe lovers of law and liberty, should be discriminated from the \npauper, the criminal and the anarchist, who come only to burden \nand disturb our communities. Every effort has been made to \nenforce the laws and some convictions have been secured under the \ncontract-labor law. \n\nThe general condition of our country is one of great prosperity. \nThe blessing of God has rested upon our fields and upon our people. \nThe annual value of our foreign commerce has increased more \nthan $400,000,000 over the average for the preceding ten years, and \nmore than $210,000,000 over 1890, the last year unaffected by \nthe new tariff". Our exports in 1892 exceeded those of 1890 by \nmore than $172,000,000, and the annual average for ten j-ears by \n$265,000,000. Our exports of breadstuff\'s increased over those of \n1890 more than 1144,000,000; of provisions over $4,000,000, and \nof manufactures over $8,000,000. The merchandise balance of trade \nin our favor in 1892 was $202,944,342. \n\nNo other nation can match the commercial progress which these \nfigures disclose. Our compassion may well go out to those who.se \nparty necessities and habits still compel them to declare that our \npeople are oppressed and our trade restricted by a protective tariff". \n\nIt is not possible for me to refer, even in the briefest way, to \nmany of the topics presented in the resolutions adopted by the \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Beiija\xc2\xbbiiii Ilarn\'sivi. 25 \n\nconventiiMi. Upon all that have not been discussed I have before \npublicly expressed my views. \n\nA change in the personnel of a national administration is of \ncomparatively little moment. If those exercising public functions \nare able, honest, diligent, and faithful, others possessing all these \nqualities may be found to take their places. But changes in the \nlaws and administrative policies are of great moment. When public \naffairs have been given a direction and business has adjusted itself \nto these lines, any sudden change involves a stoppage and new \nbusiness adjustments. If the change of direction is so radical as \nto bring the commercial turn-table into use the business changes \nin\\olved are not readjustments, but reconstructions. \n\nThe Democratic party offers a programme of demolition. The \nprotective policy \xe2\x80\x94 to which all business, even that of the importer, \nis now adjusted \xe2\x80\x94 the reciprocity policy, the new merchant marine, \nare all t(i be demolished, not gradually, not taken down, but blown \nup. To this programme of destruction it has added one construc- \ntive feature, tlie reestablishment of State banks of issue. \n\nThe policy of the Republican party is, on the other hand, \ndistinctively a polic}of safe progression and develoj^ment \xe2\x80\x94 of new \nfactories, new markets, and new ships. It will subject business to \nno perilous changes, but offers attractive opportunities for expansion \nupon familiar lines. \n\nVery respectfully yours, \n\nBenj. H.^rrison. \n\nWashington, D. C, \n\nSeptember ^^ iSy2. \n\n\n\n26 Public Papers ami Addresses of Benjamm Harrison. \nINAUGURAL ADDRESS. \n\nMARCH 4, 1889. \n\nThere is no constitutional or legal requirement that the President \nshall take the oath of office in the presence of the people. But \nthere is so manifest an appropriateness in the public induction to \noffice of the chief executive officer of the nation that from the begin- \nning of the Government the people, to whose service tlie official oath \nconsecrates the officer, have been called to witness the solemn cere- \nmonial. The oath taken in tlie presence of the people becomes a \nmutual covenant ; the officer covenants to serve the whole body of \nthe people by a faithful execution of the laws, so that they may be \nthe unfailing defense and security of those who respect and obser\\-e \nthem, and that neither wealth and station nor the power of combi- \nnations shall be able to evade their just penalties or to wrest them \nfrom a beneficent public purpose to serve the ends of cruelty or sel- \nfishness. My promise is spoken ; yours unspoken, but not the less \nreal and solemn. The people of every State have here their repre- \nsentatives. Surely I do not misinterpret the spirit of the occasion \nwhen I assume that the whole bod\\of the people covenant with me \nand with each other to-day to support and defend the Constitution \nand the Union of the States, to yield willing obedience to all the \nlaws and each to every other citizen his equal civil and political \nrights. Entering thus solemnly in covenant with each other, we \nmay reverently invoke and confidently expect the favor and help \nof Almighty God, that He will give to me wisdom, strength, and \nfidelity, and to our people a spirit of fraternity and a love of \nrighteousness and peace. \n\nThis occasion derives peculiar interest from the fact that the \npresidential term which begins this day is the twenty-sixth under \nour Constitution. The first inauguration of President Washington \ntook place in New York, where Congress was then sitting, on Ajjril \n30, 1789, having been deferred by reason of delaj\'s attending the \norganization of the Congress and the canvass of the electoral vote. \nOur people have already worthily observed the centennials of the \nDeclaration of Independence, of the battle of Yorktown, and of the \nadoption of the Constitution, and will shortly celebrate in New \nYork the institution of the second great department of our consti- \ntutional scheme of government. When the centennial of the insti- \ntution of the judicial department b)- the organization of the Supreme \n\n\n\nPublic Papers a)id Addresses of Ilcujaiiiin Harrison. 27 \n\nCourt shall have been suitalily observed, as I trust it will be, our \nnation will have fulh- entered its second centur\\\'. \n\nI will not attempt to note the marvelous and, in great part, happy \ncontrasts between our country as it steps over the threshold into its \nsecond century of organized existence under the Constitution, and \nthat weak but wisely ordered young nation that looked uudauntedl)- \ndown the first century, when all its years stretched out before it. \n\nOur people will not fail at this time to recall the incidents which \naccompanied the institution of government under the Constitution, \nor to find inspiration and guidance in the teachings and example of \nWashington and his great associates, and hope and courage in the \ncontrast which thirty-eight populous and prosperous States oiTer to \nthe thirteen States, weak in everything except courage and the love \nof liberty, that then fringed our Atlantic seaboard. \n\nThe Territory of Dakota has now a population greater than any \nof the original States \xe2\x80\x94 except Virginia \xe2\x80\x94 and greater than theaggre- \ngate of five of the smaller States in 1790. The center of population \nwhen our national capital was located was east of Baltimore, and it \nwas argued bv many well-informed persons that it would move \neastward rather than westward. Yet in 1880 it was found to be \nnear Cincinnati, and the new census, about to be taken, will show \nanother stride to the westward. That which was the body has come \nto be only the rich fringe of the nation\'s robe. But our growth has \nnot been limited to territory, population, and aggregate wealth, \nmarvelous as it has been in each of those directions. The masses \nof our people are better fed, clothed, and housed than their fathers \nwere. The fiicilities for i:)opular education have been vastK\' enlarged \nand more generally diflfused. The virtues of courage and patriotism \nhave given recent proof of their continued presence and increasing \npower in the hearts and o\\\'er the lives of our people. The influences \nof religion have been multiplied and strengthened. The sweet \noffices of charity have greath\' increased. The virtue of temperance \nis held in higher estimation. We have not attained an ideal \ncondition. Not all of our people are hap])y and prosperous; not \nall of them are virtuous and law-abiding. But, on the whole, the \nopportunities offered to the individual to secure the comforts of \nlife are better than are found elsewhere, and largely better than they \nwere here a hundred years ago. \n\nThe surrender of a large measure of sovereignty to the General \nGovernment, effected by the adoption of the Constitution, was not \naccomplished until the suggestions of reason were strongly reen- \nforced by the more imperative voice of experience. The divergent \ninterests of j^eace speedily demanded a "more perfect union." The \n\n\n\n28 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nmerchant, the shipmaster, and the manufacturer discovered and \ndisclosed to our statesmen and to the people that commercial eman- \ncipation must be added to the political freedom which had been so \nbravely won. The commercial policy of the mother country had \nnot relaxed any of its hard and oppressive features. To hold in \ncheck the development of our commercial marine, to prevent or \nretard the establishment and growth of manufactures in the States, \nand so to secure the American market for their shops and the carry- \ning trade for their ships, was the policy of European statesmen, and \nwas pursued with the most selfish vigor. Petitions poured in upon \nCongress urging the imposition of discriminating duties that should \nencourage the production of needed things at home. The patriot- \nism of the people, which no longer found a field of exercise in war, \nwas energetically directed to the duty of equipping the young \nrepublic for the defence of its independence by making its people \n.self-dependent. Societies for the promotion of home manufactures \nand for encouraging the use of domestics in the dress of the people \nvvere organized in many of the States. The revival at the end of \nthe centurv of the .same patriotic interest in the preservation and \ndevelopment of domestic industries and the defense of our working \npeople against injurious foreign competition is an incident worthy \nof attention. \n\nIt is not a departure, but a return that we have witnessed. The \nprotective policy had then its opponents. The argument was made, \nas now, that its benefits inured to particular classes or sections. \nIf the question became in any sense, oi at any time, sectional, it \nwas only because slavery existed in some of the States. But for \nthis there was no reason why the cotton producing States should \nnot have led or walked abreast with the New England States in the \nproduction of cotton fabrics. There was this reason only why the \nStates that divide with Pennsylvania the mineral treasures of the \ngreat southeastern and central mountain ranges should ha\\e been \nso tardy in bringing to the smelting furnace and the mill the coal \nand iron from their near opposing hillsides. Mill fires were lighted \nat the funeral pile of slavery. The emancipation proclamation was \nheard in the depths of the earth as well as in the sky ; men were \nmade free and material things became our better servants. \n\nThe sectional element has happily been eliminated from the tariff \ndiscussion. We have no longer States that are necessarily only \nplanting States. None are excluded from achieving that diversi- \nfication of pursuit among the people which brings wealth and \ncontentment. The cotton plantation will not be less valuable \nwhen the product is spun in the country town by operatives whose \n\n\n\nPublic Papers ami .Iddrcsses of Bciijaiitiii Harrison. 29 \n\nnecessities call for diversified crops and create a home demand for \ngarden and agricnltnral jiroducts. Every new mine, furnace, and \nfactory is an extension of the productive capacity of the State more \nreal and valuable than added territory. \n\nShall the prejudices and paralysis of slavery continue to hang \nupon the skirts of progress? How long will those who rejoice ihat \nslavery no longer exists cherish or tolerate the incapacities it puts \nupon their communities? I look hopefully to the continuance of \nour protective system and to the consequent development of manu- \nfacturing and mining enterprises in the States hitherto wholly given \nto agriculture as a potent influence in the perfect unification of our \npeople. The men who have invested their capital in the.se enter- \nprises, the farmers who have felt the benefit of their neighborhood, \nand the men who work in shop or field will not fail to find and to \ndefend a community of interest. Is it not quite possible that the \nfarmers and the promoters of the great mining and manufacturing \nenterprises which have recently been established in the South may \nyet find that the free ballot of the workingman, without distinction \nof race, is needed for their defense as well as for his own? I do not \ndoubt that if these men in the vSouth who now accept the tariff \nviews of Clay and the constitutional expositions of Webster would \ncourageously avow and defend their real convictions they would not \nfind it difiicult, by friendly instruction and cooperation, to make the \nblack man their eflScient and safe ally, not only in establishing cor- \nrect principles in our national administration, but in preserving for \ntheir local communities the benefits of social order and economical \nand honest government. At least until the good offices of kindness \nand education have been fairly tried the contrary conclusion can not \nbe plausibly urged. \n\nI have altogether rejected the suggestion of a special executive \nl)olic\\- for any section of our countr}-. It is the dut\\" of the \nE.xecutive to administer and enforce, in the methods and by the \ninstrumentalities pointed out and provided by the Constitution, all \nthe laws enacted by Congress. These laws are general, and their \nadministration should be uniform and ecpial. As a citizen may not \nelect what laws he will obey, neither may the Executive elect which \nhe will enforce. The duty to obey and execute embraces the \nConstitution in its entirety and the whole code of laws enacted under \nit. The evil example of permitting individuals, corporations, or \ncommunities to nullify the laws because they cross some selfish or \nlocal interests or prejudices, is full of danger, not only to the nation \nat large, but much more to those who use this pernicious expedient \nto escape their just obligations or to obtain an unjust advantage over \n\n\n\n30 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjauiin Harrison. \n\nothers. They will presently themselves be compelled to appeal to \nthe law for protection, and those who would use the law as a defense \nmust not deny that use of it to others. \n\nIf our great corporations would more scrupulously observe their \nlegal obligations and duties, they would have less cause to complain \nof the unlawful limitations of their rights or of violent interference \nwith their operations. The community that by concert, open or \nsecret, among its citizens, denies to a portion of its members their \nplain rights under the law, has severed the only safe bond of social \norder and prosperity. The evil works, from a bad center, both \nways. It demoralizes those who practice it, and destroys the faith \nof those who suffer by it in the efficiency of the law as a safe pro- \ntector. The man in whose breast that faith has been darkened is \nnaturally the subject of dangerous and uncanny suggestions. Those \nwho use unlawful methods, if moved by no higher motive than the \nselfishness that prompts them, may well stop and inquire what is \nto be the end of this. An unlawful expedient can not become a \npermanent condition of government. If the educated and influen- \ntial classes in a community either practice or connive at the system- \natic violation of laws that seem to them to cross their convenience, \nwhat can they expect when the lesson that convenience or a supposed \nclass interest is a sufficient cause for lawlessness has been well learned \nby the ignorant classes? A community where law is the rule of \nconduct, and where courts, not mobs, execute its penalties, is the \nonly attractive field for business investments and honest labor. \n\nOur naturalization laws should be so amended as to make the \ninquiry into the character and good disposition of persons apj^lying \nfor citizenship more careful and searching. Our existing laws have \nbeen in their administration an unimpressive and often an unintel- \nligible form. We accept the man as a citizen without any knowledge \nof his fitness, and he assumes the duties of citizenship without any \nknowledge as to what they are. The privileges of American citi- \nzenship are so great and its duties so grave that we may well insist \nupon a good knowledge of every person applying for citizenship and \na good knowledge by him of our institutions. We should not cease \nto be hospitable to immigration, but we should cease to be careless \nas to the character of it. There are men of all races even the best, \nwhose coming is necessarily a burden upon our public revenues or \na threat to social order. These should be identified and excluded. \n\nWe have happily maintained a policy of avoiding all interference \nwith European affairs. We have been only interested spectators of \ntheir contentions in diplomacy and in war, ready to use our friendly \noffices to promote peace, but never obtruding our advice and never \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Reiijaimii J/an ismi. y \n\nattempting unfairly to coin the distresses of other powers into coin- \nniercial advantage to ourselves. We have a just right to expect \nthat our European polic>- will be the American polic\\- of European \ncourts. \n\nIt is .so manifestly incompatil)Ie with those precautions for our \npeace and .safety, which all the great powers haljitually observe and \nenforce in matters affecting them, that a shorter water way between \nour eastern and western seaboards should be dominated by any \nEuropean government, that we may confidently expect that such a \npurpose will not be entertained by any friendly power. We shall \nin the future, as in the past, use every endeavor to maintain and \nenlarge our friendly relations with all the great powers, but they \nwill not e.xpect us to look kindly upon any project that would lea\\e \nus subject to the dangers of a hostile observation or environment. \n\nWe have not sought to dominate or to absorb an\\- of our weaker \nneighbors, but rather to aid and encourage them to establish free \nand stable governments, resting upon the consent of their own peo- \nple. We have a clear right to expect, therefore, that no European \ngovernment will seek to establish colonial dependencies upon the \nterritory of these independent American States. That which a sense \nof justice restrains us from seeking they may be reasonably expected \nwillingly to forego. \n\nIt must not be assumed, however, that our interests are so exclu- \nsivel\\- American that our entire inattention to any events that niav \ntrau.spire elsewhere can be taken for granted. Our citizens domi- \nciled for purposes of trade in all countries and in many of the islands \nof the sea demand and will have our adequate care in their personal \nand commercial rights. The necessities of our navy require con- \nvenient coaling stations and dock and harbor privileges. These and \nother trading privileges we will feel free to obtain only by means \nthat do not in any degree partake of coercion, however feeble the \nGovernment from which we ask such concessions. But having \nfairly obtained them by methods, and for purposes entirely consist- \nent with the most friendly disposition toward all other powers, our \ncon,sent will be necessary to any modification or impairment of the \nconcession. \n\nWe shall neither fail to respect the flag of any friendlv nation or \nthe just rights of its citizens, nor to e.xact the like treatment for our \nown. Calmness, justice, and consideration should characterize our \ndiplomacy. The offices of an intelligent diplomacy or of friendlv \narbitration, in projjer cases, should be adequate to the peaceful \nadjustment of all international difficulties. By such methods we \nwill make our contribution to the world\'s peace, which no nation \n\n\n\n32 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nvalues more highly, and avoid the opprobrium which must fall \nupon the nation that ruthlessly breaks it. \n\nThe duty devolved by law upon the President to nominate and, \nby and with the advice and consent of the Senate, to appoint all \npublic officers whose appointment is not otherwise provided for in \nthe Constitution or by act of Congress has become very burdensome, \nand its wise and efficient discharge full of difficulty. The civil list \nis so large that a personal knowledge of any large number of the \napplicants is impossible. The President must rely upon the repre- \nsentations of others, and these are often made inconsiderately and \nwithout any just sense of responsibility. \n\nI have a right, I think, to insist that those who volunteer or are \ninvited to give advice as to appointments shall exercise considera- \ntion and fidelity. A high sense of duty and an ambition to improve \nthe service should characterize all public officers. There are many \nways in which the convenience and comfort of those who have \nbusiness with our public officers may be promoted by a thoughtful \nand obliging officer, and I shall expect those whom I may appoint \nto justify their selection by a conspicuous efficiency in the discharge \nof their duties. Honorable party service will certainly not be \nesteemed by me a disqualification for public office ; but it will in \nno case be allowed to serve as a shield for official negligence, incom- \npetency, or delinquency. It is entirely creditable to seek public \noffice by proper methods and with proper motives, and all applica- \ntions will be treated with consideration ; but I shall need, and the \nheads of departments will need, time for inquiry and deliberation. \nPersistent importunity will not, therefore, be the best support of an \napplication for office. \n\nHeads of departments, bureaus, and all other public officers hav- \ning any duty connected therewith, will be expected to enforce the \ncivil-service law fully and without evasion. Beyond this obvious \nduty I hope to do something more to advance the reform of the civil \nservice. The ideal, or even my own ideal, I shall probably not \nattain. Retrospect will be a safer basis of judgment than promises. \nWe shall not, however, I am sure, be able to put our civil service \nupon a nonpartisan basis until we have secured an incumbency that \nfair minded men of the opposition will approve for impartiality and \nintegrity. As the number of such in the civil list is increased \nremovals from office will diminish. \n\nWhile a treasury surplus is not the greatest evil, it is a serious \nevil. Our revenue should be ample to meet the ordinary annual \ndemands upon our treasury, with a sufficient margin for those extra- \nordinary but scarcely less imperative demands which arise now and \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. ^t^ \n\nthen. Expenditure sliould always be nuuk- witli economv, and only \nupon public necessity. Wastefulness, profligacy, or favoritism in \npublic expenditures is criminal, but there is nothing in the con- \ndition of our country or of our people to suggest that anything \npresently necessary to the public prosperity, security-, or honor \nshould be unduly postponed. It will be the duty of Congress wisely \nto forecast and estimate the.se extraordinar\\- demands, and, having \nadded them to our ordinary expenditures, to so adjust our revenue \nlaws that no considerable annual surplus will remain. We will \nfortunately be able to apply to the redemption of the public debt \nany small and unforeseen excess of revenue. This is better than to \nreduce our income below our necessary expenditures with the result- \ning choice between another change of our revenue laws and an \nincrease of the public debt. It is quite possible, I am sure, to effect \nthe necessary reduction in our revenues without breaking down our \nprotective tariff or seriously injuring any domestic industry. \n\nThe construction of a sufficient number of modern war ships \nand of their necessary armament should progress as rapidly as is \nconsistent with care and perfection in plans and workmanship. The \nspirit, courage, and skill of our naval officers and seamen have \nmany times in our histor\\- given to weak ships and inefficient guns \na rating greatly beyond that of the naval list. That they will again \ndo so upon occasion I do not doubt ; but the\\- ought not, by \npremeditation or neglect, to be left to the risks and exigencies of \nan unequal combat. \n\nWe should encourage the establishment of American steamship \nlines. The exchanges of connnerce demand stated, reliable, and \nrapid means of communication, and until the.se are provided the \ndevelopment of our trade with the states Iving south of us is \nimpo.ssible. \n\nOur pension law should give more adequate and discriminating \nrelief to the Union soldiers and sailors and to their widows and \norphans. Such occasions as this should remind us that we owe \neverything to their valor and sacrifice. \n\nIt is a subject of congratulation that there is a near prospect of \nthe admission into the Union of the Dakotas \'and Montana and \nWashington Territories. This act of justice has been unreasonabh- \ndelayed in the case of some of them. The people who have settled \ntho.se Territories are intelligent, enterprising, and patriotic, and \nthe accession of these new States will add strength to the nation. \nIt is due to the .settlers in the Territories who have availed them- \nselves of the invitations of our land laws to make homes upon the \n15151 3 \n\n\n\n34 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\npublic domain that their titles should be speedily adjusted and tlieir \nhonest entries confirmed by patent. \n\nIt is very gratifying; to observe the general interest now being \nmanifested in the reform of our election laws. Those who have \nbeen for years calling attention to the pressing necessity of throw- \ning about the ballot-box and about the elector further safeguards, \nin order that our elections might not only be free and pure, but \nmight clearly appear to be so, will welcome the accession of any \nwho did not so soon discover the need of reform. The national \nCongress has not as yet taken control of elections in that case over \nwhich the Constitution gives it jurisdiction, but has accepted and \nadopted the election laws of the several States, provided penalties \nfor their violation and a method of supervision. Only the ineffi- \nciency of the State laws or an unfair partisan administration of \nthem could suggest a departure from this policy. It was clearly, \nhowever, in the contemplation of the framers of the Constitution \nthat such an exigency might arise, and provision was wisely made \nfor it. No power vested in Congress or in the Executive to secure \nor perpetuate it should remain unused upon occasion. \n\nThe people of all the Congressional districts have an equal interest \nthat the election in each shall truly express the views and wishes of \na majority of the qualified electors residing within it. The results \nof such elections are not local, and the insistence of electors residing \nin other districts that they shall be pure and free does not savor at \nall of impertinence. If in any of the States the public security \nis thought to be threatened by ignorance among the electors, the \nobvious remedy is education. The sympathy and help of our people \nwill not be withheld from any community struggling with special \nembarrassments or difficulties connected with the suffrage, if the \nremedies proposed proceed upon lawful lines and are promoted by \njust and honorable methods. How shall those who practice election \nfrauds recover that respect for the sanctity of the ballot which is the \nfirst condition and obligation of good citizenship ? The man who \nhas come to regard the ballot-box as a juggler\'s hat has renounced \nhis allegiance. \n\nLet us exalt patriotism and moderate our party contentions. Let \nthose who would die for the flag on the field of battle give a better \nproof of their patriotism and a higher glory to their country by \npromoting fraternity and justice. A party success that is achieved \nby unfair methods or by practices that partake of revolution is hurt- \nful and evanescent, even from a party standpoint. We should hold \nour differing opinions in mutual respect, and, having submitted \nthem to the arbitrament of the ballot, should accept an adverse \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Bciijainiii I/arrisoii. 35 \n\njudgment with the same respect that we would have demanded of \nour opponents if the decision had been in our favor. \n\nNo other people have a government more worthy of tlieir respect \nand love, or a land so magnificent in extent, so pleasant to look \nupon, and so full of generous suggestion to enterprise and laljor. \nGod has placed upon our head a diadem, and has laid at our feet \npower and wealth beyond definition or calculation. But we must \nnot forget that we take these gifts tipon the condition that justice \nand mercy shall hold the reins of powe/, and that the upward ave- \nnues of hope shall be free to all the people. \n\nI do not mistrust the future. Dangers have been in frequent \nambu,sh along our path, but we have uncovered and vanquished \nthem all. Passion has swept some of our communities, but only to \ngive us a new demonstration that the great body of our people are \nstable, patriotic, and law-abiding. No political party can long \npursue advantage at the expense of public honor or by rude and \nindecent methods without protest and fatal disaffection in its own \nbody. The peaceful agencies of commerce arc more fidly revealing \nthe necessary unity of all our connnunitics, and the increasing inter- \ncourse of our people is promoting mutual respect. We shall find \nunalloyed pleasure in the revelation which our next census will \nmake of the swift development of the great resources of some of \nthe States. Each State will bring its generous contribution to the \ngreat aggregate of the nation\'s increase. And when the harvest \nfrom the fields, the cattle from the hills, and the ores of the earth \nshall have been weighed, counted, and valued, we will turn from \nthem all to crown with the highest honor the State that has most \npromoted education, virtue, justice, and patriotism among the \npeople. \n\n\n\n36 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nANNUAL MESSAGES TO CONGRESS. \n\nI. \n\nDECEMBER 3. 1889. \n\nTo the Senate and House of Representatives: \n\nThere are few transactions in the administration of the Cjovern- \nment that are even temporarily held in the confidence of those \ncharged with the conduct of the public business. Every step taken \nis under the observation of an intelligent and watchful people. The \nstate of the Union is known from day to day, and suggestions as to \nneeded legislation find an earlier voice than that which speaks in \nthese annual communications of the President to Congress. \n\nGood-will and cordiality have characterized our relations and \ncorrespondence with other governments, and the year just closed \nleaves few international questions of importance remaining unad- \njusted. No obstacle is believed to exist that can long postpone the \nconsideration and adjustment of the still pending questions upon \nsatisfactory and honorable terms. The dealings of this Govern- \nment with other states have been and should always be marked by \nfrankness and sincerity, and purposes avowed, and our methods \nfree from intrigue. This course has borne rich fruit in the past, \nand it is our duty as a nation to preserve the heritage of good repute \nwhich a century of right dealing with foreign governments has \nsecured to us. \n\nIt is a matter of high significance, and no less of congratulation, \nthat the first year of the second century of our constitutional exist- \nence finds, as honored guests within our borders, the representa- \ntives of all the independent states of North and South America met \ntogether in earnest conference touching the best methods of perpet- \nuating and expanding the relations of mutual interest and friendli- \nness existing among them. That the opportunity thus afforded for \npromoting closer international relations and the increased prosperity \nof the states represented will be used for the mutual good of all, \nI can not permit myself to doubt. Our people will await with \ninterest and confidence the results to flow from so auspicious a \nmeeting of allied and, in large part, identical interests. \n\nThe recommendations of this international conference of enlight- \nened statesmen will doubtless have the considerate attention of \nCongress, and its cooperation in the removal of unnecessary barriers \nto beneficial intercourse between the nations of America. But \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addrrssch- of Bciijauiin Harrison. 37 \n\nwhile the commercial results which it is hoped will follow this \nconference are worthy of pursuit and of the great interest they \nhave excited, it is believed that the crowning benefit will be found \nin the better securities which may be devised for the maintenance \nof peace among all American nations and the settlement of all \ncontentions b)\' methods that a Christian civilization can approve. \nWhile viewing with interest our national resources and products, \nthe delegates will, I am sure, find a higher satisfaction in the \nevidence of unselfish friendship which everywhere attend their \nintercourse with our people. \n\nAnother international conference, having great po.ssibilities for \ngood, has lately assembled and is now in session in this capital. \nAn invitation was extended by the Government, under the act of \nCongress of July 9, 1888, to all maritime nations to send delegates \nto confer touching the revision and amendment of the rules and \nregulations governing vessels at sea and to adopt a uniform system \nof marine signals. The response to this invitation has been ver}\' \ngeneral and very cordial. Delegates from twenty-six nations are \npresent in the conference, and they have entered upon their useful \nwork with great zeal, and with an evident appreciation of its \nimportance. So far as the agreement to be reached may require \nlegislation to give it effect, the coiiperation of Congress is confi- \ndently relied upon. \n\nIt is an interesting, if not indeed an unprecedented fact, that the \ntwo international conferences have brought together here the \naccredited representatives of thirty-three nations. \n\nBolivia, Ecuador, and Honduras are now represented by resident \nenvoys of the plenipotentiary grade. All the states of the American \nsystem now maintain diplomatic representation at this capital. \n\nIn this connection it may be noted that all the nations of the \nwestern hemisphere, with one exception, send to Washington envoys \nextraordinary and ministers plenipotentiary, being the highest grade \naccredited to this Government. The United States, on the con- \ntrary, sends envoys of lower grade to some of our sister republics. \nOur representative in Paraguay and Uruguay is a minister resident, \nwhile to Bolivia we send a minister resident and consul-general. In \nview of the importance of our relations with the states of the \nAmerican system, our diplomatic agents in those countries should \nbe of the uniform rank of envoy extraordinary and minister pleni- \npotentiary. Certain missions were so elevated b}- the last Congress \nwith happy effect, and I recommend the completion of the reform \nthus begun, with the inclusion also of Hawaii and Hayti, in \\\'iew \nof their relations to the American svstem of states. \n\n\n\n38 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nI also reconnneiid that timely provision be made for extending to \nHawaii an invitation to be represented in the international confer- \nence now sitting at this capital. \n\nOur relations with China have the attentive consideration which \ntheir magnitnde and interest demand. The failure of the treaty \nnegotiated under the administration of my predecessor for the \nfurther and more complete restriction of Chinese labor immigration, \nand, with it, the legislation of the last session of Congress dependent \nthereon, leaves some questions open which Congress should now \napproach in that wise and just spirit which should characterize the \nrelations of two great and friendl)- powers. While our supreme \ninterests demand the exclusion of a laboring element which experience \nhas shown to be incompatible with our social life, all steps to compass \nthis imperative need should be accompanied with a recognition of \nthe claim of those strangers now lawfully among lis to humane and \njust treatment. \n\nThe accession of the young Emperor of China marks, we may \nhope, an era of progress and prosperity for the great country over \nwhich he is called to rule. \n\nThe present state of affairs in respect to the vSamoan Islands is \nencouraging. The conference which was held in this city in the \nsummer of 1887 between the representatives of the United States, \nGermany, and Great Britain having been adjourned becau.se of the \npersistent divergence of views which was developed in its delibera- \ntions, the subsequent course of events in the islands gave rise to \nquestions of a serious character. On the 4th of February last, the \nGerman minister at this capital, in behalf of his Government, pro- \nposed a resumption of the conference at Berlin. This proposition \nwas accepted, as Congress, in February last, was informed. \n\nPursuant to the understanding thus reached, commissioners were \nappointed by me, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, \nwho proceeded to Berlin, where the conference was renewed. The \ndeliberations extended through several weeks, and resulted in the \nconclusion of a treaty which will be submitted to the Senate for its \napproval. I trust that the efforts which have been made to effect \nan adjustment of this question will be productive of the permanent \nestablishment of law and order in Samoa upon the basis of the \nmaintenance of the rights and interests of the natives as well as of \nthe treaty powers. \n\nThe questions which have arisen during the past few years between \nGreat Britain and the United States are in abeyance or in course \nof amicable adjustment. \n\nOn the part of the Government of the Dominion of Canada an \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Rcujanihi Harrison. 39 \n\neffort has been apparent clnrinj;- the season just ended to administer \nthe laws and re.i;nlations applicable to the fisheries with as little \noccasion for friction as was possible, and the temperate representa- \ntions of this ( Hivernment in respect of cases of nndne hardship or \nof harsh interpretations have been in most cases met with measures \nof transitory relief It is trusted that the ; ttainment of our just \nrights under existiuo- treaties and in virtue of the concurrent 162:15- \nlation of the two contiguous countries will uot be long deferred and \nthat all existing causes of difference may be equitably adjusted. \n\nI recommend that provision be made by an international agree- \nment for visibly marking the water boundary between the United \nStates and Canada in the narrow channels that join the Great lyakes. \nThe conventional line therein traced by the Northwestern Boundary \nSurve\\", years ago, is not in all cases readily ascertainable for the \nsettlement of jurisdictional questions. \n\nA just and acceptable enlargement of the list of offenses for which \nextradition may be claimed and granted is most desirable between \nthis country and Great Britain. The territory of neither should \nbecome a secure harbor for the evil-doers of the other through any \navoidable short-coming in this regard. A new treaty on this subject \nbetween the two powers has been recently negotiated and will soon \nbe laid before the Senate. \n\nThe importance of the commerce of Cuba and Porto Rico with \nthe United States, their nearest and principal market, justifies the \nexpectation that the existing relations may be beneficially expanded. \nThe impediments resulting from var\\ing dues on navigation and \nfrom the vexatious treatment of our vessels, on merely technical \ngrounds of complaint, in West India ports, should be removed. \n\nThe progress toward an adjustment of pending claims between \nthe United States and Spain is not as rapid as could be desired. \n\nQuestions affecting American interests in connection with railways \nconstructed and operated by our citizens in Peru have claimed the \nattention of this Government. It is urged that other governments, \nin pressing Peru to the payment of their claims, have disregarded \nthe propert\\- rights of .\\merican citizens. The matter will be care- \nfully investigated, with the view to securing a proper and equitable \nadjustment. \n\nA similar issue is now pending with Portugal. The Delagoa Bay \nRailwa)\' in Africa was constructed under a concession by Portugal \nto an American citizen. When nearly completed the road was seized \nby the agents of the Portuguese Government. Formal protest has \nbeen made through our minister at Lisbon against this act, and no \nproper effort will be spared to secure proper relief \n\n\n\n40 l^\'iihlic Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nIn pursuance of the charter granted by Congress, and under the \nterms of its contract with the Government of Nicaragua, the Inter- \noceanic Canal Company has begun the construction of the important \nwater way between the two oceans which its organization contem- \nplates. Grave complications for a time seemed imminent, in view \nof a supposed conflict of jurisdiction between Nicaragua and Costa \nRica in regard to the accessory privileges to be conceded by the \nlatter Republic toward the construction of works on the San Juan \nRiver, of which the right bank is Costa Rican territory. I am happy \nto learn that a friendly arrangement has been effected between the \ntwo nations. This Government has held itself ready to promote in \nevery projDcr way the adjustment of all questions that might present \nobstacles to the completion of a work of such transcendent impor- \ntance to the commerce of this country, and indeed to the commercial \ninterests of the world. \n\nThe traditional good-feeling between this country and the French \nRepublic has received additional testimony in the participation of \nour Government and people in the international exposition held \nat Paris during the past summer. The success of our exhibitors \nhas been gratifying. The report of the commission will be laid \nbefore Congress in due season. \n\nThis Government has accepted, under proper reserve as to its \npolicy in foreign territories, the invitation of the Government of \nBelgium to take part in an international congress, which opened \nat Brussels on the i6th of November, for the purpose of devising \nmeasures to promote the abolition of the slave-trade in Africa and \nto prevent the shipment of slaves by sea. Our interest in the \nextinction of this crime against humanity, in the regions where it \nyet survives, has been increased by the results of emancipation \nwithin our own borders. \n\nWith Germany the most cordial relations continue. The questions \narising from the return to the Empire of Germans naturalized in this \ncountry are considered and disposed of in a temperate spirit, to the \nentire satisfaction of both Governments. \n\nIt is a source of great satisfaction that the internal disturbances \nof the Republic of Hayti are at last happily ended, and that an \napparently stable government has been constituted. It has been \nduly recognized b)- the United States. \n\nA mixed commission is now in session in this capital for the set- \ntlement of long-standing claims against the Republic of Venezuela, \nand it is hoped that a .satisfactory conclusion will be speedih- reached. \nThis Government has not hesitated to express its earnest desire \nthat the boundar}- dispute now pending between (ireat Britain and \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and .Iddrcsscs of Bciijamiii Harrison. 41 \n\nVenezuela may Ik- adjusted ainicabl}- and iu strict accordance with \nthe historic title of the parties. \n\nThe advancement of the Empire of Japan has been evidenced by \nthe recent promulgation of a new constitution, containing- vahiable \nguaranties of liberty and providing for a responsible ministry to \nconduct the government. \n\nIt is earnestly recommended that our judicial rights and processes \nin Corea be established on a firm basis, by providing the machinery \nnecessary to carr\\- out treaty stipulations iu that regard. \n\nThe friendliness of the Persian Government continues to be shown \nby its generous treatment of Americans engaged in missionary labors, \nand by the cordial disposition of the Shah to encourage the enter- \nprise of our citizens in the development of Persian resources. \n\nA discussion is in progress touching the jurisdictional treaty rights \nof the United States in Turkey. An earnest effort will be made to \ndefine those rights to the satisfaction of both Governments. \n\nQuestions continue to arise in our relations with several countries \nin respect to the rights of naturalized citizens. Especially is this \nthe case with France, Italy, Rus.sia, and Turkey, and to a less extent \nwith Switzerland. From time to time earnest efforts Iiave been made \nto regulate this subject by conventions with those countries. An \nimproper use of naturalization should not be permitted, but it is \nmost important that tho.se who have been duly naturalized should \neverywhere be accorded recognition of the rights pertaining to the \ncitizenship of the country of their adoption. The appropriateness \nof special conventions for that purpose is recognized in treaties \nwhich this Government has concluded with a number of European \nstates, and it is advisable that the difficulties which now arise in \nour relations with other countries on tlie same subject should be \nsimilarly adjusted. \n\nThe recent revolution in Brazil in favor of the establishment of \na republican form of government is an event of great interest \nto the United States. Our minister at Rio de Janeiro was at \nonce instructed to maintain friendly diplomatic relations with the \nprovisional government, and the Brazilian representatives at this \ncapital were instructed by the provisional government to continue \ntheir functions. Our friendly intercourse with Brazil has, therefore, \nsuffered no interruption. \n\nOur minister has been further instructed to extend on the part of \nthis Government a formal and cordial recognition of the new \nRepublic .so soon as the majority of the i^^ople of Brazil shall have \nsignified their assent to its establishment and nuiintenance. \n\nWithin our own borders a general condition of jjrosperity prevails. \n\n\n\n42 Public Papers and Addresses of Betijamin Harrison. \n\nThe harvests of the last summer were exceptionally abundant, and \nthe trade conditions now prevailing seem to promise a successful \nseason to the merchant and the manufacturer, and general employ- \nment to our working people. \n\nThe report of the Secretar\\- of the Treasury for the fiscal year \nending Jtine 30, 1889, has been prepared, and will be presented to \nCongress. It presents with clearness the fiscal operations of the \nGovernment, and I avail myself of it to obtain some facts for use \nhere. \n\nThe aggregate receipts from all sources for the }-ear were \n$387,050,058.84, derived as follows: \n\nFrom customs $223,832,741.69 \n\nFrom internal revenue 130,881,513.92 \n\nFrom miscellaneous sources 32,335,803.23 \n\nThe ordinary expenditures for the same period were $281,996,- \n615.60, and the total expenditures, including the sinking fund, were \n$329,579,929.25. The excess of receipts over expenditures was, \nafter providing for the sinking fund, $57,470,129.59. \n\nFor the current fiscal year the total revenues, actual and estimated, \nare $385,000,000, and the ordinary expenditures, actual and esti- \nmated, are $293,000,000, making, with the sinking fund, a total \nexpenditure of $341,321,116.99, leaving an estimated surplus of \n$43,678,883.01. \n\nDuring the fiscal }-ear there were applied to the purchase of bonds, \nin addition to those for the sinking fund, $90,456,172.35, and dur- \ning the first quarter of the current year the sum of $37,838,937.77, \nall of which were credited to the sinking fund. The revenues for \nthe fiscal year ending June 30, 1891, are estimated by the Treasury \nDepartment at $385,000,000, and the expenditures for the same \nperiod, including the sinking fund, at $341,430,477.70. This shows \nan estimated surplus for that year of $43,569,522.30, which is more \nlikely to be increased than reduced when the actual transactions \nare written up. \n\nThe existence of so large an actual and anticipated surplus should \nhave the immediate attention of Congress, with a view to reducing \nthe receipts of the Treasury to the needs of the Government as closely \nas may be. The collection of moneys not needed for public uses \nimposes an unnecessary burden upon our people, and the presence \nof so large a surplus in the public vaults is a disturbing element in \nthe conduct of pri\\ate business. It has called into use expedients \nfor putting it into circulation of very questionable propriety. We \nshould not collect revenue for the purjDOse of anticipating our bonds, \n\n\n\nPublic Pcipers and .Iddrcsscs of Bciijaiuiii dlarrisou. 43 \n\nbeyond the requirements of the sinking fund, but any unappro- \npriated surplus in the Treasury should be so used, as there is no \nother lawful way of returning the money to circulation, and the \nprofit realized by the Government offers a substantial advantage. \n\nThe loaning of public funds to the banks without interest, upon \nthe security of Government bonds, I regard as an unauthorized \nand dangerous expedient. It results in a temporar\\- and unnatural \nincrea.sc of the banking capital of favored localities, and compels a \ncautious and gradual recall of the deposits to avoid \\\\\\)\\\\x\\ to the \ncommercial interests. It is not to be expected that the banks \nhaving these deposits will sell their bonds to the Treasury so long \nas the present highly beneficial arrangement is continued. They \nnow practically get interest both upon the bonds and their proceeds. \nNo further use should be made of this method of getting the sur- \nplus into circulation, and the deposits now outstanding should be \ngradually withdrawn and applied to the purchase of bonds. It is \nfortunate that such a use can be made of the existing surplus, and \nfor some time to come of any casual surplus that may exist after \nCongress has taken the necessary steps for a reduction of the revenue. \nSuch legislation should be prompth-, but very considerately, enacted. \n\nI recommend a revision of our tariff law, both in its administra- \ntrative features and in the schedules. The need of the former is \ngenerally conceded and an agreement upon the evils and incon- \nveniences to be remedied and the best methods for their correction \nwill probably not be difficult. Uniformity of valuation at all our \nports is essential, and effecti\\-e measures should be taken to secure \nit. It is equally desirable that questions affecting rates and classi- \nfications should be promptly decided. \n\nThe preparation of a new schedule of customs duties is a matter \nof great delicacy because of its direct effect upon the business of the \ncountry, and of great difficult)- by reason of the wide divergence of \nopinion as to the objects that may properly be promoted by such \nlegislation. Some disturbance of business may perhaps result from \nthe consideratio; of this subject by Congress, but this temporary ill \neffect will be reducen \'\'o the minimum b\\- prompt action and by the \nassurance which the country already enjoys that auv necessary \nchanges will be .so made as not to impair the just and reasonable \nprotection of our home indus\'"ries. The inequalities of the law \nshould be adjusted, but the protective principle .should be main- \ntained and fairly applied to the pro>Hicts of our farms as well as of \nour shops. These duties necessarily have relation to other things \nbesides the public revenues. We can nOt limit their effects by fixing \nour eyes on the public treasury alone. Tliey have a direct relation \n\n\n\n44 Public Papers attd Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nto home production, to work, to wages, and to the commercial \nindependence of our country, and the wise and patriotic legislator \nshould enlarge the field of his vision to include all of these. \n\nThe necessary reduction in our public revenues can, I am sure, \nbe made without making the smaller burden more onerous than the \nlarger by reason of the disabilities and limitations which the process \nof reduction puts upon both capital and labor. The free list can \nvery safely be extended by placing thereon articles that do not offer \ninjurious competition to such domestic products as our home labor \ncan supply. The removal of the internal tax upon tobacco would \nrelieve an important agricultural product from a burden which was \nimposed only because our revenue from customs duties was insuffi- \ncient for the public needs. If safe provision against fraud can be \ndevised, the removal of the tax upon spirits used in the arts and \nin manufactures would also offer an unobjectionable method of \nreducing the surplus. \n\nA table presented by the Secretary of the Treasury, showing the \namount of money of all kinds in circulation each year from 1878 \nto the present time, is of interest. It appears that the amount of \nnational-bank notes in circulation has decreased during that period \n$114,109,729, of which $37,799,229 is chargeable to the last year. \nThe withdrawal of bank circulation will necessarily continue under \nexisting conditions. It is probable that the adoption of the sugges- \ntions made by the Comptroller of the Currency, viz, that the mini- \nmum deposit of bonds for the establishment of banks be reduced, \nand that an issue of notes to the par value of the bonds be allowed, \nwould help to maintain the bank circulation. But, while this with- \ndrawal of bank notes has been going on, there has been a large \nincrease in the amount of gold and silver coin in circulation and in \nthe issues of gold and silver certificates. \n\nThe total amount of money of all kinds in circulation on MarcJ: \nI, 1878, was $805,793,807, while on October i, 1889, the total was \n$1,405,018,000. There was an increa.se of $293,417,552 in gold \ncoin, of $57,554, 100 in standard silver dollars, of $7^,311,249 in gold \ncertificates, of $276,619,715 in silver certificates, and of $14,073,787 \nin United States notes, making a total of 5713,976,403. There was \nduring the same period a decrea.se of $114,109,729 in bank circula- \ntion, and of $642,481 in subsidian- silver. The net increase was \n$599,224,193. The circulation Per capita has increased about $5 \nduring the time covered by the table referred to. \n\nThe total coinage of silver dollars was, on November i, 1889, \n$343,638,001, of which 12^3,539,521 were in the Treasury vaults \nand $60,098,480 were in circulation. Of the amount in the vaults. \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. 45 \n\n$277,319,944 were represented by outstaudino; silver certificates, \nlea\\-ing $6,219,577 not in circulation and not represented by certifi- \ncates. \n\nThe law requiring the purchase, by the Treasury, of $2,000,000 \nworth of silver bullion each month, to be coined into silver dollars \nof 412^2 grains, has been observed by the Department ; but neither \nthe present Secretary nor any of his predecessors has deemed it safe \nto exercise the discretion given by law to increase the nionthh- \npurchases to $4,000,000. When the law was enacted (Fel)ruar>- \n28, 1878) the price of silver in the market was $i.20i*t per ounce, \nmaking the bullion value of the dollar 93 cents. .Since that time \nthe price has fallen as low as 91.2 cents per ounce, reducing the \nbullion value of the dollar to 70.6 cents. Within the last few months \nthe market price has somewhat advanced, and on the ist day of \nNovember last the bullion value of the silver dollar was 72 cents. \n\nThe evil anticipations which have accompanied the coinage and \nuse of the silver dollar have not been realized. As a coin it has not \nhad general use, and the public Treasury has been compelled to \nstore it. But this is manifestly owing to the fact that its paper rep- \nresentative is more convenient. The general acceptance and use of \nthe silver certificate show that silver has not been otherwi.se di.scred- \nited. Some favorable conditions have contributed to maintain this \npractical equality, in their commercial use, between the gold and \nsilver dollars. But some of these are trade conditions that statutory \nenactments do not control and of the continuance of which we can \nnot be certain. \n\nI think it is clear that if we should make the coinage of silver at \nthe present ratio free, we must expect that the difference in the \nbullion values of the gold and silver dollars will be taken account \nof in commercial transactions, and I fear the same result would \nfollow any considerable increase of the present rate of coinage. \nSuch a result would be discreditable to our financial management \nand disastrous to all business interests. We should not tread the \ndangerous edge of such a peril. x\\nd, indeed, nothing more \nharmful could happen to the silver interests. Any safe legislation \nupon this subject must secure the equality of the two coins in their \ncommercial uses. \n\nI have always been an advocate of the use of silver in our currency. \nWe are large producers of that metal, and should not discredit it. \nTo the plan which will be presented by the Secretary of the Treasury \nfor the issuance of notes or certificates upon the deposit of silver \nbullion at its market value, I have been able to give onl>- a hasty \nexamination, owing to the jaress of other matters and to the fact \n\n\n\n46 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nthat it has been so recently fornmlated. The details of snch a law \nrequire careful consideration, but the general plan stiggested by him \nseems to satisfy the purpose \xe2\x80\x94 to continue the use of silver in \nconnection with our currency, and at the same time to obviate the \ndanger of which I have spoken. At a later day I may communi- \ncate further with Congress upon this subject. \n\nThe enforcement of the Chinese exclusion act has been found to \nbe very difficult on the northwestern frontier. Chinamen, landing \nat Victoria, find it easy to pass our border, owing to the impossibility, \nwith the force at the command of the customs officers, of guarding \nso long an inland line. The Secretary of the Treasury has author- \nized the emplo)nient of additional officers who will be assigned to \nthis duty, and every effort will be made to enforce the law. The \nDominion exacts a head tax of $50 for each Chinaman landed, and \nwhen these persons, in fraud of our law, cross into our territory and \nare apprehended, our officers do not know what to do with them, \nas the Dominion authorities will not suffer them to be sent back \nwithout a .second payment of the tax. An effort will be made to \nreach an understanding that will remove this difficulty. \n\nThe proclamation required by section 3 of the act of March 2, \n1889, relating to the killing of seals and other fur-bearing animals, \nwas issued by me on the 21st day of March, and a revenue vessel \nwas dispatched to enforce the laws and protect the interests of the \nUnited States. The establishment of a refuge station at Point \nBarrow, as directed by Congress, was successfully accomplished. \n\nJudged by modern standards, we are practically without coast \ndefenses. Many of the structures we have would enhance rather \nthan diminish the perils of their garrisons if subjected to the fire of \nimjjroved guns ; and very few are so located as to give full effect to \nthe greater range of such guns as we are now making for coast- \ndefense uses. This general subject has had consideration in Congress \nfor some years, and the appropriation for the construction of large \nrifled guns, made one year ago, was, I am sure, the expression of a \npurpose to provide suitable works in which these guns might be \nmounted. An appropriation now made for that purpose would not \nadvance the completion of the works beyond our ability to supply \nthem with fairly effective guns. \n\nThe security of our coast cities against foreign attacks should not \nrest altogether in the friendly disposition of other nations. There \nshould be a second line wholly in our own keeping. I very urgently \nrecommend an appropriation at this session for the construction of \nsuch works in our most exposed harbors. \n\nI approve the suggestion of the Secretary of War that provision \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Beiijaiuiu Ifarrisoii. 47 \n\nbe made for encainpino^ companies of the National ( Hiarrl in onr \ncoast works for a specified time each year, and for their traininj^ in \nthe nse of heavy gnns. His sngjjestion that an increase of the \nartillery force of the Army is desirable is also in this connection \ncommended to the consideration of Contjress. \n\nThe improvement of onr important ri\\-ers and harbors shonld be \npromoted by the necessary approj^riations. Care slionld be taken \nthat the Government is not committed to the prosecntion of works \nnot of pnblic and (general advanta,y;e, and that the relative nsefnl- \nness of works of that class is not overlooked. vSo far as this work \ncan ever be said to be completed, I do not doubt that the end would \nbe sooner and more economicalh- reached if fewer separate works \nwere undertaken at the same time, and those selected for their \ngreater general interest were more rapidh- pushed to completion. \nA work once considerably begun should not be subjected to the \nrisks and deterioration which interrupted or insufficient appropria- \ntions necessarily occasion. \n\nThe assault made b\\- David S. Terry upon the person of Justice \nField, of the Supreme Court of the United vStates, at Lathrop, Cal., \nin August last, and the killing of the assailant by a de]mty Ignited \nStates marshal who had been deputed to accompany Justice Field \nand to protect him from anticipated violence at the hands of Terry, \nin connection with the legal proceedings which have followed, \nsuggest questions which, in my judgment, are wortln- of the attention \nof Congress. \n\nI recommend that more definite provision be made by law, not \nonly for the protection of Federal officers, but for a full trial of such \ncases in the United States courts. In recommending such legis- \nlation I do not at all in:peach either the general adecpiac\\\' of the \nprovision made by the State laws for the protection of all citizens or \nthe general good disposition of those charged with the execution of \nsuch laws to give protection to the officers of the United States. \nThe duty of protecting its officers, as such, and of punishing those \nwho assault them on account of their official acts, should not be \ndevolved exjDressly or by acquiescence upon the local authorities. \n\nEvents, which have been brought to my attention happening in \nother parts of the country, have also suggested the propriety of \nextending, b\\- legislation, fuller protection to those who may be \ncalled as witnesses in the courts of the United States. The law \ncompels those who are supposed to ha\\e knowledge of public offenses \nto attend upon our courts and grand juries and to give evidence. \nThere is a manifest resulting duty that these witnesses shall be \nprotected from injur\\- on account of their testimony. The in\\\'esti- \n\n\n\n48 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\ngations of criminal offenses are often rendered futile, and the \npunislinient of crime impossible, by the intimidation of witnesses. \n\nThe necessity of providing some more speedy method for disposing \nof the cases which now come for final adjndication to the Snpreme \nConrt becomes every year more apparent and urgent. The plan of \nproviding some intermediate courts, having final appellate jnri.sdic- \ntion of certain classes of questions and cases, has, I think, received \na more general approval from the bench and bar of the country than \nany other. Without attempting to discuss details, I recommend \nthat provision be made for the establishment of such courts. \n\nThe salaries of the judges of the district courts in mau\\\' of the \ndistricts are, in my judgment, inadequate. I recommend that all \nsuch salaries now below five thousand dollars per annum be increased \nto that amount. It it quite true that the amount of labor performed \nby these jtidges is very unequal, but as they can not properly engage \nin other pursuits to supplement their incomes, the salary should be \nin all such cases as to provide an independent and comfortable \nsupport. \n\nEarnest attention should Ix" given In\' Congress to a consideration \nof the question how far the restraint of those combinations of \ncapital commonh- called "trusts " is matter of Federal jurisdiction. \nWhen organized, as they often are, to crush out all healthy com- \npetition and to monopolize the production or .sale of an article of \ncommerce and general necessity, they are dangerous conspiracies \nagainst the public good, and should be made the subject of prohib- \nitory and even penal legislation. \n\nThe subject of an international cojiyright has been frequently \ncommended to the attention of Congress by my predeces.sors. The \nenactment of such a law would be eminently wise and just. \n\nOur naturalization laws should be so revised as to make the inquiry \ninto the moral character and good disposition towards our Govern- \nment of the persons applying for citizenship more thorough. This \ncan only be done by taking fuller control of the examination, by \nfixing the times for hearing such applications, and by requiring the \npresence of .some one who shall represent the Government in the \ninquiry. Those who are the avowed enemies of social order, or \nwho come to our shores to swell the injurious influence and to \nextend the evil practices of any association that defies our laws, \nshould not only be denied citizenship but a domicile. \n\nThe enactment of a national bankrupt law of a character to be a \npermanent part of our general legislation is desirable. It should be \nsimple in its methods and inexpensive in its administration. \n\nThe report of the Postmaster-General not only exhibits the oper- \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and ^Iddrcsscs of Boijaniirt I/anisoii. 49 \n\nations of the Department for the last fiscal year, but contains many \nvaluable suggestions for the improvement and extension of the \nservice, which are commended to your attention. No other branch \nof the Government has so close a contact with the dail\\- life of the \npeople. Almost every one uses the service it offers, and every hour \ngained in the transmission of the great commercial mails has an \nactual and possible value that only those engaged in trade can \nunderstand. \n\nThe saving of o)ie day in the transmission of the mails between \nNew York and San l*rancisco, which has recently been accomplished, \nis an incident worthy of mention. \n\nThe plan suggested of a supervision of the post-offices in separate \ndistricts that shall involve instruction and suggestion and a rating \nof the efficiency of the postmasters would, I have no doubt, greatly \nimprove the service. \n\nA pressing necessity exists for the erection of a building for the \njoint use of the Department and of the city post-office. The Depart- \nment was partially relieved by renting outside quarters for a part of \nits force, but it is again overcrowded. The building used b>- the \ncity office never was fit for the purpo.se, and is now inadequate and \nunwholesome. \n\nThe unsatisfactory condition of the law relating to the transmis- \nsion through the mails of lottery advertisements and remittances is \nclearly stated by the Postmaster-General, and his suggestion as to \namendments should have your favorable consideration. \n\nThe report of the Secretary of the Navy shows a reorganization \nof the bureaus of the Department that will, I do not doubt, promote \nthe efficiency of each. \n\nIn general, satisfactory progress has been made in the construction \nof the new ships of war authorized by Congress. The first vessel of \nthe new Navy, the Do/phin, was subjected to very severe trial tests \nand to very much adverse criticism. Rut it is gratifying to be able \nto state that a crui.se around the world, from which she has recently \nreturned, has demonstrated that she is a first-class vessel of her rate. \n\nThe report of the Secretary shows that while the effective force \nof the Navy is rapidly increasing, by reason of the improved build \nand armament of the new ships, the number of our ships fit for sea \ndutv grows very slowly. We had, on the 4th of March last, thirty- \nseven .serviceable .ships, and though four have since been added to \nthe list, the total has not been increased, because in the mean time \nfour have been lost or condemned. Twenty-six additional ves.seLs \nhave been authorized and appropriated for, but it is probable that \nwhen tiiey are completed our list will only be increased to forty-two, \n15151 1 \n\n\n\n50 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\na gain of five. The old wooden ships are disappearing ahnost as \nfast as the new vessels are added. These facts carry their own \nargnment. One of the new ships may, in fighting strength, be \nequal to two of the old, but it can not do the cruising duty of two. \nIt is important, therefore, that we should have a more rapid increase \nin the number of serviceable .ships. I concur in the recommenda- \ntion of the Secretary that the construction of eight armored ships, \nthree gun-boats, and five torpedo-boats be authorized. \n\nAn appalling calamity befell three of our naval vessels on duty at \nthe Samoan Islands, in the harbor of Apia, in March last, involving \nthe loss of four officers and forty-seven seamen, of two vessels, the \nTrenton and the I\'andalia^ and the disabling of a third, the Nipsic. \nThree vessels of the German Navy, also in the harbor, shared with \nour ships the force of the hurricane and suffered even more heavily. \nWhile mourning the brave officers and men who died, facing with \nhigh re.solve perils greater than those of battle, it is most gratifying \nto state that the credit of the American Navy for seamanship, cour- \nage, and generosity was magnificently sustained in the storm-beaten \nharbor of Apia. \n\nThe report of the Secretary of the Interior exhibits the transac- \ntions of the Government with the Indian tribes. Substantial prog- \nress has been made in the education of the children of school age \nand in the allotment of lands to adult Indians. It is to be regretted \nthat the policy of breaking up the tribal relation and of dealing with \nthe Indian as an individual did not appear earlier in our legisla- \ntion, lyarge reservations, held in common, and the maintenance of \nthe authority of the chiefs and head-men have deprived the individ- \nual of every incentive to the exercise of thrift, and the annuity \nhas contributed an affirmative impulse towards a state of confirmed \npauperism. \n\nOur treaty stipulations should be observed with fidelity, and our \nlegislation should be highly considerate of the best interests of an \nignorant and helpless people. The reservations are now generally \nsurrounded by white settlements. We can no longer pu.sh the \nIndian back into the wilderness, and it remains only, by every suit- \nable agency, to push him upward into the estate of a self-supporting \nand responsible citizen. For the adult, the first step is to locate \nhim upon a farm, and for the child, to place him in a school. \n\nSchool attendance should be promoted by every moral agency, \nand those failing, should be compelled. The national schools for \nIndians have been very successful, and should be multiplied, and, \nas far as possible, .should be so organized and conducted as to facili- \ntate the transfer of the schools to the States or Territories in which \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. 51 \n\nthey are located, wlieu tlie Indians in a neighborhood have accepted \ncitizenship, and liave Ijeconie otiierwise fitted for snch a transfer. \nThis condition of tilings will be attained slowly, but it will be \nhastened by keeping it in mind. And in the mean time that \ncooperation between the Government and the mission schools, \nwhich has wrought much good, should be cordially and impartially \nmaintained. \n\nThe last Congress enacted two distinct laws relating to negotia- \ntions with the Sioux Indians of Dakota for a relinquishment of a \nportion of their lands to the United States and for dividing the \nremainder into separate reservations. Both were approved on the \nsame day \xe2\x80\x94 March 2. The one submitted to the Indians a specific \nproposition; the other (section 3 of the Indian appropriation act) \nauthorized the President to appoint three commissioners to nego- \ntiate with these Indians for the accomplishment of the same general \npurpose, and required that any agreements made should be sub- \ninitted to Congress for ratification. \n\nOn the i6th day of April last I appointed Hon. Charles Foster, of \nOhio, Hon. William Warner, of Missouri, and Major-General George \nCrook, of the U. S. Army, commissioners under the last-named law. \nThey were, however, authorized and directed, first, to submit to the \nIndians the definite proposition made to them by the act first men- \ntioned, and only in the event of a ftilure to secure the assent of the \nrequisite number to that proposition to open negotiations for modi- \nfied terms under the other act. The work of the Commission was \nprolonged and arduous, btit the assent of the requisite number \nwas, it is understood, finally obtained to the proposition made b)- \nCongress, though the report of the Commission has not yet been \nsubmitted. In view of these facts, I shall not, as at present advised, \ndeem it necessary to submit the agreement to Congre.ss for ratifi- \ncation, but it will in due course be submitted for information. \nThis agreement releases to the United States about 9,000,000 acres \nof land. \n\nThe Commission provided for by section 14 of the Indian appro- \npriation bill to negotiate with the Cherokee Indians and all other \nIndians owning or claiming lands h\'ing west of the ninety-sixth \ndegree of longitude, for the cession to the United States of all such \nlands, was constituted by the appointment of Hon. Lucius Fairchild, \nof Wisconsin, Hon. John F. Hartranft, of Pennsylvania, and Hon. \nAlfred M. Wilson, of Arkansas, and organized on June 29 last. \nTheir first conference with the representatives of the Cherokees \nwas held at Tallequah, July 29, with no definite results. Gen. \nJohn F. Hartranft, of Pennsylvania, was prevented by ill-health \n\n\n\n52 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nfrom taking part in the conference. His death, which occnrred \nrecently, is jnstly and generally lamented by a people he had served \nwith conspicuous gallantry in war and with great fidelity in peace. \nThe vacancy thus created was filled by the appointment of Hon. \nWarren G. Sayre, of Indiana. \n\nA second conference between the Commission and the Cherokees \nwas begun November 6, but no results have as yet been obtained, \nnor is it believed that a conclusion can be immediately expected. \nThe cattle syndicate now occupying the lands for grazing purposes \nis clearly one of the agencies responsible for the obstruction of our \nnegotiations with the Cherokees. The large body of agricultural \nlands constituting what is known as the "Cherokee Outlet" ought \nnot to be, and indeed can not long be, held for grazing, and for the \nadvantage of a few against the public interests and the best advan- \ntage of the Indians themselves. The United States has now under \nthe treaties certain rights in these lands. These will not be used \noppressively, but it can not be allowed that those who by sufferance \noccupy these lands shall interpose to defeat the wise and beneficent \npurposes of the Government. I can not but believe that the advan- \ntageous character of the offer made by the United States to the \nCherokee Nation, for a full release of these lands, as compared with \nother suggestions now made to them, will yet obtain for it a favor- \nable consideration. \n\nUnder the agreement made between the United States and the \nMuscogee (or Creek) Nation of Indians on the igtli day of January, \n1889, an absolute title was secured by the U ited States to about \n3,500,000 acres of land. Section 12 of the general Indian appro- \npriation act, approved March 2, 18S9, made provision for the pur- \nchase by the United States from the Seminole tribe of a certain \nportion of their lands. The delegates of the Seminole Nation \nhaving first duly evidenced to me their power to act in that behalf, \ndelivered a proper release and conveyance to the United States of \nall the lands mentioned in the act, which was accepted by me and \ncertified to be in compliance with the statute. \n\nBy the terms of both the acts referred to, all the lands so purchased \nwere declared to be a part of the public domain, and open to settle- \nment under the homestead law. But of the lands embraced in these \npurchases, being in the aggregate about 5,500,000 acres, 3,500,000 \nacres had already, under the terms of the treaty of 1896 been acquired \nby the United States for the purpose of settling other Indian tribes \nthereon, and had been appropriated to that purpose. The land \nremaining and available for settlement consisted of 1,887,796 acre.\'^, \nsurrounded on all sides by lands in the occupancy of Indian tribes. \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Beiijainiii Harrison. 53 \n\nCongress had provided 110 civil government for tlie people who were \nto be invited by my proclamation to settle upon these lands, except \nas the new court, which had been established at Muscogee, or the \nUnited States courts in some of the adjoining States, had power to \nenforce the general laws of the United States. \n\nIn this condition of things I was quite reluctant to open the \nlands to settlement. But in view of the fact that several thousand \npersons, many of them with their families, had gathered upon the \nborders of the Indian Territory, with a view to securing homesteads \non the ceded lands, and that delay would involve them in much loss \nand suffering, I did, on the 23d day of March last, issue a proclama- \ntion declaring that the lands therein described would be open to \n.settlement under the provi.sions of the law on the 22d day of April \nfollowing, at 12 o\'clock noon. Two land districts had been estab- \nlished and the offices were open for the transaction of business when \nthe appointed time arrived. \n\nIt is much to the credit of the settlers that they very generally \nobserved the limitation as to the time when they might enter the \nTerritory. Care will be taken that those who entered in violation \nof the law do not secure the advantage they unfairly sought. There \nwas a good deal of apprehension that the strife for locations would \nresult in nmch violence and bloodshed, but happily these anticipa- \ntions were not realized. It is estimated that there are now in the \nTerritory about sixty thousand people; and several considerable^ \ntowns have sprung up, for which temporary municipal governments \nhave been organized. Guthrie is said to have now a population of \nalmost 8,000. Eleven schools and nine churches have been estab- \nlished, and three daily and five weekly newspapers are published in \nthis cit)-, whose charter and ordinances have onh\' the sanction of \nthe voluutar\\- acquiescence of the j^eople from day to day. \n\nOklahoma City has a population of about five thousand, and is \nproportionately as well provided as Guthrie with churches, schools, \nand newspapers. Other towns and villages having populations of \nfrom one hundred to a thousand are scattered over the Territory. \n\nIn order to secure the peace of this new community, in the absence \nof civil government, I directed General Merritt, commanding the \nDepartment of the Missouri, to act in conjunction with the marshals \nof the United States to preserve the peace, and upon their requisi- \ntion to use the troops to aid them in executing warrants and in \nquieting any riots or breaches of the peace that might occur. He \nwas further directed to use his influence to promote good order and \nto avoid any conflicts between or with the settlers. Relieving that \nthe introduction and sale of liquors, where no legal restraints or \n\n\n\n54 Public Papers and Addresses of Beiijaiiiin Harrison. \n\nregulations existed, would endanger the public peace, and in view \nof the fact that such liquors must first be introduced into the Indian \nreservations before reaching the white settlements, I further directed \nthe general commanding to enforce the laws rehting to the intro- \nduction of ardent spirits into the Indian country. \n\nThe presence of the troops has given a sense of security to the \nwell-disposed citizens, and has tended to restrain the lawless. In \none instance the officer in immediate command of the troops went \nfurther than I deemed justifiable in sirpporting the de facto muni- \ncipal government of Guthrie, and he was j-o informed and directed \nto limit the interference of the military to the support of the mar- \nshals on the lines indicated in the original order. I very urgently \nrecommend that Congress at once provide a Territorial government \nfor these people. Serious questions, which may at any time lead to \nviolent outbreaks, are awaiting the institution of courts for their \npeaceful adjustment. The American genius for self-government \nhas been well illustrated in Oklahoma, but it is neither safe nor \nwise to leave these people longer to the expedients which have tem- \nporarily served them. \n\nProvision should be made for the acquisition of title to town lots \nin the towns now established in Alaska, for locating town sites and \nfor the establi.shment of municipal governments. Only the mining \nlaws have been extended to that Territory, and no other form of \ntitle to lands can now be obtained. The general land laws were \nframed with reference to the disposition of agricultural lands, and \nit is doubtful if their operation in Alaska would be beneficial. \n\nWe have fortunately not extended to Alaska the mistaken policy \nof establishing reservations for the Indian tribes, and can deal with \nthem from the beginning as individuals with, I am sure, better \nresults. But any disposition of the public lands and any regula- \ntions relating to timber and to tlie fisheries should ha\\-e a kindly \nregard to their interests. Having no power to levy taxes, the peo- \nple of Ala.ska are wholly dependent upon the general Government, \nto whose revenues the seal fisheries make a large annual contribu- \ntion. An appropriation for education should neither be overlooked \nnor stinted. \n\nThe smallness of the population and the great distances between \nthe settlements offer serious obstacles to the establishment of the \nusual Territorial form of government. Perhaps the organization \nof several subdistricts, with a small municipal council of limited \npowers for each, would be safe and u.seful. \n\nAttention is called in this connection to the suggestions of the \nSecretary of the Treasurv relating to the establishment of another \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Beiijaniiii Ifarrisivi. 55 \n\nport of entry in Alaska, and of other needed cnstonis facilities and \nreo;nlations. \n\nIn the administration of the land laws the polic)- of facilitating, in \nevery proper way, the adjustment of the honest claims of individual \nsettlers upon the public lands has been pursued. The number of \npending cases had, during the preceding administration, been greatly \nincreased under the operation of orders for a time suspending final \naction in a large part of the cases originating in the West and \nNorthwest, and b)\' the subsequent use of unusual methods of exam- \nination. Only those who are familiar with tl-.e conditions under \nwhich our agricultural lands have been settled can appreciate the \nserious and often fatal consequences to the settler of a policy tliat \nputs his title under suspicion, or delays the issuance of his patent. \nWhile care is taken to prevent and to expose fraud, it should not \nbe imputed without reason. \n\nThe manifest purpose of the homestead and preemption laws was \nto promote the settlement of the public domain by persons having \na bona-fide intent to make a home upon the selected lands. Where \nthis intent is well established and the requirements of the law \nhave been substantially complied with, the claimant is entitled to \na prompt and friendly consideration of his case. Rut where there is \nreason to believe that the claimant is the mere agent of another who \nis seeking to evade a law intended to promote small holdings and \nto secure by fraudulent methods large tracts of timber and other \nlands, both principal and agent should not only be thwarted in their \nfraudulent purpose, but should be made to feel the full penalties of \nour criminal statutes. The laws should be so administered as not \nto confound these two classes, and to visit penalties only upon the \nlatter. \n\nThe unsettled state of the titles to large bodies of lands in the \nTerritories of New Mexico and Arizona has greatly retarded the \ndevelopment of those Territories. Provision should be made by \nlaw for the prompt trial and final adjustment, before a judicial \ntribunal or commission, of all claims based upon Mexican grants. \nIt is not just to an intelligent and enterprising people that their \npeace should be disturbed and their prosperity retarded by these \nold contentions. I express the hope that differences of opinion as \nto methods may yield to the urgency of the case. \n\nThe law now provides a pension for every soldier and sailor who \nwas mustered into the service of the United States during the civil \nwar and is now suffering from wounds or disease having an origin \nin the service and in the line of dutv. Two of the three necessary \nfacts, viz, muster and disability, are usually susceptible of easy \n\n\n\n56 Public Papers and Addresses of Beti/an/iii Harrison. \n\nproof; but the third, origin in the service, is often difficult, and \nmany deserving cases impossible to establish. That very many of \nthose who endured the hardships of our most bloody and arduous \ncampaigns are now disabled from diseases that \'had a real but not \ntraceable origin in the service I do not doubt. Besides the.se there \nis another class eomposed of men, many of whom served an enlist- \nment of three full j\'ears, and of reenlisted veterans who added a \nfourth year of service, who escaped the casualties of battle and the \nassaults of disease, who were always ready for any detail, who were \nin every battle line of their command, and were mustered out in \nsound health, and have, since the close of the war, while fighting \nwith the same indomitable and independent spirit the contests of \ncivil life, been overcome by disease or casualty. \n\nI am not unaware that the pension-roll already involves a very \nlarge annual expenditure, neither am I deterred by that fact from \nrecommending that Congress grant a pension to such honorably \ndischarged soldiers and sailors of the civil war as having rendered \nsubstantial service during the war are now dependent upon their own \nlabor for a maintenance, and by disease or casualty are incapacitated \nfrom earning it. Many of thenien who would be included in this \nform of relief are now dependent upon public aid, and it does not, \nin my judgment, consist with the national honor that they shall \ncontinue to subsist upon the local relief given indiscriminately to \npaupers instead of upon the special and generous provision of the \nnation they .served so gallantly and unselfishly. Our people will, I \nam sure, very generally approve such legislation. And I am equall\\- \nsure that the survivors of the Union Army and Navy will feel a \ngrateful sense of relief when this worthy and suffering class of their \ncomrades is fairly cared for. \n\nThere are some manifest inequalities in the existing law that \nshould be remedied. To some of these the Secretary of the Interior \nhas called attention. \n\nIt is gratifving to be able to state that by the adoption of new \nand better methods in the War Department the calls of the Pension \nOffice for information as to the military and hospital records of \npension claimants are now promptly answered, and the injurious and \nvexatious delays that have heretofore occurred are entirely avoided. \nThis will greath- facilitate the adjustment of all pending claims. \n\nThe advent of four new States, South Dakota, North Dakota, \nMontana and Washington, into the Union under the Constitution, \nin the same month, and the admission of their duh\' chosen repre- \nsentatives to our National Congress at the same session, is an event \nas unexampled as it is interesting. \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Benjaniiu Harrison. 57 \n\nThe certification of the votes cast and of the constitutions adopted \nin eacli of the .States was filed with nie as required bv the eiglith \nsection of tlie act of February 22, i.S.Sg, by the governors of said \nTerritories respectively. Having, after a careful examination, found \nthat the several constitutions and governments were republican in \nform and not repugnant to the Constitution of the United States, \nthat all the provisions of the act of Congress had been complied \nwith, and that a majority of the votes cast in each of said proposed \nStates was in favor of the adoption of the constitution submitted \ntherein, I did so declare by a separate proclamation as to each ; as \nto North Dakota and South Dakota on Saturday, November 2; as to \nMontana on Friday, November 8, and as to Washington on Monday, \nNovember 11. \n\nEach of these States has within its resources the development of \nwhich will employ the energies of, and yield a comfortable subsist- \nence to, a great population. The smallest of these new States, \nWashington, stands twelftli, and the largest, Montana, third, among \nthe forty-two in area. The people of these States are already well \ntrained, intelligent, and patriotic American citizens, having com- \nmon interests and sympathies with those of the older States, and a \ncommon purpose to defend the integrity and uphold the honor of \nthe nation. \n\nThe attention of the Interstate Commerce Commission has been \ncalled to the urgent need of Congressional legislation for the better \nprotection of the lives and limbs of those engaged in operating the \ngreat interstate freight lines of the country, and especially of the \nyard-men and brakemen. K petition, signed by nearly 10,000 \nrailway brakeman was presented to the Commission, asking that \nsteps might be taken to bring about the use of automatic brakes and \ncouplers on freight cars. \n\nAt a meeting of State railroad commissioners and their accredited \nrepresentatives, held at Washington in March last, upon the invi- \ntation of the Interstate Commerce Commission, a resolution was \nunanimously adopted urging the Commission "to consider what \ncan be done to prevent the loss of life and limb in coupling and \nuncoupling freight cars, and in handling the brakes of such cars." \nDuring the year ending June 30, 18S8, over 2,000 railroad employes \nwere killed in service and more than 20,000 injured. It is compe- \ntent, I think, for Congress to require uniformity in the construction \nof cars used in interstate commerce, and the use of improved safety \nappliances upon such trains. Time will be necessary to make the \nneeded changes, but an earnest and intelligent beginning .should be \nmade at once. It is a reproach to our civilization that any class of \n\n\n\n58 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nAmerican workmen should, in tlie pursuit of a necessary and useful \nvocation, be subjected to a peril of life and limb as great as that of \na soldier in time of war. \n\nThe creation of an executive department, to be known as the \nDepartment of Agriculture, by the act of February 9 last, was a \nwise and timely response to a request which had long been respect- \nfully urged by the farmers of the country. But much remains to \nbe done to perfect the organization of the Department so that it \nmay fairly realize the expectations which its creation excited. In \nthis connection attention is called to the suggestions contained in \nthe report of the Secretary, which is herewith submitted. The \nneed of a law officer for the Department, such as is provided for the \nother Executive Departments, is manifest. The failure of the last \nCongress to make the usual provision for the publication of the \nannual report should be promptly remedied. The public interest \nin the report and its value to the farming community I am sure will \nnot be diminished under the new organization of the Department. \n\nI recommend that the Weather Service be separated from the \nWar Department and established as a Bureau in the Department of \nAgriculture. This will involve an entire reorganization both of \nthe Weather Bureau and of the Signal Corps, making of the first a \npurely civil organization and of the other a purely military staff \ncorps. The report of the Chief Signal Officer shows that the work \nof the corps on its military side has been deteriorating. \n\nThe interests of the people of the District of Columbia should \nnot be lost sight of in the pressure for consideration of measures \naffecting the whole country. Having no legislature of its own, \neither municipal or general, its people must look to Congress for \nthe regulation of all those concerns that, in the States, are the \nsubject of local control. Our whole people have an interest that \nthe National Capital should be made attractive and beautiful, and \nabove all that its repute for social order should be well maintained. \nThe laws regulating the sale of intoxicating drinks in the District \nshould be revised with a view to bringing the traffic under stringent \nlimitations and control. \n\nIn execution of the power conferred upon me by the act making \nappropriations for the expenses of the District of Columbia for the \nyear ending June 30, 1890, I did, on the 17th day of August last, \nappoint Rudolph Hering, of New York, Samuel M. Gray, of Rhode \nIsland, and Frederick P. Stearns, of Massachusetts, three eminent \nsanitary engineers, to examine and report upon the system of \nsewerage existing in the District of Columbia. Their report, which \nis not yet completed, will be in due course submitted to Congress. \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Beii/aiiiin Harrison. 59 \n\nThe report of the Commissioners of the District is herewith trans- \nmitted, and the attention of Congress is called to the suggestions \ncontained therein. \n\nThe proposition to observe the four hundredth anniversary of the \ndiscovery of America liy the opening of a world\'s fair or exposition \nin some one of our great cities will be presented for the consideration \nof Congress. The value and interest of such an exposition may well \nclaim the promotion of the General Government. \n\nOn the 4th of I\\Iarch last the Civil Service Commission had but \na single member. The vacancies were filled on the 7th da\\\' of May, \nand since then the Commissioners have been industriously, though \nwith an inadequate force, engaged in executing the law. They \nwere assured by me that a cordial support would be given them \nin the faithful and impartial enforcement of the statute and of the \nrules and regulations adopted in aid of it. \n\nHeretofore the book of eligibles has been closed to every one, \nexcept as certification were made upon the requisition of the \nappointing officers. This secrecy was the source of much suspicion, \nand of many charges of favoritism in the administration of the law. \nWhat is secret is always suspected ; what is open can be judged. \nThe Commission, with the full approval of all its members, has \nnow opened the list of eligibles to the public. The eligible lists \nfor the classified post-offices and custom-ho\\ises are now publich\' \nposted in the respective offices, as are also the certifications for \nappointments. The purpose of the civil-service law was absolutely \nto exclude any other consideration in connection with appointments \nunder it than that of merit as tested by the examinations. The \nbusiness proceeds upon the theory that both the examining boards \nand the appointing-officers are absolutely ignorant as to the political \nviews and associations of all persons on the civil-service lists. It is \nnot too much to say, however, that some recent Congressional \ninvestigations have somewhat shaken public confidence in the \nimpartiality of the selections for appointment. \n\nThe reform of the civil service will make no safe or satisfactory \nadvance until the present law and its equal administration are well \nestablished in the confidence of the people. It will be my pleasure, \nas it is my duty, to see that the law is executed with firnmess and \nimi^artiality. If some of its provisions have l)een fraudulently evaded \nby appointing-officers, our resentment should not suggest the repeal \nof the law, but reform in its administration. We should have one \nview of the matter, and hold it with a .sincerity that is not affected \nby the ctjusideration that the part\\- to which we belong is for the \ntime in power. \n\n\n\n6o Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nMy predecessor, on the 4tli day of January, 1889, by an executive \norder to take effect March 15, brought the Railway Mail Service \nunder the operation of the civil-service law. Provision was made \nthat the order should take effect sooner in any State where an eligible \nlist was sooner obtained. On the nth day of March, Mr. Lyman, \nthen the only member of the Commission, reported to me in writing \nthat it would not be possible to have the list of eligibles ready before \nMay I, and requested that the taking effect of the order be postponed \nuntil that time, which was done, subject to the same provision \ncontained in the original order as to States in which an eligible \nlist was sooner obtained. \n\nAs a result of the revision of the rules, of the new cla.ssification, \nand of the inclusion of the Railway Mail Service, the work of the \nCommission has been greatly increased, and the present clerical \nforce is found to be inadequate. I recommend that the additional \nclerks asked by the Commi,ssion be appropriated for. \n\nThe duty of appointment is devolved by the Constitution or by \nthe law, and the appointing officers are properly held to a high \nresponsibility in its exercise. The growth of the country and the \nconsequent increase of the civil list have magnified this function \nof the Executive disproportionally. It can not be denied, however, \nthat the labor connected with this necessary work is increased, often \nto the point of actual distress, by the sudden and excessive demands \nthat are made upon an incoming administration for removals \nand appointments. But, on the other hand, it is not true that \nincumbency is a conclusive argument for a continuance in office. \nImpartiality, moderation, fidelity to public duty, and a good \nattainment in the discharge of it must be added before the argu- \nment is complete. When those holding administrative offices so \nconduct theuLselves as to convince just political opponents that no \nparty consideration or bias affects in any way the discharge of their \npublic duties, we can more easily stay the demand for removals. \n\nI am satisfied that both in and out of the classified service great \nbenefit would accrue from the adoption of some system by which \nthe officer would receive the distinction and benefit that, in all \nprivate employments, comes from exceptional faithfulness and \nefficiency in the performance of duty. \n\nI have suggested to the heads of the executive departments that \nthey consider whether a record might not be kept in each bureau of \nall those elements that are covered by the terms "faithfulness" and \n"efficiency," and a rating made showing the relative merits of the \nclerks of each class, this rating to be regarded as a test of merit in \nmaking promotions. \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Boijaniiii ffarrisoii. 6i \n\nI have also sui^j^ested to the Postmaster-General that he adopt \nsome plan by which he can, upon the basis of the reports to the \nDepartment and of freqnent inspections, indicate the relative merit \nof postmasters of each class. They will be appropriately indicated \nin the official re.a^ister and in the report of the Department. That \na o;reat .stimnlns wonld thus be given to the whole .service I do not \ndoubt, and sucli a record would be the best defense against incon- \nsiderate removals from office. \n\nThe interest of the General Government in the education of the \npeople found an early expression, not only in the thoughtful and \nsometimes warning utterances of our ablest statesmen, but in liberal \nappropriations from the common resources for the support of educa- \ntion in the new States. No one will deny that it is of the gravest \nnational concern that those who hold the ultimate control of all \npublic affairs should have the necessary intelligence wisely to direct \nand determine them. National aid to education has heretofore taken \nthe form of land grants, and in that form the constitutional power \nof Congress to promote the education of the people is not seriously \nquestioned. I do not think it can be successfully questioned when \nthe form is changed to that of a direct grant of money from the \npublic treasury. \n\nSuch aid should be, as it always has been, suggested by some \nexceptional conditions. The sudden emancipation of the slaves of \nthe South, the bestowal of the suffi\'age, which soon followed, and \nthe impairment of the ability of the States where these new citizens \nwere chiefly found to adequately provide educational facilities, pre- \nsented not only exceptional but unexampled conditions. That the \nsituation has been much ameliorated there is no doubt. The ability \nand interest of the States have happily increased. \n\nBut a great work remains to be done, and I think the General \nGovernment should lend its aid. As the suggestion of a national \ngrant in aid of education grows chiefly out of the condition and \nneeds of the emancipated slave and his descendants, the relief \nshould, as far as possible, while necessarily proceeding upon some \ngeneral lines, be applied to the need that suggested it. It is essen- \ntial, if much good is to be accomplished, that the s}-mpatliy and \nactive interest of the people of the vStates should be enlisted, and \nthat the methods adopted should be such as to stimulate and not to \nsupplant local taxation for school purposes. \n\nAs one Congress can not bind a succeeding one in such a case, and \nas the efifort must, in some degree, be experimental, I reconnnend \nthat any appropriation made for this purpose be so limited in annual \namount and as to the time over which it is to extend as will, on \n\n\n\n62 Public Papers and Addresses of Beiijainiii Harrison. \n\nthe one hand, give the local school anthorities opportunit)- to make \nthe best nse of the first year\'s allowance, and on the other deliver \nthem from the temptation to undnly postpone the assumption of the \nwhole burden themselves. \n\nThe colored people did not intrude themselves upon us; they \nwere brought here in chains and held in the communities where \nthey are now chiefly found, by a cruel slave code. Happily for \nbo\'.h races they are now free. Tliey have, from a stand-point of \nignorance and poverty, which was our shame, not theirs, made \nremarkable advances in education and in the acquisition of property. \nThey have, as a people, shown themselves to be friendly and faith- \nful towards the white race, under temptations of tremendous \nstrength. They have their representatives in the national ceme- \nteries where a grateful Government has gathered the ashes of \nthose who died in its defense. They have furnished to our regular \nArmy regiments that have won high praise from their commanding \nofficers for courage and soldierly qualities, and for fidelity to the \nenlistment oath. In civil life they are now the toilers of their com- \nmunities, making their full contribution to the widening streams \nof prosperity which these communities are receiving. Their sudden \nwithdrawal would stoj) production and bring disorder into the \nhousehold as well as the shop. Generally they do not desire to \nquit their homes, and their employers resent the interference of the \nemigration agents who seek to stimulate such a desire. \n\nBut, notwithstanding all this, in many parts of our country where \nthe colored population is large the people of that race are, by various \ndevices, deprived of any effective exercise of their political rights \nand of many of their civil rights. The wrong does not expend \nitself upon those whose votes are suppressed. Every constituency \nin the Union is wrong. \n\nIt has been the hope of every patriot that a sense of justice and \nof respect for the law would work a gradual cure of these flagrant \nevils. Surely, no one supposes that the present can be accepted as \na permanent condition. If it is said that these communities must \nwork out this problem for themselves, we have a right to ask \nwhether they are at work upon it. Do they suggest any solution? \nWhen and under what conditions is the black man to have a free \nballot? When is he in fact to have those full civil rights which \nhave so long been his in law? When is that equality of influence \nwhich our form of government was intended to secure to the electors \nto be restored? This generation should courageously face these \ngrave questions, and not leave them as a heritage of woe to the next- \nThe consultation should proceed with candor, calmness, and great \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. 63 \n\npatience ; upon the lines of justice and Imnianity, not of prejudice \nand cruelty. No question in our country can be at rest except upon \nthe firm base of justice and of the law. \n\nI earnestly invoke the attention of Congress to the consideration \nof such measures within its well-defined constitutional powers as \nwill secure to all our people a free exercise of the right of suffrage \nand every other civil right under the Constitution and laws of \nthe United States. No evil, however deplorable, can justify the \nassumption, either on the part of the Executive or of Congress, of \npowers not granted ; but both will be highly blaniable if all the \npowers granted are not wisely but firmly used to correct these evils. \nThe power to take the whole direction and control of the election \nof members of the House of Representatives is clearly given to the \nGeneral Government. A partial and qualified supervision of these \nelections is now provided for by law, and in my opinion this law \nmay be so strengthened and extended as to secure, on the whole, \nbetter results than can be attained by a law taking all the processes \nof such election into Federal control. The colored man should be \nprotected in all of his relations to the Federal Government, whether \nas litigant, juror, or witness in our courts, as an elector for members \nof Congress, or as a peaceful tra\\eler upon our interstate railways. \n\nThere is nothing more justly humiliating to the national pride, \nand nothing more hurtful to the national prosperity than the infe- \nriority of our merchant marine compared with that of other nations \nwhose general resources, wealth, and .seacoast lines do not suggest \nany reason for their supremacy on the sea. It was not alwajs so, \nand our people are agreed, I think, that it shall not continue to be \nso. It is not possible in this communication to discuss the causes \nof the decay of our shipping interests or the differing methods by \nwhich it is proposed to restore them. The statement of a few well- \nauthenticated facts and some general suggestions as to legislation \nis all that is practicable. That the great steamship lines sailing \nunder the flags of England, France, Germany, vSpain, and Italy, and \nengaged in foreign commerce, were promoted, and have since been \nand now are liberally aided, by grants of public money, in one form \nor another, is generally known. That the American lines of steam- \nships have been abandoned by us to an unequal contest with the \naided lines of other nations until they have been withdrawn, or, in \nthe few cases where they are still maintained, are subject to serious \ndisadvantages, is matter of common knowledge. \n\nThe present situation is such that travelers and merchandi.se find \nLiverpool often a necessary intermediate port between New York \nand some of the South American capitals. The fact that some of \n\n\n\n64 Public Papers and Addresses of PcHjaiitin Harrison. \n\nthe deleeates from vSoutli Ainc-rican states to the Conference of \nAmerican Nations, now in session at Washing;ton, reached our \nslrores by reversinj^ that line of travel, is very conclusive of the \nneed of snch a conference, and very suggestive as to the first and \nmost necessary step in the direction of fuller and more beneficial \nintercourse with nations that are now our neighbors upon the \nlines of latitude, but not upon the lines of established commercial \nintercourse. \n\nI recommend that such appropriations be made for ocean-mail \nservice, in American steamships, between our ports and those of \nCentral and South America, China, Japan, and the important \nislands in both of the great oceans, as will be liberally remunera- \ntive for the service rendered, and as will encourage the establish- \nment and in some fair degree equalize the chances of American \nsteamship lines in the competitions which the)- must meet. That \nthe American states lying south of us will cordially cooperate in \nestablishing and maintaining such lines of steamships to their \nprincipal ports I do not doubt. \n\nWe should also make provision for a naval reserve to consist of \nsuch merchant ships, of American construction and of a specified \ntonnage and speed, as the owners will consent to place at the use of \nthe Government, in case of need, as armed cruisers. England has \nadopted this polic\\\', and as a result can now, upon necessity, at once \nplace upon her naval list some of the fastest steamships in the \nworld. A proper supervision of the construction of such vessels \nwould make their conversion into effective ships of war very easy. \n\nI am an advocate of economy in our national expenditures, but \nit is a misuse of terms to make this word describe a policy that \nwithholds an expenditure for the purpose of extending our foreign \ncommerce. The enlargement and improvement of our merchant \nmarine, the development of a sufficient body of trained American \nseamen, the promotion of rapid and regular mail communication \nbetween the ports of other countries and our own, and the adapta- \ntion of large and swift American merchant steamships to naval \nuses, in time of war, are public purposes of the highest concern. \nThe enlarged participation of our people in the carrj\'ing trade, the \nnew and increased markets that will be opened for the products of \nour farms and factories, and the fuller and better employment of \nour mechanics, which will result from a liberal promotion of our \nforeign commerce, insure the widest possible diffusion of benefit to \nall the States and to all our people. Everything is most propitious \nfor the present inauguration of a liberal and progressive policy \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Peiijainin /larrison. 65 \n\nupon this subject, and we should enter upon it with promptness \nand decision. \n\nThe legislation which I have suggested, it is sincerely believed, \nwill promote the peace and honor of our country and the prosperity \nand security of the people. I invoke the diligent and .serious \nattention of Congress to the consideration of these and such other \nmeasures as may be presented, having the same great end in view. \n\nBenj. Harrison. \n\nExecutive Mansion, \n\nll\'as/iiiig/oii, December ]^ iSS^. \n\n\n\nII. \n\nDECKMBER 1, 1890. \n\nTo tlie Senate and House of Representatives : \n\nThe reports of the several Executive Departments which will be \nlaid before Congress in the usual course will exhibit in detail the \noperations of the Government for the last fiscal year. Oul}- the more \nimportant incidents and results, and chiefly such as may be the \nfoundation of the recommendations I shall submit, will be referred \nto in this annual message. \n\nThe vast and increasing business of the Government has been \ntransacted by the several departments during the year with faithful- \nness, energy, and success. The revenues, amounting to above four \nhundred and fifty million dollars, have been collected and disbursed \nwithout revealing, so far as I can ascertain, a single case of defalca- \ntion or embezzlement. An earnest effort has been made to stimulate \na sense of responsibility and jjublic duty in all officers and employes \nof every grade, and the work done by them has almost wholly \nescaped unfavorable criticism. I speak of these matters with free- \ndom because the credit of this good work is not mine, but is shared \nby the heads of the several departments with the great body of \nfaithful officers and employes who serve under them. The closest \nscrutiny of Congress is invited to all the methods of administration \nand to every item of expenditure. \n\nThe friendly relations of our country with the nations of Europe \nand of the East have been inidisturbed, while the ties of good will \nand common interest that bind us to the states of the Western Hem- \nisphere have been notably strengthened by the conference held in \nthis capital to consider measures for the general welfare. Pursuant \nto the invitation authorized by Congress, the representatives of every \n15151 5 \n\n\n\n66 Public Papers and Addresses of Bciijaiiiin Harrison. \n\nindependent state of the American Continent and of Haiti met in \nconference in this capital in October, 1889, and continned in session \nnntil the 19th of last April. This important convocation marks a \nmost interesting and influential epoch in the history of the Western \nHemisphere. It is noteworthy that Brazil, invited while under an \nimperial form of government, shared as a Republic in the delibera- \ntions and results of the conference. The recommendations of this \nconference were all transmitted to Congress at the last session. \n\nThe International Marine Conference, which sat at Washington \nlast winter, reached a very gratifying result. The regulations sug- \ngested have been brought to the attention of all the governments \nrepresented, and their general adoption is confidently expected. \nThe legislation of Congress at the last session is in conformity with \nthe propositions of the conference, and the proclamation therein \nprovided for will be issued when the other powers have given notice \nof their adhesion. \n\nThe conference of Bru.ssels, to devise means for suppressing the \nslave trade in Africa, aflforded an opportunity for a new expression \nof the interest the American people feel in that great work. It soon \nbecame evident that the measure proposed would tax the resources \nof the Congo Basin beyond the revenues available under the general \nact of Berlin of 1884. The United States, not being a party to that \nact, could not share in its revision, but by a separate act the inde- \npendent State of the Congo was freed from the restrictions upon a \ncustoms revenue. The demoralizing and destructive traffic in ardent \nspirits among the tribes also claimed the earnest attention of the \nconference, and the delegates of the United States were foremost in \nadvocating measures for its repression. An accord was reached, the \ninfluence of which will be very helpful and extend over a wide \nregion. As soon as these measures shall receive the sanction of the \nNetherlands, for a time withheld, the general acts will be submitted \nfor ratification by the Senate. Meanwhile negotiations have been \nopened for a new and complete treaty of friendship, commerce, and \nnavigation between the United States and the independent State of \nthe Congo. \n\nToward the end of the past year the only independent monarchical \ngovernment on the Western Continent, that of Brazil, ceased to exist \nand was succeeded by a Republic. Diplomatic relations were at once \nestablished with the new government, but it was not completely \nrecognized until an opportunity had been afforded to ascertain that \nit had popular approval and support. When the course of events \nhad yielded assurance of this fact, no time was lost in extending to \nthe new government a full and cordial welcome into the family of \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Bcii/\'a)nin Harrison. 67 \n\nAmerican comiuonwealths. It is confidently believed that the j^ood \nrelations of the two coinitries will be preserved, and that the future \nwill witness an increased intimacy of intercourse and an expansion \nof their mutual commerce. \n\nThe peace of Central America has aj^ain been disturbed through \na revolutionary chans^e in Salvador, which was not recognized \nby other States, and hostilities broke out between Salvador and \nGuatemala, threateniug to involve all Central America in conflict and \nto undo the progress which had been made toward a union of their \ninterests. The efforts of this Government were promptly and zeal- \nously e.xerted to compose their differences and through the active \nefforts of the representati\\-e of the United States a provisional treaty \nof peace was signed August 26, whereby the right of the Republic of \nSalvador to choose its own rulers was recognized. General Ezeta, \nthe chief of the provisional go\\-ernment, has since been confirmed \nin the Presidency by the Assembly, and diplomatic recognition \nduly followed. \n\nThe killing of General Barrundia on board the Pacific mail \nsteamer Acapiiko, while anchored in transit in the port of San Jose \nde Guatemala, demanded careful inquiry. Having failed in a \nrevohitionary attempt to invade Guatemala from Mexican territory. \nGeneral Barrundia took passage at Acapulco for Panama. The \nconsent of the representatives of the United States was sought to \neffect his seizure, first at Champerico, where the steamer touched, \nand afterwards at San Jose. The captain of the steamer refused to \ngive up his passenger without a written order from the United \nStates minister ; the latter furnished the desired letter, stipulating, \nas the condition of his action, that General Barrundia\' s life should \nbe spared and that he should be tried onh\' for offenses growing out \nof his insurrectionary movements. This letter was produced to the \ncaptain of the Acapuho by the military commander at San Jose, as \nhis warrant to take the passenger from the steamer. General \nBarrundia resisted capture and was killed. It being evident that \nthe minister, Mr. Mizner, had exceeded the bounds of his authority \nin intervening, a compliance with the demands of the Guatemalan \nauthorities, to authorize and effect, in violation of precedent, the \nseizure on a vessel of the United States of a passenger in transit \ncharged with political offenses, in order that he might be tried for \nsuch offenses under what was described as martial law, I was \nconstrained to disavow Mr. Mizner\'s act and recall him from his \npost. \n\nThe Nicaragua Canal project, under the control of our citizens, \nis making most encouraging progress, all the preliminary conditions \n\n\n\n68 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nand initial operations liavini,\'^ been accomplished within the pre- \nscribed time. \n\nDuring the past vear negotiations have been renewed for the \nsettlement of the claims of American citizens against the (lovern- \nment of Chile, principally growing out of the late war with Peru. \nThe reports from our minister at Santiago warrant the expectation \nof an early and satisfactory adjustment. \n\nOur relations with China, which have for several years occupied so \nimportant a place in our diplomatic history, have called for careful \nconsideration and have been the subject of much correspondence. \n\nThe communications of the Chinese minister have brought into \nview the whole subject of our conventional relations with his \ncountry ; and at the same time this Government, through its \nlegation at Peking, has sought to arrange various matters and \ncomplaints touching the interests and protection of our citizens in \nChina. \n\nIn pursuance of the concurrent resolution of October i, 1890, I \nhave proposed to the Governments of Mexico and Great Britain to \nconsider a conventional regulation of the passage of Chinese laborers \nacross our southern and northern frontiers. \n\nOn the 22d day of August last Sir Edmund Monson, the arbitrator \nselected under the treaty of December 6, 1S88, rendered an award \nto the effect that no compensation was due from the Danish Govern- \nment to the United States on account of what is commonly known \nas the Carlos Butterfield claim. \n\nOur relations with the French Republic continue to be cordial. \nOur representative at that court has very diligently urged the \nremoval of the restrictions imposed upon our meat products, and \nit is believed that substantial progress has been made towards a just \nsettlement. \n\nThe Samoan treaty, signed last year at Berlin by the representa- \ntives of the United States, Germany, and Great Britain, after due \nratification and exchange, has begun to produce salutary effects. \nThe formation of the government agreed upon will soon replace \nthe disorder of the past by a stable administration, alike just to the \nnatives and equitable to the three powers most concerned in trade \nand intercourse with the Samoan Islands. The chief justice has \nbeen chosen by the King of Sweden and Norway, on the invitation \nof the three powers, and will soon Idc installed. The land com- \nmission and the municipal council are in process of organization. \nA rational and evenly distributed .scheme of taxation, both municipal \nand upon imports, is in operation. Malietoa is respected as King. \nThe new treaty of extradition with Great Britain, after due \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Bei!ja>iiii! Harrison. 69 \n\nratification, was proclaimed on the 25tli of last March. Its bene- \nficial working is already apparent. \n\nThe difference between the two Governments touching the fur-seal \nquestion in the Bering Sea is not yet adjusted, as will be seen by \nthe correspondence which will .soon be laid before Congress. The \noffer to submit the question to arbitration, as proposed by Her \nMajesty\'s Government, has not been accepted, for the reason that \nthe form of submission proposed is not thought to be calculated to \nassure a conclusion .satisfactory to either party. It is sincerely hoped \nthat before the opening of another sealing season some arrangement \nmay be effected which will assure to the United States a property \nright, derived from Russia, which was not disregarded by any nation \nfor more than eighty years preceding the outbreak of the existing \ntrouble. \n\nIn the tariff act a wrong was done to the Kingdom of Hawaii \nwhich I am bound to presume was wholly unintentional. Duties \nwere levied on certain commodities which are included in the \nreciprocity treaty now existing between the United States and the \nKingdom of Hawaii, without indicating the necessary exception in \nfavor of that Kingdom. I hope Congress will repair what might \notherwise seem to be a breach of faith on the part of this Government. \n\nAn award in favor of the United States in the matter of the claim \nof Mr. Van Bokkelen against Haiti was rendered on the 4th of \nDecember, 18SS, but owing to disorders then and afterwards pre- \nvailing in Haiti the terms of payment were not observed. A new \nagreement as to the time of pa^\'uient has been approved and is now \nin force. Other just claims of citizens of the United States for \nredress of wrongs suffered during the late political conflict in Haiti \nwill, it is hoped, speedily yield to friendly treatment. \n\nPropositions for the amendment of the treaty of extradition \nbetween the United States and Italy are now under consideration. \n\nYou will be asked to provide the means of accepting the invitation \nof the Italian Government to take part in an approaching conference \nto consider the adoption of a universal prime meridian from which \nto reckon longitude and time. As this proposal follows in the \ntrack of the reform .soxight to be initiated by the Meridian Conference \nof Washington, held on the invitation of this Government, the \nUnited .States should manifest a friendh- interest in the Italian \nproposal. \n\nIn this connection I may refer with approval to the suggestion \nof my predecessors, that standing provision be made for accepting, \nwhenever deemed advisable, the frequent invitations of foreign \ngovernments to share in conferences looking to the advancement of \n\n\n\n70 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\ninternational reforms in regard to science, sanitation, commercial \nlaws and procednre, and other matters affecting the interconrse and \nprogress of modern commnnities. \n\nIn the snmmer of 1889 an incident occnrred which for some time \nthreatened to interrnpt the cordiality of our relations with the \nGovernment of Portugal. That Government seized the Delagoa \nBay Railway, which was constructed under a concession granted to \nan American citizen, and at the same time annulled the charter. \nThe concessionary, who had embarked his fortune in the enterprise, \nhaving exhausted other means of redress, was compelled to invoke \nthe protection of his government. Our representations, made \ncoincidently with those of the British Government, whose subjects \nwere also largely interested, happily resulted in the recognition by \nPortugal of the propriety of submitting the claim for indemnity, \ngrowing out of its action, to arbitration. This plan of settlement \nhaving been agreed upon, the interested powers readily concurred \nin the proposal to submit the case to the judgment of three eminent \njurists, to be designated by the president of the Swiss Republic, \nwho, upon the joint invitation of the Governments of the United \nStates, Great Britain, and Portugal, has selected persons well quali- \nfied for the task before them. \n\nThe revision of our treaty relations with the Empire of Japan has \ncontinued to be the subject of consideration and of correspondence. \nThe questions involved are both grave and delicate ; and, while it \nwill be my duty to see that the interests of the United States are \nnot by any changes exposed to undue discrimination, I sincerely \nhope that such revision as will satisfy the legitimate expectations \nof the Japanese Government, and maintain the present and long \nexisting friendly relations between Japan and the United States, \nwill be effected. \n\nThe friendship between our country and Mexico, born of close \nneighborhood and strengthened by many considerations of intimate \nintercourse and reciprocal interest, has never been more conspicuous \nthan now, nor more hopeful of increased benefit to both nations. \nThe intercourse of the two countries by rail, already great, is \nmaking constant growth. The established lines, and those recently \nprojected, add to the intimacy of traffic and open new channels of \naccess to fresh areas of demand and supply. The importance of the \nMexican railway system will be further enhanced, to a degree almost \nimpossible to forecast, if it should become a link in the projected \nintercontinental railwav. I recommend that our mission in the \nCity of Mexico be raised to the first class. \n\nThe cordial character of our relations with Spain warrants the \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Benjann\'n Plarrisoti. 71 \n\nhope that by the continuance of methods of friendly negotiation \nnnicli ma}\' be accomplished in the direction of an adjnstment of \npending questions and of the increase of onr trade. The extent \nand development of onr trade with the island of Cuba in\\\'est the \ncommercial relations of the United States and Spain with a peculiar \nimportance. It is not doubted that a special arrangement in regard \nto commerce, based upon the reciprocity provision of the recent \ntariff act, would operate most beneficially for both (rovernments. \nThis subject is now receiving attention. \n\nThe restoration of the remains of John Ericsson to Sweden \nafforded a gratifying occasion to honor the memory of the great \ninventor, to whose genius our countr\\- owes so much, and to bear \nwitness to the unbroken friendship which has existed between the \nland which bore him and our own, which claimed him as a citizen. \n\nOn the 2d of September last the Commission appointed to revi.se \nthe proceedings of the commission under the claims convention \nbetween the United States and Venezuela of 1866 brought its \nlabors to a close within the period fixed for that purpose. The \nproceedings of the late Commission were characterized by a spirit \nof impartiality and a high sense of justice, and an incident which \nwas for many years the subject of discussion between the two Gov- \nernments has been disjDosed of in a manner alike honorable and \nsatisfactory to both parties. For the settlement of the claim of the \nVenezuela Steam Transportation Company, which was a subject of \na joint resolution adopted at the last session of Congress, negotia- \ntions are still in progress, and their early conclusion is anticipated. \n\nThe legislation of the past few years has evinced on the part of \nCongress a growing realization of the importance of the consular \nservice in fostering our commercial relations abroad and in protect- \ning the domestic revenues. As the scope of operations expands, \nincreased provision must be made to keep up the essential standard \nof efficiency. The necessity of some adecjuate measure of super- \nvision and inspection has been so often presented that I need only \ncommend the sid)ject to your attention. \n\nThe revenues of the Government from all sources for the fiscal \nyear ending June 30, 1890, were #463,963,080.55, and the total \nexpenditures for the same period were $358,618,584.52. The \npostal receipts have not heretofore been included in the statement \nof these aggregates, and for the purpose of comparison the sum of \n$60,882,097.92 should be deducted from both sides of the account. \nThe surplus for the year, including the amount applied to the \nsinking fund, was $105,344,496.03. The receipts for 1890 were \n$16,030,923.79 and the expenditures $15,739,871 in excess of those \n\n\n\n72 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamiu Harrison. \n\nof 1889. The customs receipts increased $5,835,842.88 and the \nreceipts from internal revenue $11,725,191.89, while, on the side of \nexpenditures, that for pensions was $19,312,075.96 in excess of the \npreceding year. \n\nThe Treasury statement for the current fiscal year, partly actual \nand partly estimated, is as follows : Receipts from all sources, \n$406,000,000 ; total expenditures, $354,000,000, leaving a surplus \nof $52,000,000 \xe2\x80\x94 not taking the postal receipts into the account on \neither side. The loss of revenue from customs for the last quarter \nis estimated at $25,000,000, biit from this is deducted a gain of \nabout $16,000,000, realized during the first four months of the year. \n\nFor the year 1892 the total estimated receipts are $373,000,000 \nand the estimated expenditures $357,852,209.42, leaving an esti- \nmated surplus of $15,147,790.58, which, with a cash balance of \n$52,000,000 at the beginning of the year, will give $67,147,790.58 \nas the sum available for the redemption of outstanding bonds or \nother uses. The estimates of receipts and expenditures for the \nPost-Office Department, being equal, are not included in this state- \nment on either side. \n\nThe act "directing the purchase of silver bullion and the issue of \nTreasury notes thereon," approved July 14, 1890, has been admin- \nistered by the Secretary of the Treasury with an earnest jinrpose to \nget into circulation at the earliest possible dates the full monthly \namounts of Treasury notes contemplated by its provisions and at \nthe same time to give to the market for silver biillion such support \nas the law contemplates. The recent depreciation in the price of \nsilver has been observed with regret. The rapid rise in price which \nanticipated and followed the passage of the act was influenced in \nsome degree by speculation, and the recent reaction is in part the \nresult of the same cause and in part of the recent monetary disturb- \nances. Some months of further trial will be necessary to determine \nthe permanent effect of the recent legislation upon silver valuer, \nbut it is gratifying to know that the increased circulation secured \nby the act has exerted and will contintie to exert a most beneficial \ninfluence upon business and upon general values. \n\nWhile it has not been thought best to renew formally the sug- \ngestion of an international conference looking to an agreement \ntouching the full use of silver for coinage at a uniform ratio, care \nhas been taken to obser\\\'e closely any change in the situation abroad, \nand no favorable opportunity will be lost to promote a result which \nit is confidently believed would confer very large benefits upon the \ncommerce of the world. \n\nThe recent monetary disturbances in England are not unlikely \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. 73 \n\nto suggest a reexamination of opinions npon tliis snbject. Our \nvery large supply of gold will, if not lost by impulsive legislation \nin the supposed interest of silver, give us a position of advantage \nin promoting a permanent and safe international agreement for the \nfree use of silver as a coin metal. \n\nThe efforts of the Secretary to increase the volume of money in \ncirculation by keeping down the Treasury surplus to the lowest \npracticable limit have been unremitting and in a very high degree \nsuccessful. The tables presented by him, showing the increase of \nmoney in circulation during the last two decades, and especially \nthe table showing the increase during the nineteen months he has \nadministered the affairs of the Department, are interesting and \ninstructive. The increase of money in circulation during the \nnineteen months has been in the aggregate 193,866,813, or about \nI1.50 i^er capita, and of this increase only $7,100,000 was due to \nthe recent silver legislation. That this substantial and needed aid \ngiven to commerce resulted in an enormous reduction of the public \ndebt and of the annual interest charge is matter of increased .satis- \nfaction. There have been purchased and redeemed since March 4, \n1889, 4 and 4)^ per cent bonds to the amount of $211,832,450, at a \ncost of $246,620,741, resulting in the reduction of the annual interest \ncharge of $8,967,609 and a total .saving of interest of $51,576, 706. \n\nI notice with great pleasure the statement of the Secretary that \ntlie receipts from internal revenue have increa.sed during the la,st \nfi.scal year nearly $12,000,000 and that the cost of collecting this \nlarger revenue was less by $90,617 than for the same purpo.se in the \npreceding year. The percentage of cost of collecting the customs \nrevenue was less for the last fiscal year than ever before. \n\nThe customs administration board provided for by the act of June \n10, 1890, was selected with great care and is composed in part of \nmen whose previous experience in the administration of the old \ncustoms regulations had made them familiar with the evils to be \nremedied, and in part of men whose li-gal and judicial acquirements \nand experience seemed to fit them for the work of interpreting and \napplying the new statute. The chief aim of the law is to secure \nhonest valuations of all dutiable mercliandise and to make these \nvaluations uniform at all our ports of entry. It had been made \nmanifest by a Congressional investigation that a system of under- \nvaluation had been long in use by certain classes of importers, \nresulting not only in a great loss of revenue, but in a most intoler- \nable discrimination against honesty. It is not seen how this \nlegislation, when it is understood, can be regarded by the citizens \nof any country having commercial dealings with us as unfriendlv \n\n\n\n74 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nIf any duty is supposed to be excessive let the complaint be lodged \nthere. It will surely not be claimed by any well-disposed people that \na remedy may be sought and allowed in a system of quasi smuggling. \nThe report of the Secretary of War exhibits several gratifying \nresults attained during the year by wise and unostentatious methods. \nThe percentage of desertions from the Army (an evil for which both \nCongress and the Department have long been seeking a remed)) has \nbeen reduced during the past year 24 per cent, and for the months \nof August and September, during which time the favorable effects \nof the act of June 16 were felt, 33 per cent as compared with the \n.same months of 1889. \n\nThe results attained by a reorganization and consolidation of the \ndivisions having charge of the hospital and service records of the \nvolunteer soldiers are very remarkable. This change was effected \nin July, 1889, and at that time there were 40,654 cases awaiting \nattention, more than half of the.se being calls from the Pension \nOffice for information necessary to the adjudication of pension claims. \nOn the 30th day of June last, though over three hundred thousand \nnew calls had come in, there was not a single case that had not \nbeen examined and answered. \n\nI concur in the recommendations of the Secretary that adequate \nand regular appropriations be continued for coast-defen.se works and \nordnance. Plans have been practically agreed upon, and there can \nbe no good reason for delaying the execution of them ; while the \ndefenseless state of our great seaports furnishes an urgent reason \nfor wise expedition. \n\nThe encouragement tliat has been extended to the militia of the \nStates, generally and most appropriately designated the "National \nGuard," should be continued and enlarged. These military organi- \nzations constitute, in a large sense, the Army of the United States, \nwhile about five-sixths of the annual cost of their maintenance is \ndefrayed by the States. \n\nThe report of the Attorney-General is under the law submitted \ndirectly to Congress, but as the Department of Justice is one of \nthe Executive Departments some reference to the work done is \nappropriate here. \n\nA vigorous and, in the main, an effective effort has been made to \nbring to trial and punishment all violators of the laws ; but at the \nsame time, care has been taken that frivolous and technical offenses \nshould not be used to swell the fees of officers to harass well-disposed \ncitizens. Especial attention is called to the facts connected with \nthe prosecution of violations of the election laws, and of offenses \nagainst United States officers. The number of convictions secured, \n\n\n\nPublic Papci\'s and Addresses of Jleii/aii/iii Ilarrisou. 75 \n\nvery inan-\\\' of them up<m pleas of s^nilt^-, -will, it is hoped, have a \nsahitan* restraining intlnence. There have been several cases where \npostmasters appointed by me have been subjected to violent inter- \nference in the discharge of their official duties and to persecutions and \npersonal violence of the most extreme character. Some of these \ncases have been dealt with through the Department of Justice, \nand in some cases the post-offices have been abolished or suspended. \nI have directed the Postmaster-General to pursue this cour.se in \nall cases where other efforts failed to secure for any postmaster, \nnot himself in fault, an opportunity peacefully to exercise the duties \nof his office. But such action will not supplant the efforts of the \nDepartment of Justice to bring the partictilar offenders to punishment. \n\nThe vacation b\\- judicial decrees of fraudulent certificates of nat- \nuralization, upon bills in equity filed liy the .\\ttorne)--Geueral in the \ncircuit court of the United States, is a new application of a familiar \nequit)- jurisdiction. Nearh\' one hundred such decrees have been \ntaken during the year, the evidence disclosing that a ver\\- large \nnumber of fraudulent certificates of naturalization have been i.ssued. \nAnd in this connection I beg to renew my recommendation that the \nlaws be so amended as to require a more full and searching injury \ninto all the facts necessary to naturalization before any certificates \nare granted. It certainly is not too much to require that an appli- \ncation for American citizenship shall be heard with as much care \nand recorded with as uuich formality as are given to cases involving \nthe pettiest property right. \n\nAt the last session I returned, without my approval, a bill entitled \n"An act to prohibit book-making and pool-selling in the District of \nColumbia," and stated my objection to be that it did not prohibit, \nbut in fact licensed what it purported to prohibit. An effort will \nbe made under existing laws to suppress this e\\^il, though it is not \ncertain that they will be found adequate. \n\nThe report of the Postmaster-General shows the most grati tying \nprogress in the important work committed to his direction. The \nbusiness methods have been greatly improved. A large econoni)\' in \nexpenditures and an increase of four and three-quarters millions in \nreceipts have been realized. The deficiency this year is $5,786,300 \nas against $6,350,1X3 last year, notwithstanding the great enlarge- \nment of the service. Mail routes have been extended and quickened, \nand greater accurac\\\' and dispatch in distribution and delivery have \nbeen attained. The report will be found to be full of interest and \nsuggestions, not only to Congress, but to those thoughtful citizens \nwho may be interested to know what business methods can do for \nthat department of public administration which most nearly touches \nall our people. \n\n\n\n76 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nThe passage of the act to amend certain sections of the Revised \nStatutes relating to lotteries, approved September 19, 1890, has been \nreceived with great and deserved popular favor. The Post-Office \nDepartment and the Department of Justice at once entered upon the \nenforcement of the law with sympathetic vigor, and already the \npublic mails have been largelv freed from the fraudulent and demor- \nalizing appeals and literature emanating from the lottery companies. \n\nThe construction and equipment of the new ships for the Navy \nhave made very satisfactory progress. Since March 4, 1889, nine \nnew vessels have been put in commission, and during this winter \nfour more, including one monitor, will be added. The construction \nof the other vessels authorized is being pushed, both in the Govern- \nment and private yards, with energ}\' and watched with the most \nscrupulous care. \n\nThe experiments conducted during the year to test the relative \nresisting power of armor plates have been so valuable as to attract \ngreat attention in Europe. The only part of the work upon the \nnew ships that is threatened by unusual dela}\' is the armor plating, \nand every effort is being made to reduce that to the minimum. It \nis a source of congratulation that the anticipated influence of these \nmodern vessels upon the esprit de corps of the officers and seamen \nhas been fully realized. Confidence and pride in the ship among \nthe crew are equivalent to a secondary battery. Your favorable \nconsideration is invited to the recommendations of the Secretary. \n\nThe report of the Secretary of the Interior exhibits with great \nfullness and clearness the vast work of that Department and the \nsatisfactory results attained. The suggestions made b)- him are \nearnestly commended to the consideration of Congress, though they \ncan not all be given particular mention here. \n\nThe several acts of Congress looking to the reduction of the larger \nIndian reservations, to the more rapid settlement of the Indians upon \nindividual allotments, and the restoration to the public domain of \nlands in excess of their needs, have been largely carried into effect, \nso far as the work was confided to the Executive. Agreements \nhave been concluded since March 4, 1889, involving the cession \nto the United States of about 14,726,000 acres of land. These \ncontracts have, as required by law, been submitted to Congress \nfor ratification and for the appropriations necessary to carrj\' them \ninto effect. Those with the Sisseton and Wahpeton, Sac and Fox, \nIowa, Pottawatomies and Absentee Shawnees, and Coeur d\'Al^ne \ntribes have not yet received the sanction of Congress. Attention \nis also called to the fact that the appropriations made in the case of \nthe Sioux Indians have not covered all the stipulated payments. \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and .iddrcsscs of Benjamin Harrison. 77 \n\nThis should. be promptly corrected. If an agreement is confirmed, \nall of its terms should be complied with without delay, and full \nappropriations should be made. \n\nThe policy outlined in my last annual message in relation to the \npatenting of lands to settlers upon the public domain has been \ncarried out in the administration of the Land Office. No general \nsuspicion or imputation of fraud has been allowed to delay the \nhearing and adjudication of individual cases upon their merits. The \npurpose has been to perfect the title of honest settlers with such \n])ronii)tness that the value of the entry might not be swallowed up \nby the expense and extortions to which delay subjected the claimant. \nThe average monthly issue of agricultural patents has been increased \nal)out 6,000. \n\nThe disability pension act, which was approved on the 27th of \nJune last, has been put into operation as rapidly as was practicable. \nThe increased clerical force provided was selected and assigned to \nwork, and a considerable part of the force engaged in examinations \nin the field was recalled and added to the working force of the oflRce. \nThe examination and adjudication of claims have, bv reason of \nimproved methods, been more rapid than ever before. There is no \neconomy to the Government in delay, while there is much hardship \nand injustice to the soldier. The anticipated expenditure, while \nvery large, will not, it is believed, be in excess of the estimates made \nbefore the enactment of the law. This liberal enlargement of the \ngeneral law should suggest a more careful scrutiny of bills for \nspecial relief, both as to the cases where relief is granted and as to \nthe amount allowed. \n\nThe increasing numbers and influence of the non-Mormon popu- \nlation in Utah are observed with .satisfaction. The recent letter of \nWilford Woodruff, president of the Mormon Church, in which he \nadvised his people "to refrain from contracting any marriage for- \nbidden by the laws of the land," has attracted wide attention, and \nit is hoped that its influence will be highly beneficial in restraining \ninfractions of the laws of the United vStates. But the fact .should \nnot be overlooked that the doctrine or belief of the church that \npolygamous marriages are rightful and supported by Divine revela- \ntion remains unchanged. President Woodruff does not renounce \nthe doctrine, but refrains from teaching it, and advises against the \npractice of it because the law is against it. Now, it is quite true \nthat the law should not attempt to deal with the faith or belief of \nany one; but it is quite another thing, and the only .safe thing, \nso to deal with the Territory of Utali as that those who believe \npolygamy to be rightful .shall not have the power to make it lawful. \n\n\n\n78 Public Papers and Addresses of Bcnjamiii Harrison. \n\nTlie admission of the States of Wyoming and Idaho to the Union \nare events full of interest and congratulation, not only to the people \nof those States now happily endowed with a full participation in \nour privileges and responsibilities, but to all our people. Another \nbelt of States stretches from the Atlantic to the Pacific. \n\nThe work of the Patent Office has won from all sources very high \ncommendation. The amount accomplished has been very largely \nincreased, and all the results have been such as to secure confidence \nand consideration for the suggestions of the Commissioner. \n\nThe enumeration of the people of the United States under the \nprovisions of the act of March i, 1889, has been completed and the \nresult will be at once officially communicated to Congress. The \ncompletion of this decennial enumeration devolves upon Congress \nthe duty of making a new apportionment of Representatives \n"among the several States according to their respective numbers." \n\nAt the last session I had occasion to return with my objections \nseveral bills making provisions for the erection of public buildings, \nfor the reason that the expenditures contemplated were in my \nopinion greatly in excess of any public need. No class of legisla- \ntion is more liable to abuse, or to degenerate into an unseemly \nscramble about the public treasury, than this. There should be \nexercised in this matter a wise economy based upon some responsi- \nble and impartial examination and report as to each case, under a \ngeneral law. \n\nThe report of the Secretary of Agriculture deserves especial \nattention in view of the fact that the year has been marked in a very \nunusual degree by agitation and organization among the farmers \nlooking to an increase in the profits of their business. It will be \nfound that the efforts of the Department have been intelligently \nand zealously devoted to the promotion of the interests intrusted \nto its care. \n\nA very substantial improvement in the market prices of the lead- \ning farm products during the year is noticed. The price of wheat \nadvanced from 81 cents in October, 1S89, to $1.0034; in October, 1890; \ncorn from 31 cents to 5034! cents ; oats from \\^y{ cents to 43 cents ; \nand barley from 63 cents to 78 cents. Meats showed a substantial \nbut not so large an increase. The export trade in live animals \nand fowls shows a very large increase; the total value of such \nexports for the year ending June 30, 1890, was $33,000,000, and the \nincrease over the preceding year was over 115,000,000. Nearly \n200,000 more cattle and over 45,000 more hogs were exported than \nin the preceding year. The export trade in beef and pork products \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Bcujainiii Harrison. 79 \n\nand in dairy products was ver\\- largel\\- increased, the increase in the \narticle of butter alone bein;^\' from 15,504,978 pounds to 29,748,042 \npounds, and the total increase in the value of meat and dairy \nproducts exported being $34,000,000. This trade, so directly lielp- \nful to the faruier, it is believed will be yet further and very largely \nincreased when the system of inspection and sanitary supervision \nnow provided by law is brought fully into operation. \n\nThe efforts of the Secretar\\- to establish the healthfulness of our \nmeats against the disparaging imputations that have been put upon \nthem abroad have resulted in substantial progress. Veterinary \nsurgeons sent out b\\\' the Department are now allowed to participate \nin the inspection of the live cattle from this country landed at the \nEnglish docks, and during the several months they have been on \nduty no case of contagious pleuro-pneumonia has been reported. \nThis inspection abroad, and the domestic inspection of live animals \nand pork products, provided for by the act of August 30, 1890, will \nafford as perfect a guaranty for the wholesomeness of our meats \noffered for foreign consumption as is anywhere given to any food \nproduct, and its nonacceptance will quite clearly reveal the real \nmotive of any continued restriction of their use; and, that having \nbeen made clear, the duty of the Executive will be very plain. \n\nThe information given by the Secretary of the progress and \nprospects of the beet-sugar industry is full of interest. It has \nalready passed the experimental stage and is a commercial success. \nThe area over which the sugar beet can be successfully cultivated \nis ver\\- large, and another field crop of great value is offered to the \nchoice of the farmer. \n\nThe Secretary of the Treasury concurs in the recommendation of \nthe Secretary of Agriculture that the official supervision provided b>- \nthe tariff law for sugar of domestic production .shall be transferred \nto the Department of Agriculture. \n\nThe law relating to the civil service has, so far as I can learn, \nbeen executed by tho.se having the power of appointment in the \nclassified service with fidelity and impartiality, and the .service \nhas been increasingly satisfactory. The report of the Commission \nshows a large amount of good work done during the \\ear with ver)- \nlimited appropriations. \n\nI congratulate the Congress and the country upon the passage at \nthe first .session of the Fifty-first Congress of an unusual number of \nlaws of \\-er>- high importance. That the results of this legislation \nwill be the quickening and enlargement of our manufacturing \nindustries, larger and better markets for our breadstuffs and pro- \nvisions both at home and abroad, more constant emplo\\inent and \n\n\n\n8o Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nbetter wages for our working people, and an increased supply of a \nsafe currency for the transaction of business, I do not doubt. Some \nof these measures were enacted at so late a period that the beneficial \neffects upon commerce, which were in the contemplation of Con- \ngress, have as yet but partially manifested themselves. \n\nThe general trade and industrial conditions throughout the \ncountry during the year have shown a marked improvement. For \nmany years prior to iS8S the merchandise balances of foreign trade \nhad been largely in our favor, but during that year and the year \nfollowing they turned against us. It is very gratifying to know \nthat the last fiscal }\'ear again shows a balance in our favor of over \n$68,000,000. The bank clearings, which furnish a good test of the \nvolume of business transacted, for the first ten months of the year \niSgo show, as compared with the same months of 1889, an increase \nfor the whole country of about 8.4 per cent, while the increase \noutside of the city of New York was over 13 per cent. During the \nmonth of October the clearings of the whole country showed an \nincrease of 3.1 per cent over October, i88g, while outside of New \nYork the increase was ii>^ per cent. These figures show that the \nincrease in the volume of business was very general throughout the \ncountry. That this larger business was being conducted upon a \nsafe and profitable basis is shown by the fact that there were three \nhundred less failures reported in October, 1890, than in the same \nmonth of the preceding year, with liabilities diminished b>\' about \n$5,000,000. \n\nThe value of our exports of domestic merchandise during the last \nyear was over $115,000,000 greater than the preceding year, and \nwas only exceeded once in our history. About $100,000,000 of this \nexcess was in agricultural j^roducts. The production of pig-iron \xe2\x80\x94 \nalways a good gauge of general prosperity \xe2\x80\x94 is shown by a recent \ncensus bulletin to have been 153 per cent greater in 1890 than in \n1880, and the production of steel 290 per cent greater. Mining \nin coal has had no limitation except that resulting from deficient \ntransportation. The general testimony is that labor is everywhere \nfully employed, and the reports for the last >-ear show a smaller \nnumber of employes affected by strikes and lockouts than in any \nyear since 1884. The depression in the prices of agricultural \nproducts had been greatly relieved and a buoyant and hopeful tone \nwas beginning to be felt by all our people. \n\nThese promising influences have been in some degree checked by \nthe surprising and very unfavorable monetary events which have \nrecently taken place in England. It is gratifying to know that \nthese did not grow in any degree out of the financial relations of \n\n\n\nI\'lili/ii Papers and .hM/rssis of Bcnjaiiun llarrisoi. Si \n\nI^diuloii witli our people or out of any discredit attached to our \nsecurities lield in that market. The return of our bonds and stocks \nwas caused Ijy a money string-ency in England, not by any loss of \nvalue or credit in the securities themselves. We could not, how- \ne\\\'er, wholly escape the ill effects of a foreign monetary agitation \naccompanied b\\- such extraordinary incidents as characterized this. \nIt is not believed, however, that these evil incidents, which have \nfor the time unfavorably affected values in this countr)-, can long \nwithstand the strong, safe, and wholesome influences which are \noperating to give to our people profitable returns in all branches of \nlegitimate trade and industry. The apprehension that our tariff \nmay again and at once be subjected to important general changes \nwould undoubtedly add a depressing influence of the most serious \ncharacter. \n\nThe general tariff act has only partially gone into operation, .some \nof its important provisions being limited to take effect at dates yet \nin the future. The general provisions of the law have been in force \nless than sixty days. Its permanent effects upon trade and prices \nstill largely stand in conjecture. It is curious to note that the \nadvance in the prices of articles wholly unaffected by the tariff act \nwas by many hastily ascribed to that act. Notice was not taken of \nthe fact that the general tendency of the markets was upward from \ninfluences wholly apart from the recent tariff legislation. The \nenlargement of our currency by the silver bill undoubtedly gave \nan upward tendency to trade and had a marked effect on prices ; but \nthis natural and desired effect of the silver legislation was by many \nerroneously attributed to the tariff act. \n\nThere is neither wisdom nor justice in the suggestion that the \nsubject of tariff revision shall be again opened before this law has \nhad a fair trial. It is quite true that every tariff schedule is subject \nto objections. No bill was ever framed, I suppose, that in all of \nits rates and classifications had the full approval even of a party \ncaucus. Such legislation is always and necessarily the product of \ncompromise as to details, and the present law is no exception. But \nin its general scope and effect I think it will justify the support of \nthose wdio believe that American legislation should conserve and \ndefend American trade and the wages of American workmen. \n\nThe misinformation as to the terms of the act which has been \nso widely disseminated at home and abroad will be corrected by \nexperience, and the evil auguries as to its results confounded by the \nmarket reports, the savings banks, international trade balances, and \nthe general prosperity of our people. Already we begin to hear \nfrom abroad and from our custom-houses that the prohibitory effect \n151.51 \n\n\n\n82 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nupon importations imputed to the act is not justified. The imports \nat the port of New York for the first three weeks of November were \nnearly 8 per cent greater than for the same period in 1889 and 29 per \ncent greater than in the same period of 1888. And so far from being \nan act to limit exports, I confidently believe that under it we shall \nsecure a larger and more profitable participation in foreign trade \nthan we have ever enjoyed, and that we shall recover a proportionate \nparticipation in the ocean carrying trade of the world. \n\nThe criticisms of the bill that have come to us from foreign sources \nmay well be rejected for repugnanc}\'. If these critics realh\' believe \nthat the adoption by us of a free-trade policy, or of tariff rates having \nreference solely to revenue, would diminish the participation of \ntheir own countries in the commerce of the world, their advocacy \nand promotion by speech and other forms of organized effort of this \nmovement among our people is a rare exhibition of unselfishness \nin trade. And on the other hand, if they sincerely believe that the \nadoption of a protective-tariff policy by this country inures to their \nprofit and our hurt, it is noticeably strange tliat the)- should lead \nthe outcry against the authors of a polic}- so helpful to their \ncountrymen, and crown with their favor those who would snatch \nfrom them a substantial share of a trade with other lands already \ninadequate to their necessities. \n\nThere is no disposition among any of our people to promote \nprohibitory or retaliatory legislation. Our policies are adopted not \nto the hurt of others, but to secure for ourselves those advantages \nthat fairly grow out of our favored position as a nation. Our form \nof government, with its incident of universal suffrage, makes it \nimperative that we shall save our working people from the agitations \nand distresses which scant work and wages that have no margin for \ncomfort always beget. But after all this is done it will be found \nthat our markets are open to friendly commercial exchanges of \nenormous value to the other great powers. \n\nFrom the time of my induction into office the duty of using every \npower and influence given by law to the Executive Department \nfor the development of larger markets for our products, especially \nour farm products, has been kept constantly in mind, and no effort \nhas been or will be spared to promote that end. We are under \nno disadvantage in any foreign market, except that we pay our \nworkmen and workwomen better wages than are paid elsewhere \xe2\x80\x94 \nbetter abstractly, better relatively to the cost of the necessaries of \nlife. I do not doubt that a very largely increased foreign trade \nis accessible to us without bartering for it either our home market \nfor such products of the farm and shop as our own people can supply \nor the wages of our working people. \n\n\n\nPublic /\'apcrs a>ui .Iddrcsscs of Boijamiii Harrison. 8^ \n\nIn iiuiu)- (it tlic products of wood and iron, and in niL-als and \nbreadstufts, we have advantages tliat only need better facilities of \nintercourse and transportation to secure for them large foreign \nmarkets. The reciprocity clause of the tariff act wisely and effect- \ni\\-ely opens the wa\\- to secure a large recij^rocal trade in exchange \nfor the tree admission to our ports of certain products. The right \nof independent nations to make S])ecial reciprocal trade conces.sions \nis well established, and does not impair either the comity due to \nother powers or what is known as the "favored-nation clause," so \ngenerally found in commercial treaties. What is given to one for \nan adequate agreed consideration can not be claimed by another \nfreely. The state of the revenues was such that we could dispense \nwith any import duties upon coffee, tea, hides, and the lower grades \nof sugar and molasses. That the large advantage resulting to the \ncountries producing and exporting these articles Ijy placing them \non the free list entitled us to e.xpect a fair return in the way of \ncustoms concessions upon articles exported by us to them was so \nobvious that to have gratuitously abandoned this opportunity to \nenlarge our trade would have been an unpardonable error. \n\nThere were but two methods of maintaining control of this question \nopen to Congress : to place all of these articles upon the dutiable \nlist, subject to such treaty agreements as could be secured, or to place \nthem all presently upon the free list, but subject to the reimposition \nof specified duties if the countries from which we received them \nshould refuse to give to us suitable reciprocal benefits. This latter \nmethod, I think, possesses great advantages. It expresses in advance \nthe consent of Congress to reciprocity arrangements affecting these \nproducts, which must otherwise have been delayed and unascer- \ntained until each treat)- was ratified by the Senate and the necessary- \nlegislation enacted by Congress. Experience has shown that some \ntreaties looking to reciprocal trade have failed to secure a two-thirds \nvote in the Senate for ratification, and others having passed that \nstage have for years awaited the concurrence of the House and \nSenate in such modifications of our revenue laws as were necessary \nto give effect to their provisions. We now have the concurrence of \nboth Houses in advance in a distinct and definite offer of free entry \nto our ports of specific articles. The E.xecutive is not required to \ndeal in conjecture as to what Congress will accept. Indeed, this \nreciprocity provision is more than an offer. Our part of the bargain \nis complete ; delivery has been made ; and when the countries from \nwhich we receive sugar, coffee, tea, and hides have placed on their \nfree lists such of our products as shall be agreed upon, as an \nequivalent for our concession, a proclamation of that fact completes \n\n\n\n84 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nthe transaction ; and in the mean time our own people have free \nsugjar, tea, coffee, and hides. \n\nThe indications thus far given are very hopeful of early and \nfavorable action by the countries from which we receive our large \nimports of coffee and stigar, and it is confidently believed that if \nsteam communication with these countries can be promptly improved \nand enlarged the next year will show a most gratifying increase in \nour exports of breadstuffs and provisions, as well as of some impor- \ntant lines of manufactured goods. \n\nIn addition to the important bills that became laws before the \nadjournment of the last session, some other bills of the highest \nimportance were well advanced toward a final vote and now stand \nupon the calendars of the two Houses in favored positions. The \npresent session has a fixed limit, and if these measures are not now \nbrought to a final vote all the work that has been done npon them \nby this Congress is lost. The proper consideration of these, of an \napportionment bill, and of the annual appropriation bills will require \nnot only that no working day of the session shall be lost, but that \nmeasures of minor and local interest shall not be allowed to interrupt \nor retard the progress of those that\xc2\xabare of universal interest. In view \nof these conditions I refrain from bringing before you at this time \nsome suggestions that would otherwise be made, and most earnestly \ninvoke your attention to the duty of perfecting the important legis- \nlation now well advanced. To some of these measures which seem \nto me most important I now briefly call your attention. \n\nI desire to repeat with added urgency the recommendations con- \ntained in my last annual message in relation to the development of \nAmerican steamship lines. The reciprocity clause of the tariff bill \nwill be largely limited, and its benefits retarded and diminished, if \nprovision is not contemporaneously made to encourage the establish- \nment of first-class steam communication between our ports and the \nports of such nations as may meet our overtures for enlarged com- \nmercial exchanges. The steamship, carrying the mails statedly and \nfrequently, and offering to passengers a comfortable, safe, and speedy \ntransit, is the first condition of foreign trade. It carries the order \nor the buyer, but not all that is ordered or bought. It gives to \nthe sailing vessels such cargoes as are not urgent or perishable, and, \nindirectly at least, promotes that important adjunct of commerce. \nThere is now both in this country and in the nations of Central and \nSouth America a state of expectation and confidence as to increased \ntrade that will give a double value to your prompt action upon this \nquestion. \n\nThe present situation of our mail communication with Australia \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Benja\xc2\xbbii>i Herrison. 85 \n\nillustrates the importance of early action bv Congress. The Oceanic \nvSteamsliip Company maintains a line of steamers between San \nFrancisco, Sydney, and Auckland, consisting of three vessels, two \nof which are of United States registry and one of foreign registry. \nFor the service done by this line in carrying the mails we pay \nannual] V the sum of $46,000, being, as estimated, the full sea and \nUnited States inland postage, which is the limit fixed bylaw. The \ncolonies of New South Wales and New Zealand have been paying \nannually to these lines ^"37,000 for carrying the mails from Sydney \nand Auckland to San Francisco. The contract under which this \npayment has been made is now about to expire, and those colonies \nhave refused to renew the contract unless the United States shall \npav a more equitable proportion of the whole sum necessary to \nmaintain the ser\\\'ice. \n\nI am advised by the Postmaster-General that the United States \nreceives for carrying the Australian mails, brought to San Francisco \nin these steamers, by rail to Vancouver an estimated annual income \nof $75,000, while, as I have stated, we are paying out for the \nsupport of the steamship line that brings this mail to us only $46,000, \nleaving an annual surplus, resulting from this service, of $29,000. \nThe trade of the United States with Australia, which is in a \nconsiderable part carried by these steamers, and the whole of which \nis practically dependent upon the mail communication which they \nmaintain, is largely in our favor. Our total exports of merchandise \nto Australasian ports during the fiscal year ending June 30, 1890, \nwere $11,266,484, while the total imports of merchandise from these \nports were only $4,277,676. If we are not willing to see this \nimportant steamship line withdrawn, or continued with Vancouver \nsubstituted for San Francisco as the American terminal, Congress \nshould put it in the power of the Postmaster-General to make a \nliberal increase in the amount now paid for the transportation of \nthis important mail. \n\nThe South Atlantic and Gulf ports occupy a very favored position \ntowards the new and important commerce with the reciprocity \nclause of the tariff act and the postal shipping bill are designed to \npromote. Steamship lines from these ports to some northern port \nof South America will almost certainly effect a connection between \nthe railroad systems of the continents long before any continuous \nline of railroads can be put into operation. The very large appro- \npriation made at the last session for the harbor of Galveston was \njustified, as it seemed to me, b\\- these considerations. The great \nNorthwest will feel the advantage of trunk lines to the South as \n\n\n\n\xc2\xa76 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nwell as to the East, and of the new markets opened for their surplus \nfood products and for many of their manufactured products. \n\nI had occasion in May last to transmit to Congress a report \nadopted by the International American Conference upon the subject \nof the incorporation of an international American bank, with a \nview to facilitating money exchanges between the states represented \nin that conference. Such an institution would greatly promote the \ntrade we are seeking to develop. I renew the recommendation that \na careful and well-guarded charter be granted. I do not think the \npowers granted should include those ordinarily exercised by trust, \nguaranty, and safe-deposit companies, or that more branches in the \nUnited States should be authorized than are strictly necessary to \naccomplish the object primarily in view, namely, convenient foreign \nexchanges. It is quite important that prompt action should be \ntaken in this matter, in order that any appropriations for better \ncommunication with these countries, and any agreements that may \nbe made for reciprocal trade, may not be hindered by the inconven- \nience of making exchanges through European money centers or \nburdened by the tribute which is an incident of that method of \nbusiness. \n\nThe bill for the relief of the Supreme Court has, after many \nyears of discussion, reached a position where final action is easily \nattainable, and it is hoped that any differences of opinion may be \nso harmonized as to save the essential features of this very \nimportant measure. In this connection I earnesth- renew my recom- \nmendation that the salaries of the judges of the United States district \ncourts be so readjusted that none of them shall receive less than \n$5,000 per annum. \n\nThe subject of the unadjusted Spanish and IMexican land grants \nand the urgent necessity for providing some commission or tribunal \nfor the trial of questions of title growing out of them were twice \nbrought by me to the attention of Congress at the last session. Bills \nhave been reported from the proper committees in both Houses upon \nthe subject, and I very earnestly hope that this Congress will put an \nend to the delay which has attended the settlement of the disputes \nas to title between the settlers and the claimants under these grants. \nThese disputes retard the prosperity and disturb the peace of large \nand important communities. The governor of New Mexico, in his \nlast report to the Secretary of the Interior, suggests some modifica- \ntions of the provisions of the pending bills relating to the small \nholdings of farm lands. I commend to your attention the sugges- \ntions of the Secretary of the Interior upon this subject. \n\nThe enactment of a national bankrupt law I still regard as very \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. 87 \n\ndesirable. The Constitution having given to Congress jurisdiction \nof this subject, it should be exercised, and uniform rules provided \nfor the administration of the affairs of insolvent debtors. The incon- \nveniences resulting from the occasional and temporary exercise of \nthis power by Congress, and from the conflicting State codes of \ninsolvency which come into force intermediately, should be removed \nby the enactment of a simple, inexpensive, and permanent national \nbankrupt law. \n\nI also renew my recommendation in favor of legislation aflfbrding \njust copyright protection to foreign authors, on a footing of recip- \nrocal advantage for our authors abroad. \n\nIt mav still be possible for this Congress to inaugurate, by suita- \nble legislation, a movement looking to uniformity and increased \nsafety in the use of couplers and brakes upon freight trains engaged \nin interstate commerce. The chief difficulty in the way is to secure \nagreement as to the best appliances, simplicity, effectiveness, and \ncost being con.sidered. This difficulty will only yield to legislation, \nwhich should be based upon full inquiry and impartial tests. The \npurpose should be to secure the cooperation of all well-disposed \nmanagers and owners, but the fearful fact that every year\'s delay \ninvolves the sacrifice of two thousand lives and the maiming of twenty \nthousand young men should plead both with Congress and the \nmanagers against any needless delay. \n\nThe subject of the conservation and equal distribution of the \nwater supply of the arid regions has had much attention from \nCongress, but has not as yet been put upon a permanent and satis- \nfactory basis. The urgency of the subject does not grow out of any \nlarge present demand for the use of these lands for agriculture, but \nout of the danger that the water supply and the sites for the neces- \nsary catch-basins may fall into the hands of individuals or private \ncorporations and be used to render subservient the large areas \ndependent upon such supply. The owner of the water is the owner \nof the lands, however the titles may run. All unappropriated \nnatural water sources and all necessary reservoir sites should be held \nby the Government for the equal use, at fair rates, of the homestead \nsettlers who will eventually take up these lands. The United \nStates should not, in uiy opinion, undertake the construction of \ndams or canals, but should limit its work to such surveys and \nobservations as will determine the water supply, both surface and \nsubterranean, the areas capable of irrigation, and the location and \nstorage capacity of reservoirs. This done, the use of the water and \nof the reservoir sites might be granted to the respective States or \nTerritories, or to individuals or associations upon the condition that \n\n\n\n88 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nthe necessary works should be constructed and the water furnished \nat fair rates, without discrimination, the rates to be subject to \nsupervision by the legislatures or by boards of water commissioners \nduly constituted. The essential thing to be secured is the common \nand equal use at fair rates of the accumulated water supply. It \nwere almost better that these lands should remain arid than that \nthose who occupy them should become the slaves of unrestrained \nmonopolies controlling the one essential element of land values and \ncrop results. \n\nThe use of the telegraph by the Post-Office Department as a \nmeans for the rapid transmission of written communications is, I \nbelieve, upon proper terms quite desirable. The Government does \nnot own or operate the railroads, and it should not, I think, own or \noperate the telegraph lines. It does, however, seem to be quite \npracticable for the Government to contract with the telegraph \ncompanies, as it does with the railroad companies, to carry at \nspecified rates such communications as the senders may designate \nfor this method of transmission. I recommend that such legislation \nbe enacted as will enable the Post-Oflfice Department fairly to test \nby experiment the advantages of such a use of the telegraph. \n\nIf any intelligent and loyal company of American citizens were \nrequired to catalogue the essential human conditions of national \nlife, I do not doubt that with absohite unanimity they would begin \nwith "free and honest elections." And it is gratifying to know \nthat generally there is a growing and nonpartisan demand for \nbetter election laws. But against this sign of hope and progress \nmust be set the depressing and undeniable fact that election laws \nand methods are sometimes cunningly contrived to secure minority \ncontrol, while violence completes the shortcomings of fraud. \n\nIn my last annual message I suggested that the development of \nthe existing law providing a Federal supervision of Congressional \nelections offered an effective method of reforming these abuses. \nThe need of such a law has manifested itself in many parts of the \ncountry, and its wholesome restraints and penalties will be useful in \nall. The constitutionality of such legislation has been affirmed by \nthe Supreme Court. Its probable effectiveness is evidenced by the \nciiaracter of the opposition that is made to it. It has been denounced \nas if it were a new exercise of Federal power and an invasion of the \nrights of the States. Nothing could be further from the truth. \nCongress has already fixed the time for the election of members of \nCongress. It has declared that votes for members of Congress miist \nbe by written or printed ballot ; it has provided for the appointment \nby the circuit courts in certain ca.ses, and upon the petition of a \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. 89 \n\ncertain number of citizens, of election supervisors, and made it \ntheir duty to supervise the registration of voters conducted by the \nState officers ; to challenge persons offering to register ; to personally \ninspect and scrutinize the registry lists, and to affix their names \nto the lists for the purpose of identification and the prevention of \nfrauds; to attend at elections and remain with the boxes till the \nvotes are all cast and counted ; to attach to the registry- lists and \nelection returns any statement touching the accuracy and fairness \nof the registry and election, and to take and transmit to the Clerk \nof the House of Representatives an>- evidence of fraudulent practices \nwhich ma}- be presented to them. The same law provides for the \nappointment of deputy United States nu^rshals to attend at the polls, \nsupport the supervisors in the discharge of their duties, and to arrest \npersons violating the election laws. The provisions of this familiar \ntitle of the Revised Statutes have been put into exercise by both the \ngreat political parties, and in the North as well as in the South, by \nthe filing with the court of the petitions required by the law. \n\nIt is not, therefore, a question whether we shall have a Federal \nelection law, for we now have one, and have had for nearly twenty \n\\ears, but whether we shall have an effective law. The present \nlaw stops just short of effectiveness, for it surrenders to the local \nauthorities all control over the certification which establishes the \nprima facie right to a .seat in the Hou.se of Representatives. This \ndefect .should be cured. Equality of representation and the jwrity \nof the electors must be maintained, or everything that is valuable \nin our system of government is lost. The qualifications of an \nelector must be sought in the law, not in the opinions, prejudices, \nor fears of any class, liowe\\-er powerful. The path of the elector \nto the ballot-box must be free from the ambush of fear and the \nenticements of fraud ; the count .so true and open that none shall \ngain.say it. Such a law should be absolutely nonpartisan and \nimpartial. It .should give the advantage to honesty and the control \nto majorities. Surely there is nothing sectional about this creed, \nand, if it shall happen that the penalties of laws intended to enforce \nthese rights fall here and not there, it is not because the law is \nsectional, but because, happily, crime is local and not universal. Nor \nshould it be forgotten that every law, whether relating to elections \nor to any other subject, whether enacted by the State or by the \nNation, has force behind it ; the courts, the marshal or constable, the \npos.se comitatus, the prison, are all and always behind the law. \n\nOne can not be ju.stly charged with unfriendliness to any section \nor class who .seeks only to restrain violations of law and of personal \nright. No community will find lawlessness profitable. No com- \n\n\n\ngo Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\ninunity can afford to have it known that the officers who are charged \nwith the preservation of the public peace and the restraint of the \ncriminal classes are themselves the product of fraud or violence. \nThe magistrate is then without respect and the law without sanction. \nThe floods of lawlessness can not be leveed and made to run in one \nchannel. The killing of a United States marshal carrying a writ of \narrest for an election offense is full of prompting and suggestion to \nmen who are pursued by a city marshal for a crime against life or \nproperty. \xe2\x96\xa0 \n\nBut it is said that this legislation will revive race animosities, and \nsome have even suggested that when the peaceful methods of fraud \nare made impossible they may be supplanted by intimidation and \nviolence. If the proposed law gives to any qualified elector by a \nhair\'s weight more than his equal influence, or detracts by so much \nfrom any other qualified elector, it is fatally impeached. But, if the \nlaw is equal and the animosities it is to evoke grow out of the fact \nthat some electors have been accustomed to exercise the franchise \nfor others as well as for tliemselves, then these animosities ought not \nto be confessed without shame, and can not be given any weight in \nthe discussion without dishonor. No choice is left to me but to \nenforce with vigor all laws intended to secure to the citizen his \nconstitutional rights, and to recommend that the inadequacies of \nsuch laws be promptly remedied. If to promote with zeal and ready \ninterest every project for the development of its material interests, \nits rivers, harbors, mines, and factories, and the intelligence, peace, \nand security under the law of its communities and its homes, is not \naccepted as sufficient evidence of friendliness to any State or section, \nI can not add connivance at election practices that not only disturb \nlocal results, but rob the electors of other States and sections of \ntheir most priceless political rights. \n\nThe preparation of the general appropriation bills should be \nconducted with the greatest care and the closest scrutiny of expend- \nitures. Appropriations shotild be adequate to the needs of the \npublic service, but they should be absolutely free from prodigality. \n\nI venture again to remind you that the brief time remaining \nfor the consideration of the important legislation now awaiting \nyour attention offers no margin for waste. If the present duty is \ndischarged with diligence, fidelity, and courage, the work of the \nFifty-first Congress may be confidently submitted to the considerate \njudgment of the people. \n\nBenj. Harrison. \n\nExecutive Mansion, \n\nDecember i, 1890. \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. 91 \n\nIII. \n\nDECEMBER 9, 1891. \n\nTo the Senate and House of Representatives : \n\nThe reports of the heads of the several Executive Departments, \nrequired by law to be sulunitted to nie, which are herewith trans- \nmitted, and the reports of the Secretary of the Treasury and the \nAttornev-General, made directh- to Congress, furnish a comprehen- \nsive view of the administrative work of the last fiscal year relating \nto internal affairs. It would be of great advantage if these reports \ncould have an attentive perusal by every member of Congress and \nby all who take an interest in public affairs. Such a perusal could \nnot fail to excite a higher appreciation of the vast labor and \nconscientious effort which are given to the conduct of our civil \nadministration. \n\nThe reports will, I believe, show that e\\\'ery question has been \napproached, considered, and decided from the standpoint of public \ndill\'s\' and upon considerations affecting the public interests alone. \nAgain I invite to every branch of the service the attention and \nscrutiiu\' of Congress. \n\nThe work of the State Department during the last year has been \ncliaracterized by an unusual number of important negotiations and \nby diplomatic results of a notable and highly beneficial character. \nAmong these are the reciprocal trade arrangements which have \nbeen concluded, in the exercise of the powers conferred In- section \n3 of the tariff law, with the Republic of Brazil, with Spain for its \nWest India possessions, and with San Domingo. Like negotiations \nwith other countries have been much advanced, and it is hoped \nthat before the close of the year further definitive trade arrange- \nments of great value will be concluded. \n\nIn view of the reports which had been received as to tlie diminu- \ntion of the seal herds in the Bering Sea, I deemed it wise to propose \nto Her Majesty\'s Government in February last that an agreement \nfor a closed season should be made, pending the negotiations for \narbitration, which then seemed to be approaching a favorable con- \nclusion. After much correspondence, and delays for which this \nGovernment was not responsible, an agreement was reached and \nsigned on the 15th of June, b\\\' which Great Britain undertook, \nfrom that date and until Ma}- i, 1892, to prohibit the killing b\\- her \nsubjects of seals in the I\'ering Sea, and the Government of the \nUnited States, during the same period, to enforce its existing pro- \n\n\n\n92 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nhibition against pelagic sealing and to limit the catch by the Fur- \nSeal Company upon the islands to 7,500 skins. If this agreement \nconld have been reached earlier, in response to the strenuous \nendeavors of this Government, it would have been more effective; \nbut, coming even as late as it did, it unquestionably resulted in \ngreatly diminishing the destruction of the seals by the Canadian \nsealers. \n\nIn my last annual message I stated that the basis of arbitration \nproposed by Her Alajesty\'s Government for the adjustment of the \nlong-pending controversy as to the seal fisheries was not acceptable. \nI am glad now to be able to announce that terms satisfactory to \nthis Government have been agreed upon and that an agreement as \nto the arbitrators is all that is necessary to the couipletiou of the \nconvention. In view of the advanced position which this Govern- \nment has taken upon the subject of international arbitration, this \nrenewed expression of our adherence to this method for the settle- \nment of disputes such as have arisen in the Bering Sea will, I doubt \nnot, meet with the concurrence of Congress. \n\nProvision should be made for a joint demarkation of the frontier \nline between Canada and the United States, wherever required by \nthe increasing border settlements, and especially for the exact \nlocation of the water boundary in the straits and rivers. \n\nI .should have been glad to announce some favorable disposition \nof the boundary dispute between Great Britain and Venezuela, touch- \nine the western frontier of British Guiana, but the friendlv efforts \nof the United States in that direction have thus far been unavailing. \nThis Government will continue to express its concern at any \nappearance of foreign encroachment on territories long under the \nadministrative control of American states. The determination of \na disputed boundary is easih- attainable by amicable arbitration, \nwhere the rights of the respective parties rest, as here, on historic \nfacts, readily ascertainable. \n\nThe law of the last Congress providing a system of inspection \nfor our meats intended for export and clothing the President with \npower to exclude foreign products from our market in case the \ncountry sending them should perpetuate unjust discriminations \nagainst any product of the United States, placed this Government \nin a position to effectively urge the removal of such discriminations \nagainst our meats. It is gratifying to be able to state that Ger- \nmany, Denmark, Italy, Austria, and France, in the order named, \nhave opened their ports to inspected American pork products. The \nremoval of these restrictions in every instance was asked for and \ngiven solely upon the ground that we had now provided a meat \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Benjaiiiiii Harrison. 93 \n\ninspection that should be accepted as adequate to the complete \nremoval of the dangers, real or fancied, which had been previously \nurged. The vState Department, our ministers abroad, and the \nvSecretary of Agriculture have cooperated with unflagging and \nintelligent zeal for the accomplishment of this great result. The \noutlines of an agreement have been reached with (icrmany, looking \nto equitable trade concessions in consideration of the continued free \nimportation of her sugars; but the time has not yet arrived when \nthis correspondence can be submitted to Congress. \n\nThe recent political disturbances in the Republic of Brazil have \nexcited regret and solicitude. The information we possessed was \ntoo meager to enable us to form a satisfactory judgment of the causes \nleading to the temporary assumption of supreme power by President \nFonseca; but this Government did not fail to express to him its \nanxious solicitude for the peace of Brazil and for the maintenance \nof the free political institutions which had recently been established \nthere, nor to offer our advice that great moderation should be \nobserved in the clash of parties and tlie contest for leadership. \nThese counsels were received in the most friendly spirit, and the \nlatest information is that constitutional government has been \nreestablished without bloodshed. \n\nThe lynching at New Orleans in March last of eleven men of \nItalian nativity by a mob of citizens was a most deplorable and \ndiscreditable incident. It did not, however, have its origin in any \ngeneral animosit}- to the Italian people, nor in any disrespect to the \nGovernment of Italy, with which our relations were of the most \nfriendly character. The fury of the mob was directed against these \nmen as che supposed participants or accessories in the murder of a \ncity officer. I do not allude to this as mitigating in any degree \nthis offense against law and humanity, but only as affecting the \ninternational questions which grew out of it. It was at once repre- \nsented by the Italian minister that several of those whose lives had \nbeen taken by the mob were Italian subjects, and a demand was \nmade for the punishment of the participants and for an indemnity \nto the families of those who were killed. It is to be regretted that \nthe manner in which these claims were presented was not such as \nto promote a calm discussion of the questions involved; but this \nmay well be attributed to the excitement and indignation which \nthe crime naturally evoked. The views of this Government as to \nits obligations to foreigners domiciled here were fully stated in the \ncorrespondence, as well as its purpose to make an investigation of \nthe affair with a view to determine whether there were present any \ncircumstances that could, under such rules of duty as we had \n\n\n\n94 Public Papers and Addresses of Bciijamiii Harrison. \n\nindicated, create an obligation upon the United States. The \ntemporary absence of a minister plenipotentiary of Italy at this \ncapital has retarded the further correspondence, but it is not doubted \nthat a friendly conclusion is attainable. \n\nSome suggestions growing out of this unhappy incident are \nworthy the attention of Congress. It would, I believe, be entirely \ncompetent for Congress to make offenses against the treaty rights \nof foreigners domiciled in the United States cognizable in the \nFederal courts. This has not, however, been done, and the Federal \nofficers and courts have no power in such cases to intervene either \nfor the protection of a foreign citizen or foi the punishment of his \nslayers. It seems to me to follow, in this state of the law, that the \nofficers of the State charged with police and judicial powers in such \ncases must, in the consideration of international questions growing \nout of such incidents, be regarded in such sense as Federal agents \nas to make this Government answerable for their acts in cases \nwhere it would be answerable if the United States had used its \nconstitutional power to define and punish crimes against treaty \nrights. \n\nThe civil war in Chile, which began in January last, was con- \ntinued, but fortuuately with infrequent and not important armed \ncollisions, until August 28, when the Congressional forces landed \nnear Valparaiso and, after a bloody engagement, captured that city. \nPresident Balmaceda at once recognized that his cause was lost, and \na provisional government was speedily established by the victorious \nparty. Our minister was promptly directed to recognize and put \nhimself in communication with this Government so soon as it should \nhave established its de facto character, which was done. During the \npendency of the civil contest frequent indirect appeals were made \nto this Government to extend belligerent rights to the insurgents \nand to give audience to their representatives. This was declined, \nand that policy was pursued throughout which this Government, \nwhen wrenched by civil war, so strenuously insisted upon on the \npart of European nations. The Itata, an armed vessel commanded \nby a naval officer of the insurgent fleet, manned by its sailors and \nwith soldiers on board, was seized under process of the United States \ncourt at San Diego, California, for a violation of our neutrality \nlaws. While in the custody of an officer of the court the vessel was \nforcibly wrested from his control and put to sea. It would have \nbeen inconsistent with the dignity and self-respect of this Govern- \nment not to have insisted that the Uata should be returned to San \nDiego to abide the judgment of the court. This was so clear to the \nJunta of the Congressional party, established at Iquique, that before \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Jfarrison. 95 \n\nthe arrival of the I/a/a at that port tlie .secretary of forei^ni relations \nof the provisional government addressed to Rear-Admiral Brown, \ncommanding the United States naval forces, a comnuinication, from \nwhich the following is an extract : \n\nThe Provisional Government has learned liy the cablegrams of the Associated Press \nthat the transport Ilala, detained in San Diego by order of the United States for taking \non board munitions of war and in possession of the marshal, left the port, carrying on \nboard this official, who was landed at a point near the coast, and then continued her \nvoyage. * * * If this news be correct, this Government would deplore the conduct \nof the /lata, and as an evidence that it is not di.sposed to support oragree to the infraction \nof the laws of the United States, the undersigned takes advantage of the personal \nrelations you have been good enough to maintain with him since your arrival in this \nport to declare to you that as soon as she is within reach of our orders his Government \nwill put the Itafa, with the arms and munitions she took on board in San Diego, at the \ndisposition of the United States. \n\nA trial in the district conrt of the United States for the southern \ndistrict of California has recently resulted in a decision holding, \namong other things, that, inasmuch as the Congressional party had \nnot been recognized as a belligerent, the acts done in its interest \ncould not be a violation of our neutrality laws. From this judgment \nthe United States has appealed, not that the condemnation of the \nvessel is a matter of importance, but that we may know what the \npresent state of our law is ; for, if this construction of the statute is \ncorrect, there is obvious necessity for revision and amendment. \n\nDuring the progress of the war in Chile this Government tendered \nits good offices to bring about a peaceful adjustment, and it was at \none time hoped that a good result might be reached ; but in this we \nwere disappointed. \n\nThe instructions to our naval officers and to our minister at \xe2\x80\xa2 \nSantiago, from the first to the last of this struggle enjoined upon \nthem the most impartial treatment and absolute noninterference. \nI am satisfied that these instructions were observed and that our \nrepresentatives were always watchful to use their influence impar- \ntially in the interest of humanity, and, on more than one occasion, did \nso effectively. We cotrld not forget, however, that this Government \nwas in diplomatic relations with the then established Government \nof Chile, as it is now in such relations with the successor of that \nGovernment. I am quite sure tliat President ^lontt, who has \nunder circumstances of promise for tlie peace of Chile, been \ninstalled as President of that Republic, will not desire that, in the \nunfortunate event of an\\- revolt ^igainst his authority, the policy of \nthis Government should be other than that which we have recently \nobserved. No official complaint of the conduct of our minister or \nof our naval officers during the struggle has been presented to this \nGovernment ; and it is a matter of regret that so manv of our own \n\n\n\n96 Public Papers and Addresses of Beujamiii Harrison. \n\npeople should have given ear to unofficial chargLS and complaints \nthat manifestly had their origin in rival interests and in a wish to \npervert the relations of the United States with Chile. \n\nThe collapse of the government of Balmaceda brought about a \ncondition which is unfortunately too familiar in the history of the \nCentral and South American states. With the overthrow of the \nBalmaceda government, he and many of his councilors and officers \nbecame at once fugitives for their lives and appealed to the com- \nmanding officers of the foreign naval vessels in the harbor of \nValparaiso and to the resident foreign ministers at Santiago for \nasylum. This asylum was freely given, according to my informa- \ntion, by the naval vessels of several foreign powers and by several \nof the legations at Santiago. The American minister, as well as \nhis colleagues, acting upon the impulses of humanity, extended \nasylum to political refugees whose lives were in peril. I have not \nbeen willing to direct the surrender of such of these persons as are \nstill in the American legation without suitable conditions. \n\nIt is believed that the Government of Chile is not in a position, \nin view of the precedents with which it has been connected, to \nbroadly deny the right of asylum, and the correspondence has not \nthus far presented any such denial. The treatment of our minister \nfor a time was such as to call for a decided protest, and it was \nvery gratifying to observe that unfriendly measures, which were \nundoubtedly the result of the prevailing excitement, were at once \nrescinded or suitably relaxed. \n\nOn the i6th of October an event occurred in Valparaiso so serious \nand tragic in its circumstances and results as to very justly excite \nthe indignation of our people and to call for prompt and decided \naction on the part of this Government. A considerable number \nof the .sailors of the U. S. S. Baltimore, then in the harbor of \nValparaiso, being upon shore-leave and unarmed, were assaulted by \narmed men nearly simultaneously in different localities in the city.- \nOne petty officer was killed outright and seven or eight seamen \nwere seriously wounded, one of whom has since died. So savage \nand brutal was the assault that several of our sailors received \nmore than two, and one as many as eighteen, stab wounds. An \ninvestigation of the affair was promptly made by a board of officers \nof the Baltimore, and their report shows that these assaults were \nunprovoked, that our men were conducting themselves in a peace- \nable and orderly manner, and that some of the police of the city \ntook part in the assault and used their weapons with fatal effect, \nwhile a few others, with some well-disposed citizens, endeavored to \nprotect our men. Thirty-six of our sailors were arrested, and some \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. 97 \n\nof them, while being taken to prison, were crnelly beaten and \nmaltreated. The fact that they were all discharged, no criminal \ncharge being lodged against any one of them, shows very clearly that \nthey were innocent of any breach of tlie peace. \n\nSo far as I have yet been able to learn no other explanation of \nthis bloody work has been snggested than that it had its origin in \nhostilit\\\' to these men as sailors of the United vStates, wearino- the \nuniform of their Government, and not in any individual act or \npersonal animosity. The attention of the Chilean Government was \nat once called to this affair, and a statement of the facts obtained \nby the investigation we had conducted was submitted, accompanied \nby a request to be advised of any other or qualifying facts in the \npossession of the Chilean government that might tend to relieve \nthis affair of the appearance of an insult to this Government. \nThe Chilean Government was also advised that if such qualifying \nfacts did not exist this Government would confidently expect full \nand prompt reparation. \n\nIt is to be regretted that the repl\\- of the secretary for foreign \naffairs of the Provisional Government was couched in an oflfensive \ntone. To this no response has been made. This Government \nis now awaiting the result of an investigation which has been \nconducted by the criminal court at Valparaiso. It is reported unoffi- \ncially that the investigation is about completed, and it is expected \nthat the result will soon be communicated to tliis Government, \ntogether with some adequate and satisfactory response to the note \nby which the attention of Chile was called to this incident. If \nthese just expectations should be disappointed or further needless \ndelay intervene, I will, by a special message, bring this matter again \nto the attention of Congress for such action as may be necessary. \n\nThe entire correspondence with the Government of Chile will at \nan early day be submitted to Congress. \n\nI renew the recommendation of my special message, dated January \n16, 1S90, for the adoption of the necessary legislation to enable this \nGovernment to apply in the case of Sweden and Norway the same \nrule in respect to the levying of tonnage dues as was claimed and \nsecured to the shipping of the United States in 1828 under article 8 \nof the treaty of 1827. \n\nThe adjournment of the Senate without action on the pending \nacts for the suppression of the slave traffic in Africa and for the \nreform of the revenue tariff of the independent State of the Congo \nleft this Government unable to exchange those acts on the date \nfixed, July 2, 1891. A modus vivcndi has been concluded by \nwhich the power of the Congo State to levy duties on imports is left \n15151 7 \n\n\n\nq8 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nunimpaired, and, by agreement of all the signatories to the general \nslave-trade act, the time for the exchange of ratifications on the \npart of the United States has been extended to February 2, 1892. \n\nThe late outbreak against foreigners in various parts of the Chinese \nEmpire has been a cause of deep concern in view of the numerous \nestablishments of our citizens in the interior of that country. This \nGovernment can do no less than insist upon a continuance of the \nprotective and punitory measures which the Chinese Government \nhas heretofore applied. No effort will be omitted to protect our \ncitizens peaceably sojourning in China, but recent unofficial infor- \nmation indicates that what was at first regarded as an outbreak \nof mob violence against foreigners has assumed the larger form of \nan insurrection against public order. \n\nThe Chinese Government has declined to receive Mr. Blair as the \nminister of the United States on the ground that, as a participant, \nwhile a Senator, in the enactment of the existing legislation against \nthe introduction of Chinese laborers, he has become unfriendly and \nobjectionable to China. I have felt constrained to point out to the \nChinese Government the untenableness of this position, which seems \nto rest as much on the unacceptability of our legislation as on that \nof the person chosen, and which, if admitted, would practically debar \nthe selection of any representative so long as the existing laws remain \n\nin force. \n\nYou will be called upon to consider the expediency of making \nspecial provision by law for the temporary admission of some \nChinese artisans and laborers in connection with the exhibit of \nChinese industries at the approaching Columbian Exposition. I \nregard it as desirable that the Chinese exhibit be facilitated in every \nproper way. \n\nA question has arisen with the Government of Spain touching the \nrio-hts of American citizens in the Caroline Islands. Our citizens \nthere, long prior to the confirmation of Spain\'s claim to the islands, \nhad secured by settlement and purchase certain rights, to the \nrecognition and maintenance of which the faith of Spain was \npledged. I have had reason within the past year very strongly to \nprotest against the failure to carry out this pledge on the part \nof His Majesty\'s ministers, which has resulted in great injustice \nand injury to the American residents. \n\nThe Government and people of Spain propose to celebrate the \nfour hundredth anniversary of the discovery- of America by holding \nan exposition at Madrid, which will open on the 12th of September \nand continue until the 31st of December, 1S92. A cordial invitation \nhas been extended to the United States to take part in this com- \n\n\n\nPiihlic Papers and Addresses of Benjamin I/ai rison. 99 \n\nmemoration, and, as Spain was one of the first nations to express \nthe intention to participate in the World\'s Columbian Exposition at \nChicago, it would be very appropriate for this Government to give \nthis invitation its friendly promotion. \n\nSurveys for the connecting links of the projected Intercontinental \nRailway are in progress, not only in Mexico, but at various points \nalong the course mapped out. Three surveying parties are now in \nthe field under the direction of the commission. Nearly 1,000 miles \nof the proposed road have been surveyed, including the most difificult \npart, that through Ecuador and the southern part of Colombia. \nThe reports of the engineers are very satisfactory and show that no \ninsurmountable obstacles have been met with. \n\nOn November 12, 1884, a treaty was concluded with Mexico \nreafl!irming the boundary between the two countries as described in \nthe treaties of February 2, 1848, and December 30, 1853. March i, \n1889, a further treaty was negotiated to facilitate the carrying out \nof the principlas of the treaty of 1S84 and to avoid the difficulties \noccasioned by reason of the changes and alterations tliat take place \nfrom natural causes in the Rio Grande and Colorado rivers in the \nportions thereof constituting the boundary line between the two \nRepublics. The International Boundary Commission, provided for \nby the treaty of 1889, to have exclusive jurisdiction of any question \nthat may arise, has been named by the Mexican Government. An \nappropriation is necessary to enable the United States to fulfill its \ntreaty obligation in this respect. \n\nThe death of King Kalakaua in the United States afforded \noccasion to testify our friendship for Hawaii by conve^\'ing the \nKing\'s body to his own land in a naval vessel with all due honors. \nThe Government of his successor. Queen Lilioukalani, is seeking \nto promote closer commercial relations with the United States. \nSurveys for the much-needed submarine cable from our Pacific \nCoast to Honolulu are in progress, and this enterprise should \nhave the suitable promotion of the two Governments. I strongly \nrecommend that provision be made for improving the harbor of \nPearl River and equipping it as a naval station. \n\nThe arbitration treaty formulated by the International American \nConference lapsed by reason of the failure to exchange ratifications \nfully within the limit of time provided; but several of the Govern- \nments concerned have expressed a desire to save this important \nresult of the conference by an extension of the period. It is, in my \njudgment, incumbent upon tlie United States to conserve the \ninfluential initiative it has taken in this measure by ratifying the \ninstrument and by advocating the propo.sed extension of the time for \n\n\n\nlOO \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\n\n\nexchange. These views have been made known to the other \nsignatories. \n\nThis Government has found occasion to express, in a friendly \nspirit, but with much earnestness, to the Government of the Czar, \nits serious concern because of the harsh measures now being \nenforced against the Hebrews in Russia. By the revival of anti- \nSemitic laws, long in abeyance, great numbers of those unfortunate \npeople have been constrained to abandon their homes and leave the \nEmpire by reason of the impossibility of finding subsistence within \nthe pale to which it is sought to confine them. The immigration \nof these people to the United States \xe2\x80\x94 many other countries being \nclosed to them \xe2\x80\x94 is largely increasing and is likely to assume \nproportions which may make it difficult to find homes and employ- \nment for them here and to seriously affect the labor market. It is \nestimated that over 1,000,000 will be forced from Russia within \na few years. The Hebrew is never a beggar; he has always kept \nthe law \xe2\x80\x94 life by toil \xe2\x80\x94 often under severe and oppressive civil \nrestrictions. It is also true that no race, sect, or class has more fully \ncared for its own than the Hebrew race. But the sudden transfer \nof such a multitude, under conditions that tend to strip them of \ntheir small accumulations and to depress their energies and courage, \nis neither good for them nor for us. \n\nThe banishment, whether by direct decree or by not less certain \nindirect methods, of so large a number of men and women is not a \nlocal question. A decree to leave one country is, in the nature of \nthings, an order to enter another \xe2\x80\x94 some other. This consideration, \nas well as the suggestions of humanity, furnishes ample ground for \nthe remonstrances which we have presented to Russia, while our \nhistoric friendship for that Government can not fail to give the \nassurance that our representations are those of a sincere wellwisher. \n\nThe annual report of the Maritime Canal Company of Nicaragua \nshows that much costly and necessary preparatory work has been \ndone during the year in the construction of shops, railroad tracks, \nand harbor piers and breakwaters, and that the work of canal \nconstruction has made some progress. \n\nI deem it to be a matter of the highest concern to the United States \nthat this canal, connecting the waters of the Atlantic and Pacific \noceans and giving to us a short-water communication between our \nports upon those two great seas, should be speedily constructed and \nat the smallest practicable limit of cost. The gain in freights to \nthe people and the direct saving to the Government of the United \nStates in the use of its naval vessels would pay the entire cost of \nthis work within a short series of years. The report of the \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Benjaiiiin Ifarrisoii. loi \n\nSecretary of the Navy shows the saving in onr naval expenditnres \nwhich wonld result. \n\nThe Senator from Alabama (Mr Morgan), in his argument upon \nthis subject before the Senate at the last session, did not overesti- \nmate the importance of this work when he said that "the canal is \nthe most important subject now connected with the commercial \ngrowth and progress of the United vStates. " \n\nIf this work is to be promoted b}- the usual financial methods \nand without the aid of this Government, the expenditures, in its \ninterest-bearing securities and stocks, will probably be twice the \nactual cost. This will necessitate higher tolls and constitute a \nheavy and altogether needless burden upon our commerce and that \nof the world. Every dollar of the bonds and stock of the company \nshould represent a dollar expended in the legitimate and economical \nprosecution of the work. This is only possible by giving to the \nbonds the guaranty of the United States Government. Such a \nguaranty would secure the ready .sale at par of a 3-per-cent bond, \nfrom time to time, as the money was needed. I do not doubt that, \nbuilt upon these business methods, the canal would, when fully \ninaugurated, earn its fixed charges and operating expenses. But if \nits bonds are to be marketed at heavy discounts and every bond \nsold is to be accompanied by a gift of stock, as has come to be \nexpected by investors in such enterprises, the traffic will be seriously \nbtirdened to pa}- interest and dividends. I am quite willing to \nrecommend Government promotion in the prosecution of a work \nwhich, if no other means offered for securing its completion, is of \nsuch transcendent interest that the Government should, in my \nopinion, secure it by direct appropriations from its treasury. \n\nA guarantv of the bonds of the canal company to an amount \nnecessary to the completion of the canal could, I think, be so given \nas not to involve any serious risk of ultimate loss. The things \nto be carefully guarded are the completion of the work within \nthe limits of the guaranty, the subrogation of the United States to \nthe rights of the first-mortgage bondholders for any amounts it \nmay have to pay, and in the meantime a control of the stock of the \ncompany as a security against mismanagement and loss. I most \nsincerely hope that neither party nor sectional lines will be drawn \nupon this great American project, so full of interest to the people of \nall our States and so influential in its effects upon the prestige \nand prosperity of our common country. \n\nThe island of Navassa, in the West Indian group, has, under the \nprovisions of title 72 of the Revised Statutes, been recognized by \nthe President as appertaining to the United States. It contains \n\n\n\n102 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nguano deposits, is owned by the Navassa Pliosphate Company, \nand is occupied solely by its employes. In September, 1889, a \nrevolt took place among these laborers, resulting in the killing of \nsome of the agents of the company, caused, as the laborers claimed, \nby cruel treatment. These men were arrested and tried in the \nUnited States court at Baltimore, under section 5576 of the statute \nreferred to, as if the offenses had been committed on board a \nmerchant vessel of the United States on the high seas. There \nappeared on the trial, and otherwise came to me, such evidences of \nthe bad treatment of the men that, in consideration of this and of \nthe fact that the men had no access to any public officer or tribunal \nfor protection or the redress of their wrongs, I commuted the \ndeath sentences that had been passed by the court upon three of \nthem. In April last my attention was again called to this island, \nand to the unregulated condition of things there, by a letter from a \ncolored laborer, who complained that he was wrongfully detained \nupon the island by the phosphate company after the expiration \nof his contract of service. A naval vessel was sent to examine \ninto the case of this man and generally into the condition of things \non the island. It was found that the laborer teferred to had been \ndetained beyond the contract limit and that a condition of revolt \nagain existed among the laborers. A board of naval officers \nreported, among other things, as follows : \n\nWe would desire to state further that the discipline maintained on the island seems \nto be that of a convict establishment, without its comforts and cleanliness, and that, \nuntil more attention is paid to the shipping of laborers, by placing it under Government \nsupervision to prevent misunderstanding and misrepresentation, and until some \namelioration is shown in the treatment of the laborers, these disorders will be of \nconstant occurrence. \n\nI recommend legislation that shall place labor contracts upon this \nand other islands having the relation that Navassa has to the United \nStates under the supervision of a court commissioner, and that shall \nprovide, at the expense of the owners, an officer to reside upon the \nislands, with power to judge and adjust disputes and to enforce \na just and humane treatment of the employes. It is inexcusable \nthat American laborers should be left within our own jurisdiction \nwithout access to any Government officer or tribunal for their pro- \ntection and the redress of their wrongs. \n\nInternational copyright has been secured, in accordance with the \nconditions of the act of March 3, 1891, with Belgium, France, Great \nBritain and the British possessions, and Switzerland, the laws of \nthose countries permitting to our citizens the benefit of copyright \nou substantially the same basis as to their own citizens or subjects. \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. 103 \n\nWith Germany a special convention has been negotiated npon this \nsubject, whicli will bring that country within the reciprocal benefits \nof our legislation. \n\nThe general interest in the operations of the Treasury Department \nhas been much augmented during the last year by reason of the \nconflicting predictions, which accompanied and followed the tariff \nand other legislation of the last Congress affecting the revenues, as \nto the results of this legislation upon the Treasury and upon the \ncountry. On the one hand it was contended that imports would so \nfall off as to leave the Treasury l)ankrupt, and that the prices of \narticles entering into the living of the people would be so enhanced \nas to disastrously affect their comfort and happiness, while on the \nother it was argued that the loss to the revenue, largely the result of \nplacing sugar on the free list, would be a direct gain to the people; \nthat the prices of the necessaries of life, including those most highly \nprotected, would not be enhanced ; that labor would have a larger \nmarket and the products of the farm advanced prices ; while the \nTreasur>\' surplus and receipts would be adequate to meet the \nappropriations, including the large exceptional expenditures for the \nrefunding to the States of the direct tax and tlie redemption of the \n\\y, per cent bonds. \n\nIt is not my purpose to enter at any length into a discussion of \nthe effects of the legislation to which I have referred ; but a brief \nexamination of the statistics of the Treasury and a general glance \nat the state of business throughout the country will, I think, satisfy \nany impartial inquirer that its results have disappointed the evil \nprophecies of its opponents and in a large measure realized the \nhopeful predictions of its friends. Rarely, if ever before, in the \nhistory of the country has there been a time when the proceeds of \none day\'s labor or the product of one farmed acre would purchase \nso large an amount of those things that enter into the living of the \nnia.sses of the people. I believe that a full test will develop the fact \nthat the tariff act of the Fifty-first Congress is very favorable in its \naverage effect upon the prices of articles entering into common use. \n\nDuring the twelve months from October i, 1890, to September \n30, 1891, the total value of our foreign commerce (imports and \nexports combined) was $1,747,806,406, which was the largest of any \nyear in the history of the United States. The largest in any previous \nyear was in 1890, when our commerce amounted to $1,647,139,093, \nand the last year exceeds this enormous aggregate by over one \nhundred millions. It is interesting, and to some will be surprising, \nto know that during the year ending September 30, 1891, our imports \nof merchandise amounted to $824,715,270, which was an increase \n\n\n\nI04 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nof more than $11,000,000 over the value of the imports of the cor- \nresponding months of the preceding year, when the imports of \nmerchandise were nnnsiially large in anticipation of the tariff legis- \nlation then pending. The average annual value of the imports of \nmerchandise for the ten years from 1881 to 1890 was $692,186,522, \nand during the year ending September 30, 1891, this annual average \nwas exceeded by $132,528,469. \n\nThe value of free imports during tlie twelve months ending \nSeptember 30, 1891, was $118,092,387 more than the value of free \nimports during the corresponding twelve months of the preceding \nyear, and there was during the same period a decrease of $106,846,508 \nin the value of imports of dutiable merchandise. The percentage \nof merchandise admitted free of duty during the year to which I have \nreferred, the first under the new tariff, was 48.18, while during the \npreceding twelve months, under the old tariff, the percentage was \n34.27, an increase of 13.91 per cent. If we take the six months \nending September 30 last, which covers the time during which \nsugars have been admitted free of duty, the per cent of value of \nmerchandise imported free of duty is found to be 55.37, which is a \nlarger percentage of free imports than during any prior fiscal year \nin the history of the Government. \n\nIf we turn to exports of merchandise the statistics are full of \ngratification. The value of such exports of merchandise for the \ntwelve months ending September 30, 1891, was $923,091,136, while \nfor the corresponding previous twelve months it was $860,177,115, \nan increase of $62,914,021, which is nearly three times the average \nannual increase of exports of merchandise for the preceding twenty \nyeais ; this exceeds in amount and value the exports of merchandise \nduring any year in the history of the Government. The increase in \nthe value of exports of agricultural products during the year \nreferred to over the corresponding twelve months of the prior year \nwas $45,846,197, while the increase in the value of exports of \nmanufactured products was $16,838,240. \n\nThere is certainly nothing in the condition of trade, foreign \nor domestic, there is certainly nothing in the condition of our \npeople of any class, to suggest that the existing tariff and revenue \nlegislation bears oppressively upon the people or retards the \ncommercial development of the nation. It may be argued that \nour condition would be better if tariff legislation were upon a \nfree-trade basis ; but it can not be denied that all the conditions \nof prosperity and of general contentment are present in a larger \ndegree than ever before in our history, and that, too, just when \nit was prophesied they would be in tlie worst state. Agitation for \n\n\n\nPubUc Papers and Addresses of Benjaiiiin Harrison. 105 \n\nradical changes in tariff and financial legislation can not help, bnt \nmay seriously impede, business, to the prosperity of which some \ndegree of stability in legislation is essential. \n\nI think there are conclusive evidences tliat the new tariff has \ncreated several great industries which will, within a few years, \ngive employment to several hundred thousand American working \nmen and women. In \\iew of the somewhat overcrowded condition \nof the labor market of the United vStates every patriotic citizen \nshould rejoice at such a result. \n\nThe report of the vSecretary of the Treasury shows that the \ntotal receipts of tiie Government, from all sources, for the fiscal \nyear ending June 30, 1891, were $458,544,233.03, while the \nexpenditures for the same period were $421,304,470.46, leaving a \nsurplus of 137,239,762.57. \n\nThe receipts of the fiscal year ending June 30, 1892, actual and \nestimated, are $433,000,000 and the expenditures $409,000,000. \nFor the fiscal year ending June 30, 1893, the estimated receipts are \n#455> 336, 350 and the expenditures $441,300,093. \n\nUnder the law of July 14, 1890, the Secretary of the Treasury has \npurchased (since August 13) during the fiscal year 48,393, 113 ounces \nof silver bullion at an average cost of $1,045 P^r ounce. The highest \nprice paid during the year was $1. 2025, and the lowest $0.9636. In \nexchange for this silver bullion there have been issued $50,577,498 \nof the Treasury notes authorized by the act. The lowest price of \nsilver reached during the fiscal year was $0.9636, on April 22, 1891; \nbut on November i the market price was only $0.96, which would \ngive to the silver dollar a bullion value of 7414^ cents. \n\nBefore the influence of the prospective silver legislation was felt \nin the market silver was worth in New York about $0,955 P^r ounce. \nThe ablest advocates of free coinage in the last Congress were most \nconfident in their predictions that the purchases b)- the Government \nrequired by the law would at once bring the price of .silver to $1.2929 \nper ounce, which would make the bullion value of a dollar 100 cents, \nand hold it there. The prophecies of the anti-silver men of disasters \nto result from the coinage of $2,000,000 per month were not wider \nof the mark. The friends of free silver are not agreed, I think, as \nto the causes which l)rought their hopeful predictions to naught. \nSome facts are known. The exports of .silver from London to India \nduring the first nine months of this calendar year fell off over 50 \nper cent, or $17,202,730, compared with the .same months of the \npreceding year. The exports of domestic silver bullion from this \ncountry, which had averaged for the last ten years over $17,000,000, \nfell in the last fiscal year to $13,797,391 ; while, for the first time in \n\n\n\nio6 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nrecent years, the imports of silver into this conntry exceeded the \nexports by the snm of $2,745,365. In the previous year the net \nexports of silver from the United States amounted to $8,545,455. \nThe production of the United States increased from 50,000,000 \nounces in 1889 to 54,500,000 in 1890. The Government is now \nbuying and putting aside annually 54,000,000 ounces, which, \nallowing for 7,140,000 ounces of new bullion used in the arts, is \n6,640,000 more than our domestic product available for coinage. \n\nI hope the depression in the price of silver is temporary and that \na further trial of this legislation will more favorably affect it. That \nthe increased volume of currency thus supplied for the use of the \npeople was needed and that beneficial results upon trade and prices \nhave followed this legislation I think must be very clear to everyone; \nnor .should it be forgotten that for every dollar of these notes issued \na full dollar\'s worth of silver bullion is at the time deposited in the \nTreasury as a security for its redemption. Upon this subject, as \nupon the tariff, my recommendation is that the existing laws be \ngiven a full trial and that our business interests be spared the \ndistressing influence which threats of radical changes always \nimpart. Under existing legislation it is in the power of the Treasury \nDepartment to maintain that essential condition of national finance \nas well as of commercial prosperity \xe2\x80\x94 the parity in use of the coin \ndollars and their paper representatives. The assurance that these \npowers would be freely and unhesitatingly used has done much to \nproduce and sustain the present favorable business conditions. \n\nI am still of the opinion that the free coinage of silver under \nexisting conditions would disastrously affect our business interests \nat home and abroad. We could not hope to maintain an equality \nin the purchasing power of the gold and silver dollar in our own \nmarkets, and in foreign trade the stamp gives no added value to the \nbullion contained in coins. The producers of the country, its \nfarmers and laborers, have the highest interest that every dollar, \npaper or coin, i.ssued by the Government, shall be as good as any \nother. If there is one less valuable than another its sure and \nconstant errand will be to pay them for their toil and for their \ncrops. The money-lender will protect himself by stipulating for \npayment in gold, but the laborer has never been able to do that. \nTo place business upon a silver basis would mean a sudden and \nsevere contraction of the currency, by the withdrawal of gold and \ngold notes, and such an unsettling of all values as would produce a \ncommercial panic. I can not believe that a people so strong and \nprosperous as ours will promote such a policy. \n\nThe producers of silver are entitled to just consideration, but \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Boi/aniin Harrison. 107 \n\nthey should not forget that tlie Government is now Ijuying and \nputting out of tlie market what is tlie equivalent of the entire \nproduct of our silver mines. This is more than they themsehes \nthought of asking two years ago. I believe it is the earnest desire \nof a great majority of the people, as it is mine, that a full coin \nuse shall be made of silver just as soon as the cooperation of other \nnations can be secured and a ratio fixed that will give circulation \nequally to gold and silver. The business of the world requires \nthe use of both metals; but I do not see any prospect of gain, but \nmuch of loss, by giving up the present system, in whicli a full use \nis made of gold and a large use of siher, for one in which silver \nalone will circulate. Such an event would be at once fatal to the \nfurther progress of the silver movement. Bimetalism is the desired \nend, and the true friends of silver will be careful not to overrun \nthe goal and bring in silver monometalism, with its necessar}\' \nattendants, the loss of our gold to Europe and the relief of the \npressure there for a larger currency. I have endeavored by the use \nof official and unofficial agencies to keep a close observation of the \nstate of public .sentiment in Europe upon this question, and have \nnot found it to be such as to justif\\- me in proposing an international \nconference. There is, however, I am sure, a growing sentiment in \nEurope in favor of a larger use of silver, and I know of no more \neffectual way of promoting this sentiment than by accumulating \ngold here. A scarcity of gold in the European reserves will be the \nmost persuasive argument for the use of silver. \n\nThe exports of gold to Europe, which began in February last and \ncontinued until the close of July, aggregated over $70,000,000. The \nnet loss of gold during the fiscal year was nearly $68,000,000. That \nno serious monetary disturbance resulted was most gratifying, and \ngave to Europe fresh evidence of the strength and stability of our \nfinancial institutions. With the movement of crops the outflow \nof gold was speedily stopped, and a return set in. Up to December \nI we had recovered of our gold loss at the port of New York \n$27,854,000, and it is confidently believed that during the winter \nand spring this aggregate will be steadily and largely increased. \n\nThe presence of a large cash surplus in the Treasury has for \nmany years been the subject of much unfavorable criticism and has \nfurnished an argument to those who have desired to place the tariff \nupon a purely revenue basis. It was agreed by all that the with- \ndrawal from circulation of so large an amount of money was an \nembarra.ssment to the business of the country and made necessary \nthe intervention of the Department at frequent intervals to relieve \nthreatened monetary panics. The sur])lus on March i, 1889, was \n\n\n\nio8 Pithlic Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\n$183,827,190.29. The policy of applying this surplus to the \nredemption of the interest-bearing securities of the United States \nwas thought to be preferable to that of depositing it without interest \nin selected national banks. There have been redeemed since the \ndate last mentioned of interest-bearing securities $259,079,350, \nresulting in a reduction of the annual interest charge of $11,684,675. \nThe mone\\- which had been deposited in banks without interest has \nbeen gradually withdrawn and used in the redemption of bonds. \n\nThe result of this policy, of the silver legislation, and of the \nrefunding of the 41/ per cent bonds has been a large increase of the \nmoney in circulation. At the date last named the circulation was \n$1,404,205,896, or $23.03 per capita ; while on the 1st day of \nDecember, 1891, it had increased to $1,577,262,070, or $24.38 per \ncapita. The offer of the Secretary of the Treasury to the holders \nof the 4>^ per cent bonds to extend the time of redemption, at the \noption of the Government, at an interest of 2 per cent, was accepted \nby the holders of about one-half the amount, and the unextended \nbonds are being redeemed on presentation. \n\nThe report of the Secretary of War exhibits the results of an \nintelligent, progressive, and business-like administration of a \ndepartment which has been too much regarded as one of mere \nroutine. The separation of Secretary Proctor from the Department \nby reason of his appointment as a Senator from the State of Vermont \nis a source of great regret to me and to his colleagues in the Cabinet, \nas I am sure it will be to all those who have had business with the \nDepartment while under his charge. \n\nIn the administration of army affairs some especially good work \nhas been accomplished. The efforts of the Secretary to reduce the \npercentage of desertions by removing the causes that promoted it \nhave been so successful as to enable him to report for the last year \na lower percentage of desertion that has been before reached in the \nhistory of the Army. The, resulting money saving is considerable, \nbut the improvement in the morale of the enlisted men is the most \nvaluable incident of the reforms which have brought about this \nresult. \n\nThe work of securing sites for shore batteries for harbor defense \nand the manufacture of mortars and guns of high power to equip \nthem have made good progress during the year. The preliminary \nwork of tests and plans, which so long delayed a start, is now out \nof the way. Some guns have been completed, and with an enlarged \nshop and a more complete equipment at Watervliet the Ami)- will \nwill soon be abreast of the Navy in gun construction. Whatever \nunavoidable causes of delav may arise, there should be none from \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and .Iddrcsses o/ Be)ija\xc2\xbbiin Harrison. log \n\ndela}-ed or insufficient appropriations. We shall be j^reath- enilsar- \nrassed in the proper distribution and use of na\\a] vessels until \nadequate shore defenses are provided for our harbors. \n\nI concur in the reconnnendation of the Secretary- that the three- \nbattalion organization be adopted for the infantry. The adoption \nof a smokeless powder and of a modern rifle equal in range, precis- \nion, and rapidity of fire to the best now in use will, I hope, not be \nlonger delayed. \n\nThe project of enlisting Indians and organizing tliem into sepa- \nrate companies upon the same basis as other soldiers was made the \nsubject of very careful study by the Secretary and received my \napproval. Seven companies have been completely organized and \n.seven more are in process of organization. The results of six \nmonths\' training ha\\-e more than realized the highest anticipations. \nThe men are readily brought under descipline, acquire the drill \nwith facility, and show great pride in the right discharge of their \nduties and perfect loyalty to their officers, who declare that they \nwould take them into action with confidence. The discipline, \norder and cleanliness of the military posts will have a wholesome \nand elevating influence upon the men enlisted, and through them \nuj^on their tribes, while a more friendly feeling for the whites and \na greater respect for the Government will certainly be promoted. \n\nThe great work done in the Record and Pension Division of the \nWar Department by Alajor Ainsworth, of the Medical Corps, and \nthe clerks under him, is entitled to honorable mentinn. Taking \nup the work with nearly 41,000 cases behind, he closed the last \nfiscal )\'ear without a single case left o\\-er, though the new cases had \nincreased 52 per cent in number over the previous vear by reason \nof the pension legislation of the last Congress. \n\nI concur in the recommendation of the Attorney-General that the \nright in felony cases to a review by the Supreme Court be limited. \nIt would seem that jDcrsonal libert\\- would have a safe guaranty if \nthe right of review in cases involving only fine and imprisonment \nwere limited to the circuit court of appeals, unless a constitutional \nquestion should in some way be involved. \n\nThe judges of the Court of Private Land Claims, provided for \nby the act of March 3, 1S91, have been appointed and the court \norganized. It is now possible to give early relief to communities \nlong repressed in their de\\-elopment by unsettled land titles and to \nestablish the po.ssession and right of settlers whose lands have been \nrendered valueless by adver.se and unfounded claims. \n\nThe act of July 9, 18S8, provided for the incorporation and man- \nagement of a reform school for girls in the District of Columbia ; \n\n\n\nno Public Papers and Addresses of Bcjijaiiiiii Harrison. \n\nbut it has remained inoperative for the reason that no appropriation \nhas been made for construction or maintenance. The need of such \nan institution is very urgent. Many girls could be saved from \ndepraved lives by the wholesome influences and restraints of sucli a \nschool. I recommend that the necessary appropriation be made for \na site and for construction. \n\nThe enforcement by the Treasury Department of the law pro- \nhibiting the coming of Chinese to the United States has been \neffective as to such as seek to land from vessels entering our ports. \nThe result has been to divert the travel to vessels entering the ports \nof British Columbia, whence passage into the United States at \nobscure points along the Dominion boundar)- is easy. A very con- \nsiderable number of Chinese laborers have, during the past year, \nentered the United States from Canada and Mexico. \n\nThe officers of the Treasury Department and of the Department \nof Justice have used every means at their command to intercept \nthis immigration ; but the impossibility of perfectly guarding our \nextended frontier is apparent. The Dominion Government collects \na head tax of $50 from every Chinaman entering Canada, and thus \nderives a considerable revenue from those who only use its ports to \nreach a position of advantage to evade our exclusion laws. There \nseems to be satisfactory evidence that the business of passing \nChinamen through Canada to the United States is organized and \nquite active. The Department of Justice has construed the laws \nto require the return of any Chinaman found to be unlawfully in \nthis country to China as the country from which he came, notwith- \nstanding the fact that he came by way of Canada ; but several of \nthe district courts have, in cases brought before them, overruled \nthis view of the law and decided that such persons must be returned \nto Canada. This construction robs the law of all effectiveness, even \nif the decrees could be executed, for the men returned can the next \nday recross ovir border. But the only appropriation made is for \nsending them back to China, and the Canadian officials refuse to \nallow them to reenter Canada without the payment of the $50 head \ntax. I recommend such legislation as will remed)\' these defects in \nthe law. \n\nIn previous messages I have called the attention of Congress to \nthe necessity of so extending the jurisdiction of the United States \ncourts as to make triable therein any felony committed while in the \nact of violating a law of the United States. These courts can not \nhave that independence and effectiveness which the Constitution \ncontemplates so long as the felonious killing of court officers, jurors, \nand witnesses in the discharge of their duties, or by reason of their \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Bcnjamiji Harrison. i ii \n\nacts as such, is only cognizable in the State courts. The work done \nby the Attorney-General and the officers of his Department, even \nunder the present inadequate legislation, has produced some notable \nresults in the interest of law and order. \n\nThe Attorney-General and also the Commissioners of the District \nof Columbia call attention to the defectiveness and inadequacy of the \nlaws relating tu crimes against chastity in the District of Columbia. \nA stringent code upon this subject has been provided by Congress \nfor Utah, and it is a matter of surprise that the needs of tliis District \nshould have been so long overlooked. \n\nIn the report of the Postmaster-General some very gratifying \nresults are exhibited and many betterments of the service suggested. \nA perusal of the report gives abundant evidence that the supervision \nand direction of the postal system have been characterized by an \nintelligent and conscientious desire to improve the service. The \nre\\\'enues of the Department show an increase of over $5,000,000, \nwith a deficiency for the year 1892 of less than $4,000,000, while \nthe estimate for the year 1893 shows a surplus of receipts over \nexpenditures. \n\nOcean-mail post-offices have been established uj^on the steamers \nof the North German Lloyd and Hamburg lines, saving, by the \ndistribution on shipboard, from two to fourteen hours\' time in the \ndelivery of mail at the port of entry and often much more than this \nin the delivery at interior places. vSo thoroughly has this svstem, \ninitiated by Germany and the United States, evidenced its useful- \nness that it can not be long before it is installed upon all the great \nocean mail-carrying steamships. \n\nEight thousand miles of new postal service has been established \nupon railroads, the car distribution to substations in the great cities \nhas been increased about 12 per cent, while the percentage of errors \nin distribution has, during the past year, been reduced over one-half \nAn appropriation was given by the last Congress for the purpose of \nmaking some experiments in free delivery in the smaller cities and \ntowns. The results of these experiments have been so satisfactory \nthat the Postmaster-General recommends, and I concur in the \nrecommendation, that the free-delivery system be at once extended \nto towns of 5,000 population. His discussion of the inadequate \nfacilities extended under our present system to rural communities \nand his suggestions with a view to give these communities a fuller \nparticipation in the benefits of the postal .service are worthy of )\'our \ncareful consideration. It is not just that the farmer, who receives \nhis mail at a neighboring town, should not only be compelled to \nsend to the post-office for it, but to pay a considerable rent for a \n\n\n\n112 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nbox in which to place it or to wait his turn at a general-delivery \nwindow, while the city resident has his mail brought to his door. \nIt is stated that over 54,000 neighborhoods are, under the present \nsystem, receiving mail at post-offices where money orders and \npostal notes are not issued. The extension of this system to these \ncommunities is especially desirable, as the patrons of such offices \nare not possessed of the other facilities offered in more populous \ncommunities for the transmission of small sums of money. \n\nI have, in a message to the preceding Congress, expressed my \nviews as to a modified nse of the telegraph in connection with the \npostal service. \n\nIn pursuance of the ocean-mail law of March 3, 1891, and after a \nmost careful study of the whole subject and frequent conferences \nwith shipowners, boards of trade, and others, advertisements were \nissued by the Postmaster-General for 53 lines of ocean-mail service: \n10 to Great Britain and the Continent, 27 to Sonth America, 3 to \nChina and Japan, 4 to Australia and the Pacific Islands, 7 to the \nWest Indies, and 2 to Mexico. It was not, of course, expected that \nbids for all these lines would be received or that service upon them \nall would be contracted for. It was intended, in furtherance of the \nact, to secure as many new lines as possible, while including in the \nlist most or all of the foreign lines now occupied by American \nships. It was hoped that a line to England and perhaps one to the \nContinent would be secured; but the outlay required to equip such \nlines wholly with new ships of the first class and the difficulty of \nestablishing new lines in competition with those already established \ndeterred bidders whose interest had been enlisted. It is hoped that \na way may yet be found of overcoming these difficulties. The \nBrazil Steamship Company, by reason of a miscalculation as to the \nspeed of its vessels, was not able to bid under the terms of the \nadvertisement. The policy of the Department was to secure from \nthe established lines an improved service as a condition of giving \nto them the benefits of the law. This in all instances has been \nattained. The Postmaster-General estimates that an expenditure \nin American shipyards of about $10,000,000 will be necessary to \nenable the bidders to construct the ships called for by the service \nwhich they have accepted. I do not think there is any reason for \ndiscouragement or for an\\- turning back from the policy of this \nlegislation. Indeed, a good beginning has been made, and, as the \nsubject is further considered and understood by capitalists and \nshipping people, new lines will be ready to meet future proposals, \nand we may date from the pas.sage of this law the revival of Amer- \nican shipping interests and the recovery of a fair share of the \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Bciija/niii IIarriso>i. 113 \n\ncarrying trade of the world. We were receiving for foreign postage \nnearly $2,000,000 niider the old system and the outlay for ocean- \nmail service did not exceed #600,000 per annum. It is estimated \nby the Postmaster-General that, if all the contracts proposed are \ncompleted, it will require $247,354 fo"" this year, in addition to the \nappropriation for sea and inland postage already in the estimates, \nand that for the ne.\\t fiscal year, ending June 30, 1893, there would \nprobably be needed about $560,000. \n\nThe report of the Secretary of the Navy shows a gratifying \nincrease of new naval vessels in commission. The Neivark, Con- \ncord, Renniugloit, and MiantoisoiiinJi have been added during the \nyear, with an aggregate of something more than 11,000 tons. \nTwent)--four war ships of all classes are now under construction in \nthe navy-yards and private shops, hut, while the work upon them is \ngoing forward satisfactorily, the completion of the more important \nvessels will yet require about a year\'s time. Some of the vessels \nnow under construction, it is believed, will be triumphs of naval \nengineering. When it is recollected that the work of building a \nmodern navy was only initiated in the year 1883, that our naval \nconstructors and shipbuilders were practically withont experience \nin the construction of large iron or steel ships, that our engine \nshops were unfamiliar with great marine engines, and that the \nmanufacture of steel forgings for guns and plates was almost wdioUy \na foreign industry, the progress that has been made is not only \nhighly satisfactory, but furnishes the assurance that the United \nStates will before long attain, in the construction of such vessels, \nwith their engines and armaments, the same preeminence which it \nattained when the best instrument of ocean commerce was the \nclipper ship and the most impressive exhibit of naval power the \nold wooden three-decker man-of-war. The officers of the Navy \nand the proprietors and engineers of our great private shops have \nresponded with wonderful intelligence and professional zeal to the \nconfidence expressed by Congress in its liberal legislation. We \nhave now at Washington a gun shop, organized and conducted by \nnaval officers, that in its system, economy, and product is unex- \ncelled. Experiments with armor plate have been conducted during \nthe year with most important results. It is now belie\\-ed that a \nplate of higher resisting power than any in use has been found and \nthat the tests have demonstrated that cheaper methods of manufac- \nture than those heretofore thought necessary can be used. \n\nI commend to your favorable consideration the recommendations \nof the Secretary, who has, I am sure, given to them the most con- \nscientious stud)-. There should be no hesitation in promptly \n15151 s \n\n\n\n114 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\ncompleting a navy of the best modern type, large enongh to enable \nthis country to display its flag in all seas for the protection of its \ncitizens and of its extending commerce. The world needs no assur- \nance of the peaceful purjrjoses of the United States, but we shall \nprobably be in the future more largely a competitor in the commerce \nof the world, and it is essential to the dignity of this nation and to \nthat peaceful influence which it should exercise on this hemisphere \nthat its navy should be adequate, both upon the shores of the \nAtlantic and of the Pacific. \n\nThe report of the Secretary of the Interior shows that a very \ngratifying progress has been made in all of the bureaus which make \nup that complex and difficult Department. \n\nThe work in the Bureau of Indian Affairs was perhaps never so \nlarge as now, by reason of the numerous negotiations which have \nbeen proceeding with the tribes for a reduction of the reservations, \nwith the incident labor of making allotments, and was never more \ncarefully conducted. The provision of adequate school facilities \nfor Indian children and the locating of adult Indians upon farms \ninvolve the solution of the " Indian question. " Everything else \xe2\x80\x94 \nrations, annuities, and tribal negotiations, with the agents, inspect- \nors, and commissioners who distribute and conduct them \xe2\x80\x94 must \npass away when the Indian has become a citizen, secure in the indi- \nvidual ownership of a farm from which he derives his subsistence \nby his own labor, protected by and subordinate to the laws which \ngovern the white man, and provided by the General Government \nor by the local communities in which he lives with the means of \neducating his children. When an Indian becomes a citizen in an \norganized State or Territory his relation to the General Government \nceases, in great measure, to be that of a ward ; but the General \nGovernment ought not at once to put upon the State or Territory \nthe burden of the education of his children. It has been my thought \nthat the Government schools and school buildings upon the reser- \nvations would be absorbed by the school systems of the States and \nTerritories ; but, as it has been found necessary to protect the Indian \nagainst the compulsory alienation of his land by exempting him \nfrom taxation for a period of twenty-five years, it would seem to be \nright that the General Government, certainly where there are tribal \nfunds in its possession, should pay to the school fund of the State \nwhat would be equivalent to the local school tax upon the property \nof the Indian. It will be noticed from the report of the Commis- \nsioner of Indian Affairs that alread)- some contracts have been made \nwith district schools for the education of Indian children. There is \ngreat advantage, I think, in bringing the Indian children into mixed \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. 115 \n\nschools. This process will be gradual, and in the iiieaiitime the \npresent educational provisions and arrangements, the result of the \nlaest experience of those who have been charged with this work, \nshould be continued. This will enable those religious bodies that \nhave undertaken the work of Indian education with .so much zeal, \nand with results .so restraining and beneficent, to place their institu- \ntions in new and useful relations to the Indian and to his white \nneighbors. \n\nThe outbreak among the Sioux, which occurred in December last, \nis as to its causes and incidents fully reported upon by the War \nDepartment and the Department of the Interior. That these Indians \nhad .some just complaints, especially in the matter of the reduction \nof the appropriation for rations and in the delays attending the \nenactment of laws to enable the Department to perform the engage- \nments entered into with them, is probably true ; but the Sioux \ntribes are naturally warlike and turbulent, and their warriors were \nexcited bv their medicine men and chiefs, who preached the coming \nof an Indian Messiah who was to give them power to destroy their \nenemies. In view of the alarm that prevailed among the white \nsettlers near the reservation and of the fatal consequences that \nwould have resulted from an Indian incursion, I placed at the dis- \nposal of General Miles, commanding the division of the Missouri, all \nsuch forces as were thought by him to be required. He is entitled \nto the credit of having given thorough protection to the settlers \nand of bringing the hostiles into subjection with the least possible \nloss of life. \n\nThe appropriation of $2,991,450 for the Choctaws and Chicka- \nsaws, contained in the general Indian appropriation bill of March \n3, 1891, has not been expended, for the reason that I have not yet \napproved a release (to the Government) of the Indian claim to the \nlands mentioned. This matter will be made the subject of a special \nmes.sage, placing before Congress all the facts which have come to \nmy knowledge. \n\nThe relation of the five civilized tribes now occupying the Indian \nTerritory to the United States is not, I believe, that best calculated \nto promote the highest advancement of these Indians. That there \n\xe2\x96\xa0should be within our borders five independent States, having no \nrelations, except tho.se growing out of treaties, with the Government \nof the United States, no representation in the national legislature, \nits people not citizens, is a startling anomaly. \n\nIt seems to me to be inevitable that there shall be liefore long \nsome organic changes in the relation of these people to the United \nStates. What form these changes should take I do not think it \n\n\n\nii6 Public Papers and Addresses of Bctijamiii Harrison. \n\ndesirable now to suggest, even if they were well defined in my own \nmind. They should certainly involve the acceptance of citizenship \nby the Indians and a representation in Congress. These Indians \nshould have opportunity to present their claims and grievances \nupon the floor rather than, as now, in the lobby. If a commission \ncould be appointed to visit these tribes to confer with them in a \nfriendly spirit upon this whole subject, even if no agreement were \npresently reached, the feeling of the tribes upon this question would \nbe developed and discussion would prepare the way for changes \nwhich must come sooner or later. \n\nThe good work of reducing the larger Indian reservations, by \nallotments in severalty to the Indians and the cession of the \nremaining lands to the United States for disposition under the \nhomestead law, has been prosecuted during the year with energy \nand success. In September last I was enabled to open to settlement \nin the Territory of Oklahoma 900,000 acres of land, all of which \nwas taken up by settlers in a single day. The rush for these lands \nwas accompanied by a great deal of excitement, but was, happily, \nfree from incidents of violence. \n\nIt was a source of great regret that I was not able to open at \nthe same time the surplus lands of the Cheyenne and Arapahoe \nReservation, amounting to about 3,000,000 acres, by reason of \nthe insufficiency of the appropriation for making the allotments. \nDeserving and impatient settlers are waiting to occupy these lands, \nand I urgently recommed that a special deficiency appropriation be \npromptly made of the small amount needed,\' so that the allotments \nmay be completed and the surplus lands opened in time to permit \nthe settlers to get upon their homesteads in the early spring. \n\nDuring the past summer the Cherokee Commission have com- \npleted arrangements with the Wichita, Kickapoo, and Tonkawa \ntribes, whereby, if the agreements are ratified by Congress, over \n800,000 additional acres will be opened to settlement in Oklahoma. \n\nThe negotiation for the release by the Cherokees of their claim \nto the Cherokee vStrip has made no substantial progress, so far as \nthe Department is officially advised, but it is still hoped that the \ncession of this large and valuable tract may be secured. The price \nwliich the Commission was authorized to offer \xe2\x80\x94 one dollar and a \nquarter per acre \xe2\x80\x94 is, in my judgment, when all the circumstances \nas to title and the character of the lands are considered, a fair and \nadequate one and should have been accepted by the Indians. \n\nSince March 4, 1889, about 23,000,000 acres have been separated \nfrom Indian reservations and added to the public domain for the \nuse of those who desired to secure free homes under our beneficent \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Benjainin Plarrisoii. 117 \n\nlaws. It is difficult to estimate the increase of wealth which will \nresult from the conversion of these waste lands into fiirnis, but \nit is more difficult to estimate the betterment which will result \nto the families that have found renewed hope and courage in the \nownership of a home and the assurance of a comforta1)le subsistence \nunder free and healthful conditions. It is also eratifvine to be able \nto feel, as we may, that this work has proceeded upon lines of \njustice towards the Indian, and that he may now, if he will, secure \nto himself the good influences of a .settled habitation, the fruits of \nindustry, and the security of citizenship. \n\nEarly in this administration a .special effort was begun to bring \nup the work of the General lyand Office. By faithful work the \narrearages have been rapidly reduced. At the end of the last fiscal \nyear only 84,172 final agricultural entries remained undisposed of, \nand the Commissioner reports that, with the present force, the \nwork can be fully brought up by the end of the next fiscal vear. \n\nYour attention is called to the difficulty presented by the Secre- \ntary of the Interior as to the administration of the law of March \n3, 1891, establishing a court of private land claims. The small \nholdings intended to be protected 1)y the law are estimated to be \nmore than fifteen thousand in nu.nber. The claimants are a most \ndeserving class and their titles are supported by the strongest \nequities. The difficulty grows out of the fact that the lauds have \nlargely been surveyed according to our methods, while the holdings, \nmany of which have been in the same family for generations, are \nlaid out in narrow strips a few rods wide upon a stream and running \nback to the hills for pasturage and timber. Provision should be \nmade for numbering these tracts as lots and for patenting them by \nsuch numbers, and without reference to section lines. \n\nThe administration of the Pension Bureau has been characterized \nduring the year by great diligence. The total number of pensioners \nupon the roll on the 30th day of June, 1891, was 676,160. There \nwere allowed during the fiscal year ending at that time 250,565 \ncases. Of this number, 102,387 were allowed under the law of June \n27, 1890. The issuing of certificates has been proceeding at the \nrate of about 30,000 per month, about 75 per cent of these being \ncases under the new law. The Commissioner expresses the opinion \nthat he will be able to carefully adjudicate and allow 350,000 claims \nduring the present fiscal year. The appropriation for the pa^-ment \nof pensions for the fiscal year iSgo-\'gi was $127,685,793.89 and the \namount expended $118,530,649.25, leaving an unexpended surplus \nof #9- 155. 144- 64- \n\nThe Commissioner is quite confident that there will be no call \n\n\n\nIi8 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nthis year for a deficiency appropriation, notwithstanding the \nrapidity with which the work is being pnshed. The mistake which \nhas been made by many in their exaggerated estimates of the cost \nof pensions is in not taking account of the diminished value of first \npayments under the recent legislation. These payments, under \nthe general law, have been for many years very large, as the \npensions, when allowed, dated from the time of filing the claim, \nand most of these claims had been pending for years. The first \njDayments under the law of June, 1890, are relatively small, and as \nthe per cent of these cases increases and that of the old cases \ndiminishes, the annual aggregate of first payments is largely \nreduced. The Commissioner, under date of November 13, furnishes \nme with the statement that during the last four months 113,175 \ncertificates were issued, 27,893 under the general law and 85,282 \nunder the act of June 27, 1890. The average first payment during \nthese four months was $131.85, while the average first payment \nupon cases allowed during the year ending June 30, i<\'<9i, was \n^239.33, being a reduction in the average first payments during \nthese four months of $107.48. \n\nThe estimate for pension expenditures for the fiscal year ending \nJune 30, 1893, is $144,956,000, which, after a careful examination \nof the subject, the Commissioner is of the opinion will be sufficient. \nWhile these disbursements to the disabled soldiers of the great civil \nwar are large, they do not realize the exaggerated estimates of those \nwho oppose this beneficent legislation. The Secretary of the \nInterior shows with great fullness the care that is taken to exclude \nfraudulent claims, and also the gratifying fact that the persons to \nwhom these pensions are going are men who rendered not slight, \nbut substantial, war service. \n\nThe report of tlie Commissioner of Railroads shows that tlie total \ndebt of the subsidized railroads to the United States was, on \nDecember 31, 1890, $112,512,613.06. A large part of this debt is \nnow fast approaching maturity, with no adequate provision for its \npayment. Some policy for dealing with this debt, with a view of \nits ultimate collection, should be at once adopted. It is very \ndifficult, well nigh impossible, for so large a body as the Congress to \nconduct the necessary negotiations and investigations. I therefore \nrecommend that provision be made for the appointment of a \ncommission to agree upon and report a plan for dealing with this \ndebt. \n\nThe work of the Census Bureau is now far in advance and the \ngreat bulk of the enormous labor involved completed. It will be \nmore strictly a statistical exhibit and less encumbered by essays \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. 1 19 \n\nthan its immediate predecessors. The methods pursued have been \nf^iiir, careful, and intelligent, and have secured the approval of the \nstatisticians, who have followed them with a scientific and \nnonpartisan interest. The appropriations necessary to the early \ncompletion and publication of the authorized volumes should be \ngiven in time to secure against delays, which increase the cost and \nat the same time diminish the value of the work. \n\nThe report of the Secretary exhibits, with interesting fullness, \nthe condition of the Territories. They have shared with the States \nthe great increase in farm products and are bringing yearly large \nareas into cultivation by extending their irrigating canals. This \nwork is being done by individuals or local corporations and without \nthat system which a full preliminary survey of the water supply and \nof the irrigable lands would enable them to adopt. The future of \nthe Territories of New Mexico, Arizona, and Utah in their material \ngrowth and in the increase, independence, and happiness of their \npeople is very largely dependent upon wise and timely legislation, \neither by Congress or their own legislatures, regulating the dis- \ntribution of the water supply furnished by their streams. If this \nmatter is much longer neglected, private corporations will have \nunrestricted control of one of the elements of life and the patentees \nof the arid lands will be tenants at will of the water companies. \n\nThe United States should part with its ownership of the water \nsources and the sites for reservoirs, whether to the States and Terri- \ntories or to individuals or corporations, only upon conditions that \nwill insure to the settlers their proper water supply upon equal \nand reasonable terms. In the Territories this whole subject is under \nthe full control of Congress, and in the States it is practically .so as \nlong as the Government holds the title to the reservoir sites and \nwat\'er sources and can grant them upon such conditions as it chooses \nto impose. The improvident granting of franchises of enormous \nvalue, without recompense to the State or municipalit)- from which \nthey proceed and without proper protection of the public interests, \nis the most noticeable and flagrant evil of modern legislation. This \nfault should not be committed in dealing with a subject that will, \nbefore many years, affect s(j vitally thousands of our people. \n\nTlie legislation of Congress for the repression of polygamy \nhas, after "years of resistance on the part of the Mormons, at last \nbrought them to the conclusion that resistance is unprofitable and \nunavailing. The power of Congress over this subject should not \nbe surrendered until we have .satisfactory evidence that the people \nof the State to be created would exercise the exclusive power of \nthe State over this subject in the same way. The question is not \n\n\n\n120 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nwhether these people now obey the laws of Congress against \npolygamy, but rather would they make, enforce, and maintain \nsuch laws themselves if absolutely free to regulate the subject? \nWe can not afford to experiment with this subject, for when a \nState is once constituted the act is final and any mistake irretriev- \nable. No compact in the enabling act could, in mv opinion, be \nbinding or effective. \n\nI recommend that provision be made for the organization of a \nsimple form of town government in Alaska, with power to regulate \nsuch matters as are usualh\' in the States under municipal control. \nThese local civil organizations will give better protection in some \nmatters than the present skeleton Territorial organization. Proper \nrestrictions as to the power to levy taxes and to create debt should \nbe imposed. \n\nIf the establishment of the Department of Agriculture was \nregarded by anyone as a mere concession to the unenlightened \ndemand of a worth)- class of people, that impression has been most \neffectually removed by the great results alread)- attained. Its home \ninfluence has been very great in disseminating agricultural and \nhorticultural information ; in stimulating and directing a further \ndiversification of crops ; in detecting and eradicating diseases of \ndomestic animals ; and, more than all, in the close and informal \ncontact which it has established and maintains with the fanners and \nstock-raisers of the whole country. Ever}- request for information \nhas had prompt attention and every suggestion merited considera- \ntion. The scientific corps of the Department is of a high order \nand is pushing its investigations with method and enthusiasm. \n\nThe inspection by this Department of cattle and pork products \nintended for shipment abroad has been the basis of the success which \nhas attended our efforts to secure the removal of the restrictions \nmaintained by the European governments. \n\nFor ten years protests and petitions upon this subject from the \npackers and stock-raisers of the United States have been directed \nagainst these restrictions, which so seriously limited our markets \nand curtailed the profits of the farm. It is a source of general \ncongratulation that success has at last been attained, for the effects \nof an enlarged foreign market for these meats will be felt, not only \nby the farmer, but in our public finances and in every branch of \ntrade. It is particularly fortunate that the increased demand for \nfood products, resulting from the removal of the restrictions upon \nour meats and from the reciprocal trade arrangements to which I \nhave referred, should have come at a time when the agricultural \nsurplus is so large. Without the help thus derived, lower prices \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and .Iddn-ssi\'s of Benjamin Harrison. i2i \n\nwould have prevailed. The Secretary of Agriculture estimates \nthat the restrictions upon the importation of our pork products into \nEurope lost tis a market for $20,000,000 v/orth of these products \nannually. \n\nThe grain crop of this year was the largest in our history, 50 per \ncent greater than that of last year, and yet the new markets that \nhave been opened and the larger demand resulting from short \ncrops in Europe have sustained prices to such an extent that the \nenormous surplus of meats aiul breadstuffs will be marketed at good \nprices, bringing relief and prosperity to an industry that was much \ndepressed. The value of the grain crop of the United States is \nestimated by the Secretary to be this year $500,000,000 more than \nlast; of meats, $150,000,000 more, and of all products of the \nfarm, $700,000,000 more. It is not inappropriate, I think, here to \nsuggest that our satisfaction in the contemplation of this marvelous \naddition to the national wealth is unclouded b>- any suspicion of \nthe currency by which it is measured and in which the farmer is \npaid for the products of his fields. \n\nThe report of the Civil Service Commission should receive the \ncareful attention of the opponents as well as the friends, of this \nreform. The Commission invites a ])ersoual inspection b\\\' Senators \nand Representatives of its records and methods ; and every fair \ncritic will feel that such an examination .should precede a judgment \nof condemnation, either of the .system or its administration. It is \nnot claimed that either is perfect, but I believe that the law is \nbeing executed with impartiality, and that the system is incom- \nparably better and fairer than that of appointments upon favor. \nI have during the year extended the classified service to include \nsuperintendents, teachers, matrons, and physicians in the Indian \nservice. This branch of the service is largely related to educa- \ntional and philanthropic work, and will obvioush\' be better for \nthe change. \n\nThe heads of the several Executive Departments have been \ndirected to establish at once an efficiency record as the basis of a \ncomparative rating of the clerks within the clas.sified .service, with a \nview to placing promotions therein upon the basi.*? of merit. I am \nconfident that such a record, fairly kept and open to the inspection \nof those interested, will powerfully stimulate the work of the \nDepartments, and will be accepted by all as placing the trouble- \nsome matter of promotions upon a just basis. \n\nI recommend that the appropriations for the Civil Service Com- \nmission be made adequate to the increased work of the next fi.scal \nyear. \n\n\n\n122 Public Papers and Addresses of Betijamin Harrison. \n\nI have twice before urgently called the attention of Congress \nto the necessity of legislation for the protection of the lives of \nrailroad employes, but nothing has yet been done. During the \nyear ending June 30, 1890, 369 brakemen were killed and 7,841 \nmaimed while engaged in coupling cars. The total number of \n\xe2\x96\xa0railroad employes killed during the year was 2,451 and the number \ninjured 22,390. This is a cruel and largely a needless sacrifice. \nThe Government is spendioig nearly $1,000,000 annually to save \nthe lives of shipwrecked seamen; every steam vessel is rigidly \ninspected and required to adopt the most approved safety appli- \nances. All this is good ; but how shall we excuse the lack of \ninterest and effort in behalf of this army of brave young men who in \nour land commerce are being sacrificed every year by the continued \nuse of antiquated and dangerous appliances? A law requiring of \nevery railroad engaged in interstate commerce the equipment each \nyear of a given per cent of its freight cars with automatic couplers \nand air brakes would compel an agreement between the roads as \nto the kind of brakes and couplers to be used, and would very \nsoon and very greatly reduce the present fearful death rate among \nrailroad employes. \n\nThe method of appointment by the States of electors of President \nand Vice-President has recently attracted renewed interest by reason \nof a departure by the State of Michigan from the method which had \nbecome uniform in all the States. Prior to 1832 various methods \nhad been used by the different States and even by the same State. \nIn some the choice was made by the legislature; in others electors \nwere chosen by districts, but more generally by the voters of the \nwhole State upon a general ticket. The movement towards the \nadoption of the last-named method had an early beginning and \nwent steadily forward among the States, until in 1832 there \nremained but a single State, South Carolina, that had not adopted \nit. That State, until the civil war, continued to choose its electors \nby a vote of the legislature, but after the war changed its method \nand conformed to the practice of the other States. For nearly sixty \nyears all the States save one have appointed their electors by a \npopular vote upon a general ticket, and for nearly thirty years this \nmethod was universal. \n\nAfter a full test of other methods, without important division or \ndissent in any State and without any purpose of party advantage, as \nwe must believe, but solely upon the considerations that uniformity \nwas desirable and that a general election in territorial divisions not \nsubject to change was most consistent with the popular character \nof our institutions, best preserved the equality of the voters, and \n\n\n\nC) \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Beiijaiiiiii Harrison. 123 \n\nperfectly removed the choice of President from the baneful influence \nfthe "gen->niander," the practice of all the States was brought \ninto harmony. That this concurrence should now be broken is, I \nthink, an unfortunate and even a threatening episode, and one that \nmay well suggest whether the States that still give their approval \nto the old and prevailing method ought not to secure, by a constitu- \ntional amendment, a practice which has had the approval of all. \nThe recent Michigan legislation provides for choosing what are \npopularly known as the Congressi-onal electors for President by \nCongressional districts, and the two Senatorial electors by districts \ncreated for that purpose. Tliis legislation was, of course, accom- \npanied by a new Congressional apportionment and the two statutes \nbring the electoral vote of the State under the influence of the \n\' \' gerrymander. \' \' \n\nThese gerrymanders for Congressional purposes are in most cases \nbuttressed by a gerrymander of the legislative districts, thus making \nit impossible for a majority of the legal voters of the State to correct \nthe apportionment and equalize the Congressional districts. A \nminority rule is established that only a political convulsion can \noverthrow. I have recently been advised that in one county of a \ncertain State three districts for the election of members of the \nlegislature are constituted as follows: (Jne has 65,000 population; \none, 15,000, and one, 10,000; while in another county, detached, \nnon contiguous .sections have been united to make a legislative \ndistrict. These methods have already found effective application \nto the choice of Senators and Representatives in Congress, and now \nan evil start has been made in the direction of applying them to \nthe choice by the States of electors of President and Vice-President. \nIf this is accomplished, we shall then have the three great depart- \nments of the Government in the grasp of the "gerrymander," the \nLegislative and Executive directly and the Judiciary indirectly \nthrough the power of appointment. \n\nAn election implies a body of electors having prescribed quali- \nfications, each one of whom has an equal value and influence in \ndetermining the result. So when the Constitution provides that \n"each State .shall appoint" (elect), "in such manner as the legisla- \nture thereof may direct, a number of electors, " etc., an unrestricted \npower was not given to the legislatures in the .selection of the \nmethods to be used. "A republican form of government" is \nguaranteed by the Constitution to each State, and the power \ngiven by the .same instrument to the legislatures of the vStates to \nprescribe methods for the choice, by the State, of electors must be \nexercised under that limitation. The essential features of such a \n\n\n\n124 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\ngovernment are the right of the people to choose their own officers \nand the nearest practicable eqnality of value in the suffrages given \nin determining that choice. \n\nIt will not be claimed that the power given to the legislature \nwould support a law providing that the persons recei\\ing the \nsmallest vote should be the electors or a law that all the electors \nshould be chosen by the voters of a single Congressional district. \nThe State is to choose, and, under the pretense of regulating \nmethods, the legislature can neither vest the right of choice else- \nwhere nor adopt methods not conformable to republican institutions. \nIt is not my purpose here to discuss the question whether a choice \nby the legislature or by the voters of equal single districts is a \nchoice by the State, but only to recommend such regulation of this \nmatter by constitutional amendment as will secure uniformity and \nprevent that disgraceful partisan jugglery to which such a liberty \nof choice, if its exists, offers a temptation. \n\nNothing just now is more important than to provide every \nguaranty for the absolutely fciir and free choice by an equal suffrage, \nwithin the respective States, of all the officers of the National \nGovernment, whether that suffrage is applied directly, as in the \nchoice of members of the House of Representatives, or indirectly, \nas in the choice of Senators and electors of President. Respect for \npublic officers and obedience to law will not cease to be the \ncharacteristics of our people until our elections cease to declare the \nwill of majorities fairly ascertained, without fraud, suppression, or \ngerrymander. If I were called upon to declare wherein our chief \nnational danger lies, I should say, without hestitation, in the over- \nthrow of majority control by the suppression or perversion of the \npopular suffrage. That there is a real danger here all must agree, \nbut the energies of those who see it have been chiefly expended in \ntrying to fix responsibility upon the opposite party, rather than in \nefforts to make such practices impossible by either party. \n\nIs it not possible now to adjourn that interminable and inconclu- \nsive debate while we take, by consent, one step in the direction of \nreform by eliminating the gerrymander, which has been denounced \nby all parties, as an influence in the selection of electors of President \nand members of Congress? All the States have, acting freely and \nseparately, determined that the choice of electors by a general ticket \nis the wisest and safest method, and it would seem there could be \nno objection to a constitutional amendment making that method \npermanent. If a legislature chosen in one year upon purely local \nquestions should, pending a Presidential contest, meet, rescind the \nlaw for a choice upon a general ticket, and provide for the choice \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Bcnjatniii Harrison. 125 \n\nof electors by the legislature, and this trick should determine the \nresult, it is not too much to say that the public peace might be \nseriously and widely endangered. \n\nI have alluded to the "gerrymander" as affecting the method of \nselecting electors of President by Congressional districts, but the \nprimary intent and effect of this form of political robbery have \nrelation to the selection of members of the House of Representatives. \nThe power of Congress is ample to deal with this threatening and \nintolerable abuse. The unfailing test of sincerity in election reform \nwill be found in a willingness to confer as to remedies and to put \ninto force such measures as will most effectually preserve the right \nof the people to free and equal representation. \n\nAn attempt was made in the last Congress to bring to bear the \nconstitutional powers of the General Government for the correction \nof frauds against the suffrage. It is important to know whether the \nopposition to such measures is really vested in particular features \nsupposed to be objectionable or includes any proposition to give to \nthe election laws of the United States adequacy to the correction \nof grave and acknowledged evils. I must yet entertain the hope \nthat it is po-ssible to secure a calm, patriotic consideration of such \nconstitutional or statutory changes as may be necessary to secure \nthe choice of the officers of the Government to the people by fair \napportionments and free elections. \n\nI believe it would be possible to constitute a commission^ \nnonpartisan in its membership and composed of patriotic, wise, \nand impartial men, to whom a consideration of the question of the \nevils connected with our election system and methods might be \ncommitted with a good prospect of securing unanimity in some \nplan for removing or mitigating those evils. The Constitution \nwould permit the selection of the commission to be vested in the \nSupreme Court, if that method would give the best guaranty of \nimpartiality. \n\nThis commission should be charged with the duty of inquiring \ninto the whole subject of the law of elections as related to the choice \nof officers of the National Government, with a view to securing to \nevery elector a free and unmolested exercise of the suffrage and as \nnear an approach to an equality of value in each ballot cast as is \nattainable. \n\nWhile the policies of the General Government upon the tariff, \nupon the restoration of our merchant marine, upon river and \nharbor improvements, and other such matters of grave and general \nconcern are liable to be turned this way or that by the results of \nCongressional elections, and administrative policies, sometimes \n\n\n\n126 Public Papers and .l(/i/nsscs of Pciijaiiiiii Harrison. \n\ninvolving issues that tend to peace or war, to be turned this way or \nthat by the results of a Presidential election, there is a rightful \ninterest in all the States and in every Congressional district that \nwill not be deceived or silenced by the audacious pretense that the \nquestion of the right of any bod\\\' of legal voters in any State or in \nany Congressional district to give their suffrages freely upon these \ngeneral questions is a matter only of local concern or control. The \ndemand tliat the limitations of suffrage shall be found in the law, \nand only there, is a just demand, and no just man should resent or \nresist it. My appeal is, and must continue to be, for a consultation \nthat shall "proceed with candor, calmness, and patience upon the \nlines of justice and humanity, not of prejudice and cruelty." \n\nTo the consideration of these very grave questions I invite not \nonly the attention of Congress, but that of all patriotic citizens. \nWe must not entertain the delusion that our people have ceased to \nregard a free ballot and equal representation as the price of their \nallegiance to laws and to civil magistrates. \n\nI have been greatly rejoiced to fiotice many evidences of the \nincreased unification of our peoj^le and of a revived national spirit. \nThe vista that now opens to us is wider and more glorious than \never before. Gratification and amazement struggle for supremacy \nas we contemplate the population, wealth, and moral strength of \nour country. A trust, momentous in its influence upon our people \nand upon the world, is for a brief time committed to us, and we \nmust not be faithless to its first condition \xe2\x80\x94 -the defense of the free \nand equal influence of the people in the choice of public oflicers \nand in the control of public affairs. \n\nBenj. H.\\rrison. \n\nExecutive Mansion, \n\nDecember 9, 1891. \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Beiijainin Harrison. 127 \n\nIV. \n\nDECEMBER 6, 1892. \n\nTo the Senate and House of Representatives : \n\nIn submitting my annual message to Congress, I ha\\\'e great \nsatisfaction in being able to say that the general conditions \naffecting the commercial and industrial interests of the United \nStates are in the highest degree favorable. A comparison of the \nexisting conditions with those of the most favored period in the \nhistory of the country will, I believe, show that so high a degree of \nprosperity and .so general a diffusion of the comforts of life-were \nnever before enjo}\'ed by our people. \n\nThe total wealth of the country in i860 was $16, 159,616,068. In \n1890 it amounted to $62,610,000,000, an increa.se of 287 per cent. \n\nThe total mileage of railways in the United States in i860 was \n30,626; in 1890 it was 167,741, an increase of 448 per cent; and \nit is estimated that there will be about 4,000 miles of track added \nby the close of the )ear 1892. \n\nThe official returns of the Eleventh Census and those of the \nTenth Census for 75 leading cities furnish the basis for the follow- \ning comparisons : \n\nIn 1880 the capital invested in manufacturing was $1,232,839,670. \n\nIn 1890 the capital invested in manufacturing was $2,900, 735,884. \n\nIn 1880 the number of employes was 1,301,388. \n\nIn 1890 the number of employes was 2,251,134. \n\nIn 1880 the wages earned were $501,965,778. \n\nIn 1890 the wages earned were $1,221,170,454. \n\nIn 1880 the value of the product was $2,711,579,899. \n\nIn 1890 the value of the product was $4,860,286,837. \n\nI am informed by the Superintendent of the Census that the \nomission of certain industries in 1880, which were included in 1890, \naccounts in part for the remarkable increase thus shown. But, after \nmaking full allowance for differences of method and deductine the \nreturns for all industries not included in the Census of 1880, there \nremain in the reports from these seventy-five cities an increase in the \ncapital employed of $1,522,745,604 ; in the value of the product of \n$2,024,236,166; in wages earned of $677,943,929, and in the \nnumber of wage-earners employed of 856,029. The wage earnings \nnot only show an increased aggregate, but an increase per capita \nfrom $386 in 1880 to $547 in 1890, or 41.71 per cent. \n\n\n\n128 Public Papers and Addresses of Btnjainin Harrison. \n\nThe new industrial plants established since October 6, 1890, and \nup to October 22, 1892, as partially reported in the American \nEconomist, number 345, and the extension of existing plants, 108; \nthe new capital invested amounts to $40,449,050, and the number \nof additional employes to 37,285. \n\nThe Textile World for July, 1892, states that during the first \nsix months of the present calendar year 135 new factories were built, \nof which 40 are cotton mills, 48 knitting mills, 26 woolen mills, 15 \nsilk mills, 4 plush mills, and 2 linen mills. Of the 40 cotton mills \n21 have been built in the Southern States. Mr. A. B. Shepperson, \nof the New York Cotton Exchange, estimates the number of working \nspindles in the United States on September i, 1892, at 15,200,000, \nan increase of 660,000 over the year 1891. The consumption of \ncotton by American mills in 1891 was 2,396,000 bales, and in 1892 \n2,584,000 bales, an increase of 188,000 bales. From the year 1869 \nto 1892, inclusive, there has been an increase in the consumption \nof cotton in Europe of 92 per cent, while during the same period the \nincreased consumption in the United States has been about 150 per \ncent. \n\nThe report of Ira Ayer, special agent of the Treasury Depart- \nment, shows that at the date of September 30, 1892, there were \n32 companies manufacturing tin and terne plate in the United \nStates and 14 companies building new works for such manufacture. \nThe estimated investment in buildings and plants at the close of \nthe fiscal year, June 30, 1893, if existing conditions were to be \ncontinued, was $5,000,000, and the estimated rate of production \n200,000,000 pounds per annum. The actual production for the \nquarter ending September 30, 1892, was 10,952,725 pounds. \n\nThe report of Labor Commissioner Peck, of New York, shows \nthat during the year 1891, in about 6,000 manufacturing estab- \nlishments in that State embraced within the special inquiry made \nby him, and representing 67 different industries, there was a net \nincrease over the year 1890 of $31,315,130.68 in the value of the \nproduct, and of $6,377,925.09 in the amount of wages paid. The \nreport of the commissioner of labor for the State of Massachusetts \nshows that 3,745 industries in that State paid $129,416,248 in wages \nduring the year 1891, again.st $126,030,303 in 1890, an increase of \n$3,335,945, and that there was an increase of $9,932,490 in the \namount of capital and of 7,346 in the number of persons employed \nin the same period. \n\nDuring the last six months of the year 1891 and the first six \nmonths of 1892 the total production of pig iron was 9,710,819 tons, as \nagaiust9, 202,703tonsin the year 1890, which was the largest annual \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Beii/a\xc2\xbbiiii Harrison. 129 \n\nproduction ever attained. For the same twelve niontlis of iSgi-\'ga \nthe production of Bessemer ini^ots was 3,878,581 tons, an increase \nof 189,710 gross tons over the previously unprecedented yearly \nproduction of 3,688,871 gross tons in 1890. The jirodnction of \nBessemer steel rails for the first six months of 1892 was 772,436 \ngross tons, as against 702,080 gross tons during the last six months \nof the year 1891. \n\nThe total value of our foreign trade (exports and imports of mer- \nchandise) during the last fiscal year was $1,857,680,610, an increase \nof $128,283,604 over the previous fiscal year. The average annual \nvalue of our imports and exports of merchandise for the ten fiscal \nyears prior to 1891 was $1,457,322,019. It will be ob.served that \nour foreign trade for 1892 exceeded this annual average value bv \n$400,358,591, an increase of 27.47 per cent. The significance and \nvalue of this increase are shown by the fact that the excess in the \ntrade of 1892 over i8gi was wholly in the value of e.vjjorts, for there \nwas a decrease in the value of imports of $17,513,754. \n\nThe value of our exports during the fiscal year 1892 reached the \nhighest figure in the history of the Government, amounting to \n$1,030,278,148, exceeding by $145,797,338 the exports of 1891 and \nexceeding the value of the imports by $202,875,686. A comparison \nof the value of our exports for 1892 with the annual average for the \nten years prior to 1891 .shows an excess of $265, 142,651, or of 34.65 \nper cent. The value of our imports of merchandise for 1892, which \nwas $829,402,462, also exceeded the annual average value of the \nten years prior to 1891 by $135,215,940. During the fi.scal year \n1892 the value of imports free of duty amounted to $457,999,658, \nthe largest aggregate in the history of our commerce. The value ot \nthe imports of merchandise entered free of duty in 1892 was 55. 35 pet \ncent of the total value of imports, as compared with 43.35 per cent \nin 1891 and 33.66 per cent in 1890. \n\nIn our coastwise trade a most encouraging development is in prog- \nress, there having been in the last four years an increase of 16 per \ncent. In internal commerce the statistics show that no such period \nof prosperity hasever before exi.sted. The freight carried in the coast- \nwise trade of the Great Lakes in 1890 aggregated 28,295,959 tons. \nOn the Mississippi, Missouri, and Ohio rivers and tributaries in \nthe .same year the traflSc aggregated 29,405,046 tons, and the total \nvessel tonnage passing through the Detroit River during that year \nwas 21,684,000 tons. The vessel tonnage entered and cleared in the \neign trade of London during 1890 amounted to 13,480,767 tons, and \nof Liverpool 10,941,800 tons, a total for these two great shipping \nports of 24,422,568 tons, only slight!)\' in excess of the vessel ton- \n15151 !> \n\n\n\n130 riiblic Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nnage passing tluough the Detroit River. And it shonld be said that \nthe season for the Detroit River was but 228 days, while, of course, \nin London and Liverpool the season was for the entire year. The \nvessel tonnage passing through the St. Marys Canal for the fiscal \nyear 1892 amounted to 9,828,874 tons, and the freight tonnage of \nthe Detroit River is estimated for that year at 25, 000, 000 tons, against \n23,209,619 tons in 1891. The aggregate traffic on our railroads for \nthe year 1891 amounted to 704,398,609 tons of freight, compared \nwith 691,344,437 tons in 1890, an increase of 13,054,172 tons. \n\nAnother indication of the general prosperity of the country is \nfound in the fact that the number of depositors in savings banks \nincreased from 693,870 in i860 to 4,258,893 in 1890, an increase of \n513 per cent, and the amount of deposits from $149,277,504 in i860 \nto $1,524,844,506 in 1890, an increase of 921 per cent. In 1891 the \namount of deposits in savings banks was $1,623,079,749. It is \nestimated that 90 per cent of these deposits represent the savings \nof wage-earners. The bank clearances for nine months ending \nSeptember 30, 1891, amounted to $41,049,390,808. For the .same \nmonths in 1892 they amounted to $45,189,601,947, an excess for the \nnine months of $4,140,211,139. \n\nThere never has been a time in our history when work was so \nabundant or when wages were as high, whether measured by the \ncurrency in which they are paid or by their power to supply \nthe necessaries and comforts of life. It is true that the market \nprices of cotton and wheat have been low. It is one of the unfavor- \nable incidents of agriculture that the farmer can not produce upon \norders. He must sow and reap in ignorance of the aggregate pro- \nduction of the year, and is peculiarly subject to the depreciation \nwhich follows overproduction. But, while the fact I have stated is \ntrue, as to the crops mentioned, the general average of prices has \nbeen such as to give to agriculture a fair participation in the general \nprosperity. The value of our total farm products has increased from \n$1,363,646,866 in i860 to $4,500,000,000 in 1 891, as estimated by \nstatisticians, an increase of 230 per cent. The number of hogs \nJanuary i, 1891, was 50,625,106 and their value $210,193,925; on \nJanuary i, 1892, the number was 52,398,019 and the value \n$241,031,415. On January i, 1891, the number of cattle was \n36,875,648 and the value 5^544,127,908; on January i, 1892, the \nnumber was 37,651,239 and the value $570,749,155. \n\nIf any are discontented with their state here; if any believe that \nwages or prices, the returns for honest toil, are inadequate, they \nshould not fall to remember that there is no other country in the \nworld where the conditions that seem to them hard would not \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and ^Iddrisscs of liciijaiiiin J/arn\'soii. 131 \n\nl)e accepted as liighly prosperous. The Eiiglisli agriculturist \nwould be glad to exchauge the returus of his labor for those of the \nAmerican farmer, and the Manchester workmen their wages for \nthose of their fellows at Fall River. \n\nI belie\\\'e that the protective system, which has now for .something \nmore than thirt\\- years continuously prevailed in our legislaticm, \nhas been a mighty instrument for the development of our national \nwealth and a most powerful agency in protecting the hotnes of our \nworkingmen from the invasion of want. I have felt a most solicitous \ninterest to preserve to our working people rates of wages that would \nnot only give daily bread but supply a comfortable margin for tho.se \nhome attractions and family comforts and enjoyments without which \nlife is neither hopeful nor sweet. They are American citizens \xe2\x80\x94 a \npart of the great people for whom our Constitution and ( \'Tovernment \nwere framed and instituted \xe2\x80\x94 and it can not be a perversion of that \nConstitution to so legislate as to preserve in their homes the \ncomfort, independence, loyalty, and sense of interest in the \nGovernment which are essential to good citizenship in peace, and \nwhich will bring this stalwart throng, as in 1861, to the defense \nof the flag when it is assailed. \n\nIt is not my purpose to renew here the argument in favor of a \nprotective tariff. The result of the recent election must be accepted \nas having introduced a new policy. We must assume that the \npresent tariff, constructed upon the lines of protection, is to be \nrepealed, and that there is to be substituted for it a tariff law \nconstructed soleh- with reference to revenue; that no duty is to be \nhigher because the increase will keep open an American mill or \nkeep up the wages of an American workman, but that in every \ncase such a rate of duty is to be imposed as will bring to the \nTreasury of the United States the largest returns of revenue. The \ncontention has not been between schedules, but between principles, \nand it would be offensive to suggest that the prevailing party will \nnot carry into legislation the principles advocated by it and the \npledges given to the people. The tariff bills passed by the House of \nRepresentatives at the last session were, as I suppose \xe2\x80\x94 even in \nthe opinion of their promoters \xe2\x80\x94 inadequate, and justified only bv \nthe fact that the Senate and House of Representatives were not in \naccord and that a general revision could not, therefore, be \nundertaken. \n\nI recommend that the whole subject of tariff revision be left to \nthe incoming Congress. It is matter of regret that this work \nmust be delayed for at least three months; for the threat of great tariff \nchanges introduces so much uncertainty that an amount, not easily \n\n\n\n132 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nestimated, of business inaction and of diminished production will \nnecessarily result. It is possible also that this uncertainty may \nresult in decreased revenues from customs duties, for our merchants \nwill make cautious orders for foreign goods in view of the prospect \nof tariff reductions and the uncertainty as to when the>- will take \neffect. Those who have advocated a protective tariff can well afford \nto have their disastrous forecasts of a change of policy disappointed. \nIf a system of customs duties can be framed that will set the idle \nwheels and looms of Europe in motion and crowd our warehouses \nwith foreign-made goods, and at the same time keep our own mills \nbusy ; that will give us an increased participation in the " markets \nof the world" of greater value than the home market we surrender; \nthat will give increased work to foreign workmen upon products to \nbe consumed by our people without diminishing the amount of \nwork to be done here ; that will enable the American manufacturer \nto pay to his workmen from 50 to 100 per cent more in wages than \nis paid in the foreign mill and yet to compete in our market and \nin foreign markets with the foreign producer ; that will further \nreduce the cost of articles of wear and food without reducing the \nwages of those -who produce them ; that can be celebrated, after its \neffects have been realized, as its expectation has been, in European \nas well as in American cities, the authors and promoters of it will \nbe entitled to the highest praise. We have had in our history \nseveral experiences of the contrasted effects of a revenue and of a \nprotective tariff; but this generation has not felt them, and the \nexperience of one generation is not highly instructive to the next. \nThe friends of the protective system, with undiminished confidence \nin the principles they have advocated, will await the results of the \nnew experiment. \n\nThe strained and too often disturbed relations existing between \nthe employes and the employers in our great manufacturing \nestablishments have not been favorable to a calm consideration by \nthe wage-earner of the effect upon wages of the protective system. \nThe facts that his wages were the highest paid in like callings in \nthe world and that a maintenance of this rate of wages, in the \nabsence of protective duties upon the product of his labor, was \nimpossible, were obscured by the passion evoked by these contests. \nHe may now be able to review the question in the light of his \npersonal experience under the operation of a tariff for revenue only. \nIf that experience shall demonstrate that present rates of wages \nare thereby maintained or increased, either absolutely or in their \npurchasing power, and that the aggregate volume of work to be \ndone in this country is increased, or even maintained, so that there \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Ben/am in Harrison. 1 33 \n\nare more or as many days\' work in a year at as good or better \nwages for the American workman as has been the case under the \nprotective s\\-stem, everyone will rejoice. A general process of \nwage reduction can not be contemplated by any patriotic citizen \nwithout the gravest apprehension. It may be, indeed I believe is, \npossible for the American manufacturer to compete successfully \nwith his foreign rival in many branches of production without the \ndefense of protective duties, if the pay rolls are equalized; but the \nconflict that stands between the producer and that result and the \ndistress of our working people when it is attained are not pleasant \nto contemplate. The Society of the Unemployed, now holding its \nfrequent and threatening parades in the streets of foreign cities, \nshould not be allowed to acquire an American domicile. \n\nThe reports of the heads of the several Executive Departments, \nwhich are herewith sulunitted, have very naturally included a \nrL^sume of the whole work of the administration with the trans- \nactions of the last fiscal year. The attention not only of Congress \nbut of the country is again invited to the methods of administration \nwhich have been pursued and to the results which have been \nattained. Public revenues amounting to $1,414,079,292.28 have \nbeen collected \\and disbursed without lo.ss from misappropriation, \nwithout a single defalcation of such importance as to attract the \npublic attention, and at a dimini.shed per cent of cost for collection. \nThe public business has been transacted not only with fidelity, but \nprogressively, and with a view to giving to the people in the fullest \npo.ssible degree the benefits of a service established and maintained \nfor their protection and comfort. \n\nOur relations with other nations are now undisturbed byanyserious \ncontroversy. The complicated and threatening diflferences with \nGermany and England relating to Samoan affairs, with England \nin relation to the .seal fisheries in the Bering Sea, and with Chile \ngrowing out of the Baltimore aflTair have been adjusted. \n\nThere have been negotiated and concluded, under section :; of the \ntariff law, commercial agreements relating to reciprocal trade with \nthe followingcouutries: Brazil, nomiuican Republic, Spain for Cuba \nand Puerto Rico, Guatemala, Salvador, the German Empire, Great \nBritain for certain West Indian Colonies and British Guiana, Nic- \naragua, Honduras, and Austria-Hungary. \n\nOfthe.se, those with (iuatemala, Salvador, the German Empire, \nGreat Britain, Nicaragua, Honduras, and Au.stria-Hungary have \nbeen concluded since my last annual message. Under these trade \narrangements a free or favored admission has been secured in every \ncase for an important list of American products. Especial care has \n\n\n\n134 Public- Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nbeen taken to secure markets for farm products in order to relieve \nthat great underlying industry of the depression which the lack of \nan adequate foreign market for our surplus often brings. An opening \nhas also been made for manufactured products that will undoubtedly, \nif this policy is maintained, greatly augment our export trade. \nThe full benefits of these arrangements can not be realized instantly. \nNew lines of trade are to be opened. The commercial traveler must \nsurv^ey the field. The manufacturer must adapt his goods to the \nnew markets and facilities for exchange must be established. This \nwork has been well begun, our merchants and manufacturers having \nentered the new fields with courage and enterprise. In the case \nof food products, and especially with Cuba, the trade did not need \nto wait and the immediate results have been most g^atif^\xe2\x96\xa0ino-. If \nthis policy and these trade arrangements can be continued in force \nand aided by the establishment of American steamship lines, I do \nnot doubt that we shall, within a short period, secure fully one-third \nof the total trade of the countries of Central and South America, \nwhich now amounts to about $600,000,000 annually. In 1885 we \nhad onl)\' 8 per cent of this trade. \n\nThe following statistics show the increase in our trade with the \ncountries with which we have reciprocal trade agreements from the \ndate when such agreements went into effect up to September 30, \n1892, the increase being in some almost wholly and in others in an \nimportant degree the result of these agreements. \n\nThe domestic exports to Germany and Austria-Hungary have \nincreased in value from $47,673,756 to $57,993,064, an increase of \n$10,319,308, or 21.63 per cent. With x\\merican countries the value \nof our exports has increased from $44,160,285 to $54,613,598, an \nincrease of $10,453,313, or 23.67 per cent. The total increase \nin the value of exports to all the countries with which we have reci- \nprocity agreements has been $20,772,621. This increase is chiefly \nin wheat, flour, meat, and dairy products, and in manufactures of iron \nand steel and lumber. There has been a large increase in the value \nof imports from all these countries since the commercial agreements \nwent into effect, amounting to $74,294,525, but it has been entirelv \nin imports from the American countries, consisting mostly of sugar, \ncoflTee, India rubber, and crude drugs. The alarmed attention of \nour European competitors for the South American market has \nbeen attracted to this new American policy and to our acquisition \nand their loss of South American trade. \n\nA treat\\- providing for the arbitration of the dispute between Great \nBritain and the United States as to the killing of seals in the Berine \nSea was concluded on the 29th of February last. This treaty was \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Ben jam in Harrison. 135 \n\naccompanied by an agreement prohibiting pelagic sealing pending \nthe arbitration, and a vigorons effort was made dnring this season \nto drive out all poaching sealers from the Bering Sea. Six naval \nvessels, three revenue cutters, and one \\-esse] from the Fish Com- \nmission, all under the command of Commander Bvans, of the Navy, \nwere sent into the sea, which was systematically patrolled. Some \nseizures were made, and it is lielieved that the catch in the Bering \nvSea by poachers amounted to less than 500 seals. It is true, \nhowever, that in the North Pacific, while the seal herds were on \ntheir way to the passes between the Aleutian Islands, a very large \nnumber, probably 35,000, were taken. The existing statutes of the \nUnited States do not restrain our citizens from taking seals in the \nPacific Ocean, and perhaps should not, unless the prohibition can \nbe extended to the citizens of other nations. I recommend that \npower be given to the President, by proclamation, to prohibit the \ntaking of seals in the North Pacific b>\' American vessels, in case \neither as the result of the findings of the tribunal of arbitration, or \notherwise, the restraints can be applied to the vessels of all coun- \ntries. The case of the United vStates for the tribunal of arbitration \nhas been prepared with great care and industry by the Hon. John \nW. Foster, and the counsel who represent this Government express \nconfidence that a result substantially establishing our claims and \npreser\\-ing this great industry for the benefit of all nations will be \nattained. \n\nDuring the past year, a suggestion was received through the Brit- \nish minister that the Canadian Government would like to confer as \nto the possibility of enlarging, upon terms of mutual advantage, \nthe commercial exchanges of Canada and of the United States, \nand a conference was held at Washington, with Mr. Blaine acting \nfor this Government, and the British mini.ster at this capital and \nthree members of the Dominion cabinet acting as commissioners \non the part of Great Britain. The conference developed the fact \nthat the Canadian Government was only prepared to offer to the \nUnited States, in exchange for the concessions asked, the admission \nof natural products. The statement was frankly made that favored \nrates could not be given to the United States as against the mother \ncountry. This admission, which was foreseen, necessarily terminated \nthe conference upon this question. The benefits of an exchange of \nnatural products would be almost wholly with the people of Canada. \nSome other topics of interest were considered in the conference, \nand have resulted in the making of a convention for examining the \nAlaskan boundary and the waters of Passamaquoddy P.av adjacent to \nEastport, Me., and in the initiation of an arrangement for the jjro- \n\n\n\n136 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\ntection of fish life in the coterminous and neighboring waters of \nour northern border. \n\nThe controversy as to tolls upon the Welland Canal, which was \npresented to Congress at the last session by special message, having \nfailed of adjustment, I felt constrained to exercise the authority con- \nferred by the act of Jtily 26, 1892, and to proclaim a suspension of \nthe free use of St. Marys Falls Canal to cargoes in transit to ports \nin Canada. The Secretary of the Treasury established such tolls as \nwere thought to be equivalent to the exactions unjustly levied upon \nour commerce in the Canadian canals. \n\nIf, as we must suppose, the political relations of Canada and the \ndisposition of the Canadian Government are to remain unchanged, \na somewhat radical revision of our trade relations should, I think, \nbe made. Our relations must continue to be intimate, and they \nshould be friendly. I regret to .say, however, that in many of the \ncontroversies, notably those as to the fisheries on the Atlantic, the \nsealing interests on the Pacific, and the canal tolls, otir negotiations \nwith Great Britain have continuously been thwarted or retarded by \nunreasonable and unfriendly objections and protests from Canada. \nIn the matter of the canal tolls, our treat}- rights were flagrantly \ndisregarded. It is hardly too much to say that the Canadian Pacific \nand other railway lines which jDarallel our northern boundary are \nsustained by commerce having either its origin or terminus, or both, \nin the United States. Canadian railroads compete with those of \nthe United States for our traffic, and without the restraints of our \ninterstate-commerce act. Their cars pass almost without detention \ninto and out of our territory. \n\nThe Canadian Pacific Railwa\\- brought into the United States \nfrom China and Japan, via British Columbia, during the year ended \nJune 30, 1892, 23,239,689 pounds of freight, and it carried from \nthe United States to be shipped to China and Japan, via British \nColumbia, 24,068,346 pounds of freight. There were also .shipped \nfrom the United States over this road from eastern ports of the \nUnited States to our Pacific ports, during the same year, 13,912,073 \npounds of freight, and there were received over this road at the \nUnited States eastern ports from ports on the Pacific coast 13,293,315 \npounds of freight. Mr. Joseph Nimmo, jr., former Chief of the \nBureau of Statistics, when before the Senate Select Committee on \nRelations with Canada, April 26, 1890, said that "the value of goods \nthus transported between different points in the United States across \nCanadian territory probably amounts to $100,000,000 a vear." \n\nThere is no disposition on the part of the people or Government \nof the United States to interfere in the smallest deijree witli the \n\n\n\nPnhlic Papers and Addresses of Beujamin Harrison. 137 \n\npolitical relations of Canada. That question is wholly with her \nown people. It is time for ns, however, to consider whether, if the \npresent state of things and trend of things is to continue, our inter- \nchanges upon lines of land transportation should not be put upon \na different basis, and our entire independence of Canadian canals \nand of the St. Lawrence as an outlet to the sea secured by the \nconstruction of an American canal around the Falls of Niagara \nand the opening of ship communication between the Cireat Lakes \nand one of our own seaports. We should not hesitate to avail our- \n.selves of our great natural trade advantages. We should withdraw \nthe support which is given to the railroads and steamship lines \nof Canada by a traffic that properly belongs to us, and no longer \nfuruLsh the earnings which lighten the otherwise crushing weight . \nof the enormous public subsidies that have been given to them. \nThe subject of the power of the Treasur\\- to deal with this matter \nwithout further legislation has been under consideration, but cir- \ncumstances have postponed a conclusion. It is probable that a \nconsideration of the propriety of a modification or abrogation of \nthe article of the Treaty of Washington relating to the transit of \ngoods in bond is involved in any complete .solution of the question. \n\nCongress at the last session was kept advised of the progress of the \nserious and for a time threatening differences between the United \nStates and Chile. It gives me now great gratification to report that \nthe Chilean (lOvernment, in a most friendly and honorable spirit, \nhas tendered and paid as an indemnity to the families of the sailors \nof the Baltimnre who were killed and to tho.se who were injured in \nthe outbreak in the cit\\- of Valparaiso the sum of $75,000. This has \nbeen accepted, not only as an indemnity for a wrong done, but as a \nmost gratifying evidence that the f Tovcrnment of Chile rightly appre- \nciates the disposition of this Crovernment to act in a spirit of the \nmo.st absolute fairness and friendliness in our intercourse with that \nbrave people. A further and conclusi\\-e evidence of the mutual \nrespect and confidence now existing is furnished by the fact that a \nconvention submitting to arbitration the mutual claims of the citi- \nzens of the respective Crovernnients has been agreed upon. Some \nof these claims have been pending for many )-ears and have been \nthe occasion of much un.satisfactory diplomatic correspondence. \n\nI have endeavored in every wa>\' to assure our sister republics of \nCentral and South America that the United States Oovernment and \nits people have only the most friendly disposition toward them all. \nWe do not covet their territory. We have no disposition to be \noppressive or exacting in our dealings with any of them, even the \nweakest. ( >ur interests and our hopes for them all lie in the direc- \n\n\n\n138 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\ntion of stable governments by their people and of the largest \ndevelopment of their great commercial resources. The mutual \nbenefits of enlarged commercial exchanges and of a more faniilar \nand friendly intercourse between our peoples we do desire, and in \nthis have sought their friendly cooperation. \n\nI have believed, however, while holding these sentiments in the \ngreatest sincerity, that we must insist upon a just responsibility for \nany injuries inflicted upon our official representatives or upon our \ncitizens. This insistence, kindly and justly, but firmly made, will, \nI believe, promote peace and mutual respect. \n\nOur relations with Hawaii have been such as to attract an increased \ninterest, and must continue to do so. I deem it of great importance \nthat the projected submarine cable, a survey for which has been \nmade, should be promoted. Both for naval and commercial uses \nwe should have quick communication with Honolulu. We should \nbefore this have availed ourselves of the concession, made many \nyears ago to this Government, for a harbor and naval station at \nPearl River. Many evidences of the friendliness of the Hawaiian \nGovernment have been given in the past, and it is gratifying to \nbelieve that the advantage and necessity of a continuance of very \nclose relations is appreciated. \n\nThe friendl}\' act of this Government in expressing to the Govern- \nment of Italy its reprobation and abhorrence of the lynching of \nItalian subjects in New Orleans, by the payment of 125,000 francs, \nor $24,330.90, was accepted by the King of Italy with e\\ery mani- \nfestation of gracious appreciation, and the incident has been highly \npromotive of mutual respect and good will. \n\nIn consequence of the action of the French Government in pro- \nclaiming a protectorate over certain tribal districts of the west coast \nof Africa, eastward of the San Pedro River, which has long been \nregarded as the southeastern boundary of Liberia, I have felt \nconstrained to make protest against this encroachment upon the \nterritory of a Republic which was founded by citizens of the \nUnited States and toward which this country has for manv years \nheld the intimate relation of a friendly counselor. \n\nThe recent disturbances of the public peace by lawless foreign \nmarauders on the Mexican frontier have afforded this Government \nan opportunity to testify its good will for Mexico and its earnest \npurpose to fulfill the obligations of international friendship by \npursuing and dispersing the evil-doers. The work of relocating \nthe boundary of the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, westward from \nEl Paso, is progressing favorably. \n\nOur intercourse with Spain continues on a friendly footing. I \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Bciijaiiiin Harrison. 139 \n\nregret, however, not to be able to report as yet the adjustment of \nthe claims of the American missionaries arising from the disorders \nat Ponape, in the Caroline Islands, bnt I anticipate a satisfactory \nadjustment in view of renewed and urgent representations to the \nGovernment at Madrid. \n\nThe treatment of the religions and educational establishments of \nAmerican citizens in Turkey has of late called for a more than usual \nshare of attention. A tendency to curtail the toleration which has \nso beneficialh^ prevailed is discernible and has called forth the \nearnest remonstrances of this Government. Harassing regulations \nin regard to schools and churches have been attempted in certain \nlocalities, but not without due protest and the assertion of the \ninherent and conventional rights of our countrymen. Violations of \ndomicile and search of the persons and effects of citizens of the \nUnited States by apparently irresponsible officials in the Asiatic \nviU^\xe2\x80\xa2ets have from time to time been reported. An aggravated \ninstance of injur\\\' to the property of an American missionary at \nBourdour, in the province of Konia, called forth an urgent tlaim \nfor reparation, which I am pleased to say was promptly heeded \nby the government of the Porte. Interference with the trading- \nventures of our citizens in Asia Minor is also reported, and the lack \not consular representation in that region is a serious drawback to \ninstant and effective protection. I can not believe that these \nincidents represent a settled policy, and shall not cease to urge the \nadoption of proper remedies. \n\nInternational copyright has been extended to Italy by proclama- \ntion in conformity with the act of March 3, 1891, upon assurance \nbeing given that Italian law permits to citizens of the United \nStates the benefit of copyright on substantially the same basis as to \nsubjects of Italy. By a special convention, proclaimed Januar\\- 15, \n1892, reciprocal provisions of copyright have been applied between \nthe United States and Germany. Negotiations are in progress with \nother countries to the same end. \n\nI repeat with great earnestness the recommendation which I have \nmade in several previous messages that prompt and adequate sup- \nport be given to the American company engaged in the construc- \ntion of the Nicaragua Ship Canal. It is impossil)le to overstate the \nvalue from every standpoint of this great enterprise, and I hope that \nthere may be time, even in this Congress, to give to it an impetus that \nwill insure the early completion of the canal and .secure to the \nUnited States its proper relation to it when completed. \n\nThe Congress has been already advi.sed that the invitations of \nthis Government for the assembling of an International Monetary \n\n\n\n140 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nConference to consider the question of an enlarged use of silver \nwere accepted by the nations to which they were addressed. The \nconference assembled at Brussels on the 2 2d of November and has \nentered upon the consideration of this great question. I have not \ndoubted, and have taken occasion to express that belief, as well in \nthe invitations issued for this conference as in my public messages, \nthat the free coinage of silver upon an agreed international ratio \nwould greath- promote the interests of our people and equally those \nof other nations. It is too early to predict what results may be \naccomplished by the conference. If any temporary\' check or delay \nintervenes, I believe that very soon commercial conditions will com- \npel the now reluctant governments to unite with us in this movement \nto secure the enlargement of the volume of coined money needed for \nthe transaction of the business of the world. \n\nThe report of the Secretary of the Treasury will attract especial \ninterest in view of the many misleading statements that have been \nmade as to the state of the public revenues. Three preliminary \nfacts .should not only be stated, but emphasized, before looking into \ndetails: First, that the public debt has been reduced since March 4, \n1889, $259,074,200, and the annual interest charge $11,684,469; \nsecond, that there have been paid out for pensions during this admin- \nistration up to November i, 1892, $432,564,178.70, an excess of \n$114,466,386.09 over the sum expended during the period from \nMarch i, 1885, to March i, 1889; and, third, that under the existing \ntariff up to December i about $93,000,000 of revenue, which would \nhave been collected upon imported sugars if the duty had been main- \ntained, has gone into the pockets of the people and not into the \npublic treasury, as before. If there are any who still think that \nthe surplus should have been kept out of circulation by hoarding it \nin the Treasury\', or deposited in favored banks without interest \nwhile the Government continued to pay to these very banks interest \nupon the bonds deposited as security for the deposits, or who tliink \nthat the extended pension legislation was a public robber\\\', or that \nthe duties upon sugar should have been maintained, I am content \nto leax-e the argument where it now rests, while we wait to see \nwhether these criticisms will take the form of legislation. \n\nThe revenues for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1892, from all \nsources, were $425,868,260. 22, and the expenditures for all purposes \nwere $415,953,806.56, leaving a balance of $9,914,453.66. There \nwere paid during the year upon the public debt $40,570,467.98. \nThe surplus in the Treasury and the bank redemption fund, passed \nby the act of July 14, 1890, to the general fund, furnished in large \npart the cash available and used for the payments made upon the \n\n\n\nPuhlic Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. 141 \n\npublic debt. Compared with the year 1S91, our receipts from cus- \ntoms duties fell off $42, 069, 241. 08, while our receipts from internal \nrevenue increased #8,284,823.13, leaving the net loss of revenue \nfrom these principal sources 5^33,784,417.95. The net loss of reve- \nnue from all sources was $32,675,972.81. \n\nThe revenues, estimated and actual, for the fiscal year ending \nJune 30, 1893, ^\'\'^ placed by the Secretary at $463,336,350.44 and \nthe expenditures at $461,336,350.44, showing a .surplus of receipts \nover expenditures of $2,000,000. The cash balance in the Treasury \nat the end of the fiscal year it is estimated will be $20,992,377.03. \n\nSo far as these figures are ba.sed upon estimates of receipts and \nexpenditures for the remaining months of the current fi.scal year, \nthere are not only the usual elements of uncertainty, but some \nadded elements. New revenue legislation, or even the expectation \nof it, may seriously reduce the public revenues during the period of \nuncertainty and during the process of business adjustment to the \nnew conditions when they become known. But the Secretary has \nvery wisely refrained from guessing as to the effect of possible \nchanges in our re\\enue laws, since the scope of those changes \nand the time of their taking effect can not in any degree be fore- \ncast or foretold by him. His estimates must be based upon existing \nlaws and upon a continuance of existing busine.ss conditions, \nexcept so far as these conditions may be affected by causes other \nthan new legislation. \n\nThe estimated receipts for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1894, are \n$490,121,365.38, and the estimated appropriations $457,261,335.33, \nleaving an estimated surplus of receipts over expenditures of \n$32,860,030.05. This does not include any payment to the sinking \nftind. In the recommendation of the Secretary that the sinking- \nfund law be repealed I concur. The redemption of bonds since \nthe passage of the law to June 30, 1892, has already exceeded the \nrequirements by the sum of $990,510,681.49. The retirement of \nbonds in the future before maturity should be a matter of conve- \nnience, not of compulsion. We should not collect revenue for \nthat purpose, but only use any casual surplus. To the balance of \n$32,860,030.05 of receipts over expenditures for the year 1894 \nshould be added the estimated surplus at the beginning of the vear, \n$20,992,377.03 ; and from this aggregate there must be deducted, \nas stated by the Secretar)\', about $44,000,000 of estimated unex- \npended appropriations. \n\nThe public confidence in the purpose and ability of the Govern- \nment to maintain the parity of all of our money i.ssues, whether \ncoin or paper, must remain unshaken. The demand for gold in \n\n\n\n142 Public Papers ami Addresses of Bciija\xc2\xbban JIarrisou. \n\nEurope and the coiisccjuent calls wpow us are in a considerable \ndegree the result of the efibrts of some of the European go\\\'ern- \nments to increase their gold reserves, and these efforts should \nbe met by appropriate legislation on our part. The conditions \nthat have created this drain of the Treasury gold are in an impor- \ntant degree political and not commercial. In view of the fact that \na general revision of our revenue laws in the near future seem^ \nto be probable, it would be better that any changes should be a part \nof that revision rather than of a temporary nature. \n\nDuring the last fiscal year the Secretary purchased under the act \nof July 14, 1890, 54,355,748 ounces of silver, and issued in payment \ntherefor #51,106,608 in notes. The total purchases since the pas- \nsage of the act have been 120,479,981 ounces, and the aggregate of \nnotes issued $1 16,783,590. The average price paid for silver diiring \nthe year was 94 cents per ounce, the highest price being $1.02^4 \nJuly 1, 1891, and the lowest 83 cents March 21, 1892. In view of the \nfact that the monetary conference is now sitting and that no con- \nclusion has yet been reached, I withhold any recommendation as to \nlegislation upon this subject. \n\nThe report of the Secretary of War brings again to the attention \nof Congress some important suggestions as to the reorganization of \nthe infantry and artillery arms of the service, which his predeces- \nsors have before urgently presented. Our Army is small, but its \norganization should all the more be put upon the most approved \nmodern basis. The conditions upon what we have called the \n"frontier" have heretofore required the maintenance of many small \nposts, but now the policy of concentration is obviously the right \none. The new posts should have the proper strategic relations to \nthe only "frontiers" we now have, those of the seacoast and of our \nnorthern and part of our southern boundary. I do not think that \nany question of advantage to localities or to States should determine \nthe location of the new posts. The reorganization and enlarge- \nment of the Bureau of Military Information which the Secretary \nhas effected is a work the usefulness of which will become every \nyear more apparent. The work of building heavy guns and the \nconstruction of coast defenses has been well begun and should be \ncarried on without check. \n\nThe report of the Attorney-General is by law submitted directlv \nto Congress, but I can not refrain from saying that he has conducted \nthe increasing work of the Department of Justice with great pro- \nfessional skill. He has in several directions secured from the courts \ndecisions giving increased protection to the officers of the United \nStates and bringing some classes of crime that escaped local cogni- \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. 14 :; \n\nzance and punishment into the tribunals of the United States, where \nthey could be tried with impartiality. \n\nThe numerous applications for Executive clemency presented in \nbehalf of persons convicted in United States courts and given peni- \ntentiary sentences have called my attention to a fact referred to by \nthe Attorney-General in his report, namely, that a time allowance \nfor good beha\\ior for such prisoners is prescribed by the Federal \nstatutes only where the State in wliich the penitentiary is located \nhas made no such provision. Prisoners are given the benefit of \nthe provisions of the State law regulating the penitentiary to \nwhich they may be sent. These are various, some perhaps too \nliberal and some perhaps too illiberal. The result is that a sen- \ntence for five years means one thing if the prisoner is sent to one \nState for confinement and quite a different thing if he is sent to \nanother. I recommend that a uniform credit for good behavior be \nprescribed by Congress. \n\nI have before expressed my concurrence in the recommendation \nof the Attorney-General that degrees of murder should be recog- \nnized in the Federal statutes as they are, I believe, in all the \nStates. These grades are founded on correct distinctions in crime. \nThe recognition of them would enable the courts to exercise some \ndiscretion in apportioning punishment, and would greatly relieve \nthe Executive of what is coming to be a very heavy burden \xe2\x80\x94 the \nexamination of these cases on application for commutation. \n\nThe aggregate of claims pending against the Government in the \nCourt of Claims is enormous. Claims to the amount of nearly \n$400,000,000 for the taking of or injur\\- to the property of per- \nsons claiming to be loyal during the war are now before that court \nfor examination. When to these are added the Indian depredation \nclaims and the French spoliation claims an aggregate is reached \nthat is indeed startling. In the defense of all these cases the Gov- \nernment is at great disadvantage. The claimants have preserved \ntheir evidence, whereas the agents of the Government are sent into \nthe field to rummage for what they can find. This difficulty is \npeculiarly great where the fact to be established is the disloyalty \nof the claimant during the war. If this great threat against our rev- \nenues is to have no other check certainly Congress should supply \nthe Department of Justice with appropriations sufficienth- liberal \nto secure the best legal talent in the defense of these claims and \nto pursue its vague search for evidence effectively. \n\nThe report of the Postmaster-General shows a most gratifying \nincrease and a most efficient and progressive management of the \ngreat business of that Department. The remarkable increase in \n\n\n\n144 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nrevenues, in the number of post-offices, and in the miles of mail \ncarriage furnishes further evidence of the high state of prosperity \nwhich our people are enjoying. New offices mean new hamlets \nand towns, new routes mean the extension of our border settle- \nments, and increased revenues mean an active commerce. The \nPostmaster-General reviews the whole period of his administration \nof the office and brings some of his statistics down to the mouth \nof November last. The postal revenues have increased during tlie \nlast year nearh- #5,000,000. The deficit for the year ending June \n30, 1892, is $848,341 less than the deficiency of the preceding year. \nThe deficiency of the present fiscal year it is estimated will be \nreduced to $1,552,423, which will not only be extinguished during \nthe next fiscal year, but a surplus of nearh- $1,000,000 should then \nbe shown. In these calculations the payments to be made under \nthe contracts for ocean mail service have not been included. There \nhave been added 1,590 new mail routes during the year, with a \nmileage of 8,563 miles; and the total number of new miles of mail \ntrips added during the year is nearly 17,000,000. The number of \nmiles of mail journeys added during the last four years is about \n76,000,000, this addition being 21,000,000 of miles more than were \nin operation in the whole country in 1861. \n\nThe number of post-offices has been increased by 2, 790 during the \nvear, and during the past four years and up to October 29 last the \ntotal increase in the number of offices has been nearly 9,000. The \nnumber of free-deliver\\- offices has been nearly doubled in the \nlast four years, and the number of mone\\-order offices more than \ndoubled within that time. \n\nFor the three years ending June 30, 1892, the postal revenue \namounted to $197,744,359, which was an increase of $52,263, 150 \nover the revenue for the three years ending June 30, 1888, the in- \ncrease during the last three years being more than three and a half \ntimes as great as the increase during the three years ending June \n30, 1888. No such increase as that shown for these three years \nhas ever previously appeared in the revenues of the Department. \nThe Postmaster-General has extended to the post-offices in the \nlarger cities the merit system of promotion, introduced by my direc- \ntion into the Departments here, and it has resulted there, as in the \nDepartments, in a larger volume of work and that better done. \n\nEver since our merchant marine was driven from the sea by the \nrebel cruisers during the war of the rebellion the United States has \nbeen paying an enormous annual tribute to foreign countries in the \nshape of freight and passage moneys. Our grain and meats have \nbeen taken at our own docks and our large imports there laid down \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Beiijai>ii)i I {arrisoii. 145 \n\nby foreign shipmasters. An increasing torrent of American travel \nto Enrope has contribnted a vast sum annnally to the dividends of \nforeign shipowners. Tlie balance of trade shown by the books of \nonr cnstora-houses has been very largely rednced and in many years \naltogether extingnished by this constant drain. In the year 1892 \nonly 12.3 per cent of onr imports were bronght in American vessels. \nThese great foreign steamships maintained by onr traffic are many \nof them under contracts with their respective governments by which \nin time of war they will become a part of their armed naval estab- \nlishments. Profiting by our commerce in peace, the\\- will become \nthe most formidable destroyers of our commerce in time of war. \nI have felt and have before expressed the feeling that this condi- \ntion of things was both intolerable and disgraceful. A wholesome \nchange of polic\\\' and one having in it much promise, as it seems to \nme, was begun by the law of March 3, 1891. Under this law con- \ntracts have been made by the Postmaster-General for eleven mail \nroutes. The expenditure involved by these contracts for the next \nfiscal year approximates $954,123.33. As one of the results already- \nreached 16 American steamships of an aggregate tonnage of 57,400 \ntons, costing $7,400,000, have been built or contracted to be built \nin American shipyards. \n\nThe estimated tonnage of all steamships required under existing \ncontracts is 165,802, and when the full service required by these \ncontracts is established there will be iorty-one mail steamers under \nthe American flag, with the probability of further necessary additions \nin the Brazilian and Argentine service. The contracts recently let \nfor transatlantic service will result in the construction of five ships \nof 10,000 tons each, costing $9,000,000 or $10,000,000, and will \nadd, with the City of Neiv York and City of Paris, to which the \nTreasury Department was authorized by legislation at the last \nsession to give American registry, seven of the swiftest vessels \nupon the sea to our naval reserve. The contracts made with the \nlines sailing to Central and South American ports have increased \nthe frequency and shortened the time of the trips, added new ports \nof call, and sustained some lines that otherwise would almost cer- \ntainly have been withdrawn. The service to Buenos Ayres is the \nfirst to the Argentine Republic under the American flag. The \nservice to Southampton, Boulogne, and Antwerp is also new, and \nis to be begun with the steamships City of New York and Citv of \nParis in February next. \n\n1 earnestly urge a continuance of the policy inaugurated by this \nlegislation and that the appropriations required to meet the obliga- \ntions of the Government under the contracts ma\\- be made promptly, \n151.51 10 \n\n\n\n146 Public Papers and Addresses of Bei/Jainin Harrison. \n\nso that the lines that have entered into these engagements may \nnot be embarrassed. We have had, by reason of connections \nwith the transcontinental railway lines constructed through our \nown territory, some advantages in the ocean trade of the Pacific \nthat we did not possess on the Atlantic. The construction of the \nCanadian Pacific Railway and the establishment under large subven- \ntions from Canada and England of fast steamship service from \nVancouver with Japan and China seriously threaten our shipping \ninterests in the Pacific. This line of English steamers receives, \nas is stated by the Commissioner of Navigation, a direct subsidy \nof $400,000 annually, or $30,767 per trip for thirteen voyages, in \naddition to some further aid from the admiralty in connection \nwith contracts under which the vessels may be used for naval pur- \nposes. The competing American Pacific mail line, under the act \nof March 3, 1891, receives only $6,389 per round trip. \n\nEflTorts have been making within the last year, as I am informed, \nto establish under similar conditions a line between Vancouver and \nsome Australian port, with a view of seizing there a trade in which \nwe have had a large interest. The Commissioner of Navigation \nstates that a very large per cent of our imports from Asia are now \nbrought to us by English steamships and their connecting railways \nin Canada. With a view of promoting this trade, especially in tea, \nCanada has imposed a discriminating duty of 10 per cent upon tea \nand coffee brought into the Dominion from the United States. If \nthis unequal contest between American lines without subsid}-, or \nwith diminished subsidies, and the English Canadian line to which \nI have referred is to continue, I think we should at least see that \nthe facilities for customs entry and transportation across our terri- \ntory are not such as to make the Canadian route a favored one, and \nthat the discrimination as to duties, to which I have referred, is \nmet by a like discrimination as to the importation of these articles \nfrom Canada. \n\nNo subject, I think, more nearly touches the pride, the power, \nand the prosperity of our country than this of the development of \nour merchant marine upon the sea. If we could enter into con- \nference with other competitors and all would agree to withhold \nGovernment aid we could perhaps take our chances with the rest, \nbut our great competitors have established and maintained their \nlines by Government subsidies until they now have practically \nexcluded us from participation. In my opinion no choice is left to \nus but to pursue, moderately at least, the same lines. \n\nThe report of the Secretary of the Navy exhibits great progress \nin the construction of our new Navy. When the present Secretary \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. 147 \n\nentered upon his duties only 3 modern steel vessels were in com- \nmission. The vessels since put in commission and to be put in \ncommission duriuo; the winter will make a total of 19 during his \nadministration of the Department. During the current year 10 war \nvessels and 3 navy tugs have been launched, and during the four \nyears 25 vessels will have been lamiched. Two other large ships \nand a torpedo boat are under contract and the work upon them well \nadvanced, and the 4 monitors are awaiting only the arrival of \ntheir armor, which has been unexpectedly delayed, or they would \nhave been before this in commission. \n\nContracts have been let during this administration, under the \nappropriations for the increa.se of the Navy, including new vessels \nand their appurtenances, to the amount of $35,000,000, and there \nhas been expended during the same period for labor at navy-yards \nupon similar work $8,000,000 without the smallest scandal or charge \nof fraud or partiality. The enthusiasm and interest of our naval \nofficers, both of the staff and line, have been greatly kindled. \nThey have responded magnificently to the confidence of Congress \nand have demonstrated to the world an unexcelled capacity in con- \nstruction, in ordnance, and in everything involved in the building, \nequipping, and sailing of great war ships. \n\nAt the beginning of Secretary Tracy\'s administration several \ndifficult problems remained to be grappled with and solved before \nthe efficiency in action of our ships could be secured. It is believed \nthat as the result of new processes in the construction of armor \nplate our later ships will be clothed with defensive plates of higher \nresisting power than are found on any war vessels afloat. We were \nwithout torpedoes. Tests have been made to ascertain the relative \nefficiency of different constructions, a torpedo has been adopted, and \nthe work of construction is now being carried on successfully. We \nwere without armor-piercing shells, and without a shop instructed \nand equipped for the construction of them. We are now making \nwhat is believed to be a projectile superior to any before in use. A \nsmokeless powder has been developed, and a slow-burning powder \nfor guns of large caliber. A high explosive, capable of use in shells \nfired from service guns, has been found, and the manufacture of gun \ncotton has been developed so that the question of supply is no longer \nin doubt. \n\nThe development of a naval militia, which has been organized in \neight States and brought into cordial and cooperative relations \nwith the Navy, is another important achievement. There are now \nenlisted in these organizations 1,800 men, and they are likel)\' to be \ngreatlv extended. I recommend such legislation and appropriations \n\n\n\n148 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nas will encourage and develop this movement. The recommenda- \ntions of the Secretarywill, I do not doubt, receive the friendly con- \nsideration of Congress, for he has enjoyed, as he has deserved, the \nconfidence of all those interested in the development of our Navy, \nwithout any division upon partisan lines. I earnestly express the \nhope that a work which has made such noble progress ma}- not now \nbe stayed. The wholesome influence for peace and the increased \nsense of security which our citizens domiciled in other lands feel \nwhen these magnificent ships under the American flag appear is \nalready most gratefully apparent. The ships from our Navy \nwhich will appear in the great naval parade next April in the \nharbor of New York will be a convincing demonstration to the \nworld that the United States is again a naval power. \n\nThe work of the Interior Department, always very burdensome, \nhas been larger than ever before during the administration of Sec- \nretary Noble. The disability pension law, the taking of the Eleventh \nCensus, the opening of vast areas of Indian lands to settlement, the \norganization of Oklahoma, and the negotiations for the cession of \nIndian lands furnish some of the particulars of the increased work; \nand the results achieved testify to the ability, fidelity, and industry \nof the head of the Department and his efficient assistants. \n\nSeveral important agreements for the cession of Indian lands \nnegotiated by the Commission appointed under the act of March 2, \n1889, are awaiting the action of Congress. Perhaps the most impor- \ntant of these is that for the cession of the Cherokee Strip. This \nregion has been the source of great vexation to the Executive \nDepartment and of great friction and unrest between the settlers \nwho desire to occupy it and the Indians who assert title. The \nagreement which has been made by the Commission is perhaps the \nmost satisfactory that could have been reached. It will be noticed \nthat it is conditioned upon its ratification by Congress before March \n4, 1893. The Secretary of the Interior, who has given the subject \nvery careful thought, recommends the ratification of the agreement, \nand I am inclined to follow his recommendation. Certain it is that \nsome action by which this controversy shall be brought to an end \nand these lands opened to settlement is urgent. \n\nThe form of government provided by Congress on May 17, 1884, \nfor Alaska was, in its frame and purpose, temporary. The increase \nof population and the development of some important mining and \ncommercial interests make it imperative that the law should be \nrevised and better provision made for the arrest and punishment \nof criminals. \n\nThe report of the Secretary shows a very gratifying state of \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. 149 \n\nfacts as to the condition of the General Land Office. The work \nof issning agricultural patents, which seemed to be hopelessly in \narrear when the present Secretary undertook the duties of his \noffice, has been so expedited that the Bureau is now upon current \nbusiness. The relief thus afforded to honest and worthy settlers \nupon the public lands, by giving to them an assured title to their \nentries, has been of incalculable benefit in developing the new \nStates and the Territories. \n\nThe Court of Private Land Claims, established h\\ Congress for \nthe promotion of this policy of speedily settling contested land titles \nis making satisfactory progress in its work, and when the work is \ncompleted a great impetus will be given to the development of \nthose regions where unsettled claims under Mexican grants have so \nlong exercised their repressive influence. When to these results \nare added the enormous cessions of Indian lands which have been \nopened to settlement, aggregating during this administration nearly \n26,000,000 acres, and the agreements negotiated and now pending \nin Congress for ratification b>\' which about 10,000,000 additional \nacres will be opened to settlement, it will be seen how much has \nbeen accomplished. \n\nThe work in the Indian Bureau, in the execution of the policy of \nrecent legislation, has been largely directed to two chief purposes: \nFirst, the allotment of lands in severalty to the Indians and the \ncession to the United States of the surplus lands; and, secondly, to \nthe work of educating the Indian for his own protection in his \ncloser contact with the white man and for the intelligent exercise of \nhis new citizenship. Allotments ha\\\'e been made and patents issued \nto 5,900 Indians under the present Secretary and Commissioner, and \n7,600 additional allotments have been made for which patents are \nnow in process of preparation. The school attendance of Indian \nchildren has been increased during that time over 13 per cent, the \nenrollment for 1892 being nearly 20,000. A uniform .system of \nschool text-books and of study has been adopted and the work in \nthese national schools brought as near as may be to the basis of the \nfree common schools of the States. These schools can be transferred \nand merged into the common-school systems of the States when the \nIndian has fully assumed his new relation to the organized civil \ncomniunit\\- in which he resides, and the new States are able to \nassume the burden. \n\nI have several times been called upon to remove Indian agents \nappointed b\\- me, and have done so promptly upon every sustained \ncomplaint of unfitness or misconduct. I believe, however, that \nthe Indian service at the agencies has been improved and is now \n\n\n\n150 Public Papers mid Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nadministered on the whole with a good degree of efficiency. If any \nlegislation is possible by which the selection of Indian agents can \nbe wholly removed from all partisan suggestions or considerations, \nI am sure it would be a great relief to the Executive and a great \nbenefit to the service. The appropriation for the subsistence of the \nCheyenne and Arapahoe Indians made at the last session of Congress \nwas inadequate. This smaller appropriation was estimated for by \nthe Commissioner upon the theory that the large fund belonging \nto the tribe in the public Treasury could be and ought to be used \nfor their support. In view, however, of the pending depredation \nclaims against this fund and other considerations, the Secretary \nof the Interior on the 12th of April last submitted a supplemental \nestimate for ;S50,ooo. This appropriation was not made, as it should \nhave been, and the oversight ought to be remedied at the earliest \npossible date. \n\nIn a special message to this Congress at the last session I stated \nthe reasons why I had not approved the deed for the release to \nthe United States by the Choctaws and Chickasaws of the lands \nformerly embraced in the Cheyenne and Arapahoe Reservation and \nremaining after allotments to that tribe. A resolution of the \nSenate expressing the opinion of that body that, notwithstanding \nthe facts stated in my special message, the deed should be approved \nand the money, $2,991,450, paid over, was presented to me May \n10, 1892. My special message was intended to call the attention of \nCongress to the subject, and in view of the fact that it is conceded \nthat the appropriation proceeded upon a false basis as to the amount \nof lands to be paid for, and is by $50,000 in excess of the amount \nthey are entitled to (even if their claim to the land is given full \nrecognition at the rate agreed upon), I have not felt willing to \napprove the deed, and shall not do so, at least until both Houses of \nCongress have acted upon the subject. It has been informally \nproposed by the claimants to release this sum of $50,000, but I \nhave no power to demand or accept such a release, and such an \nagreement would be without consideration and void. \n\no \n\nI desire further to call the attention of Congress to the fact that \nthe recent agfreement concluded with the Kiowas and Comanches \nrelates to lands which were a part of the "leased district," and to \nwhich the claim of the Choctaws and Chickasaws is precisely that \nrecognized by Congress in the legislation I have referred to. The \nsurplus lands to which this claim would attach in the Kiowa and \nComanche Reservation is 2,500,000 acres, and at the same rate \nthe Government will be called upon to pay to the Choctaws and \nChickasaws for these lands $3, 125,000. This sum will be further \n\n\n\nPublic Papers aud Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. 151 \n\naugmented, especially if the title of the Indians to the tract now \nGrter County, Tex., is established. The dut>- devolved upon me in \nthis connection was simply to pass upon the form of the deed; but \nas in my opinion the facts mentioned in my special message were \nnot adequately brought to the attention of Congress in connection \nwith the legislation, I have felt that I would not be justified in \nacting without some new expression of the legislative will. \n\nThe report of the Commissioner of Pensions, to which extended \nnotice is given by the Secretary of the Interior in his report, will \nattract great attention. Judged by the aggregate amount of work \ndone the last year has been the greatest in the history of the Office. \nI believe that the organization of the Office is efficient, and that the \nwork has been done with fidelity. The passage of what is known \nas the disability bill has, as was foreseen, very largely increased the \nannual disbursements to the disabled veterans of the civil war. \nThe estimate for this fiscal year was $144,956,000, and that amount \nwas appropriated. A deficiency amounting to $10,508,621 must \nbe provided for at this session. The estimate for pensions for the \nfiscal year ending June 30, 1894, is $165,000,000. The Commis- \nsioner of Pensions believes that, if the present legislation and \nmethods are maintained and further additions to the pension laws \nare not made, the maximum expenditure for pensions will be \nreached June 30, 1894, and will be at the highest point $188,000,000 \n\nper annum. \n\nI adhere to the views expressed in previous messages that the care \nof the disabled soldiers of the war of the rebellion is a matter of \nnational concern and duty. Perhaps no emotion cools sooner than \nthat of gratitude, but I can not believe that this process has yet \nreached\'a point with our people that would sustain the policy of \nremitting the care of these disabled veterans to the inadequate \nagencies^ provided by local laws. The parade on the 20th of \nSeptember last, upon the streets of this capital, of 60,000 of the \nsurviving Union veterans of the war of the rebellion was a most \ntouching\'and thrilling episode, and the rich and gracious welcome \nextended to them by the District of Columbia and the applause \nthat greeted their progress from tens of thousands of people from \nall the States did much to revive the glorious recollections of the \n"rand review, when these men and many thousand others now in \ntheir graves were welcomed with grateful joy as victors in a struggle \nin which the national unity, honor, and wealth were all at issue. \n\nIn my last annual message I called attention to the fact that some \nlegislati\\\'e action was necessary in order to protect the interests of \nth\'e Government in its relations with the Union Pacific Railway. \n\n\n\n152 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nThe Commissioner of Railroads has submitted a very full report, \ngiving exact information as to the debt, the liens upon the com- \npany\'s property, and its resources. We must deal with the question \nas we find it, and take that course which will, under existing \nconditions, best secure the interests of the United States. I recom- \nmended in my last annual message that a commission be appointed \nto deal with this question, and I renew that recommendation, and \nsuggest that the commission be given full power. \n\nThe report of the Secretary of Agriculture contains not only a \nmost interesting statement of the progressive and valuable work \ndone under the administration of Secretary Rusk, but many sug- \ngestions for the enlarged usefulness of this important Department. \nIn the successful effort to break down the restrictions to the free \nintroduction of our meat products in the countries of Europe, the \nSecretary has been untiring from the first, stimulating and aiding all \nother government officers, at home and abroad, whose official duties \nenabled them to participate in the work. The total trade in hog \nproducts with Europe in May, 1892, amounted to 82,000,000 pounds, \nagainst 46,900,000 in the same month of 1891; in June, 1892, the \nexports aggregated 85,700,000 pounds, against 46, 500, 000 pounds in \nthe same month of the previous year; in July there was an increase \nof 41 per cent and in August of 55 per cent over the corresponding \nmonths of 1891. Over 40,000,000 pounds of inspected pork have \nbeen exported since the law was put into operation, and a compari- \nson of the four months of May, June, July, and August, 1892, with the \nsame months of 1891 shows an increase in the number of pounds \nof our export of pork products of 62 per cent, and an increase in \nvalue of 66>< per cent. The exports of dressed beef increased \nfrom 137,900,000 pounds in 1889 to 220,500,000 pounds in 1892, or \nabout 60 per cent. During the past year there have been exported \n394,607 head of live cattle as against 205, 786 exported in 1889. This \nincreased exportation has been largely promoted by the inspection \nauthorized by law and the faithful effiDrts of the Secretary and his \nefficient subordinates to make that inspection thorough and to care- \nfully exclude from all cargoes diseased or suspected cattle. The \nrequirement of the English regulations that live cattle arriving \nfrom the United States must be slaughtered at the docks had its \norigin in the claim that pleuro-pneumonia existed among American \ncattle and that the existence of the disease could only certainly be \ndetermined by a post-mortem inspection. \n\nThe Department of Agriculture has labored with great energy \nand faithfulness to extirpate this disease; and, on the 26th day of \nSeptember last, a public announcement was made by the Secretary \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. 153 \n\nthat the disease no longer existed anywhere within tlie United \nStates. He is entirel)- satisfied, after the most searching inqniry, \nthat this statement was justified, and that by a continuance of \nthe inspection and quarantine now required of cattle brought into \nthis country the disease can be prevented from again getting any \nfoothold. The value to the cattle industry of the United States of \nthis achievement can hardly be estimated. We can not, perhaps, \nat once insist that this evidence shall be accepted as satisfactory \nby other countries ; but if the present exemption from the disease \nis maintained and the inspection of our cattle arriving at foreign \nports, in which our own veterinarians participate, confirms it, we \nmay justly expect that the requirement that our cattle. shall be \nslaughtered at the docks will be revoked, as the sanitary restrictions \nupon our pork products have been. If our cattle can be taken alive \nto the interior the trade will be enormously increased. \n\nAgricultural products constituted 78. i per cent of our unprece- \ndented exports for the fiscal year which closed June 30, 1892, the \ntotal exports being $1,030,278,030 and the value of the agricultural \nproducts $793,717,676, which exceeds by more than $150,000,000 \nthe shipment of agricultural products in any previous year. \n\nAn interesting and a promising work for the benefit of the Amer- \nican farmer has been begun through agents of the Agricultural \nDepartment in Europe, and consists in efforts to introduce the \nvarious products of Indian corn as articles of human food. The \nhigh price of rye offered a favorable opportunity for the experiment \nin Germany of combining corn meal with rye to produce a cheaper \nbread. A fair degree of success has been attained, and some mills \nfor grinding corn for food have been introduced. The Secretary \nis of the opinion that this new use of the products of corn has \nalready stimulated exportations, and that if diligently prosecuted \nlarge and important markets can presently be opened for this great \nAmerican product. \n\nThe suggestions of the Secretary for an enlargement of the w^ork \nof the Department are commended to your favorable consideration. \nIt may, I think, be said without challenge that in no corresponding \nperiod has so much been done as during the last four years for the \nbenefit of American agriculture. \n\nThe subject of quarantine regulations, inspection, and control \nwas brought suddenly to my attention by the arrival at our ports in \nAugust last of vessels infected with cholera. Quarantine regulations \nshould be uniform at all our ports. Under the Constitution they \nare plaiul\\- within the exclusive Federal jurisdiction when and so \nfar as Congress shall legislate. In my opinion the whole subject \n\n\n\n154 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nshould be taken into national control, and adequate power given to \nthe Executive to protect our people against plague invasions. On \nthe ist of September last I approved regulations establishing a \ntwenty-day quarantine for all vessels bringing immigrants from \nforeign ports. This order will be continued in force. Some loss and \nsuffering have resulted to passengers, but a due care for the homes \nof our people justifies in such cases the utmost precaution. There is \ndanger that with the coming of spring cholera will again appear, and \na liberal appropriation should be made at this session to enable our \nquarantine and port officers to exclude the deadly plague. \n\nBut the most careful and stringent quarantine regulations may \nnot be sufficient absolutely to exclude the disease. The progress \nof medical and sanitary science has been such, however, that if \napproved precautions are taken at once to put all of our cities and \ntowns in the best sanitary condition, and provision is made for \nisolating any sporadic cases and for a thorough disinfection, an \nepidemic can, I am sure, be avoided. This work appertains to local \nauthorities, and the responsibility and the penalty will be appalling \nif it is neglected or unduly delayed. \n\nWe are peculiarly subject in our great ports to the spread of \ninfectious diseases by reason of the fact that unrestricted immigration \nbrings to us out of European cities, in the overcrowded steerages \nof great steam.ships, a large number of persons whose surroundings \nmake them the easy victims of the plague. This consideration, as \nwell as those affecting the political, moral, and industrial interests of \nour country, lead me to renew the suggestion that admission to our \ncountry and to the high privileges of its citizenship should be more \nrestricted and more careful. We have, I think, a right and owe a \nduty to our own people, and especially to our working people, not \nonly to keep out the vicious, the ignorant, the civil disturber, the \npauper, and the contract laborer, but to check the too great flow of \nimmigration now coming by further limitations. \n\nThe report of the World\'s Columbian Exposition has not yet been \nsubmitted. That of the board of management of the Government \nexhibit has been received and is herewith transmitted. The work \nof construction and of preparation for the opening of the Exposition \nin May next has progressed most satisfactorily and upon a scale \nof liberality and magnificence that will worthily sustain the honor \nof the United States. \n\nThe District of Columbia is left, by a decision of the supreme \ncourt of the District, without any law regulating the liquor traffic. \nAn old statute of the legislature of the District, relating to the \nlicensing of various vocations, has hitherto been treated by the \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Ben/amiii Harrison. 155 \n\nCommissioners as giving them power to grant or refnse licenses to \nsell intoxicating liqnors, and as subjecting those who sold without \nlicense to penalties; but in May last the supreme court of the \nDistrict held against this view of the powers of the Commissioners. \nIt is of urgent importance, therefore, that Congress should supply, \neither by direct enactment or by conferring discretionary powers \nupon the Commissioners, proper limitations and restraints upon the \nliquor traffic in the District. The District has suffered in its \nreputation by many crimes of violence, a large per cent of them \nresulting from dnuikenness and the liquor traffic. The capital of \nthe nation should be freed from this reproach by the enactment of \nstringent restrictions and limitations upon the traffic. \n\nIn renewing the recommendation which I have made in three \npreceding annual messages that Congress should legislate for the \nprotection of railroad employes against the dangers incident to the \nold and inadequate methods of braking and coupling which are \nstill in use upon freight trains, I do so with the hope that this \nCongress may take action upon the subject. Statistics furnished by \nthe Interstate Commerce Commission show that during the year \nending June 30, 1891, there were 47 different styles of car couplers \nreported to be in use, and that during the same period there were \n2,660 emplo)\'es killed and 26,140 injured. Nearly 16 per cent of \nthe deaths occurred in the coupling and uncoupling of cars, and \nover 36 per cent of the injuries had the .same origin. \n\nThe Civil Service Commission ask for an increased appropriation \nfor needed clerical assistance, which I think should be given. I \nextended the classified service March i, 1892, to include physicians, \nsuperintendents, assistant superintendents, school teachers, and \nmatrons in the Indian service, and have had under consideration \nthe subject of some further extensions, but have not as yet fully \ndetermined the lines upon which extensions can most properly and \nusefully be made. \n\nI have, in each of the three annual messages which it has been \nmy duty to submit to Congress, called attention to the evils and \ndangers connected with our election methods and practices as they \nare related to the choice of officers of the National Government. \nIn mv last annual message I endeavored to invoke serious attention \nto the evils of inifair apportionments for Congress. I can not close \nthis message without again calling attention to these grave and \nthreatening evils. I had hoped that it was possible to secure a \nnonpartisan inquiry, by means of a commission, into evils the \nexistence of which is known to all, and that out of this might \ngrow legislation from which all thought of partisan advantage should \n\n\n\n1 56 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nbe eliminated and only the higher thought appear of maintaining \nthe freedom and purity of the ballot and the equality of the elector, \nwithout the guaranty of which the Government could never have \nbeen formed and without the continuance of which it can not con- \ntinue to exist in peace and prosperity. \n\nIt is time that mutual charges of unfairness and fraud between the \ngreat parties should cease, and that the sincerity of those who pro- \nfess a desire for pure and honest elections should be brought to the \ntest of their willingness to free our legislation and our election \nmethods from everything that tends to impair the public confidence \nin the announced result. The necessity for an inquiry, and for leg- \nislation by Congress, upon this subject is emphasized by the fact that \nthe tendency of the legislation in some States in recent years has in \nsome important particulars been away from and not toward free and \nfair elections and equal apportionments. Is it not time that we \nshould come together upon the high plane of patriotism while we \ndevise methods that shall secure the right of every man qualified by \nlaw to cast a free ballot and give to every such ballot an equal value \nin choosing our public officers and in directing the policy of the \nGovernment? \n\nLawlessness is not less such, but more, where it usurps the func- \ntions of the peace officer and of the courts. The frequent lynching \nof colored people accused of crime is without the excuse which has \nsometimes been urged by mobs for a failure to pursue the appointed \nmethods for the punishment of crime, that the accused have an \nundue influence over courts and juries. Such acts are a reproach \nto the community where they occur, and so far as they can be made \nthe subject of Federal jurisdiction the strongest repressive legislation \nis demanded. A public sentiment that will sustain the officers of \nthe law in resisting mobs and in protecting accused persons in their \ncustody should be promoted by every possible means. The officer \nwho gives his life in the brave discharge of this duty is worthy of \nspecial honor. No lesson needs to be so urgently impressed upon \nour people as this, that no worthy end or cause can be promoted by \nlawlessness. \n\nThis exhibit of the work of the Executive Departments is submit- \nted to Congress and to the public in the hope that there will be \nfound in it a due sense of responsibility and an earnest purpose to \nmaintain the national honor and to promote the happiness and \nprosperity of all our people. And this brief exhibit of the growth \nand prosperity of the country will give us a level from which to \nnote the increase or decadence that new legislative policies may \nbring to us. There is no reason why the national influence, \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Be)ijaniiii Harrison. 157 \n\npower, and prosperity slioiild not observe the same rates of increase \nthat have characterized tlie past tliirty years. We carry the great \nimpulse and increase of these years into the fntnrc. There is \nno reason why in many lines of prodnction we should not surpass \nall other nations as we have already done in some. There are \nno near frontiers to our possible development. Retrogression \nwould be a crime. \n\nBenj. Harrison. \nExecutive Mansion, \n\nDecember (5, iSg2. \n\n\n\nSPECIAL MESSAGES TO CONGRESS. \n\nTHE GREAT SIOUX RESERVATION. \n\nPo llie Senate and /douse of Representatives : \n\nIn pursuance of the power vested in me by the terms of the last \nclause of section 3 of the act of Congre.ss approved March 2, 1889, \nentitled \' \'x\\n act making appropriations for the current and con- \ntingent expenses of the Indian Department, and for fulfilling treaty \nstipulations with various Indian tribes, for the year ending June 30, \n1890, and for other purposes," a commission as therein authorized \nwas appointed, consistingof Charles Foster of Ohio, William W^arner \nof Missouri, and General George Crook of the United States Army. \nThis Commission was specially instructed to present to the Sioux \nIndians occupying the Great Siou.x Reservation, for their acceptance \nthereof and consent thereto in manner and form as therein provided, \nthe act of Congress approved March 2, 1S89, entitled " An act to \ndivide a portion of the reservation of the Sioux Nation of Indians in \nDakota into separate reservations, and to secure the relinquishment \nof the Indian title to the remainder, and for other purposes." \n\nThe report of the Commission was submitted to me on the 24th \nday of December, 1889, and is, with the accompanying documents \nand a letter of the Secretary of the Interior, herewith transmitted \nfor the information of Congress. It appears from the rejjort of the \nCommission that the con.sent of more than three-fourths of the adult \nIndians to the terms of the act last named was secured, as required \nby section 12 of the treaty of 1868, and upon a careful examination \nof the papers submitted I find such to be the fact, and that such \nconsent is properly evidenced by the signatures of more than three- \nfourths of such Indians. \n\n\n\n158 Public Papers and .Iddrcsscs of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nAt the outset of the negotiations the Commission was confronted \nby certain questions as to the interpretation and effect of the act of \nCongress which they were presenting for the acceptance of the \nIndians. Upon two or three points of some importance the Com- \nmission gave, in response to these inquiries, an interpretation to the \nlaw, and it was the law thus explained to them that was accepted \nby the Indians. The Commissioners had no power to bind Congress \nor the E.xecutive by their construction of a statute, but they were \nthe agents of the United States, first to submit a definite proposition \nfor the acceptance of the Indians, and, that failing, to agree upon \nmodified terms, to be submitted to Congress for ratification. They \nwere dealing with an ignorant and suspicious people, and an \nexplanation of the terms, and effect of the offer submitted could not \nbe avoided. Good faith demands that if the United States expects \nthe lands ceded, the beneficial construction of the act given by our \nagents should be also admitted and observed. \n\nThe chief difficulty in the construction of the act grows out of its \nrelation to prior treaties, which were by section 19 continued in \nforce so far as they are not in conflict with the terms of the act. \nThe seventh article of the treaty of 1868, relating to schools and \nschool-houses, is by section 17 of the act continued in force for \ntwenty years, "subject to such modifications as Congress shall \ndeem most effective to secure to said Indians equivalent benefits of \nsuch education." \n\nvSection 7 of the treaty of 1868 provides only for instruction in \nthe "elementary branches of an English education," while section \n17 of the act, after continuing this section of the treaty in force, \nprovides a fund which is to be applied "for the promotion of \nindustrial and other suitable education among said Indians." \nAgain, section 7 of the treaty provides for the erection of a school- \nhouse for every thirty children who can be induced to attend, while \nsection 20 of the act requires the erection of not less than thirty \nschool-houses, and more if found necessary. \n\nThe Commissioners were asked by the Indians whether the cost \nof tlie English schools provided for in section 7 of the treaty, and \nof the school houses provided for in the .same section, and in section \n20 of the act, would be a charge against the proceeds of the lands \nthey were now asked to cede to the United States. This question \nwas answered in the negative, and I think the answer was correct. \nIf the act, without reference to section 7 of the treaty, is to be \nconstrued to express the whole duty of the Government towards \nthe Indians in the matter of schools, the extension for twenty years \nof the provisions of that section is without meaning. \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. 159 \n\nThe assurance given by the Commissioners that the money \nappropriated by section 27 of tlie act to pay certain bands for the \nponies taken by tlie military autliorities in 1876 would not be a \ncharge against the proceeds of the ceded lands was obviously a \ncorrect interpretation of the law. \n\nThe Indians were further assured b\\- the Commissioners that the \namount ajDpropriated for the expenses of the Commission could not \nunder the law be made a charge upon the proceeds of their lands. \nThis I think is a correct exposition of the act. \n\nIt seems from the report of the Commission that some of the \nIndians at the Standing Rock Agency asked whether, if they \naccepted the act, they could have the election to take their allot- \nments under section 6 of the treaty of 1868 and have the benefits of \n.sections 8 and 10 of that treaty, and were told that they could. \n\nAs the treaty is continued in force, except where it contravenes \nthe provisions of the act, I do not see any difficulty in admitting \nthis interpretation. \n\nIt will be found that the Commission has submitted many \nrecommendations, some of them involving legislation and others \nappealing to powers already possessed by the Executive Department. \nThe consent of the Indians to the act was not made dependent upon \nthe adoption of any of these recommendations, but many of them \nare obviously just and ])romotive of the true interests of the Indians. \nSo far as these require legislation they are earnestly commended to \nthe attention of Congress. \n\nThe Secretary of the Interior has prepared and submits with his \nletter transmitting the report of the Commission the draft of a bill \nembodying those recommendations of the Commission requiring \nlegislation. \n\nThe appropriations necessary to carry into effect the provisions of \nthe act should be promptly made and be immediately available. \n\nBenj. Harrison. \n\nExecutive Mansion, \n\nFebruary 10, iSqo. \n\n\n\ni6o Public Papers and Addresses of Bcnjainiii Harrison. \n\n\n\nTHE LAKE TRAVERSE INDIAN RESERVATION. \n\nTo the Senate and House of Representatives : \n\nI transmit herewith a coiniminication of the 8th instant from the \nSecretary of the Interior, submitting a report of the Commissioner of \nIndian Affairs and accompanying agreement made with the Sisseton \nand Wahpeton bands of Dakota or Sioux Indians for the purchase \nand release of the surplus lands in the Lake Traverse Indian \nReservation in the States of North and South Dakota; the \nnegotiations for said purchase and release having been conducted \nunder the authority contained in the fifth section of the general \nallotment act of February 8, 1887 (24 Stats., 388), which provides \namong other things that the "purchase shall not be complete until \nratified by Congress, and the form and manner of executing such \nrelease shall also be prescribed by Congress." \n\nThis agreement involves a departure from the terms of the general \nallotment act in at least one important particular. It gives to each \nmember of the tribe 160 acres of land without regard to age or sex, \nwhile the general law gives this allotment only to heads of families. \nThere are, I think, serious objections to the basis adopted in the \ngeneral law, especially in its application to married women ; but if \nthe basis of the agreement herewith submitted is accepted, it would, \nI think, result in some cases where there are large families of minor \nchildren, in excessive allotments to a single family. Whatever is \ndone in this case will of course become in some sense a precedent in \nthe cases yet to be dealt with. \n\nPerhaps the question of the payment by the United States of the \nannuities which were forfeited by the act of February 16, 1863 (12 \nStats., 652), should not have been considered in connection with \nthis negotiation for the cession of these lands. But it appears that \na refusal to consider this claim would have terminated the negotia- \ntion, and if the claim is just its allowance has already been too \nlong delayed. The forfeiture declared by the act of 1863 unjustly \nincluded the annuities of certain Indians of these bands who were \nnot only guilty of no fault, but who rendered meritorious services \nin the armies of the United States in the suppression of the Sioux \noutbreak and in the war of the rebellion. \n\nThe agreement submitted, as I understand, provides for the \npayment of the annuities justly due to these friendly Indians to all \nthe members of the two bands per capita. This is said to be the \nunanimous wish of the Indians, and a distribution to the friendly \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Ben jam in I/airison. i6i \n\nIndians and their descendants only wonld now be very difficvilt if \nnot impossible. \n\nThe agreement is respectfully submitted for the consideration of \nCongress. \n\nBenj. Harrison. \nExecutive Mansion, \n\nFebruary /<?, i8go. \n\n\n\nCHIPPEWA INDIANS OF MINNESOTA. \n\nTo the Senate and / louse of Reprcscnlaiii<es: \n\nIn pursuance of the authority and direction contained in the act \nof Congress approved January 14, 1889, entitled "An act for the \nrelief and civilization of the Chippewa Indians in the State of \nMinnesota," three Commissioners were appointed by the President \non February 26, 1889, as therein authorized and directed, nameh , \nHenry M. Rice, of Minnesota, Martin Marty, of Dakota, and Joseph \nB. Whiting, of Wisconsin, to negotiate with said Indians. \n\nThe Commissioners have submitted their final report, with accom- \npanying papers, showing the results of the negotiations conducted \nby them, and the same has been carefully reviewed bv the Secretary \nof the Interior in his report to me thereon. \n\nBeing satisfied from an examination of the papers submitted that \nthe cession and relinquishment by said Chippewa Indians of their \ntitle and interest in the lands specified and described in the agree- \nment with the diflferent bands or tribes of Chippewa Indians in the \nState of Minnesota was obtained in the manner prcscriljed in the \nfirst section of said act, and that more than the requisite number \nhave signed said agreement, I have, as provided bv said act, approved \nthe said instruments in writing, constituting the agreement entered \ninto by the Commissioners with said Indians. \n\nThe Commissioners did not escape the embarrassment which \nunfortunately too often attends our negotiations with the Indians, \nnamely, an indisposition to treat with the Government for further \nconcessions while its obligations incurred under former agreements \nare unkept. I am sure it will be the disposition of Congress to \nconsider promptly and in a just and friendly spirit the claims pre- \n.sented by these Indians through our Commissioners which have \nbeen formulated in the draught of a bill prepared by the Secretary \nof the Interior and submitted herewith. \n\nThe act of January 14, 18S9 (25 U. S. Stat., 642), evidently \ncontemplated the voluntary removal of the body of all these bauds of \n15151- \xe2\x80\x94 11 \n\n\n\ni62 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nIndians to the White Earth and Red Lake reservations, bnt a proviso \nin section 3 of the act authorized any Indian to take his allotment \nupon the reservation where he now resides. The Commissioners \nreport that quite a general desire was expressed by the Indians to \navail themselves of this option. The result of this is that the ceded \nland can not be ascertained and brought to sale under the act until \nall of the allotments are made. \n\nI recommend that the necessary appropriations to complete the \nsurveys and allotments be made at once available, so that the work \nmay be begun and completed at the earliest possible day. \n\nA copy of the report made by the Commissioners, with copies of \nall the papers submitted therewith, except the census rolls, is \nherewith presented for the information of the Congress. \n\nBenj. Harrison. \n\nExecutive Mansion, \n\nMarch 4, 18 go. \n\n\n\nAN INTERNATIONAL RAILWAY LINE. \n\nTo the Senate and House of Representatives : \n\nI transmit herewith a report of the International American Con- \nference, recently in session at this capital, recommending a survey \nof a route for an intercontinental line of railroad to connect the \nsystems of North America with those of the Southern Continent, \nand to be conducted under the direction of a board of conimi.ssioners \nrepresenting the several American Republics. \n\nPublic attention has chiefly been attracted to the subject of \nimproved water communication between the ports of the United \nStates and those of Central and South America. The creation of new \nand improved steamship lines undoubtedh- furnishes the readiest \nmeans of developing an increased trade with the Latin-American \nnations. But it should not be forgotten that it is possible to travel \nby land from Washington to the southernmost capital of South \nAmerica, and that the opening of railroad communication with \nthese friendly states will give to them and to us facilities for \nintercourse and the exchanges of trade that are of special value. \nThe work contemplated is vast, but entireh- practicable. It will \nbe interesting to all and perhaps surprising to most of us to notice \nhow much has already been done in the way of railroad construction \nin Mexico and South America that can be utilized as part of an \nintercontinental line. I do not hesitate to recommend that Congress \n\n\n\nriiblic Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. 163 \n\nmake the \\-erv moderate appropriation for surveys sugo;ested by the \nconference, and authorize the appointment of commissioners and \nthe detail of engineer officers to direct and conduct the necessary \npreliminary surveys. \n\nBenj. Harrison. \n\nExKCUTivE Mansion, \n\nMay ig, iSgo. \n\n\n\nAN INTERNATIONAL AMERICAN BANK. \n\nTo the Senate and House of Representatives : \n\nI transmit herewith a letter from the vSecretary of State, inclosing \na report adopted by the International American Conference, recently \nin session at this capital, recommending the establishment of an \ninternational American bank, with its principal offices in the city \nof New York and branches in the commercial centers of the several \nother American Republics. \n\nThe advantages of such an institution to the merchants of the \nITnited States engaged in trade with Central and vSouth America \nand the purposes intended to be accomplished are fully set forth in \nthe letter of the Secretary of State and the accompanying report. \nIt is not proposed to involve the United States in any financial \nresponsibility, but only to give to the proposed bank a corporate \nfranchise and to promote public confidence by requiring that its \ncondition and transactions shall be submitted to a scrutiny similar \nto that which is now exercised over our domestic banking system. \n\nThe subject is submitted for the consideration of Congress in the \nbelief that it will be found possible to promote the end desired by \nlegislation so guarded as to avoid all just criticism. \n\nBenj. Harrison. \n\nExecutive Mansion, \n\nMay 27, iSgo. \n\n\n\nTHE INTERNATIONAL AMERICAN CONFERENCE. \n\nTo the Senate and House of Representatives : \n\nThe International American Conference, recently in session at \nthis capital, recommended for adoption b\\- the several American \nRepublics : \n\n(i) A uniform system of customs regulations for the clas.sification \nand valuation of imported merchandise ; \n\n\n\n164 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\n(2) A uniform nomenclature for the descriptiou of articles of \nmerchandise imported and exported ; and \n\n(3) The establishment at Washington of an international bureau \nof information. \n\nThe conference also, at its final session, decided to establish in \nthe city of Washington, as a fitting memorial of its meeting, a \nLatin-American library, to be formed by contributions from the \nseveral nations of historical, geographical, and literary works, maps, \nmanuscripts, and official documents relating to the history and \ncivilization of America, and expressed a desire that the Government \nof the United vStates should provide a suitable building for the \nshelter of such a library, to be solemnly dedicated upon the four- \nhundredth anniversary of the discovery of America. \n\nThe importance of these suggestions is fully set forth in the letter \nof the Secretary of State, and the accompanying documents herewith \ntransmitted, to which I invite your attention. \n\nBenj. Harrison. \n\nExecutive Mansion, \n\nJune 2^ 18^0. \n\n\n\nRECIPROCAL COMMERCIAL TREATIES. \n\nTo the Senate and House of Representatives: \n\nI transmit herewith, for your information, a letter from the \nSecretary of State, inclosing a report of the International Amer- \nican Conference, which recommends that reciprocal commercial \ntreaties be entered into between the United States and the several \nother Republics of this hemisphere. \n\nIt has been so often and so persistently stated that our tariff" laws \nofi"ered an insurmountable barrier to a large exchange of products \nwith the Latin-American nations, that I deem it proper to call especial \nattention to the fact that more than 87 per cent of the products of \nthose nations sent to our ports are now admitted free. If sugar \nis placed upon the free list, practically every important article \nexported from those States will be given untaxed access to our \nmarkets, except wool. The real difficulty in the way of negotiating \nprofitable reciprocity treaties is, that we have given freely so much \nthat would have had value in the mutual concessions which such \ntreaties imply. I can not doubt, however, that the present advan- \ntages which the products of these near and friendly States enjoy in \nour markets \xe2\x80\x94 though they are not by law exclusive \xe2\x80\x94 will, with \nother considerations, favorably dispose them to adopt such measures, \n\n\n\nI^iblic Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. 165 \n\nby treaty or otherwise, as will tend to equalize and greatly enlarge \nour mutual exchanges. \n\nIt will certainl)- be time enough for us to consider whether we \nmust cheapen the cost of production by cheapening labor, in order \nto gain access to the South American markets, when we have fairly \ntried the effect of established and reliable steam communication, and \nof convenient methods of money exchanges. There can be no \ndoubt, I think, that with these facilities well established, and \nwith a rebate of duties upon imported raw materials used in the \nmanufacture of goods for export, our merchants will be able to \ncompete in the ports of the Latin-American nations with those of \nany other countr>-. \n\nIf after the Congress shall have acted upon pending tariff legis- \nlation it shall appear that, under the general treaty-making power, \nor under any special powers given by law, our trade with the States \nrepresented in the Conference can be enlarged upon a basis of mutual \nadvantage, it will be promptly done. \n\nBenj. Harrison. \n\nExecutive M.\\nsion, \n\nJune /^, i8go. \n\n\n\nTHE LOUISIANA STATE LOTTERY. \n\nTo the Senate and House of Representatives: \n\nThe recent attempt to secure a charter from the State of North \nDakota for a lottery company, the pending effort to obtain from the \nState of Louisiana a renewal of the charter of the Louisiana State \nLottery, and the establishment of one or more lottery companies at \nMexican towns near our border, have served the good purpose \nof calling public attention to an evil of vast proportions. If the \nbaneful effects of the lotteries were confined to the States that give \nthe companies corporate powers and a license to conduct the \nbusiness, the citizens of other States, being powerless to apply legal \nremedies, might clear themselves of responsibility by the use of \nsuch moral agencies as were within their reach. But the case is \nnot so. The people of all the States are debauched and defrauded. \nThe vast sums of money offered to the States for charters are drawn \nfrom the people of the United States, and the General Government, \nthrough its mail system, is made the effective and profitable \nmedium of intercourse between the lottery company and its victims. \nThe use of the mails is quite as essential to the companies as \n\n\n\ni66 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nthe State license. It would be practically impossible for these \ncompanies to exist if the public mails were once effectively closed \nagainst their advertisements and remittances. The use of the mails \nby these companies is a prostitution of an agency only intended \nto serve the purposes of a legitimate trade and a decent social \nintercourse. \n\nIt is not necessary, I am sure, for me to attempt to portray the \nrobbery of the poor and the wide-spread corruption of public and \nprivate morals which are the necessary incidents of these lottery \nschemes. \n\nThe national capital has become a sub-headquarters of the \nLouisiana Lottery Company, and its numerous agents and attorneys \nare conducting here a business involving probably a larger use of \nthe mails than that of any legitimate business enterprise in the \nDistrict of Columbia. There seems to be good reason to believe \nthat the corrupting touch of these agents has been felt by the \nclerks in the postal service and by some of the police officers of the \nDistrict. \n\nSevere and effective legislation should be promptly enacted to \nenable the Post-Office Department to purge the mails of all letters, \nnewspapers, and circulars relating to the business. \n\nThe letter of the Postmaster-General, which I transmit herewith, \npoints out the inadequacy of the existing statutes, and suggests \nlegislation that would be effective. \n\nIt may also be necessary to so regulate the carrying of letters by \nthe express companies as to prevent the use of those agencies to \nmaintain communication between the lottery companies and their \nagents or customers in other States. \n\nIt does not seem possible that there can be any division of \nsentiment as to the propriety of closing the mails against these \ncompanies, and I therefore venture to express the hope that such \nproper powers as are necessary to that end will be at once given to \nthe Post-Office Department. \n\nBenj. Harrison. \n\nExecutive Mansion, \n\nJuly 2g, i8go. \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. 167 \n\n\n\nPOSTAL AND CABLE COMMUNICATION WITH SOUTH \n\nAMERICA. \n\nTo the Senate and House of Representatives : \n\nI transmit herewith a letter from the vSecretary of vState, inclosing \nthe recommendations of the International American Conference for \nthe establishment of improved facilities for postal and cable com- \nmnnication between the United States and the several conntries of \nCentral and Sonth America. \n\nI can not too strongly nrge npon Congress the necessity of giving \nthis snbject immediate and favorable consideration, and of making \nadequate appropriations to carry the recommendations into effect; \nand in this connection I beg leave to call attention to what was \nsaid on the subject in my annual message. The delegates of the \nseventeen neighboring republics which have so recently been \nassembled in Washington, at the invitation of this Government, \nhave expressed their wish and purpose to cooperate with the United \nStates in the adoption of measures to improve the means of com- \nmunication between the several republics of America. They \nrecognize the necessity of frequent, regular, and rapid steamship \nservice, both for the purpose of maintaining friendly intercourse \nand for the convenience of commerce, and realize that without such \nfacilities it is useless to attempt to extend the trade between their \n\nports and ours. \n\nBenj. Harrison. \n\nExecutive Mansion, \n\nJuly 2, iSgo. \n\n\n\nAGREEMENT WITH THE SAC AND FOX INDIANS. \n\nTo the Senate and House of Representatives : \n\nIn compliauce with the provisions of section 14 of the act of March \n2, 1889, I transmit herewith, for the consideration of Congress, an \nagreement concluded between the Commissioners appointed under \nthat section on behalf of the United States commonly known as the \nCherokee Commission, and the Sac and Fox Nation of Indians in \nthe Indian Territory, on the 12th day of June last. \n\nThe Sac and Fox Nation have a national council, and the nego- \ntiation was conducted with that body, which undoubtedly had \ncompetent authority to contract on behalf of the tribe for the sale \nof these lands. The letter of the Secretary of the Interior and the \n\n\n\ni68 Public Papers a)id Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\naccompanying papers, which are snbmitted herewith furnish all the \ninformation necessary to the consideration of the questions to be \ndetermined by Congress. \n\nThe only serious question presented is as to that article of the \nagreement which limits the distribution of the funds to be paid by \nthe United States, under it, to the Sac and Fox Indians now in the \nIndian Territory. I very graveh- doubt whether the remnant or \nband of this tribe now living in Iowa has any interest in these lands \nin the Indian Territory. The reservation there was apparently \ngiven in consideration of improvements upon the lands or the tribe \nin Kansas. The band now resident in Iowa, upon lands purchased \nby their own means, as I am advised, left the Kansas reservation \nmany years before the date of this treaty and, it would seem, could \nhave had no equitable interest in the improvements on the Kansas \nlands, which must have been the result of the labors of that jjortion \nof the tribe living upon them. The right of the Iowa band to a \nparticipation in the proceeds of the sale of the Kansas reservation \nwas explicitly reserved in the treaty, but it seems to me, upon a \nsomewhat hasty examination of the treaty, that the reservation in \nthe Indian Territory was intended only for the benefit of those \nwho should go there to reside. The Secretary of the Interior has \nexpressed a somewhat different view of the effect of this treaty, but if \nthe facts are, as I understand, that the Iowa band did not contribute \nto the improvements which were the consideration for the reserva- \ntion, and did not accept the invitation to settle upon the reservation \nlands in the Indian Territory, I do not well see how they have either \nan equitable or legal claim to participate in the proceeds of the sale \nof those lands. \n\nThe whole matter is submitted for the consideration of Congress. \n\nBenj. Harrison. \n\nExecutive Mansion, \n\nJuly 2, 1 8 go. \n\n\n\nLANDS IN ARIZONA AND NEW MEXICO. \n\nTo the Senate and House of Representatives: \n\nIn my annual message I called attention to the urgent need of \nlegislation for the adjustment of the claims under Mexican grants \nto lands in Arizona and New Mexico. \n\nI now submit a correspondence which has passed between the \nDepartment of State and the Mexican Government concerning the \nrights of certain Mexican citizens to have their claims to lands \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. 169 \n\nceded to the United States by the treaty adjusted and confirmed. I \nalso submit a letter from the Secretary- of the Interior, with accom- \npanying- papers, showing the number and extent of these claims \nand their present condition. \n\nThe United States owes a duty to Mexico to confirm to her \ncitizens those valid grants that were saved by the treaty, and the \nlong delay which has attended the discharge of this duty has given \njust cause of complaint. \n\nThe entire community where these large claims exist, and indeed \nall of our people, are interested in an early and final settlement of \nthem. No greater incubus can rest upon the energies of a people \nin the development of a new country than that resulting from \nunsettled land titles. \n\nThe necessity for legislation is so evident and so urgent that I \nventure to express the hope that relief will be given at the present \nsession of Congress. \n\nBENJ. H.A.RRISON. \n\nExecutive M.a.x.sion, \n\nJuly /, iSgo. \n\n\n\nDISTRESS IN OKLAHOMA. \n\nTo the Senate and House of Representatives: \n\nI have received, under date of July 29 ultimo, a communication \nfrom the Hon. George W. Steele, governor of the Territory of \nOklahoma, in which, among other things, he .says : \n\nA delegation from township i6, range i, in this county, has just left me, who came \nto represent that there are at this time twenty-eight families in that township who are \nin actual need of the necessaries of life, and thej\' give it as their opinion that their \ntownship is not an exception, and that in the very near future a large proportion of the \nsettlers of this Territory will have to have assistance. This I have looked for, but have \nhoped to bridge over until after the legislature meets, when I thought some arrange- \nment might be made for taking care of these needy people; but with little ta.xable \nproperty in the Territory, and very many necessary demands to be made and met, I \ndoubt if the legislature will be able to make such provision until a crop is raised ne.\\t \nyear as will be adequate to the demands. * * * \n\nNow, I know whereof I speak, and I say there are a great many people in this \nTerritory who have not the necessary means of providing meals for a day to come and \nare being helped by their very poor neighbors. No one regrets more than I do the \nnecessity of making the foregoing statement, and 1 have hoped to bridge the matter \nover, as I have said before, until the legislature would meet, and sec if some provision \ncould be made. I now see the utter hopelessness of such a course, and I beg of you \nto call the attention of Congress to the condition of our people, with the earnest hope \nthat provision m.ay be made whereby great suffering may be relieved; and I assure \nyou that so far as I am able to prevent it, not one ounce of provisions, or a cent of \nmoney contributed to the above need shall be improperly used. \n\n\n\n170 Public Papers and Addresses of Bcujamin Harrison. \n\nInformation received by nie from other sources leads me to \nbelieve that Governor Steele is altogether right in his impression \nthat there will be, nnless relief is afforded either by public appro- \npriation or by organized individual effort, wide-spread suffering \namong the settlers in Oklahoma. Man}\' of these people expended \nin travel and in providing shelter for their families all of their \naccumulated means. The crop prospects for this year are, by \nreason of drought, quite unfavorable, and the abilit>- of the Territory \nitself to provide relief must be inadequate during this year. \n\nI am advised that there is an unexpended balance of about $45,000 \nof the fund appropriated for the relief of the sufferers by flood upon \nthe Mississippi River and its tributaries, and I recommend that \nauthority be given to use this fund to meet the most urgent \nnecessities of the poorer people in Oklahoma. Steps have been \ntaken to ascertain more particularly the condition of the people \ntliroughout the Territory, and if a larger relief should seen: to be \nnecessary the facts will be submitted to Congress. If the fund \nto which I have referred should be made available for relief in \nOklahoma, care will be taken that so much of it as is necessary to \nbe expended shall be judiciously applied to the most worthy and \nnecessitous cases. \n\nBenj. Harrison. \n\nExecutive Mansion, \n\nAugust <?, i8go. \n\n\n\nINTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION. \n\nTo the Senate and House of Representatives: \n\nI transmit herewith a letter from the Secretary of State, which \nis accompanied by three reports adopted by the Conference of \nAmerican Nations recently in session at Washington relating to \nthe subject of international arbitration. The ratification of the \ntreaties contemplated by these reports will constitute one of the \nhappiest and most hopeful incidents in the history of the Western \nHemisphere. \n\nBenj. Harrison. \n\nExecutive Mansion, \n\nSeptember J., 18 go. \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. 171 \n\n\n\nVACANCIES IN OFFICE OF SECRETARY. \n\nTo /he Senate and House of Representatives : \n\nThe sudden deatli of the honorable William Windom, Secretary \nof the Treasur}-, in New York, on the evening of the 29th instant, \nhas directed my attention to the present state of tlie law as to \nthe filling of a vacancy occasioned by the death of the head of a \nDepartment. \n\nI transmit herewith an opinion of the Attorney-General from \nwhich it will be seen that under the statutes in force no ofl5cer in \nthe Treasury Department, or other person designated by me, can \nexercise the duties of Secretary of the Treasury for a longer period \nthan ten days. This limitation is, I am sure, unwise, and neces- \nsarily involves, in such a case as that now presented, undue haste \nand even indelicacy. The President should not be required to take \nup the question of the selection of a successor before the last offices \nof affection and respect have been paid to the dead. If the propri- \neties of an occasion as sad as that which now overshadows us are \nobserved, possibly one-half of the brief time allowed is gone before, \nwith due regard to the decencies of life, the President and those \nwith whom he should advise can take up the consideration of the \ngrave duty of selecting a head for one of the greatest Departments \nof the Government. \n\nHasty action by the Senate is also necessarily involved, and \ngeographical limitations are practically imposed by the necessity \nof selecting some one who can reach the capital and take the \nnecessary oath of office before the exjiiration of the ten days. \n\nIt may be a very proper restriction of the power of the President \nin this connection that he shall not designate, for any great length \nof time, a person to discharge the.se inaportant duties who has not \nbeen confirmed by the Senate ; but there would seem to be no \nreason wh)\' one of the assistant secretaries of the Department \nwherein the vacancy exists might not discharge the duties of \nSecretary until a successor is selected, confirmed, and qualified. \nThe inconvenience of this limitation was made apparent at the \ntime of the death of Secretary Folger. President Arthur, in that \ncase, allowed one of the assistant secretaries, who had been desig- \nnated to act in the absence of the Secretary, to continue in the \ndischarge of such duties for ten days, then designated the same \npenson to discharge the duties for a further term of ten days, and \nthen made a temporar\\- appointment as Secretary in order to secure \nthe consideration that he needed in filling this important place. \n\n\n\n172 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nI recommend such a modification of the existing law as will \npermit the first or sole assistant, or in the case of the Treasury^ \nDepartment, where the assistants are not graded, that one who may \nbe designated by the President, to discharge the duties of the head \nof the Department until a successor is appointed and qualified. \n\nBenj. Harrison. \nExecutive Mansion, \n\nJanuary ji, i8gi. \n\n\n\nDEATH OF ADMIRAL PORTER. \n\nTo the Senate and Hoicse 0/ Representatives : \n\nThe Admiral of the Navy, David Dixon Porter, died at his \nresidence in the city of Washington this morning at 8:15 o\'clock, \nin the seventy-eighth year of his age. He entered the naval service \nas a midshipman February 2, 1829, ^^^ ^^^ been since continuously \nin serv\'ice, having been made Admiral August 15, 1870. He was \nthe son of Commodore David Porter, one of the greatest of our \nnaval commanders. His service during the civil war was con- \nspicuously brilliant and successful, and his death ends a very high \nand honorable career. His countrymen will sincerely mourn his \nloss, while they cherish with grateful pride the memory of his deeds. \nTo officers of the Navy his life will continue to yield inspiration \nand encouragement. \n\nBenj. Harrison, \n\nExecutive Mansion, \n\nFebruary ij, iSgj. ^ \n\n\n\nDEATH OF GENERAL SHERMAN. \n\nTo the Senate and House of Representatives: \n\nThe death of William Tecumseh Sherman, which took place \nto-day at his residence in the city of New York at i o\'clock and 50 \nminutes p. m., is an event that will bring sorrow to the heart of \nevery patriotic citizen. No living American was so loved and \nvenerated as he. To look upon his face, to hear his name, was to \nhave one\'s love of country intensified. He ser\\\'ed his country, not \nfor fame, not out of a sense of professional duty, but for love of the \nflag and of the beneficient civil institutions of which it was the \nemblem. He was an ideal soldier, and shared to the fullest the \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Bciija>nin Ilarnson. 173 \n\nesprit de corps of the Army ; but he cherished the civil institutions \nore:anized under the Constitution, and was a soldier only that \nthese might be perpetuated in undiminished usefulness and honor. \nHe was in nothing an imitator. \n\nA profound student of military science and precedent, he drew \nfrom them principles and suggestions, and so adapted them to novel \nconditions that his campaigns will continue to be the profitable \nstudy of the military profession throughout the world. His genial \nnature made him comrade to every soldier of the ^reat Union Army. \nNo presence was so welcome and inspiring at the camp-fire or \ncommandery as his. His career was complete ; his honors were full. \nHe had received from the Government the highest rank known to \nour military establishment, and from the people unstinted gratitude \nand love. No word of mine can add to his fame. His death has \nfollowed in startling quickness that of the Admiral of the Navy ; \nand it is a sad and notable incident that when the Department under \nwhich he served shall have put on the usual emblems of mourning, \nfour of the eight Executive Departments will be simultaneously \ndraped in black, and one other has but to-day removed the crape \nfrom its walls. \n\nBenj. Harrison. \n\nExecutive Mansion, \n\nFebruary^ 14, i8()i. \n\n\n\nTHE FAMINE IN RUSSIA. \n\nTo tlic Senate and House of Representatives: \n\nThe famine prevailing in some of the provinces of Russia is so \nsevere and widespread as to have attracted the sympathetic interest \nof a large number of our liberal and favored people. In some of \nthe great grain-producing States of the West movements have \nalready been organized to collect flour and meal for the relief of these \nperishing Russian families, and the response has been such as to \njustify the belief that a ship\'s cargo can very soon be delivered at \nthe seaboard through the generous cooperation of the transportation \nlines. It is most appropriate that a people whose storehouses have \nbeen so lavishly filled with all the fruits of the earth b\\- the gracious \nfa\\-or of God .should manifest their gratitude by large gifts to his \nsuffering children in other lands. The Secretary of the Navy has \nno steam vessel at his disposal that could be used for the transpor- \ntation of these supplies, and I therefore recommend that he be \n\n\n\n174 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nauthorized to charter a suitable vessel to receive them, if asufficicut \namount should be offered, and to send them under the charge of a \nnaval officer to such Russian port as may be most convenient for \nready distribution to those most in need. \n\nBenj. Harrison. \nExecutive Mansion, \n\nJanuary 5, i8g2. \n\n\n\nTHE MOB AT VALPARAISO, CHILE. \n\nTo the Senate and House of Representatives : \n\nIn my annual message, delivered to Congress at the beginning \nof the present session, after a brief statement of the facts then in \nthe possession of this Government touching the a.ssault, in the streets \nof Valparaiso, Chile, upon the sailors of the U. S. S. Baltimore, on \nthe evening of the i6th of October last, I said : \n\nThis Government is now awaiting the result of an investigation which lias heen \nconducted by the criminal court at Valparaiso. It is reported unofficially that the \ninvestigation is about completed, and it is expected that the result will soon be \ncommunicated to this Government, together with some adequate and satisfactory \nresponse to the note by which the attention of Chile was called to this incident. If \nthese just expectations should be disappointed or further needless delay intervene, I \nwill, by a special message, bring this matter again to the attention of Congress for \nsuch action as may be necessary. \n\nIn my opinion the time has now come when I should lay before \nthe Congress and the country the correspondence between this \nGovernment and the Government of Chile, from the time of the \nbreaking out of the revolution against Balmaceda, together with all \nother facts in possession of the Executive Department relating to \nthis matter. The diplomatic correspondence is herewith trans- \nmitted, together with some correspondence between the naval \nofficers for the time in command in Chilean waters and the Secretary \nof the Navy and also the evidence taken at the Mare Island navy- \nyard since the arrival of the Baltimore at San Francisco. I do not \ndeem it necessary in this comnuinication to attempt any full analysis \nof the correspondence or of the evidence. A brief restatement of \nthe international questions involved and of the reasons why the \nresponses of the Chilean Government are unsatisfactory is all that \nI deem necessary. \n\nIt may be well, at the outset, to say that whatever may have \nbeen said in this countrv\' or in Chile in criticism of Mr. Egan, our \nminister at Santiago, the true history of this exciting period in \nChilean affairs, from the outbreak of the revolution until this time, \n\n\n\nPjihlic Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. 175 \n\ndiscloses no act on the part of Mr Egan unwortliy of his position \nor that could justly be the occasion of serious animadversion or \ncriticism. He has, I think, on the whole, borne himself, in very \ntrying circumstances, with dignity, discretion, and courage, and \nhas conducted the correspondence with ability, courtesy, and fairness- \nIt is worth while also at the beginning to say that the right of \nMr. Egan to give shelter in the legation to certain adherents of the \nBalmaceda Government, who applied to him for asylum, has not \nbeen denied by the Chilean authorities, nor has any demand been \nmade for the surrender of these refugees. That there was urgent \nneed of asylum is shown by Mr. Egan\'s note of August 24, 1891, \ndescribing the disorders that prevailed in Santiago, and by the \nevidence of Capt. Schley as to the pillage and violence that pre- \nvailed at Valparaiso. The correspondence discloses, however, that \nthe request of Mr. Egan for a safe conduct from the country, in \nbehalf of these refugees, was denied. The precedents cited by him \nin the correspondence, particularly the case of the revolution in \nPeru in 1S65, did not leave the Chilean Government in a position \nto deny the right of asylum to political refugees, and seemed very \nclearly to support Mr. Egan\'s contention that a .safe conduct to \nneutral territory was a necessary and acknowledged incident of the \nasylum. These refugees have very recently, without formal safe \nconduct, but by the acquiesence of the Chilean authorities, been \nplaced on board the Yorktozvn and are now being conveyed to \nCallao, Peru. This incident might be considered wholly closed, \nbut for the disrespect manifested toward this Government by the \nclose and offensive police surveillance of the legation premises, \nwhich was maintained during most of the period of the stay of the \nrefugees therein. After the date of my annual message, and up to \nthe time of the transfer of the refugees to the Yorklozv)i^ the legation \npremises seen: to have been surrounded by police in uniform, and \npolice agents or detectives in citizens\' dress, who offensively scru- \ntinized persons entering or leaving the legation, and on one or more \noccasions arrested members of the minister\'s family. Commander \nEvans, who, by my direction, recently visited Mr. Egan at Santiago, \nin his telegram to the Navy Department, described the legation as \n"a veritable prison," and states that the police agents or detectives \nwere, after his arrival, withdrawn during his stay. It appears \nfurther, from the note of Mr. Egan of November 20, 1891, that on \none occasion at least these police agents, whom he declares to be \nknown to him, invaded the legation ]5remises, pounding upon its \nwindows and using insulting and threatening language towards \npersons therein. This breach of the right of a minister to freedom \n\n\n\n176 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nfrom police espionage and restraint seems to have been so flagrant \nthat tlie Argentine minister, who was dean of the diplomatic corps, \nhaving observed it, felt called upon to protest against it to the \nChilean minister of foreign affairs. The Chilean authorities have, \nas will be observed from the correspondence, charged the refugees \nand the inmates of the legation with insulting the police; but it \nseems to me incredible that men whose lives were in jeopardy, and \nwhose safety could only be secured by retirement and quietness, \nshould have sought to provoke a collision which could only end in \ntheir destruction, or to aggravate their condition by intensifying a \npopular feeling that at one time so threatened the legation as to \nrequire Mr. Egan to appeal to the minister of foreign affairs. \n\nBut the most serious incident disclosed by the correspondence is \nthat of the attack upon the sailors of the Baltimore in the streets of \nValparaiso on the i6tli of October last. In my annual message, \nspeaking upon the information then in my possession, I said: \n\nSo far as I have yet been able to learn, no other explanation of this bloody work has \nbeen suggested than that it had its origin in hostility to these men as sailors of the \nUnited States, wearing the uniform of their Government, and not in any individual \nact or personal animosity. \n\nWe have now received from the Chilean Government an abstract \nof the conclusions of the fiscal general upon the testimony taken by \nthe judge of crimes in an investigation which was made to extend \nover nearly three months. I very much regret to be compelled to \nsay that this report does not enable me to modify the conclusion \nannounced in my annual message. I am still of the opinion \nthat our sailors were assaulted, beaten, stabbed, and killed, not for \nanything they or any one of them had done, but for what the \nGovernment of the United States had done, or was charged with \nhaving done, by its civil officers and naval commanders. If that \nbe the true aspect of the case, the injury was to the Government of \nthe United States, not to these poor sailors who were assaulted in a \nmanner so brutal and so cowardly. \n\nBefore attempting to give an outline of the facts upon which this \nconclusion rests, I think it right to say a word or two upon the legal \naspect of the case. The Baltimore was in the harbor of Valparaiso \nby virtue of that general invitation which nations are held to extend \nto the war vessels of other powers with which they have friendly \nrelations. This invitation, I think, must be held ordinarily to \nembrace the privilege of such communication with the shore as is \nreasonable, necessary, and proper for the comfort and convenience \nof the officers and men of such vessels. Capt. Schley testifies that \nwhen his vessel returned to Valparaiso, on September 14, the city \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Bciijaniiii Harrison. 177 \n\nofficers, as is customary, extended the hospitalities of tlie cit\\- to his \nofficers and crew. It is not claimed that every personal collision \nor injnry in which a sailor or officer of snch naval vessel visiting \nthe shore may be involved raises an internatioiral question; but I \nam clearly of the opinion that where such sailors or officers are \nassaulted by a resident populace, animated by hostility to the \nGovernment whose uniform these sailors and officers wear, and in \nresentment of acts done by their Government, not by them, their \nnation must take notice of the event as one involving an infraction \nof its rights and dignity; not in a secondary way, as where a citizen \nis injured and presents his claim through his own Government, but \nin a primary way, precisely as if its minister or consul, or the flag \nitself, had been the object of the same character of assault. The \nofficers and sailors of the Baltimore were in the harbor of Valparaiso \nunder the orders of their Government, not by their own choice. \nThey were upon the shore by the implied invitation of the Govern- \nment of Chile and with the approval of their commanding officer; \nand it does not distinguish their case from that of a consul that his \nstay is more permanent, or that he holds the express invitation of \nthe local government to justify his longer residence. Nor does it \naffect the question that the injury was the act of a mob. If there \nhad been no participation by the police or military in this cruel \nwork, and no neglect on their part to extend protection, the case \nwould still be one, in my opinion, when its extent and character \nare considered, involving international rights. \nThe incidents of the affair are, briefly, as follows: \nOn the i6th of October last Capt. Schley, commanding the U. S. \nS. Baltimore^ gave shore leave to one hundred and seventeen petty \nofficers and sailors of his ship. These men left the ship about i -.^p \np. m. No incident of violence occurred; none of our men were \narrested; no complaint was lodged against them ; nor did any \ncollision or outbreak occur until about 6 o\'clock p. m. Capt. \nSchley states that he was himself on shore and about the streets of \nthe city until 5:30 p. m. ; that he met very many of his men who \nwere upon leave; that they were sober and were conducting them- \nselves with propriety, saluting Chilean and other officers as they \nmet them. Other officers of the ship and Capt. Jenkins, of the \nmerchant ship Kezeeenazv, corroborate Capt. Schley as to the \ngeneral sobriety and good behavior of our men. The Sisters of \nCharity at the hospital to which our wounded men were taken, \nwhen inquired of, stated that they were sober when received. If \nthe situation had been otherwise, we must believe that the Chilean \npolice authorities would have made arrests. About 6 p. ni. the \nlul.jl lii \n\n\n\n1 78 Public Papers and Addresses of Bciija\xc2\xbbii)i //arn\'son. \n\nassault began, and it is remarkable that the investigation by the \njudge of crimes, though so protracted, does not enable him to give \nany more satisfactory account of its origin than is found in the \nstatement that it began between drunken sailors. Repeatedly in \nthe correspondence it is asserted that it was impossible to learn the \nprecise cause of the riot. The minister of foreign affairs, Matta, in \nhis telegram to Mr. Montt, under date December 31, states that the \nquarrel began between two sailors in a tavern and was continued in \nthe street, persons who were passing joining in it. \n\nThe testimony of Talbot, an apprentice who was with Riggin, is \nthat the outbreak in which they were involved began by a Chilean \nsailor spitting in the face of Talbot, which was resented by a knock- \ndown. It appears that Riggin and Talbot were at the time \nunaccompanied by any others of their shipmates. * These two men \nwere immediately beset by a crowd of Chilean citizens and sailors, \nthrough which they broke their way to a street car and entered it \nfor safety. They were pursued, driven from the car, and Riggin \nwas so seriously beaten that he fell in the street apparently dead. \nThere is nothing in the report of the Chilean investigation made to \nus that seriously impeaches this testimony. It appears from Chilean \nsources that almost instantly, with a suddenness that strongly \nimplies meditation and preparation, a mob, stated by the police \nauthorities at one time to number 2,000 and at another 1,000, was \nengaged in the assault upon our sailors, who are represented as \nresisting "with stones, clubs, and bright arms." The report of the \nintendente of October 30 states that the fight began at 6 p. m. in \nthree streets which are named, that information was received at the \nintendencia at 6:15, and that the police arrived on the scene at 6:30, \na full half hour after the assault began. At that time he says that \na mob of 2,000 men had collected, and that for several squares there \nwas the appearance of a "real battlefield." \n\nThe scene at this point is very graphically set before us by the \nChilean testimony. The American sailors, who, after so long an \nexamination, have not been found guilty of any breach of the peace, \nso far as the Chilean authorities are able to discover, unarmed and \ndefenseless, are fleeing for their li\\es, pursued by overwhelming \nnumbers, and fighting only to aid their own escape from death or to \nsuccor some mate whose life is in greater peril. Eighteen of them \nare brutally stabbed and beaten, while one Chilean seems, from the \nreport, to have suffered some injury; but how serious or with what \ncharacter of weapon, or whether by a missile thrown by our men or \nby some of his fellow rioters, is unascertained. \n\nThe pretense that our men were fighting "with stones, clubs. \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Beiijaniiii Harrison. 179 \n\nand bright arms" is, in\\-iewof these facts, incredible. It is further \nrefuted by the fact that our prisoners, when searched, were absolutely \nwithout arms, only seven penknives being found in the possession \nof the men arrested, while there were received b)\' our men more \nthan thirty stab wotuids, every one of which was inflicted in the \nback, and almost ever\\- contused wound was in the back or back of \nthe head. The evidence of the ship\'s officer of the day is that even \nthe jackknives of the men were taken from them before leaving the \nship. \n\nAs to the brutal nature of the treatment received by our men, the \nfollowing extract from the account given of the affair by the La \nPatria newspaper of Valparaiso, of October 17, can not be regarded \nas too friendly: \n\nThe Yankees, as soon as their pursuers gave chase, went hy way of the Calle del \nArsenal towards the city car station. In the presence of an ordinary number of \ncitizens, among whom were some sailors, the North Americans took seats in the street \ncar to escape from the stones which the Chileans threw at them. It was believed for \nan instant that the North Americans h.ad saved themselves from popular fury, but such \nwas not the case. Scarcely had the car begun to move, when a crowd gathered around \nand stopped its progress. Under these circumstances and without any cessation of \nthe howling and throwing of stones at the North Americans, the conductor entered the \ncar and, seeing the risk of the situation to the vehicle, ordered them to get out. .At \nthe instant the sailors left the car, in the midst of a hail of stones, the said conductor \nreceived a stone blow on the head. One of the Yankee sailors managed to escape in \nthe direction of the Plaza Wheelright, but the other was felled to the ground by a stone. \nManaging to raise himself from the ground where he lay he staggered in an opposite \ndirection from the station. In front of the house of Sefior Mazzini he was again \nwounded, falling then senseless and breathless. \n\nNo amount of evasion or subterfuge is able to cloud our clear \nvision of this brutal work. It should be noticed, in this connection, \nthat the American sailors arrested, after an examination, were, \nduring the four days following the arrest, every one discharged, no \ncharge of any breach of the peace or other criminal conduct having \nbeen sustained against a single one of them. The judge of crimes, \nFoster, in a note to the intendente, tinder date of October 22 \xe2\x80\x94 \nbefore the dispatch from this Government of the following daj\', \nwhich aroused the authorities of Chile to a better sense of the \ngravitv of the affair \xe2\x80\x94 sa^\'s : "Having presided temporarily over \nthis court in regard to the seamen of the U. S. cruiser Baltimore^ \nzvho hare been tried on account of the deplorable conduct which \ntook place," etc. The noticeable point here is that our sailors had \nbeen tried before the 22d of October and that the trial resulted in \ntheir accpiittal and return to their \\essel. It is quite remarkable \nand quite charactc istic of the management of this affair by the \nChilean police authorities that we shotild now be advised that \n\n\n\ni8o Public Papers and Addresses of Bei/jaiiiin Harrison. \n\nSeaman Davidson, of the Bal/iniorc, has been included in the indict- \nment, his offense being, so far as I have been able to ascertain, that \nhe attempted to defend a shipmate against an assailant wlio was \nstriking at him with a knife. The perfect vindication of our men \nis furnished b)- this report; only one is found to have been guilty of \ncriminal fault, and that for an act clearly justifiable. \n\nAs to the part taken by the police in the affair the case made by \nChile is also far from satisfactory. The point where Riggin was \nkilled is only three minutes\' walk from the police station and not \nmore than twice that distance from the intendencia; and yet, accord- \ning to their official report, a full half hour elapsed after the assault \nbegan before the police were upon the ground. It has been stated \nthat all but two of our men have said that the police did their duty. \nThe evidence taken at Mare Island shows that if such a statement \nwas procured from our men it was accomplished by requiring them \nto sign a writing in a language they did not understand and by the \nrepresentation that it was a mere declaration that they had taken \nno part in the disturbance. Lieut. McCrea, who acted as interpreter, \nsays in his evidence that when our sailors were examined before the \ncourt the subject of the conduct of the police was so carefully avoided \nthat he reported the fact to Capt. Schley on his return to the vessel. \n\nThe evidences of the existence of animosity towards our sailors \nin the minds of the sailors of the Chilean navy and of the populace \nof Valparaiso are so abundant and various as to leave no doubt in \nthe mind of anyone who will examine the papers submitted. It \nmanifested itself in threatening and insulting gestures towards our \nmen as they passed the Chilean men-of-war in their boats and in \nthe derisive and abusive epithets with which they greeted every \nappearance of an American sailor on the evening of the riot. Capt. \nSchley reports that boats from the Chilean war ships several times \nwent out of their course to cross the bows of his boats, compelling \nthem to back water. He complained of the discourtesy and it was \ncorrected. That this feeling was shared by men of higher rank is \nshown by an incident related by Surg. Stitt of the Baltiniore. \nAfter the battle of Placilla he, with other medical officers of the war \nvessels in the harbor, was giving voluntary assistance to the wounded \nin the hospitals. The son of a Chilean army officer of high rank \nwas under his care, and, when the father discovered it, he flew into \na passion and said he would rather have his son die than have \nAmericans touch him, and at once had him removed from the ward. \nThis feeling is not well concealed in the dispatches of the foreign \noffice and had quite open expression in the disrespectful treatment \nof the American legation. The Chilean boatmen in the bav refused. \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. i8i \n\neven for large offers of money, to return our sailors, wlio crowded \nthe Mole, to their sliip when they were endeavorino; to escape from \nthe citv on the night of the assault. The market boats of the \nBaltimore were threatened, and even quite recently the gig of \nCommander Evans, of the Yorktoion, was stoned while waiting for \nhim at the Mole. \n\nThe evidence of our sailors clearly shows that the attack was \nexpected by the Chilean people, that threats had been made against \nour men, and that in one case .somewhat early in the afternoon, the \nkeeper of one house, into which some of otir men had gone, closed \nhis establishment in anticipation of the attack which he advised \nthem would be made upon them as darkness came on. \n\nIn a report of Capt. Schley to the Navy Department he says: \n\n111 tlie only iiilL-rvicw that I h.id with Jmlge Foster, who is investigating the case \nrelative to the disturbance, before he was aware of the entire gravity of the matter, he \ninformed me that the assault upon my men was the outcome of hatred for our people \namong the lower classes, because they thought we had sympathized with the Balmaceda \ngovernment on account of the Itata matter, whether with reason or without he could, \nof course, not admit; but such he thought was the explanation of the assault at that \ntime. \n\nSeveral of our men sought security from the mob by such com- \nplete or partial changes in their dress as would conceal the fact of \ntheir being seamen of the Baltimore and found it then possible to \nwalk the streets without molestation. These incidents conclusively \nestablish that the attack was upon the uniform \xe2\x80\x94 the nationality \xe2\x80\x94 \nand not upon the men. \n\nThe origin of this feeling is probably found in the refusal of this \nGovernment to give recognition to the Congressional party before \nit had established itself in the seizure of the Itata for an alleged \nviolation of the neutrality law, in the cable incident, and in the \ncharge that Admiral Brown conveyed information to Valparaiso of \nthe landing at Quinteros. It is not m>- purpose to enter here any \ndefense of the action of this Government in the.se matters. It is \nenough for the present purpose to say that if there was any breach \nof international comity or duty on our part it should have been \nmade the subject of official complaint through diplomatic channels \nor of reprisals for which a full responsibility was assumed. We \ncan not consent that these incidents and these perversions of the \ntruth .shall be u.sed to excite a murderous attack upon our unoffend- \ning sailors and the Government of Chile go acquit of responsibility. \nIn fact, the conduct of this Government during the war in Chile \npursued those lines of international duty which we had so strongly \ninsisted upon on the part of other nations when this country was \nin the throes of a civil conflict. We continued the established \n\n\n\n1 82 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\ndiplomatic relations with the government in jjower until it was \noverthrown, and promptly and cordialh- recognized the new govern- \nment when it was established. The good offices of this Government \nwere offered to bring about a peaceful adjustment, and the inter- \nposition of Mr. Egan to mitigate severities and to shelter adherents \nof the Congressional party were effective and frequent. The charge \nagainst Admiral Brown is too base to gain credence with amone \nwho knows his high personal and professional character. \n\nRecurring to the evidence of our sailors, I think it is shown that \nthere were several distinct assaults and so nearly simultaneous as to \nshow that they did not spread from one point. A press summary \nof the report of the fiscal shows that the evidence of the Chilean \nofficials and others was in conflict as to the place of origin, several \nplaces being named by different witnesses as the locality where the \nfirst outbreak occurred. This, if correctly reported, shows that \nthere were several distinct outbreaks, and so nearly at the same \ntime as to cause this confusion. \n\nThe La Patria, in the same issue from which I have already \nquoted, after describing the killing of Riggin and the fight which \nfrom that point extended to the ]\\Iole, says : \n\nAt the same time in other streets of the port the Yankee sailors fouglit fiercely with \nthe people of the town, who believed to see in them incarnate enemies of the Chilean \nnavy. \n\nThe testimony of Capt. Jenkins, of the American merchant ship \nKciveenatv, which had gone to Valparaiso for repairs, and who was \na witness of some part of the assault upon the crew of the Baltimore., \nis strongly corroborative of the testimony of our own sailors when \nhe says that he saw Chilean sentries drive back a .seaman, seeking \nshelter, upon a mob that was pursuing him. The officers and men \nof Capt. Jenkins\'s ship furnish the most conclusive testimony as to \nthe indignities which were practiced towards Americans in Val- \nparaiso. When American sailors, even of merchant ships, can only \nsecure their safety by den)ing their nationality, it must be time \nto readjust our relations with a government that permits such \ndemonstrations. \n\nAs to the participation of the police, the evidence of our sailors \nshows that our men were struck and beaten by police officers before \nand after arrest, and that one, at least, was dragged with a lasso \nabout his neck by a mounted policeman. That the death of Riggin \nwas the result of a rifle shot fired by a jjoliceman or soldier on duty \nis shown directly by the testimony of Johnson, in who.se arms he \nwas at the time, and by the evidence of Charles Langen, an Amer- \nican sailor not then a member of the Baltimore\'s crew, who stood \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Ben jam ut llarrisoii. 183 \n\nclose b\\- and saw the transaction. The Chilean authorities do not \npretend to fix tlie responsibility of this shot upon au}\' particular \nperson, but avow their inabilitv to ascertain who fired it, further \nthan that it was fired from a crowd. The character of the wound, \nas described by one of the surgeons of the Baltimore, clearly \nsupports his opinion that it was made by a rifle ball, the orifice of \nexit being as much as an inch or an inch and a quarter in width. \nWhen shot the poor fellow was unconscious and in the arms of a \ncomrade, who was endeavoring to carry him to a neighboring drug \nstore for treatment. The stor\\\' of the police that, in coming up \nthe street, they passed these men and left them behind them, is \ninconsistent with their own statement as to the direction of their \napproach and with their duty to protect them, and is clearly \ndisproved. In fact, Riggin was not behind, but in trout of the \nadvancing force, and was not standing in the crowd, but was \nunconscious and supported in the arms of Johnson when he was \n.shot. \n\nThe communications of the Chilean Government in relation to \nthis cruel and disastrous attack upon our men, as will appear from \nthe correspondence, have not in any degree taken the form of a \nmanlv and .satisfactory expression of regret, much less of apology. \nThe event was of so serious a character that if the injuries suffered \nbv our men had been wholly the result of an accident in a Chilean \nport the incident was grave enough to have called for some public \nexpression of sympathy and regret from the local authorities. It is \nnot enough to say that the affair was lamentable, for humanity \nwould require that expression, even if the beating and killing of \nour men had been justifiable. It is not enough to say that the \nincident is regretted, coupled with the statement that the affair \nwas not of an imusual character in ports where foreign sailors are \naccustomed to meet. It is not for a generous and sincere government \nto seek for words of small or equivocal meaning in which to convey \nto a friendlv power an apology for an offense so atrocious as this. \nIn the case of the assault by a mob in New Orleans upon the Spanish \nconsulate in i\'\'^5i, Mr. Webster wrote to the Spanish minister \nMr. Calderon, that the acts complained of were "a disgraceful \nand flagrant breach of duty and propriety," and that his Govern- \nment "regrets them as deeply as Minister Calderon or his Govern- \nment could possibly do;" that " these acts have caused the Presi- \ndent great pain and he thinks a proper acknowledgment is due to \nHer Majesty\'s Government." He invited the Spanish consul to \nreturn to his post guaranteeing protection, and offered to salute the \nSpanish flag if the consul should come in a Spanish vessel. Such a \n\n\n\n184 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\ntreatment by the Goveriiiueiit of Chile of this assault would have \nbeen more creditable to the Chilean authorities ; and much less \ncan hardly be satisfactory to a Government that values its dignity \nand honor. \n\nIn our note of October 23 last, which appears in the correspondence, \nafter receiving the report of the board of officers appointed by Capt. \nSchley to investigate the affair, the Chilean Government was advised \nof the aspect w\'hich it then assumed, and called upon for any facts in \nits possession that might tend to modify the unfavorable impressions \nwhich our report had created. It is very clear from the correspond- \nence that before the receipt of this note the examination was regarded \nby the police authorities as practically closed. It was, however, \nreopened and protracted through a period of nearly three months. \nWe might justly have complained of this unreasonable delay, but, in \nview of the fact that the Government of Chile was still provisional, \nand with a disposition to be forbearing and hopeful of a friendlv \ntermination, I have awaited the report which has but recently been \nmade. \n\nOn the 2 ist instant I caused to be communicated to the Government \nof Chile, by the American minister at Santiago, the conclusions of \nthis Government after a full consideration of all the evidence and \nof every suggestion affecting this matter, and to these conclusions I \nadhere. The}- were stated as follows : \n\nFirst. That the assault is not relieved of the aspect which the early information of the \nevent gave to it, viz: That of an attack upon the uniform of the U. S. Na\\y, having its \norigin and motive in a feeling of hostility to this Government, and not in any act of the \nsailors or of any of them. \n\nSecond. That the public authorities of V\'alparaiso, flagrantly failed in their duty to \nprotect our men and that some of the police and of the Chilean soldiers and sailors \nwere themselves guilty of unprovoked assaults upon our sailors before and after \narrest. He [the President] thinks the preponderance of the evidence and the inherent \nprobabilities lead to the conclusion that Riggin was killed by the police or soldiers. \n\nThird. That he [the President] is therefore compelled to bring the case back to the \nposition taken by this Government in the note of Mr. Wharton, of October 23 last \n* \' * and to ask for a suitable apology and for some adequate reparation for the \ninjury done to this Government. \n\nIn the same note the attention of the Chilean Government was \ncalled to the offensive character of a note addressed b>\' Mr. ]Matta, \nits minister of foreign afifairs, to Mr. Montt, its minister at this \nCapital, on the nth ultimo. This dispatch was not officially com- \nmunicated to this Government ; but, as Mr. Montt was directed to \ntranslate it and to give it to the press of this country-, it seemed to \nme that it could not pass without official notice. It was not only \nundiplomatic, but grossly insulting to our naval officers and to the \nExecutive Department, as it directly imputed untruth and insin- \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Boijaniin Harrison. 185 \n\nccrity to the rejjorts of the naval ofificers and to the official conmin- \nnications made by the Executive Department to Congress. It will \nbe observed that I have notified the Chilean Government that, \nunless this note is at once withdrawn and an apology as public as \nthe offense made, I will terminate diplomatic relations. \n\nThe request for the recall of Mr. Egan, upon the ground that he \nwas not persona o-ra/a, was unaccompanied by any suggestion that \ncould properly be used in support of it, and I infer that the request \nis based njiou official acts of Mr. Egan which have received the \napproval of this Government. But, however that may be, I could \nnot consent to consider such a question until it had first been \nsettled whether our correspondence with Chile could be conducted \nupon a basis of mutual respect. \n\nIn submitting these papers to Congress for that grave and patri- \notic consideration which the questions involved demand, I desire \nto sa}\' that I am of the opinion that the demands made of Chile by \nthis Government should be adhered to and enforced. If the dignitv \nas well as the prestige and influence of the United States are not to \nl^e wholly .sacrificed, we must protect those who, in foreign ports, \ndisplay the flag or wear the colors of this Government against \ninsult, brutality, and death, inflicted in resentment of the acts of \ntheir Government, and not for any fault of th^ir own. It has been \nmy desire in every way to cultivate friendly and intimate relations \nwith all the Governments of this hemisphere. We do not covet \ntheir territory; we desire their peace and prosperity. We look for \nno advantage in our relations with them, except the increased \nexchanges of commerce upon a basis of mutual benefit. We regret \nevery civil contest that disturbs their peace and parah\'zes their \ndevelopment, and are always ready to give our good offices for the \nrestoration of peace. It must, however, be understood that this \nGo\\\'ernment, while exercising the utmost forbearance towards \nweaker powers, will extend its strong and adequate protection to \nits citizens, to its officers, and to its humblest sailor, when made \nthe victims of wantonness and cruelty in resentment, not of their \npersonal misconduct, but of the official acts of their Government. \n\nUpon information received that Patrick Shields, an Irishman \nand probably a British subject, but at the time a fireman of the \nAmerican steamer Keivcenaxs.\', in the harbor of Valparaiso for \nrepairs, had been subjected to personal injuries in that city \xe2\x80\x94 \xe2\x80\xa2 \nlargely by the police \xe2\x80\x94 I directed the Attorney-General to cause \nthe evidence of the officers and crew of that vessel to be taken \nupon its arrival in San Francisco; and that testimony is also here- \nwith transmitted. The brutalit}- and even savagery of the treat- \n\n\n\ni86 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nment of this poor man by the Chilean police would be incredible \nif the evidence of Shields was not supported by other direct testi- \nmony and by the distressing condition of the man himself when he \nwas finally able to reach his vessel. The captain of the vessel says : \n\nHe came back ;i wreck; black from his neck to his hips, from beating; weak and \nstupid, and is still in a kind of paralyzed condition, and has never been able to do \nduty since. \n\nA claim for reparation has been made in behalf of this man, for, \nwhile he was not a citizen of the United States, the doctrine long \nheld by us, as expressed in the consular regulations, is : \n\nThe principles which are maintained by this Government in regard to the protection, \nas distinguished from the relief, of seamen are well settled. It is held that the circum- \nstance that the vessel is American is evidence that the seamen on board are such ; and \nin every regularly documented merchant vessel the crew will find their protection in \nthe\'flag that covers them. \n\nI have as yet received no reply to our note of the 2ist instant, \n\nbut, in my opinion, I ought not to delay longer to bring these \n\nmatters to the attention of Congress for such action as may be \n\ndeemed appropriate. \n\nBenj. Harrison. \n\nExecutive Mansion, \n\nJanuary 2^, i8g2. \n\n\n\nAN ADDITIONAL MESSAGE. \n\n\n\nTo the Senate and House of Representatives: \n\nI transmit herewith additional correspondence between this \nGovernment and the Government of Chile, consisting of a note of \nMr. Montt, the Chilean minister at this capital to Mr. Blaine, dated \nJanuary 23; a reply of Mr. Blaine thereto of date January 27; and a \ndispatch from Mr. Egan, our minister at Santiago, transmitting the \nresponse of Mr. Pereira, the Chilean minister of foreign affairs to \nthe note of Mr. Blaine of January 21, which was received b)- me on \nthe 26th instant. The note of Mr. Montt to Mr. Blaine, though \ndated January 23, was not delivered at the State Department until \nafter 12 o\'clock, meridian, of the 25th, and was not translated and \nits receipt notified to me until late in the afternoon of that day. \n\nThe response of Mr. Pereira to our note of the 21st withdraws, \nwith acceptable expressions of regret, the offensive note of Mr. \nMatta of the nth ultimo, and also the request for the recall of \nMr. Egan The treatment of the incident of the assault upon the \nsailors of the Baltimore is so conciliatory and friendly that I am of \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Benjaniiii I/arrison. 187 \n\nthe opinion that there is a good prospect that the differences grow- \ning out of that serious affair can now be adjusted upon terms \nsatisfactory to this Government, b\\- tlie usual methods and without \nspecial powers from Congress. This turn in the affair is very grati- \nfying to me, as I am sure it will be to the Congress and to our \npeople. The general support of the efforts of the Executive to \nenforce the just rights of the nation in this matter has given an \ninstructive and useful illustration of the unity and patriotism of \nour people. \n\nShould it be necessary, I will again connnunicate with Congress \nupon the subject. \n\nBf:nj. Harrison. \nExKCfTivE Mansion, \n\nJanuary 2S\\ i8g2. \n\n\n\nMINERS IN THE TERRITORIES. \n\nTo the Seiia/e and House of Represe)itatives : \n\nThere was passed by the last Congress "An act for the protection \nof the lives of the miners in the Territories," which was approved \nby me on the 3d day of March, 1891. That no appropriation was \nmade to enable me to carry the act into effect resulted, I suppose, \nfrom the fact that it was passed so late in the session. This law \nrecognizes the necessity of a responsible public inspection and \nsupervision of the business of mining in the interest of the miners \nand is in line with the legislation of most of the States. \n\nThe work of the miner has its unavoidable incidents of discomfort \nand danger and these should not l^e increased by the neglect of the \nowners to provide every practicable safety appliance. Economies \nwhich involve a sacrifice of human life are intolerable. \n\nI transmit herewith memorials from .several hundred miners \nworking in the coal mines in the Indian Territory, asking for the \nappointment of an inspector under the act referred to. The recent \nfrightful disaster at Krebs, in that Territory, in which sixty-seven \nminers met a horrible death, gives urgency to their appeal, and I \nrecommend that a special appropriation be at once made for the \nsalaries and necessary expenses of the inspectors provided for in \nthe law. \n\nBenj. Harrison. \n\nExecutive Mansion, \n\nFebruary /6, i8g2. \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Bciijaniin Harrison. \n\n\n\nTHE CHOCTAW AND CHICKASAW APPROPRIATION. \n\nTo iJie Srini/r and House oj Representatives : \n\nThe Indian appropriation bill, which was approved March 3, 1S91, \ncontains the following provision : \n\nAnd \\\\w sum of two million nine hundred and ninety-one lliousiind four luindred \nand fifty dollars be, and the same is hereby, appropriated, out of any money in the \nTreasury not otherwise appropriated, to pay the Choctaw and Chickasaw nations of \nIndians for all the right, title, interest, and claim which said nations of Indians may \nhave in and to certain lands now occupied by the Cheyenne and Arapahoe Indians \nunder executive order; said lands lying south of the Canadian River, and now occu- \npied by the said Cheyenne and Arapahoe Indians, said lands have been ceded in trust \nby article three of the treaty between the United States and said Choctaw and Chicka- \nsaw nations of Indians, which was concluded April twenty-eighth, eighteen hundred \nand sixty-six, and proclaimed on the tenth day of August of the same year, and \nwhereof there remains, after deducting allotments as provided by said agreement, a \nresidue ascertained by survey to contain two million three hundred and ninety-three \nthousand one hundred and sixty acres ;\xe2\x96\xa0 three-fourths of this appropriation to be paid \nto such person or persons as are or shall be duly authorized by the laws of said \nChoctaw Nation to receive the same, at such time and in such sums as directed and \nrequired by the legislative authority of said Choctaw Nation, and one-fourth of this \nappropriation to be paid to such person or persons as are or shall be duly authorized \nby the laws of said Chickasaw Nation to receive the same, at such times and in such \nsums as directed and required by the legislative authority of said Chickasaw Nation ; \nthis appropriation to be immediately available and to become operative upon the \nexecution, bv the duly appointed delegates of said respective nations specially author- \nized thereto by law, of releases and conveyances to the United States of all the right, \ntitle, interest, and claim of said respective nations of Indians in and to said land (not \nincluding Grier County, which is now in dispute), in manner and form satisfactory to \nthe President of the United States ; and said releases and conveyances, when fully \nexecuted and delivered, shall operate to extinguish all claim of every kind and \ncharacter of said Choctaw and Chickasaw nations of Indians in and to the tract of \ncountry to which said releases and conveyances shall apply. \n\nIf this section had been submitted to me as a separate measure, \nespecially during the closing hours of the session, I should have \ndisapproved it ; but as the Congress was then in its last hours a \ndisapproval of the general Indian appropriation bill of which it \n\xe2\x96\xa0was a part would have resulted in consequences so far-reaching and \ndisastrous that I felt it my duty to approve the bill. But as a duty \nwas devolved upon me by the section quoted, viz : the acceptance \nand approval of the conveyances provided for, I have felt bound to \nlook into the whole matter, and in view of the facts which I shall \npresently mention, to postpone any executive action until these \nfacts could be submitted to Congress. \n\nVer>\' soon after the passage of the law it came to my knowledge \nthat the Choctaw legislature had entered into an agreement with \nthree citizens of that tribe to pay to them as compensation for \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Beiijaniiii Harrison. 189 \n\nprocuring- this legislation 25 per cent of any appropriation that \nmight be made by Congress. The amount to be secured by these \nthree agents, under this agreement, out of the three-fourths interest \nin the appropriation of the Choctaw Nation, is $560,896. I have \ninformation that a contract was made by the Chickasaws to pay \nabout 10 per cent of their one-fourth interest to the agents and \nattorneys who represented them. \n\nWithin a month after the passage of the law, R. J. Ward, one of \nthe agents who was to divide with his two associates the enormous \nsum to be paid b>- the Choctaws, presented to me an affidavit dated \nApril 4, 1891, which is herewith submitted. It appears from this \nstatement that the action of the Choctaw council in this matter was \ncorruptly influenced by the execution of certain notes signed by \nWard for himself and his associates in sums varying from $2,500 \nto $15,000. His associates deny any knowledge of this, but the \ngiving and existence of these notes is not refuted. The statement \nof the two associates of Ward, denying any knowledge of or partici- \npation in this fraud, are also submitted, together with other papers \nrelating to the matter. Whatever may be the fact as to the use \nor nonuse of corrupt methods to secure this legislation from the \nChoctaw council, I do not think the Congress of the United States \nshould so legislate upon this matter as to give effect to such a \ncontract, which I am sure must have been unnoticed when the \nmeasure was pending. If the relations of these Indians to the \nUnited States are those of a ward. Congress should protect them \nfrom such extortionate exactions. We can not as.sume that the \nexpenses and services of a committee of three persons to represent \nthis claim before Congress could justly assume such proportion; . \nThe making of such a contract seems to convey implications which, \nI am sure, are wlioU)\' unjust. \n\nAfter the passage of the appropriation bill, legislation was had \nby the Choctaw Nation looking to the completion of the contract \nmade with their delegates as to the payment of this money, but \nsubsequently, when it was supposed that this extraordinary arrange- \nment might require me to bring the matter to the attention of \nCongress, an act was passed by the Choctaw general council, \napproved October 19, 1891, declaring all contracts made by the \nChoctaw delegates with any attornej\'s in connection with this \nappropriation void and of no effect. A copy of this law will be \nfound with the papers submitted. There has also been submitted \nto me an unofficial copy of the opinion of the attorney-general of \nthe Choctaw Nation liolding that this last legislation is unconstitu- \ntional and void. I am of the opinion that, if this appropriation is to \n\n\n\nigo Public Papers and Addresses of Peiijaiiiiii Harrison. \n\nstand, provision should be made for protecting these tribes against \nextortionate claims for compensation in procuring action by Con- \ngress. \n\nCopies of the several laws passed by the Choctaw Nation with \nreference to this matter will be found in the accompanying papers. \nIt will be noticed that the distribution proposed is limited to \nChoctaws b)- blood, excluding the freedmen and the white men \nwho have been given full citizenship from any participation. A \nprotest against this method of distribution has been filed by a white \ncitizen of the tribe, and also a representation by Hon. Thomas C. \nFletcher, their attorney, on behalf of the freedmen. In view of \nthe fact that the stipulations of the treaty of 1866, in behalf of \nthe freedmen of these tribes, have not, especially in the case of the \nChickasaws, been complied with, it would seem that the United \nStates should, in a distribution of this money, have made suitable \nprovision in their behalf. The Chickasaws have steadfastly refused \nto admit the freedmen to citizenship as they stipulated to do in the \ntreaty referred to, and their condition in that tribe, and in a lesser \ndegree in the other, strongly calls for the protective intervention of \nCongress. \n\nAfter a somewhat careful examination of the question, I do \nnot believe that the lands for which this money is to be paid were, \nto quote the language of section 15 of the Indian appropriation \nbill, already set out, "ceded in trust by article three of the treaty \nbetween the United States and said Choctaw and Chickasaw nations \nof Indians, which was concluded April 28, 1866," etc. It is agreed \nthat that treaty contained no express limitation upon the uses to \nwhich the United States might put the territory known as the \nleased district. The lands were ceded by terms sufficiently compre- \nhensive to have passed the full title of the Indians. The limitation \nupon the use to which the Government might put them is sought to \nbe found in a provision of the treaty by which the United States \nundertook to exclude white settlers, and in the expressions found \nin the treaties made at the same time with the Creeks and other \ntribes of the purpose of the United States to use the lands ceded by \nthose tribes for the settlement of friendly Indians. \n\nThe stipulation as to the exclusion of white settlers might well \nhave reference solely to the national lands retained by the Choctaw \nand Chickasaw tribes, and the reason for the nonincorporation in \nthe treaty with them of a statement of the purpose of the Government \nin connection with the use of the lands is well accounted for b)\' \nthe fact that as to these lands the Government had alread)-, under \nthe treaty of 1855, secured the right to use them perpetually for the \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. 191 \n\nsettlement of friendly Indians. Tliis was not trne as to the lands \nof the other tribes referred to. The United States paid to the \nChoctaws and Chickasaws #300,000, and the failure to insert the \nwords that are called words of limitation in this treaty, points, I \nthink, clearly to the conclnsion that the commissioners on the part \nof the Government, and the Indians themselves, must have under- \nstood that this Government was acquiring something more than a \nmere right to settle friendly Indians, which is already possessed, \nand something more than the mere release of the right which the \nChoctaws and Chickasaws had under the treat\\\' of 1855 to select \nlocations on these lands if they chose. \n\nUndoubtedly it was the policy of this Government for the time \nto hold these and the adjacent lands as Indian country, and many \nof the expressions in the proclamations of mv predecessors and in \nthe reports of the Indian Bureau and of the Secretar\\\' of the Interior \nmean this and nothing more. This is quite diiTerent from a con- \nditional title which limits the grant to a particular use and works a \nreinvestment of full title in the Indian grantors when that use \nceases. But those who hold most strictly that a use for Indian \npurposes, where it is expressed, is a limitation of title seem to agree \nthat the United States might pass a fee absolute to other Indian \ntribes in the lands ceded for their occupancy. Certainly it was not \nintended that in settling friendly Indians upon these lands the \nCiovernment was to be restrained in its polic}\' of allotment aud \nindi\\-idnal ownership. If, for an adequate consideration b)- treat}-, \nthe United States placed upon these lands other Indian tribes, it \nwas competent to give them patents in fee for a certain and agreed \nreservation. This being so, when the policy of allotment is put \ninto force the compensation for the unused lands sliould certainly \ngo to the occupying tribe, which, in the case supposed had paid a \nfull consideration for the whole reservation. \n\nIt will hardly be contended that in such case this Government \nshotild pay twice for the lands. In the appropriation under discussion \nthis principle is in part recognized, for no claim is made by tiie \nClioctaws and Chickasaws for the lands allotted to the Ciieyennes \nand Arapahoes. The claim is for unallotted or surplus lands. The \ncase of the Cheyennes and x\\rapahoes is this : In consideration of \nother lands the (Government gave them a treaty reservation in the \nCherokee Outlet, but never perfected it by paying the Cherokees \nthe stipulated price and placing these Indians upon it. The Chey- \nennes and Arapahoes declined to go upon the strip and located \nthemselves further south, where they now are. The (lOvernmcnt \nsubsequently recognized their right to renuiin there and set apart \n\n\n\n192 Public Papers and Addresses of Bcjijaiiiin Harrison. \n\nthe lands now being allotted to members of that tribe, and the lands \nfor which payment is now claimed by the Choctaw and Chickasaws, \nas the Cheyenne and x\\rapahoe Reservation. I think the United \nStates must be held to have assented to the substitution of these \nlands for the treaty lands in the Cherokee Strip, and that being true \nwhen the reservation is broken up, as now, by allotments, it would \nseem that the Cheyennes and Arapahoes were entitled to be com- \npensated for these surplus lands. In fact, a commission which \nhas been dealing with the tribes in the Indian Territory has con- \ncluded an arrangement with them by which the Government pays \n$1,500,000 for these surplus lands and for the release of any claim \nto the Cherokee Strip, so that, in fact, in this agreement with the \nCheyennes and Arapahoes, the Government has paid for the lands \nfor which payment is now claimed by the Choctaws and Chickasaws. \n\nIt should not be forgotten, also, that the allotment to the \nCheyennes and Arapahoes is still incomplete. The method of \ncalculation which was resulted in stating the claim of the Choctaws \nand Chickasaws at $2,991,450 is explained by a letter of Mr. J. S. \nStandley, one of the Choctaw delegates, dated April 6, 1891. The \nagent for the Cheyennes and Arapahoes wrote Mr. Standley that \nthere were 600 Indians residing upon the lands south of the Cana- \ndian River, and who it was supposed would take allotments there, \nand upon this statement the legislation was based. Now, it must \nbe borne in mind that the Cheyennes and Arapahoes have the right \nto locate anywhere within their reservation, and that instead of 6o3, \ndouble that number might have taken their allotments south of the \nCanadian River upon these lands. This is not probable, but a later \nreport indicates that the number will certainly be in excess of 600. \nIf the sum to be paid to the Choctaws and Chickasaws depended \nupon a knowledge of the number of acres of unallotted land south \nof the Canadian River, it would seem to have been reasonable that \nthe approijriation should have been delayed imtil the exact number \nof acres taken for allotment had been officially ascertained. This \nhas not yet been done. \n\nIt is right also, I think, that Congress in dealing with this matter \nshould have the whole question before it; for the declaration of \nIndian title contained in this item of appropriation extends to a \nvery large body of land and will in\\-ol\\e \\er\\- large future appro- \npriations. The Choctaw and Chickasaw leased district, embracing \nthe lands in the Indian Territory between the ninety-eighth and one- \nhundredth degrees of west longitude and extending north and south \nfrom the main Canadian River to the Red River, including Greer \nCounty, contains, according to the public surveys, 7,713,239 acres. \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Bcit/\'auiiii Harrison. 193 \n\nor, excluding Greer County, 6,201,663 acres. This leased district \nis occupied as follows: Greer County, by white citizens of Texas, \n1,511,576 acres. The United States is now prosecuting a case in \nthe courts to obtain a judicial declaration that this countv is part \nof the Indian countrs\'. If a decision should be rendered in its favor, \nthe claim of the Choctaws and Chickasaws to be paid for these \nlands at the rate named in this appropriation would at once be \npresented. \n\nThe Wichita Reservation is also upon the leased lands and is \noccupied by the Wichitas, Caddoes, Delawares, and remnants of \nother tribes, by Department orders made to depend upon the treaty \nwith the Delawares in 1866 and some other unratified agreements \nwith tribes or fragments of tribes in 1872. This reservation con- \ntains 743,610 acres. \n\nThe Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache Reservation is occupied by \nthose Indians under a treaty proclaimed August 25, 1868, which \nprovides that said district of country "shall be, and the .same is \nhereby, set apart for the absolute and undisturbed use and occupa- \ntion of the tribes herein named, and for such friendly tribes or \nindi\\\'idual Indians as from time to time they may be willing (with \nthe consent of the United States) to admit among them." This \nreservation contains 2,968,893 acres. \n\nThe Cheyennes and Arapahoes, whose surplus lands are to be \npaid for by this appropriation, have occupied the country between \nthe Washita and Canadian rivers extending west to the one \nhundredth degree of longitude. This reservation contains 2,489, 160 \nacres. \n\nI have stated these facts in order that it may be seen what further \nappropriations are involved in a settlement for all these lands upon \nthe basis which Congress has adopted. It does not seem iu me to \nbe a wise policy to deal with this question piecemeal. It would \nhave been better, if a remnant of title remains in the Choctaws and \nChickasaws to the lands in the leased district, to have settled the \nwhole matter at once. Under the treaty of 1855 the Choctaws \nand Chickasaws quitclaimed any supposed interest of theirs in the \nlands west of the one hundredth degree. The boundary between \nthe Louisiana purchase and the Spanish possessions by our treaty \nof 1S19 with Spain was, as to these lands, fixed upon the one \nhundredth degree of west longitude. \n\nOur treaty with the Choctaws and Chicka.saws, made in 1820, \n\nextended their grant to the limit of our possessions. It followed, of \n\ncourse, that these lands were included within the boundaries of the \n\nState of Texas when that State was admitted to the Union, and the \n\n15151 13 \n\n\n\n194 I\'nblic Papers and Addresses of Beiijaiiiiii /larrison. \n\nrelease of the Choctaws and Chickasaws, whatever it was worth, \noperated for the benefit of the State of Texas and not of the United \nStates. The lands became pnblic lands of that State. For the \nrelease of this claim and for the lease of the lands west of the \nninety-eighth degree the f lOvernment of the United vStates paid the \nsnm of $800,000. In the calcnlations which have been made to \narrive at the basis of the appropriation nnder discnssion, no part of \nthis snni is treated as having been paid for the lease. I do not \nthink that is just to the United States. It seems probable that a \nvery considerable part of this consideration must have related to \nthe leased lands, because these were the lands in which the Indian \ntitle was recognized and the treaty gave to the United States a \npermanent right of occupation by friendly Indians. The sum of \n$300,000, paid nnder the treaty of 1866, is deducted, as I under- \nstand, in arriving at the sum approj^riated. It seems to me that a \nconsiderable proportion of the sum of $800,000 previously paid \nshould have been deducted in the same manner. \n\nI have felt it to be my duty to bring these matters to the attention \nof Congress for such action as may be thought advisable. \n\nBenj. Harrison. \n\nExecutive Mansion, \n\nFebruary //, iSg2. \n\n\n\nTHE COLUMBIAN EXPOSITION. \n\nTo the Senate and House of Representatives: \n\nI transmit herewith for the information of Congress the annual \nreport of the World\'s Columbian Commission, a supplementary \nreport of the same commission, submitted February 16, 1892, the \nreport of the board appointed by me under section 16 of the act of \nApril 25, 1890, to have charge of the exhibit to be made b\\- the \nExecutive Departments, the Smithsonian Institution, the Fish Com- \nmission, and the National Museum, and the report of the Board of \nLady Managers provided for by section 6 of the act referred to. \n\nThe information furnished by these reports as to the progress of \nthe work is not only satisfactory but highly gratifying. The plan \nand scope adopted, and the site and buildings selected and now \nbeing erected, are fully commensurate with the national and inter- \nnational character of the enterprise contemplated by the legislation \nof Congress. The Illinois corporation has fully comi^lied with the \ncondition of the law that #10,000,000 should be provided, and the \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Betijamui Harrison. 195 \n\nGovernment Commission reports that "The o-rounds and buildings \nwill be the most extensive, adequate, and ornate ever devoted \nto such purposes." It seems, however, that from $5,000,000 to \n$8,000,000 more will, in the opinion of the local board and the \nNational Commission, be necessary- to prepare the Exposition for a \ncomplete and successful inauguration. \n\nIt will be noticed from the reports that it was first proposed by \nthe local commission to ask of Congress a loan of $5,000,000, to be \nrepaid from receipts, and that the National Commission approved \nthis suggestion. Subsequently the Illinois Exposition Corporation \nreconsidered its action and determined to ask a subscription of \n$5,000,000. The supplementary report of the National Commission \nseems to approve this amended proposition. I have not myself that \ndetailed information as to the financial necessities of the enterprise \nwhich would enable me to form an independent judgment of the \nadditional amount necessary, and am not therefore prepared to \nmake any specific recommendation to Congress ujiou the subject. \nThe committees of Congress having this matter in charge will \nundoubtedly obtain full and accurate information before final action. \n\nThe Exposition, notwithstanding the limitations which the act \ncontains, is an enterprise to which the United States is so far \ncommitted that Congress ought not, I think, to withhold just and \nreasonable further support, if the local corporation consents to \nproper conditions. \n\nLiberality on the part of the United States is due to the foreign \nnations that have responded in a friendly way to the invitation of \nthis (TO\\-ernmeut to participate in the Exposition and will, I aui \nsure, meet the approval of our people. The Exposition will be one \nof the most illustrious incidents in our civic history. \n\nI transmit also certain resolutions adopted b\\- representatives of the \nNational Guards of the various States, apiaointed by the governors to \nattend a convention which was held in Chicago on the 27th of \nOctober, 1891, with a view to consider the subject of holding a \nmilitary encampment at Chicago during the Exposition, \n\nBenj. Harki.son. \n\nExecutive Mansion, \n\nFebruary ^^, iSg2. \n\n\n\n196 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\n\n\nAPPROPRIATION FOR THE GRAND ARMY OF THE \n\nREPUBLIC. \n\nTo the Senate and House 0/ Representatives : \n\nI transmit herewith a communication from the Board of Commis- \nsioners of the District of Columbia, accompanied by a letter from \nthe chairman of the executive committee organized by the citizens \nof Washington for the reception and entertainment of the Twenty- \nsixth Annual Encampment of the Grand Army of the Republic, \nwhich is to be held in Washington during September next. An \nappeal is made for an appropriation by Congress of $100,000, one- \nhalf to be paid out of the District revenues, to aid in defraying the \nexpenses attending this reception. \n\nThe event is one of very high and, as I believe, of national \ninterest, and the attendance of the surviving Union soldiers will, I \ndo not doubt, be larger than at an>\' annual encampment that has \never been held. The public authorities of the cities or States, or \nboth, in which the encampments have been held have, I believe, \nusually appropriated liberally to make the occasions worth\\- and the \nentertainment hospitable. The parade of the survivors of our great \narmies upon Pennsylvania avenue will bring vividly back to us those \njo) ful and momentous days when the great victorious armies of the \nEast and of the West marched through the streets of Washington \nin high parade and were received by our citizens with joyful acclaim. \nIt seems to me that it will be highly appropriate for Congress \nsuitably to aid in making this demonstration impressive, and in \nextending to those soldiers whose lives a beneficent Providence has \nprolonged an opportunity to see in the security and peace, develop- \nment and prosperity, which now so happily pervade- the national \ncapital, the fruits of their sacrifice and valor. \n\nBenj. Harrison. \n\nExecutive Mansion, \n\nMarch 24, i8g2. \n\n\n\nINTERNATIONAL SILVER CONFERENCE. \n\nTo the Senate: \n\nI have received the resolution of the Senate of April 23, requesting \nthat, if not incompatible with the public interest, I inform the Senate \nwhat steps have been taken towards the securing of an international \nconference to consider the question of the free coinage of silver at \n\n\n\nPublic Papers a>id Addresses of Ben /\'a ui in Harrison. igy \n\nthe mints of the nations participating in snch conference, or as to \ntlie enhirged use of silver in the currency system of said countries, \nand tliat I transmit to the vSenate any correspondence between the \nUnited States and other governments upon the subject, and in \nresponse thereto, beg respectfully to inform the Senate that in m\\ \nopinion it would not be compatible with the public interest to lav \nbefore the Senate at this time the information requested; but that \nat the earliest moment after definite information can properly be \ngiven, all the facts and an)- correspondence that may take place \nwill be submitted to Congress. \n\nIt may not be inappropriate, however, to say here that, believing \nthat the full use oi sih\'er as a coin metal upon an agreed ratio hv \nthe great commercial nations of the world would verv highlv \npromote the prosperity of all their people, I have not and will not \nlet any favorable opportunity pass for the promotion of that most \ndesirable result, or if free international silver coinage is not presently \nattainable, then to secure the largest practicable use of that metal. \n\nBknj. Harrison. \nExecutive MAx.giON, \n\nApril 26, iS()2. \n\n\n\nTHE CULLUM MEMORIAL HALL, WEST POINT. \n\nTo the Senate and House of Representatives: \n\nI transmit herewith a communication of the Secretary of War, \ndated May 24, from which and from the accompauN\'ing papers it \nappears that the late Gen. George W. Culhnn, of the U. S. Army, \nhas b\\- will devised $250,000 to the Government of the United States \nfor the erection of a memorial hall upon the grounds of the Military \nAcademy at West Point, to be used as a " receptacle of statues, \nbusts, mural tablets, and portraits of distinguished deceased officers \nand graduates of the Military Academy, of paintings of battle \nscenes, trophies of war, and such other objects as may tend to give \nelevation to the military profession." \n\nThis ample and patriotic gift is hampered by no conditions and \ninvolves no appropriation be\\\'oud the sum so generouslv donated. \n\nThe executors, in order to facilitate action, have prepared, and \nthe same is herewith submitted, the outline of a bill to carry into \neffect the provisions of General Cullunrs will. \n\nThere can be no occasion to urge upon Congress the immediate \nenactment of a suitable law to carrj\' into effect the patriotic purpose \nexpressed in the will- \n\n\n\nI9<S Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nI suggest that in the bill itself, or by a separate joint resolution, \nsuitable expression be given of the public appreciation of this \ncrowning service to the niilitar}- profession and to his country, \nrendered by General Culluni. \n\nBenj. Harrison. \n\nExecutive Mansion, \n\nMay .35, i8g2. \n\n\n\nRECIPROCAL TRADE WITH CANADA. \n\nTo the Senate of the United States : \n\nThe following resolution was passed by the Senate on the 24th \nday of February last: \n\nResolved, That the President be requested, if in his opinion not incompatible with \nthe public interests, to inform the Senate of the proceedings recently had with the \nrepresentatives of the Dominion of Canada and of the British Government as to \narrangements for reciprocal trade between Canada and the United States. \n\nIn response thereto I now submit the following information : \nOn the 15th day of April last the Secretary of State submitted \nto me a report, which is herewith transmitted. Shortly after the \nreport came into my possession I was advised by the Secretarv \nthat the British minister at this capital had informed him that the \nCanadian Government desired a further conference on the subject \nof the discriminating canal tolls of which this country had com- \nplained. This information was accompanied by the suggestion \nthat a response to the resolution of the Senate might properly be \ndela\\-cd until this further conference was held. \n\nOn the 3d instant the British minister, in connection with Hon. \nMacKenzie Bowell and Hon. George E. Foster, members of the \nCanadian ministry, were received by the Secretary of State, and a \nfurther conference took place. In both of the conferences referred \nto, Hon. John W. Foster, at the request of the Secretary of State, \nappeared with him on behalf of this Government, and the report \nof the latter conference was submitted to me on the 6th instant by \nMr. Foster, and is herewith transmitted. The result of the con- \nference, as to the practicability of arranging a reciprocity treaty \nwith the Dominion of Canada, is clearly stated in the letter of Mr. \nBlaine, and was anticipated, I think, by him and by every other \nthoughtful American who had considered the subject. A reciprocity \ntreaty, limited to the exchange of natural products, would have \nbeen such only in form. The benefits of such a treaty would have \ninured almost wholly to Canada. Previous experiments on this \n\n\n\nPublic Papers ami Addresses of Beujaniin Harrison. i<)9 \n\nline had been unsatisfactory to this Government. A treaty that \nshould be reciprocal in fact, and of mutual advantage, must neces- \nsarily have embraced an important list of manufactured articles, \nand ha\\-e secured to the United States a free or favored introduction \nof these articles into Canada as against the world ; but it was not \nbelieved that the Canadian ministry was ready to propose or assent \nto such an arrangement. The conclusion of the Canadian commis- \nsioners is stated in the report of Mr. Blaine as follows : \n\nIn the second place, it seemed to be impossible for the Canadian Government, in \nview of its present political relations and obligations, to extend to American goods \na preferential treatment over those of other countries. As Canada was a part of the \nBritish Empire, they did not consider it competent for the Dominion Government to \nenter into any commercial arrangement with the United States, from the benefits of \nwhich Great Britain and its colonies should be excluded \n\nIt is not for this Government to argue against this announcement \nof Canadian official opinion. It must l)e accepted, however, I think, \nas the statement of a condition which places an insuperable barrier \nin the wav of the attainment of that large and beneficial intercourse \nand reciprocal trade which might tjtherwise be developed between \nthe United States and the Dominion. \n\nIt will be noticed that ]Mr. Blaine reports as one of the results of \nthe conference "an informal engagement to repeal and abandon \nthe drawback of i8 cents a ton given to wheat (grain) that is carried \nthrough to Montreal and shipped therefrom to Europe. By the \nAmerican raihvavs running from Ogdensburg and Oswego and \nother .\\merican ports the shippers paid the full 20 cents a ton, \nwhile in effect those by the way of Montreal pay only 2 cents. It \nwas understood that the Canadian commissioners, who were all \nthree members of the calnnet, would see to the withdrawal of this \ndiscrimination." \n\nProm the report of the recent conference, by Mr. Foster, it will \nbe seen that the Canadian commissioners declare that this statement \ndoes not conform to their understanding, and that the only assurance \nthey had intended to give was that the complaint of the Govern- \nment of the United States should be taken into consideration by the \nCanadian ministry on their return to Ottawa. Mr. Foster, who was \npresent at the first conference, confirms the statements of Mr. Blaine. \nWhile this misunderstanding is unfortunate, the more serious phase \nof the situation is that, instead of rescinding the discriminating \ncanal tolls of which this Government complains, the Canadian min- \nistry, after the return of the commissioners from their visit to Wash- \nington, on April 4, reissued, without any comminiicatiou with tiiis \nGovernment, the order continuing the di.scriminatiou, by which a \n\n\n\n200 Public Papers and Addresses of Be)ija\xc2\xbbiiii Harrison. \n\nrebate of i8 cents a ton is allowed npoii grain going to Montreal \nbut not to American ports, and refusing this rebate even to grain \ngoing to Montreal if transshipped at any American port. \n\nThe report of Mr. Partridge, the solicitor of the Department of \nState, which accompanies the letter of the Secretary of State, states \nthese discriminations very clearly. That these orders as to canal \ntolls and rebates are in direct violation of article 27 of the treaty of \n187 1 seem to be clear. It is wholly evasive to say that there is no \ndiscrimination between Canadian and American vessels; that the \nrebate is allowed to both without favor, upon grain carried through \nto Montreal, or transshipped at a Canadian port to Montreal. The \ntreaty runs: \n\nTo secure to the citizens of the United States tlie use of the Welland, St. Lawrence, \nand other canals in tlie Dominion on terms of equality with the inhabitants of the \nDominion. \n\nIt was intended to g\'ve to consumers in the United States, to our \npeople engaged in railroad transportation, and to those exporting \nfrom our ports equal terms in passing their merchandise through \nthese canals. This absolute equality of treatment was the considera- \ntion for concessions on the part of this Government made in the same \narticle of the treaty, and which have been faithfully kept. It is a \nmatter of regret that the Canadian Government has not responded \npromptly to our request for the removal of these discriminating \ntolLs. \n\nThe papers submitted show how serious the loss inflicted is upon \nour lake vessels and upon some of our lake ports. In view of the \nfact that the Canadian commissioners still contest with us the claim \nthat these tolls are discriminating, and insist that they constitute no \nviolation of the letter or spirit of article 27 of the treaty, it would \nseem appropriate that Congress, if the view held by the Executive \nis approved, should, with deliberation and )-et with promptness, \ntake such steps as may be necessary to secure the just rights of our \ncitizens. \n\nIn view of the delays which have already taken jilace in trans- \nmitting this correspondence to Congress, I have not felt justified in \nawaiting the further communication from the Government of Canada \nwhich was suggested in the recent conference. \n\nShould any proposition relating to this matter be received, it will \nbe immediately submitted for the consideration of the Senate; and, \nif forwarded within the time suggested, will undoubtedly anticipate \nany final action by Congress. \n\nBenj. Harrison. \n\nExecutive Mansion, \n\nJune 20^ iS()2. \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Plarrison. 201 \n\nADDITIONAL. MESSAGE. \n\nTo tlie Senate : \n\nFor the information of the Senate, and in fnrther response to the \nresolution of tlie Senate of February 24th last, I transmit herewith \na coinmunication of the 24th instant from Mr. Herbert, the acting \nrepresentative of the British Governm_-nt at this capital, addressed \nto Mr. Wharton, acting Secretary of State, upon the subject of the \nCanadian canal tolls; also a memorandum prepared and submitted \nto me by Mr. Adee, Second Assistant Secretary of State, reviewing \nthe communication of Mr. Herbert, and a letter of the 2Sth instant \nfrom Mr. John W. Foster, who, as I have previously stated, with \nMr. Blaine represented this Government in the conferences with \nthe Canadian commissioners. \n\nThe position taken b>\' this Government, as expressed in my \nprevious communication to the Senate, that the canal tolls and \nregulations of which complaint has been made are in \\\'ioIation of \nour treaty with (rreat Britain, is not shaken but rather confirmed. \nThere can be no doubt that a serious discrimination against our \ncitizens and our commerce exists, and quite as little doubt that \nthis discrimination is not the incident but the purpose of Canadian \nregulations. \n\nIt has not seemed to me that this was a case in which we could \nyield to the suggestion of further concessions on the part of the \nUnited States with a view to securing treaty rights for which a \nconsideration has alread\\\' been g-iven. \n\nBenj. Harrison. \n\nExecutive Mansion, \n\nJuly /, iSq2. \n\n\n\nRA.ILWA.Y TRA.NSPORTA.TION THROUGH CANADA. \n\nTo the Senate and House of Representatives : \n\nOn the 23d of July last the following resolution of the House of \nRepresentatives was communicated to me : \n\nRt\'Solv^d, That the President be requested to iiil\'min the Hdusi-, if nut incompatible \nwith the public interests, what regulations are now in force concern ins; the transportation \nof imported merchandise in bond or duty paid or products or manufactures of tlie \nUnited States from one port in the United States over Canadian territory to another port \ntherein, under the provisions of section 3006 of the Revised Statutes; wliether further \nlegislation thereon is necessary or advisable, and especially wliethera careful inspection \nof such merchandise should not be had at the frontiers of the United States upon the \ndeparture and arrival of such merchandise, and whether theinterestsof the United States \ndo not require that each car containing such merchandise, while in Canadian territorv, \nbe in the custody and under the surveillance to be paid by the foreign carrier transporting \nsuch meichandise. \n\n\n\n202 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nThe resolution is limited in its scope to the subject of the transit \nof merchandise from one port in the United States through Canadian \nterritory, to another port in the United States under the provision \nof section 3006 of the Revised Statutes; but I have concluded that a \nreview of our treaty obligations, if any, and of our legislation upon \nthe whole subject of the transit of goods from, to, or through Canada \nis desirable, and therefore address this message to the Congress. \n\nIt should be known, before new legislation is proposed, whether \nthe United States is under any treaty obligations which affect this \nsubject growing out of the provisions of article 29 of the treaty of \nWashington. That article is as follows : \n\nIt is agreed that, for the term of )^ears mentioned in Article xxxin of this treaty, \ngoods, wares, or merchandise arriving at the ports of New Yorlc, Boston, and Port, \nland, and an)\' other ports in the United States which have been or may, from time to \ntime, be especially designated by the President of the United States, and destined for \nHer Britannic Majesty\'s possessions in North America, may be entered at the proper \ncustom-house and conveyed in transit, without the payment of duties, through the \nterritory of the United States, under such rules, regulations, and conditions for the \nprotection of the revenue as the Government of the United States may from time to \ntime prescribe; and under like rules, regulations, and conditions, goods, wares, or \nmerchandise may be conveyed in transit, without the payment of duties, fiom such \npossessions through the territory of the United States for export from the said ports of \nthe United States. \n\nIt is further agreed that, for the like period, goods, wares, or merchandise arriving \nat any of the ports of Her Britannic Majesty\'s possessions in North America and \ndestined for the United States may be entered at the proper custom-house and con- \nvej\'ed in transit, without the payment of duties, through the said possessions, under \nsuch rules and regulations, and conditions for the protection of the revenue, as the \ngovernments of the said possessions may from time to time prescribe; and under like \nrules, regulations, and conditions, goods, wares, or merchandise may be conveyed in \ntransit, without payment of duties, from the United States through the said possessions \nto other places in the United States, or for export from ports in the said possessions. \n\nIt will be noticed that provision is here made \xe2\x80\x94 \n\nFirst. For the transit in bond, without the payment of duties, of \ngoods arriving at specified ports of the United States, and at others \nto be designated by the President, destined for Canada. \n\nSecond. For the transit from Canada to ports of the United States \nwithout the payment of duties of merchandise for export. \n\nThird. For the transit of merchandise arriving at Canadian ports, \ndestined for the United States, through Canadian territory, to the \nUnited States, without the payment of duties to the Dominion \nGovernment. \n\nFourth. For the transit of merchandise from the United States to \nCanadian .ports for export, without the paN\'ineut of duties; \n\nFifth. For the transit of merchandise, without the payment of \nduties, from the United States, through Canada, to other places in \ntlie United States. \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Bcnjaniin Harrison. 203 \n\nThe first and second of these provisions were concessions by tlie \nUnited .States, and were made subject to "such rules, regulations, \nand conditions for the protection of the revenue as the ( Tovernnient \nof the United States may from time to time prescribe." The third, \nfourth, and fifth provisions of the article are concessions on the \npart of the Dominion of Canada, and are made subject "to such \nrules, regulations, and conditions for the protection of the revenue \nas the government of the said possessions may from time to time \nprescribe." The first and second and the third and fourth of these \nprovisions are reciprocal in their nature. The fifth, which provides \nfor the transit of merchandise from one point in the United States, \nthrough Canada, to another point in the United States is not met \nby a reciprocal provision for the passage of Canadian goods from \none point in Canada to another point in Canada through the United \nStates. If this article of the treaty is in force the obligations \nassumed by the United States should be fully and honorably \nobserved until such time as this Government shall free itself from \nthem by methods provided in the treaty or recognized by inter- \nnational law. It is, however, no part of the obligation restingupon \nthe United States under the treaty that it will use the concessions \nmade to it by Canada. This Government would undoubtedlv meet \nits full duty by vielding in an ample manner the concessions made \nb)- it to Canada. There could be no just cause for complaint b\\- \nGreat Britain or Canada if the compensating concession to the \nUnited States should not be exercised. We have not stipulated in \nthe treaty that we will permit merchandi.se to be moved through \nCanadian territory from one point of the United States to anotlier \nat the will of the shipper; the stipulation is on the part of Canada \nthat it will permit such merchandise to enter its territory from the \nUnited States, to pass through it, and to return to the United States \nwithout the exaction of duties and without other burdens than such \nas ma\\- be necessary to protect its re\\enues. \n\nThe questions whether we shall continue-to allow merchandise to \npa.ss from one point in the United States through Canadian territor\\- \nto another point in the United States, and if so to what exactions \nand examinations it shall be subjected on reentering our territory-, \nare wholly within the power of Congress, without reference to the \nquestion whether article 29 is or is not in force. \n\nThe treaty of Washington embraced a number of absolutely inde- \npendent subjects. Its purpose, as recited, was "to provide for an \namicable settlement of all causes of difference between the two \ncountries." It provided for four distinct arbitrations of imsettled \nquestions, including the Alabama claims, for a temporary settle- \n\n\n\n204 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nment of the questions growing out of the fisheries, and for various \narrangements affecting coniinerce and intercourse between the \nUnited States and the British North American possessions. Some \nof its provisions were made terminable by methods pointed out in \nthe treaty. Articles i to 17, inclusive, provide for the settlement \nof the Alabama claims and of the claims of British subjects against \nthe United States, and have been fully executed. Articles 18 to 25, \ninclusive, relate to the subject of the fisheries and provide for a joint \ncommission to determine what indemnity should be paid to Great \nBritain for the fishing privileges conceded. These articles have \nbeen terminated by the notice provided for in the treaty. \n\nArticle 26 provides for the free navigation of the St. Lawrence, \nYukon, Porcupine, and Stickeen rivers. Article 27 provides for \nthe equal use of certain frontier canals and waterways, and contains \nno provision for termination upon notice. Article 28 opens Lake \nIMichigan to the commerce of British subjects, under proper regu- \nlations, and contains a provision for its abrogation, to which \nreference will presently be made. Article 30 provides for certain \nprivileges of transshipment on the lakes and northern waterways \nand contains the same provision as article 29 as to the method by \nwhich it may be terminated. Article 31 provides for the nonimpo- \nsition of a Canadian export duty on lumber cut in certain districts \nin Maine and floated to the sea by the St. Johns River, and contains \nno limitation as to the time and no provision for its abrogation. \nArticle 32 extended to Newfoimdland, in the event of proper legis- \nlation by that province, the fishery provisions of articles 18 to 25, \nand was, of course, abrogated with those articles. Article 33, \nwhich provides a method for the abrogation of certain articles \nof the treaty, I will presently quote at length. The remaining \narticles of the treaty, namely, 35 to 42, provide for the arbitration \nof the dispute as to the \\\'ancouver Island and De Haro Channel \nboundary, and have been fully executed. Articles 18, 19, 21, 28, \n29, and 30 each contain a provision limiting their life to "the tenn \nof years mentioned in article 33 of this treaty." The articles \nbetween 18 and 30, inclusive, which do not contain this provision, \nare those that provide for an arbitration of the fishery question, \nwhich were, of course, terminable by the completion of the arbi- \ntration, article 26 relating to the navigation of the St. Lawrence \nand other rivers, and article 27 relating to the use of the canals. \nThe question whether article 29 is still in force depends, so far as \nthe construction of the treaty goes, upon the meaning of the words \n"the term of years mentioned in article t,^)-^\'\' That article is as \nfollows: \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Benjainin Harrison. 205 \n\nThe foregoing Articles xvili to xxv, inclusive, and Article xxx of this treaty shall \ntake effect as soon as the laws required to carry them into operation shall have been \npassed by the Imperial Parliament of (ire. it Britain, by the Parli.inunt of Canada, and \nby the legislature of Prince Edward\'s Island on the one hand, and by the Congress of \nthe United States on the other. Such assent having been given, the said articles shall \nremain in force for the period of ten years from the date at which tlicy may come into \noperation; and further until the expiration of two years after either of llie high con- \ntracting parties shall have given notice to the other of its wish to terminate the same; \neach of the high contracting parties being at liberty to give such notice to the other at \nthe entl of the sai(.l period of ten years or at an\\\' time afterward. \n\nThe question of construction here presented is, whether the refer- \nence to "the term of years mentioned in article 33" is to be con- \nstrued as limiting the continuance of article 29 to the duration of \narticles 18 to 25 and 30, in such a way that the abrogation of those \narticles necessarih\' carried with it the other articles of the treat^\xe2\x96\xa0 \nwhich contained the reference to article ;i^;i^ already quoted, or \nwhether the reference to this "term of years" in articles 28 and \n29 was intended to provide a method of abrogation after ten years \nfrom the time of their taking effect, viz, a notice of two years of \nan intention to abrogate. The language of the treaty, considered \nalone, might support the conclusion that article },}, was intended to \nprovide a uniform method of abrogation for certain other articles. \nIt will be noticed that the treaty does not expressly call for legis- \nlation to put article 29 into operation. Senator Edmunds, in the \ndiscussion in the Senate of the joint resolution terminating the \nfisheries article, took the view that no legislation was necessarv. \nIt seems to me, however, that such legislation was necessar\\-, and \nCongress acted upon this view in the law of 1873, to which refer- \nence will presently be made. An examination of the discussion \nbetween the plenipotentiaries who framed the treaty furnishes this \nentry which President Cle\\-eland thought to be conclusive of the \nintention of the plenipotentiaries, viz: \n\nThe tr.msit question was discussed aird it was agreed that anv settlement that might \nbe made should include a reciprocal arrangement in that respect for the jieriod for \nwhich the fishery articles should be in force. \n\nOn March i, 1S73, Congress passed an act entitled "An act to \ncarry into effect the provisions of the treaty between the ITnited \nStates and Great Britain, signed in the city of Washington the 8th \nday of May, 1871, relating to the fisheries." The act consisted of \nfive sections, the first and .second of which provided for carrying \ninto effect the provisions of the treaty "relating to the fisheries." \nThe fourth section provided for carr\\ing into effect section 30 of \nthe treaty. The.se three sections furnished the legislation contem- \nplated by article 2,^^ of the treaty to carry into effect articles 18 to \n\n\n\n2o6 liiblic Papers and Addresses nf Ihiijaiiiin Harrisuii. \n\n25 and 30. The act, however, went further, as will be seen by an \nexamination of section 3, which is as follows: \n\nThat from the diia- of the Picsidt-nt\'s proclamation authorized by the first section of \nthis act, and so long as the articles eighteenth to twenty-fifth, inclusive, and article \nthirtieth of said treaty, shall remain in force, according to the terms and conditions of \narticle thirty-third of said treaty, all goods, wares or merchandise arriving at the ports \nof New York, Boston, and Portland, and any other ports in the United States which \nhave been, or may, from time to time, be specially designated by the President of the \nUnited States and destined for Her Britannic Majesty\'s possessions in North America, \nmay be entered at the proper custom-house and conve}\'ed in transit, without the payment \nof duties, through the territory of the United States, under such rules, regulations, \nand conditions for the protection of the revenue as the Secretary of the Treasury may. \nfrom time to time, prescribe; and, under like rules, regulations, and conditions, \ngoods, wares, or merchandise, may be conveyed in transit, without the payment of \nduties, for such possessions, through the territory of the United States, for export from \nthe said ports in the United States. \n\nIt will be noticed that provision is here made for carrying into \neffect the two provisions of article 29, which I have already char- \nacterized as the concessions on the part of the United States, \nnamely, the passage, duty free, from certain designated ports of the \nUnited States to Canada of imported goods and the passage, duty \nfree, to ports of the United States of Canadian goods for export. \nSection 3 of the law of 1873, which I have quoted, however, con- \ntains a legislative construction of article 29 of the treaty, in the \nlimitation that the provisions therein contained as to the transit of \ngoods should continue in force only so long as articles 18 to 25, \ninclusive, and 30 of the treaty should remain in force. \n\nOn March 3, 1883, Congress passed a joint resolution entitled as \nfollows: "Joint resolution providing for the termination of articles \nnumbered 18 to 25, inclusive, and article numbered 30 of the treaty \nbetween the United States and Her Britannic Majesty, concluded \nat Washington May 8, 1871." \n\nThe resolution provided for the giving of notice of the abrogation \nof the articles of the treaty named in the title and of no others. \nSection 3 contained the following provision: \n\nAnd the act of Congress approved March i, anno Domini, 1873, entitled etc., so far \nas it relates to the articles of said treaty so to be terminated, shall be and stand \nrepealed and of no force on and after the time of the expiration of said two years. \n\nAn examination of the debates at the time of the passage of this \njoint resolution very clearly shows that Congress made an attempt \nto save article 29 of the treaty and section 3 of the act of 1873. In \nthe Senate, on the 29th of February, 1883, the resolution being \ninider consideration, several Senators, including Mr. Edmunds, the \nchairman of the Judiciary Committee, expressed the opinion that \narticle 29 would not be affected by the abrogation of articles 18 to \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and ^Iddrcsscs of Boijaniiii Harrison. 207 \n\n25 and 30, and an amendment was made to the resolution with a \nview to leave section 3 of the act of 1873 in force. The same view \nwas taken in the debates in the House. \n\nThe subject a.;ain came before Congress in connection with the \nconsideration of a bill (S. 3173) to authorize the President of the \nUnited States to protect and defend tlie rights of American fishing \nvessels, American fishermen, Ameiic.ui trading and other vessels, \nin certain cases, and for other purposes.\'\' \n\nIn the course of the debate upon the bill in the Senate, January \n24, 1887, and in thj House February 23, following, the prevailing \nopinion was, though not without some dissent, that article 29 was \nstill in force. \n\nOn the 6th day of July, 18S7, in response to an iuquir\\- b\\- the \nSecretary of the Treasury-, Mr. Bayard wrote a letter, a copy of \nwhich accompanies this message, in which he expresses the opinion \nthat article 29 of the treaty was unaffected by the abrogation of the \nfisheries articles and was still in force. In August, 1888, however, \nMr. Cleveland, in a message to Congress, expressed his opinion of \nthe question in the following language. \n\nIn any event, and wliclher the law of 1S73 construes the treaty or governs it, section \n2Q of such treaty, 1 have no doubt, terminated with the proceedings taken by our \nGovernment to terminate articles iS to 25 inclusive, and article 30 of the treaty. \n\xe2\x96\xa0* * * If by an^\' language used in the joint resolution it was intended to relieve \nsection 3 of the act of 1S73, emljodying article 29 (if the treaty, from its own limitations \nor to save the article itself, I am entirely satisfied that the intention miscarried. \n\nI have asked the opinion of the Attorney-General upon this \nquestion, and his answer accompanies this message. He is of the \nopinion that article 29 has been abrogated. \n\nIt should be added that the United States has continuously, \nthrough the Treasury Department, conducted our trade intercour.se \nwith Canada as if article 29 of the treaty and section 3 of the act of \n1873 remained in force, and that Canada has continued to yield in \npractice the concessions made by her in that article. No change in \nour Treasury methods was made following Mr. Cleveland\'s message \nfrom which I have quoted. I am inclined to think that, using the \naids which the ]:irotocol and the nearly contemporaneous legislation \nby Congress in the act of 1873 furnish in construing the treat)\', the \nbetter opinion is that article 29 of the treaty is no longer operative. \nThe enactment of section 3 of the act of 1873 was a clear declara- \ntion that legislation was necessary to put article 29of the treaty into \noperation, and that under the treaty our obligation to provide such \nlegislation terminated whenever articles 18 to 25 and 30 should be \nabrogated. This legislation was accejited by Great Britain as a \n\n\n\n2o8 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\ncompliance with our obligations under the treaty. No objection \nwas made that our statute treated article 29 as having force only so \nlong as the other articles named were in force. \n\nBut the question whether article 29 is in force has less practical \nimportance than has been supposed; for it does not, if in force, place \nany restraints upon the United States as to the method of dealing \nwith imported merchandise destined for the United States arriving \nat a Canadian port for transportation to the United States, or of \nmerchandise passing through Canadian territory from one place in \nthe United States to another. It would be no infraction, either of \nthe letter or of the spirit of the treaty, if we should stop, unload, \nand carefully inspect every vehicle arriving at our border with such \nmerchandise. Nor, on the other hand, would Canada violate her \nobligations under the treaty by a like treatment of merchandise \nimported through the port of New York on its arrival in Canada. \nNeither Government has placed itself under an}\' restraint as to \nmerchandise intended for the use of its own people when such \nmerchandise comes within its own territory. The question, there- \nfore, as to how we shall deal with merchandise imported by our own \npeople through a Canadian port, and with merchandise passing from \none place in the United States to another through Canadian terri- \ntory, is wholly one of domestic polic\\\' and law. \n\nI turn now to consider the legislation of Congress upon this \nsubject, upon which, as it seems to me, the duties of the Treasury \nand the rights of our people as to those phases of the transportation \nquestion to which I have just alluded wholly depend. Sections \n3005 and 3006 of the Revised Statutes, which are taken from the \nact of July 28, 1866, entitled "An act to protect the revenue, and \nfor other purposes" (14 Stat. L., 328), are as follows: \n\nSec. 3005. All merchandise arriving at the ports of New York, Boston, Portland \nin Maine, or any other port specially designated by the Secretary of the Treasury, and \ndestined for places in the adjacent British provinces, or arriving at the port of (Point \nIsabel) (Brownville) in Texas, or any other port specially designated by the Secretary \nof the Treasury, and destined for places in the Republic of Mexico, may be entered at \nthe custom-house, and conveyed, in transit, through the territory of the United States, \nwithout the payment of duties, under such regulations as the Secretary of the Treasury \nmay prescribe. \n\nSec. 3006. Imported merchandise in bond, or duty paid, and products or manufac- \ntures of the United States, may, with the consent of the proper authorities of the British \nprovinces or Republic of Mexico, be transported from one port in the United States to \nanother port therein, over the territory of such provinces or Republic, by such routes, \nand under such rules, regulations and conditions as the Secretary of the Treasury may \nprescribe, and the merchandise so transported shall, upon arrival in the United States \nfrom such provinces or Republic, be treated in regard to the liability to or exemption \nfrom duty, or tax, as if the transportation had taken place entirely within the limits of \nthe United States. \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Beii/aimii Harrison. 209 \n\nSection 3102 of tlie Revised Statutes is also related to this subject \nand is as follows: \n\nTo avoid the inspection at the first port of arrival, the owner, agent, master, or con- \nductor of any such vessel, car, or other vehicle, or owner, agent, or other person having \ncharge of any such merchandise, baggage, effects, or other articles, may apply to any \nofficer of the United States duly authorized to act in the premises, to seal or close the \nsame, under and according to the regulations hereinafter authorized, previous to their \nimportation into the United States; which officer shall seal or close the same accord- \ningly; whereupon the same may proceed to their port of destination without further \ninspection. Every such vessel, car, or other vehicle, shall proceed, without unneces- \nsary delay, to the port of its destination, as named in the manifest of its cargo, freight, \nor contents, and be there inspected. Nothing contained in this section shall be con- \nstrued to exempt such vessel, car, or vehicle, or its contents, from such examination \nas may be necessary and proper to prevent frauds upon the revenue and violations of \nthis title. \n\nIt will be noticed that section 3005 does not provide for the transit \nof merchandise through our territory from Canada to ports of the \nUnited States for export, nor have I been able to iind any other law \nnow in force that does provide for such transit. It would seem, \ntherefore, that, as to this concession made by the United States in \narticle 29 of the treaty, legislation to put it into force was necessar>- \nand that there is no such legislation, unless section 3 of the act of \n1873 was saved h\\ the amendment to the joint resolution abrogating \nthe fisheries articles and article 30, limiting the repeal to so much \nof said act as "relates to the articles of said treaty so to be termi- \nnated." The joint resolution certainly did not repeal section 3, \nand if that section has ceased to be operative it is by virtue of the \nlimitation contained in the section itself. I think it did expire by \nits own express limitation. \n\nThe cpiestion has presented itself whether section 3 of the act of \n1873 (R. S. 2S66) repealed by implication that section of the act \nof July, 1866, which is now section 3005 of the Rcvi.sed Statutes; \nbut I am of the opinion that the last-named section was not repealed. \nSection 3 of the act of 1873 was expressly intended to carry into \neffect a treaty obligation and was limited as to time. It contained \nno express repeal of the act of 1866; and, while its provisions were \nbroader than the last-named act, they were not inconsistent, save \nin the provision that while the act of 1873 was in force the additional \nports in the United States at which Canadian goods might be \nreceived were to be designated by the President, whereas under the \nact of 1866 the designation was by the Secretary of the Treasury. \nThe last-named act related also to intercourse with Mexico and I \nthink was unaffected by the act of 1S73. \n\nIt will be seen that the law permits merchandi.se arriving at the \nports of New York, Boston, Portland in Maine, and at other ports \n15151 11 \n\n\n\n2IO Public Papers and Addresses of Ben/aiiiiii Harrison. \n\nspecially designated \\>\\ the Secretary of the Treasury, for places in \nthe adjacent British provinces, to be entered at the custom-house \nof the port where it is landed and conveyed through the territory \nof the United States without the payment of duty, under regula- \ntions to be prescribed by the Secretary of the Treasury. As these \ngoods come immediately and fully under the inspection of our \ncustoms officers at the principal ports, are entered there and remain \nuntil they cross our border into Canada, fully under our supervision, \nthere is little or no danger involved to our revenue. The regula- \ntions prescribed by the Treasur)\' for conducting this traffic seem \nto me to be adequate. \n\nAs to merchandise imported into the United States from a con- \ntiguous foreign country, it is provided by section 3102 that the \ninspection at the first port of arrival in the United States may be \navoided if the \\ehicle in which the same arrives has been sealed or \nclosed by some officer of the United vStates duly authorized at some \npoint in the contiguous country. When the act of closing or seal- \ning conformably to the regulations of the Treasury has been effected \nthe car or other vehicle may proceed withotit unnecessary delay to \nthe port of its destination, as named in the manifest of its cargo, \nfreight or contents, and be there inspected. This jjrivilege, how- \never, is subject to such examination at the point of entry to the \nUnited States as may be necessary to prevent fraud. It is important \nto be noticed that the merchandise to which this section refers is \ndescribed in section 3100 as merchandise, etc., "imported into the \nUnited States from any contiguous foreign country. " A practice \nhas grown up, and a traffic of considerable dimensions under it, \nof allowing merchandise from China and Japan, purchased and \nimported from those countries by our own citizens, and landed at \nports in the Dominion of Canada to be there loaded into cars wdiich, \nbeing sealed by an officer of the United States or some one supposed \nto rejiresent him, are forwarded through the territory of Canada \nacross the entire continent, and allowed to cross our frontier without \nother inspection than an examination of the seals. The real fact is \ntliat the American consul can not and does not either compare the \nmanifest with the contents of the cars or attach the seals. The \nagents of the transportation companies are furnished by the consul \nwith the seals and place them upon the cars. The practice of seal- \ning such merchandise, notwithstanding it has been allowed by the \nTreasury for some years, I think is unauthorized. Such merchan- \ndise is not imported from a " contiguous country," but from China \nor Japan. \n\nIt has never become subject to the Canadian revenue laws as an \n\n\n\nPtiblic Papers and Addresses of Bcujauiiii Harrison. 211 \n\nimportation from Japan to Canada, but by force of the treaty or by \nthe courtesy of that Government has been treated as subject to the \nrevenue laws of the United States from the time of landing at the \nCanadian port. Our Treasury seal has been placed upon it; Canada \nonly gives it passage. It is no more an importation from Canada \nthan is a train load of wheat that starts from Detroit and is trans- \nported through Canada to another port of the United States. \nSection 3102 was enacted in 1S64, two years before sections 3005 \nand 3006, and could not have had reference to the later methods of \nimporting merchandise through one country to the other. \n\nThe practice to which I have referred not only equalizes the \nadvantages of Canadian seaports with our own in the importation \nof goods for our domestic consumption, but makes the Canadian \nports favored ports of entry. The detentions under this system at \nthe Canadian ports are less than when the merchandise is landed at \na port of the United States to be forwarded in bond to another port \ntherein. Full effect should be given to section 3102 as to merchan- \ndise imported into the United States from Canada, so far as the \nappropriations enable the Treasury- to provide the officers to do the \nwork of closing and sealing. It will, however, be required that all \nthis kind of work be done, and carefully done, by an officer of the \nUnited vStates, and that the duty shall in no case be delegated to \nthe employes of the transportation companies. The considerations \nthat it is quite doubtful whether a fraud committed in Canada by \none of our agents upon our revenue would be punishable jn our \ncourts, and that such a fraud committed by anyone else certainly \nwould not be, and tliat, even if such acts are made penal by our \nstatutes, the criminal would be secure against extradition seem to \nme to be conclusive against the policy of attempting to maintain \nsuch revenue agents in Canadian territory. \n\nI come now to discuss another element of this international traffic, \nnamely, the transportation of merchandise from one "port" in the \nUnited States to another "port" therein, over the territory of \nCanada. This traffic is enormous in its dimensions and very great \ninterests have grown up in the United States in connection with it. \nSection 3006 authorizes this traffic, subject to "such rules, regula- \ntions and conditions as the Secretary of the Treasury may prescribe." \nBut the important limitation is from "port" to "port." Section \n3007 of the Revised Statutes, which exempts sealed cars from certain \nfees, preserves the terms of the preceding section, from "port" to \n"port." It seems to me that sections 3006 and 3007 contemplate \nthe delivery of sealed cars at a "port " of the United States, there \nto be examined by a revenue officer, and their contents verified. \n\n\n\n212 Public Papers and Addresses of Bciijaiiiin Harrison. \n\nBut in practice the car, if the seal is found at the border to be intact, \nis passed to places not "ports " and is opened and unloaded by the \nconsignee, no officer being present. The bill or manifest accompa- \nnying the merchandise and the unbroken seal on the car may furnish \nprima facie evidence that the amount and kind of merchandise named \nin the manifest and said to be contained in the car came from a port \nin the United States, but certainly it was not intended that the \nmerchandise should go to the owner without an official ascertain- \nment of the correspondence between the bill and the actual contents \nof the car. \n\nI pass at this point any discussion of the question whether as a \nnational policy this traffic should be promoted. It is enough to say \nthat as the law stands it is authorized between "ports" of the \nUnited States, and that the niles, regulations, and conditions to be \nprescribed by the Secretary of the Treasury must not, in view of \nthis declaration of the legislative will, be further restrictive of the \ntraffic than may reasonably be necessary to protect the revenues of \nthe United States. In determining whether further regulations are \nreasonably necessary to prevent frauds against our revenue it is not \nconclusive, at least, to say that frauds against the revenue under \nthe existing system have not been discovered. The question is, \nare the regulations such as to provide proj^er safeguards against \nfraud, or are they such as to make fraud eas)- to those who have the \ndisposition to commit it? If all cars carrying this merchandise are \ncarefully and honestly inspected at the point of lading and are \nsecurely closed during the transit the revenue would be secure, for \nthe proper lading of these cars is not subject to duty. Frauds can \nonly be perpetrated by introducing products not subject to free \nentry. In practice, the seals and locks provided by the Treasury \nDepartment do not give security that these cars in the long transit \nin which they are free from observation by officers of the revenue \nmay not be opened and dutiable merchandise added. The duplica- \ntion of the seals used, composed of wire and lead, is easy, and the \nopening of locks scarcely less .so. If, however, the cars, when they \narrive in the United States, either at the point where our boundary \nis crossed or at some other port of the United States, were subject \nto the inspection of a revenue officer before delivery to the consignee \nor owner, the manifest could be verified. The inspection, however, \nis now limited to an examination of the lock or seal. The car is \nnot weighed or opened to verify its contents. I do not think this \nis an adequate protection against the surreptitious introduction into \nthe cars, while on foreign territory, of dutiable articles. It will be \nseen by the letter of the Secretary of the Treasury that grain, tlie \nproduct of the United States, is now largely transported in American \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Beujaniiu Harrison. 213 \n\nvessels to Canadian lake ports, and after being there placed in \nelevators is sent east in cars sealed b}- agents of the Treasnry. \n\nNo observation is taken of this grain nntil its arrival in Canada \nwhere only the anionnt and grade are noted by a Treasnry agent, \nand a like anionnt in grade and qnantity ( thongh it may be not the \nidentical grain) is by snch agent billed and sealed in cars for carriage \nto the United States. I do not find any statnte anthorizing this \npractice. Section 3006, which authorizes this interstate trade \nthrough Canada, is limited to merchandise passing from "port" to \n"port" of the United States, and plainly means that such merchan- \ndise shall be taken up by our revenue officers at a " port" of the \nUnited States as a starting point. \n\nThe following are the conclusions at which I have arrived: \n\nFirst. That article 29 of the treaty of Washington has been \nabrogated. \n\nSecond. That even if this article were in force there is no law in \nforce to execute it. \n\nThird. That when in force the treaty imposed no obligation upon \nthe United States to use the concessions as to transit made by \nCanada, and no limitation upon the powers of the United States in \ndealing with merchandise imported for the use of our citizens \nthrough Canadian ports or passing from one place in the United \nStates to another through Canada, upon the arrival of such \nmerchandi.se at our border. \n\nFourth. That, therefore, treaty or no treaty, the question of \n.sealino- cars containing: such merchandise and the treatment of such \nsealed cars when they cross our border is, and always has been, one \nto be settled by our laws according to our convenience and our \ninterests as we may see them. \n\nFifth. That the law authorizing the sealing of cars in Canada, \ncontaining foreign merchandise imported from a contiguous coun- \ntr\\\', does not apply to merchandise imported by our own people from \ncountries not contiguous and carried through Canada for delivery to \nsuch owners. \n\nSixth. That the law did not contemplate the passing of sealed \ncars to anyplace not a "port," nor the delivery of such cars to the \nowner or consignee to be opened by him without the supervision of \na revenue officer. \n\nSeventh. That such a practice is inconsistent with the safety of \nthe revenue. \n\nThe statutes relating to the transportation of merchandise between \nthe United States and the British Possessions should be the suliject \nof revision. The Treasury regulations have given to these laws a \nconstruction and a scope that I do not think was contemplated by \n\n\n\n214 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nCongress. A policy adapted to the new conditions growing in part \nout of the construction of the Canadian Pacific Railroad should \nbe declared, and the business placed upon a basis more just to our \npeople and to our transportation companies. If we continue the \npolicy of supervising rates and requiring that they shall be equal \nand reasonable upon the railroads of the United States, we cannot \nin fairness at the same time give these unusual facilities for compe- \ntition to Canadian roads that are free to pursue the practices as to cut \nrates and favored rates that we condemn and punish if practiced by \nour own railroads. \n\nI regret that circumstances prevented an earlier examination by \nme of these questions, but submit now these views in the hope that \nthey may lead to a revision of the laws upon a safer and just basis. \n\nI transmit herewith the correspondence between the Secretary of \nthe Treasury and the Attorney-General upon some phases of this \nquestion. \n\nBenj. Harrison. \n\nExecutive Mansion, \n\nFebruary 2, i8gj. \n\n\n\nANNEXATION OF THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. \n\nTo the Senate : \n\nI transmit herewith, with a view to its ratification, a treaty of \nannexation concluded on the 14th day of February, 1893, between \nJohn W. Foster, Secretary of State, who was duly empowered to \nact in that behalf on the part of the United States, and Lorrin A. \nThurston, W. R. Castle, W. C. Wilder, C. L. Carter, and Joseph \nMarsden, the commissioners on the part of the Government of the \nHawaiian Islands. The provisional treaty, it will be obser\\\'ed, does \nnot attempt to deal in detail with the questions that grow out of \nthe annexation of the Hawaiian Islands to the United States. The \ncommissioners representing the Hawaiian Government have con. \nsented to leave to the future and to tlie just and benevolent purposes \nof the United States the adjustment of all such questions. \n\nI do not deem it necessary to discuss at any length the conditions \nwhich have resulted in this decisive action. It has been the policy \nof the administration not only to respect but to encourage the \ncontinuance of an independent government in the Hawaiian Islands \nso long as it afforded suitable guaranties for the protection of life \nand property, and maintained a stability and strength that gave \nadequate security against the domination of any other power. The \nmoral support of this Government has continually manifested it.self \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Beii/aiiiiii Harrison. 215 \n\nin the most frieiKllydiploinaticrelatioiis and in many acts of courtesy \nto the Hawaiian rulers. \n\nTlie overthrow of the monarchy was not iu any wav promoted \nby this Government, l)ut had its origin in what seems to have been \na reactionary and revohitionary policy on the part of Queen \nLiliuokalani which put in serious peril not onlv the large and \npreponderating interests of the United States in the islands, but all \nforeign interests, and indeed the decent administration of civil \naffairs and the peace of the islands. It is quite evident that the \nmonarchy had become effete and the Queen\'s government so weak \nand inadequate as to be the prey of designing and unscrupulous \npersons. The restoration of Queen Liliuokalani to her throne is \nundesirable, if not impos-ible, and unless actively supported by the \nUnited States would be accompanied by serious disaster and the \ndisorganization of all business interests. The influence and interest \nof the United States in the islands must be increased and not \ndiminished. \n\nOnly two courses are now open \xe2\x80\x94 one the establishment of a pro- \ntectorate by the United States, and the other annexation full and \ncomplete. I think the latter course, which has been adopted in the \ntreaty, will be highly promotive of the best interests of the Hawaiian \npeople, and is the only one that will adequateh- secure the interests \nof the United States. These interests are not wholly selfish. It is \nessential that none of the other great powers shall secure these \nislands. Such a possession would not consist with our safety and \nwith the peace of the world. This view of the situation is so \napparent and conclusive that no protest has been heard from any \ngovernment against proceedings looking to annexation. Every \nforeign representative at Honolulu promptly acknowledged the \nProvisional Government, and I think there is a general concurrence \nin the opinion that the deposed Queen ought not be restored. \n\nPrompt action upon this treaty is very desirable. If it meets the \napproval of the Senate, peace and good order will be secured in the \nislands under existing laws until such time as Congress can provide \nby legislation a permanent form of government for the islands. Tliis \nlegislation should be, and I do not doubt will be, not only just to \nthe natives and all other residents and citizens of the islands, but \nshould be characterized by great liberality and a high regard to the \nrights of all people and of all foreigners domiciled there. The \ncorrespondence which accompanies the treaty will put the Senate \nin possession of all the facts known to the Executive. \n\nBenj. H.A.RRISON. \nExecutive M.vnsion, \n\nWashington^ Feb. 7^5, iS(^j. \n\n\n\n2i6 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \nVETO MESSAGES. \n\nTHE DEBT OF OGDEN, UTAH. \n\nTo the House of Representatives: \n\nI return herewith without my approval the bill (H. R. 7170) \n"to authorize the city of Ogden, Utah, to assume an increased \nindebtedness. \' \' \n\nThe purpose and effect of this bill is to relieve the city of Ogden \nfrom the limitation imposed by the act of July 30, 1886, upon all \nmunicipal corporations in the Territories as to the indebtedness \nwhich they may lawfully contract. The general law fixes the limit \nof 4 per cent upon the last assessment for taxation ; this bill extends \nthe limit as to the city of Ogden to 8 per cent. The purposes for \nwhich this legislation is asked are not peculiar or exceptional. They \nrelate to schools, street improvements, and to sewerage, and are \ncommon to every prosperous and growing town and city. If the \nargument by which this measure is supported is adopted, the con- \nclusion should be a repeal or modification of the general law. But \nin my opinion the limitation imposed by the act of 1886 is wise and \nwholesome and should not be relaxed. \n\nThe report of the governor of Utah for 1889 states the population \nof Ogdeu to be 15,000, the valuation for taxation $7,000,000, and \nthe existing indebtedness $100,000. It will be noticed that under \nthe existing limit the city has power to increase its indebtedness \n$180,000, which would seem to be enough to make a good beginning \nin the construction of sewers, while the cost of street improvements \nis usually met in large part by direct assessment upon the property \nbenefited. \n\nIt is assumed in the report of the House committee that any city \n\nin the States similarly situated "would have the making of the \n\nneeded improvements within its own power," while the fact is that \n\nalmost all of our States have, either by their constitutions or statutes, \n\nlimited the power to municipal corporations to incur indebtedness, \n\nand the limit is generally lower than that fixed by the act regulating \n\nthis matter in the Territories. A large city debt retards growth and \n\nin the end defeats the purpose of those who think by mortgaging \n\nthe future to attract population and property. I do not doubt that \n\nthe citizens of Ogden will ultimately realize that the creation of a \n\nmunicipal debt of over a half million dollars by a city of 15,000 \n\npopulation \xe2\x80\x94 being about $37 per capita \xe2\x80\x94 is unwise. \n\nBenj. Harrison. \nExecutive Mansion, \n\nApril 26, i8go. \n\n\n\nPublic Papi-rs aiic/ Addresses of Bciijainin Harrison. 217 \n\nPUBLIC BUILDING AT DALLAS, TEXAS. \n\nI return witliout my approval the bill (H. R. 848) "to authorize \nthe construction of an addition to the building in Dallas, Texas." \n\nThe bill authorizes the construction of a wing or addition to the \npresent public building at a cost of $200,000. I find that the bill as \noriginally introduced by the member representing the Congre.ssional \ndistrict in which Dallas is situated fixed $100,000 as the limit of the \nproposed expenditure; and it was so reported from the Committee \non Public Buildings and Grounds, after conferring with the Super- \nvising Architect of the Treasury. A bill of the same tenor was \nintroduced in the Senate by one of the vSenators from the State \nfixing the same limit of expenditure. \n\nThe public building at Dallas for which a first appropriation of \n$75,000 was made in 1882, subsequently increased to $125,000, was \nonly completed in 18S9. It is probably inadequate now to the \nconvenient transaction of business, chiefly in that part assigned to \nthe Post-Office Department. The material and architectural style \nof any addition is fi.xed by the present building and its ground area \nby the available, unoccupied space, as no provision is made for bu\\-- \ning additional ground. The present building is 85 by 56 feet, and \nMr. John S. Witwer, the postmaster, and the custodian of the build- \ning, writing to the Supervising Architect, advises that to meet the \npresent and prospective needs of the Government, an addition at \nleast two-thirds as large as the present building .should be provided. \nIt will be seen from the following extract from a letter of the Super- \nvising Architect to the chairman of the Senate Committee on Public \nBuildings and Grounds, dated February 17, 1890, that a building \nlarger than that suggested can be erected within the limit of $100,000. \nHe says: \n\nFrom computations m.ide in tliis otTicc based upon data received, it is found tliat an \nextension or wing about 40 by S5 feet in dimensions, three stories hifrh with basement, \ngiving 3,400 square feet in addition to the 4,760 square feet of the first-floor area of the \nbuilding, of fireproof construction, can be erected on the present site witliin the limit \nof cost proposed by said bill, viz, $100,000. \n\nIt may be possible that an expenditure of $325,000 for a public \nbuilding at Dallas, if the questions of site, material, and architecture \nwere all undetermined, could be defended, but under existing condi- \ntions I do not see how an appropriation of $200,000 can be justified, \nwhen one-half that smn is plainly adequate to such relief as the \npresent site allows. \n\nThe legislation for the erection of public buildings has not \nproceeded, so far as I can trace it, upon any general rules. Neither \npopulation nor the extent of the public business transacted has \n\n\n\n2i8 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nalways indicated the points where public buildings should first be \nbuilt, or the cost of the structures. It can not be expected that, in \nthe absence of some general law, the coniuiittees of Congress having \ncharge of such matters will proceed in their recommendations upon \nstrict or equal lines. The bills are individual, and if comparisons \nare attempted the necessary element of probable future growth is \nmade to cover all apparent inequalities. It will be admitted, I am \nsure, that only a public need should suggest the expenditure of the \npublic money, and that, if all such needs can not be at once supplied, \nthe most general and urgent should have the preference. \n\nI am not unfriendly to a liberal annual expenditure for the erection \nof public buildings, where the safe and convenient transaction of the \npublic business demand it, and the state of the revenues will permit. \nIt would be wiser, in my opinion, to build more and less costly \nhouses, and to fix, by general law, the amount of the annual expen- \nditure for this purpose, and some order of preference between the \ncities asking for public buildings. \n\nBut in view of the pending legislation looking to a very large \nreduction of our revenues, and of the urgency and necessity of a \nlarge increase in our expenditures in certain directions, I am of the \nopinion that appropriations for the erection of public buildings and \nall kindred expenditures should be kept at the minimum until the \neffect of other probable legislation can be accurately measured. \n\nThe erection of a public building is largely a matter of local \ninterest and convenience, while expenditures for enlarged relief and \nrecognition to the soldiers and sailors of the war for the preservation \nof the Union, or necessary coast defenses, and for the extension of \nour commerce with other American States are of universal interest, \nand involve considerations, not of convenience, but of justice, honor, \nsafety, and general prosperity. \n\nBenj. H.\\rrison. \n\nExEcrrrv^K Mansion, \n\nApril ^9, iSgo. \n\n\n\nPUBLIC BUILDING AT HUDSON, N. Y. \n\nTo the Senate of the United States: \n\nI return without my approval the bill (S. 1306) "for the erection \nof a public building at Hudson, New York." Hudson, from the \nbest information attainable, is a city of only a little more than \n10,000 population. If the postal receipts are a fair indication of \nthe growth of the city, it has not been rapid, as they only increased \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Beiijaiinii Harrison. 219 \n\nabout $4,000 in ten years. The gross postal receipts for the year \n1888 were but $14,809, and the office force consists of three clerks \nand five carriers. There are no other Government offices at Hudson \nentitled, under the law, to offices or to an allowance for rent, unless \nit be a deputy collector of iuternsl revenue. \n\nIt appears from the bill, and the correspondence with the Super- \nvising Architect, that it is proposed to erect a two-story building \nwith fireproof vaults, heating and ventilating apparatus and \nelevators, 40 by 80 feet in dimensions. The ground-floor area of \n3,200 feet, to be devoted to the post-office, would give 400 square \nfeet to each of the present employes. The second story and the \nbasement, each having the same area, will be absolutely tenantless, \nunless authority is given by law to the custodian to rent the rooms \nto unofficial tenants. It seems to me to be very clear that the public \nneeds do not suggest or justify such an expenditure as is contem- \nplated by this bill. \n\nBenj. Harrison. \n\nExecutive Mansion, \n\nJiDie /, iSgo. \n\n\n\nPUBLIC BUILDING AT TUSCALOOSA, ALA. \n\nTo fhe House of Representatives: \n\nI return without my approval the bill (H. R. 7175) "to provide \nfor the purchase of a site, and the erection of a public building \nthereon, at Tuscaloosa, in the State of Alabama. " \n\nJudged by its postal revenues and by the force employed in the \noffice the post-office at Tuscaloosa is not an important one. It has \none clerk, at a salary of $450, and no carriers. The report of the \nPostmaster-General shows that the gross receipts for the year 1888 \nwere $6,379, ^""^ the net revenue less than $4,000. The annual \nreceipts have only increased about $3,000 in ten years. The rent \nnow paid for a building affording 2,200 square feet of floor space \n\nis $275. \n\nA general proposition to erect public buildings at this scale ot \nexpense in cities of the size of Tuscaloosa would not, I am sure, \nreceive the sanction of Congress. It would involve the expenditure \nfoi buildings of ten times the present net revenues of such offices, \nand in the case under consideration would involve an increased cost \nfor fuel, lights, and care greater than the rent now paid for the use \nof a room of ample size. I would not insist that it nnist always be \nshown that a proposed public building would yield an interest upon \n\n\n\n220 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nthe investment, but in the present uncertain state of the puolic \nrevenues and expenditures, resulting from pending and probable \nlegislation, there is, in my opinion, an absolute necessity that \nexpenditures for public buildings should be limited to cases where \nthe public needs are very evident and very imperative. It is clear \nthat this is not such a case. \n\nBenj. Harrison. \nExecutive Mansion, \n\nJnnc 12, rSgo. \n\n\n\nTHE UNCOMPAHGRE RESERVATION. \n\nTo the Senate of the United States : \n\nI return without my approval the bill {S. 1762) "to change the \nboundaries of the Uncompahgre Reservation. \' \' \n\nThe bill proposes to separate from the Ute Indian Reservation in \nUtah and restore to the public domain two ranges of townships \nalong the east side of the reservation and bordering the Colorado \nState line. It is said that these lands are wholly worthless to the \nIndians for cultivation or for grazing purposes, and it must follow, \nI think, that they are equally worthless for such purposes to white \nmen. \n\nThe object, then, of this legislation is to be sought not in any \npublic demand for these lands for the use of settlers \xe2\x80\x94 ^for if they \nare susceptible of that use, the Indians have a clear equit}- to take \nallotments upon them \xe2\x80\x94 but in that part of the bill which confirms \nthe mineral entries, or entries for mineral uses, which have been \nunlawfully made " or attempted to be made on said lands." It is \nevidently a private and not a public end that is to be promoted. \nIt does not follow, of course, that this private end may not be \nwholly meritorious, and the relief sought on behalf of these persons \naltogether just and proper. The facts, as I am advised, are that \nupon these lands there are veins or beds of asphaltum or Gilsonite, \nsupposed to be of very great value. \n\nEntries have been made in that vicinity, but upon public lands, \nwhich lands have been resold for very large amounts. It is not \nimportant, perhaps, that the United States should in parting with \nthese lands realize their value, but it is essential, I think, that \nfavoritism should have no part in connection with the sales. The \nbill confirms all attempted entries of these mineral lands at the \nprice of $20 per acre (a price that is suggestive of something \nunusual) without requiring evidence of the expenditure of any \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Benjamin /farrison. 22 1 \n\nmoney upon the claim, or even proof that the chiimant was the \ndiscoverer of the deposits. \n\nThe bill requires "good faith," but it will be next to impossible \nfor the officers of the Interior Department to show actual knowledge \non the part of the claimant of the lines of the reservation. The \ncase will practicably be, as to this matter, in the hands of the \nclaimant. But why should good faith at the moment of attempting \nthe entry without any requirement of expenditure, and followed, it \nmay be, within twenty-four hours by actual notice that he was upon \na reservation, give an advantage in the sale of these lands that \nmay represent a very large sum of money ? \n\nIn the second place, I do not think it wise, without notice even \nto the Indians, to segregate these lands from their reservation. It \nis true, I think, that they hold these lands by an Executive order, \nwith a contract right to take allotnients upon them, and that the \nlands in question are not likely to be sought as an allotment by any \nIndian. But the Indians have been placed on this reservation and \nits boundaries explained to them, and to take these lands in this \nmanner is calculated to excite their distrust and fears, and possibly \nto create serious trouble. \n\nBenj. Harrlson. \n\nExecutive Mansion, \n\nJune ij, iSgo. \n\n\n\nMARICOPA COUNTY, ARIZONA, BONDS. \n\nTo ihc House of Reprcseniatii\'es: \n\nI return without my approval the bill (H. R. 3934) "to authorize \nthe board of supervi.sors of Maricopa County, i\\rizona, to issue \ncertain bonds in aid of the construction of a certain railroad." \n\nThis bill proposes to confer authority upon the supervisors of the \ncounty of Maricopa to issue count\\- bonds at the rate of $4,000 per \nmile in aid of a railroad to be constructed from Phcenix northwardly \nto the county line, a distance estimated at 50 miles, but probably \nsomewhat longer. The bill seems to have passed the House of \nRepresentatives under an entire misapprehension of its true scope \nand effect. In the brief report submitted by the Committee on \nTerritories it is said that "by the terms of the bill the county \nreceives bonds in pa\\-meut of the money proposed to be advanced," \nand in the course of the debate the Delegate from .-Vrizona mis- \ntakenly stated in response to a request for information that the bill \nproposed a loan by the county, in exchange for which it was to \n\n\n\n222 Public Papers and Addresses of Boijamiii Harrison. \n\nreceive the bonds of the railroad company. In fact, the bill does \nnot provide for a loan to be secured by bonds, but for a subscription \nof stock. How far this mistake nia>- have effected the passage of \nthe bill can not, of course, be known. \n\nThe bill does not submit the question of granting this aid to a \nvote of the people of the county, but confers direct authority upon \nthe supervisors to issue the bonds. It is said, however, that in \nApril, 1889, an election was held to obtain the views of the people \nupon the question. It does not appear from any papers submitted \nto me who were the managers of this so-called election, what notice, \nif any was given, what qualifications on the part of voters were \ninsisted upon, if any, or in what form the question was presented. \nThere was no law providing for such an election. Being wholly \nvoluntary, the election was, of course, under the management of \nthose who favored the subsidy, and was conducted without any \nlegal restraints as to the voting or certification. I have asked for a \nstatement of the vote by precincts, and have been given what \npurports to be the vote at twelve points. The total affirmative vote \ngiven was 1,975, ^\'^^ the negative 134. But of the affirmative vote \n1,543 were given at Phcenix and 188 at Tempe, a town very near \nto Phoenix. If there were no other objection to this bill I should \ndeem this alone sufficient, that no provision is made for submitting \nto a vote of the people, at an election after due notice and under \nthe sanction of law, the question whether this subscription shall be \nmade. \n\nBut, again, the bill proposes to suspend for this case two pro- \nvisions of the act of Congress of July 30, 1886. \n\nFirst. That provision which forbids municipal corporations from \nsubscribing to the stock of other corporations or loaning their credit \nto such corporations; and second, that provision which forbids any \nmunicipal corporation from creating a debt in excess of 4 per cent \nof its taxable property as fixed by the last assessment. The \ncondition of things then existing in Arizona had not a little to do \nwith the enactment by Congress of this law, intended to give to \nthe people of the Territories that protection against oppressive \nmunicipal debts, which was secured to the people of most of the \nStates by constitutional limitations. The wisdom of this legislation \nis not contested by the friends of this bill, but they claim that the \ncircumstances here are so peculiar as to justify this exception. I \ndo not think so. In the States, the limitation upon municipal \nindebtedness is usually placed in the constitution, in order that it \nmay be inflexible. If a showing of need, gain, or advantage is to \novercome the barrier then it is scarcelv worth while to declare a \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addrcacs of Bctijainiii Harrison. 223 \n\nlimitation. Only a belief that the limit is inflexible will promote \ncare and economy in administration. If this bill becomes a law \nhow can Congress refuse to any count>\' in any of the Territories \nthe right to subscribe to the stock of a railroad company \xe2\x80\x94 especially \nwhere the subscription would not exceed the debt limit \xe2\x80\x94 upon a \nshowing of the advantages of better and cheaper communications? \n\nMaricopa County is one of great extent. Its northern boundary \nis 95 miles long \xe2\x80\x94 its southern boundary 66 \xe2\x80\x94 its eastern 45 and its \nwestern 102. This great area is to be taxed to construct a road \nwhich can in the nature of things be of advantage to but a fraction \nof it. There is no unity of interest or equality of advantage. It \nmay very well be that a section of these lands along the line of the \nroad, and especially town lots in Phoenix, would have an added \nvalue much greater than the increased burden imposed, but it is \nequally clear that much property in the county will receive no \nappreciable benefit. \n\nThe existing bonded indebtedness of Maricopa County is \n$272,000; the tax assessment of the county is about $5,000,000; and \nthe population is estimated, by multiplying the vote cast in 1888 \nby 6, at about 12,000. It will be seen that the bonded debt \xe2\x80\x94 to \nsay nothing of a floating debt which is said to be small \xe2\x80\x94 is already \nlargely in excess of the legal limit, and it is proposed to increase it \nby a subscription that will certainly involve $200,000, and possibly \n$250,000. If the bill becomes a law the bonded indebtedness will \nvery closely approximate ten per cent of the assessed valuation of \nthe property of the county. \n\nThe condition of things in the county of Yavapai, lying imme- \ndiately north of Maricopa, and through which this road is also to \nrun, though not directly affected by this legislation, is vcr\\\' instruc- \ntive in this connection. \n\nBy an act of the legislature of Arizona, passed the year before the \nact of Congress to which I have referred, Yavapai County was \nauthorized to subscribe $4,000 per mile to this line of road. The \ntotal length of the road in the county was 147 miles, and 74 miles \nto Prescott have been constructed. The secretary of the Territory, \nin response to an inquiry, states the debt of Yavapai County at \n$563,000, and the assessment for taxation at "between $6,000,000 \nand $7,000,000." There are 73 miles of road yet to be built from \nthe present terminus, Prescott, to the .south line of the county, for \nwhich Yavapai County must make a iurther issue of bonds of \n$292,000, making a total county debt of $855,000, or above 13 per \ncent ujDon the taxable assessment (taking that at $6,500,000), and a \nper capita county debt of nearly $85, taking the population at about \n\n\n\n224 Ptibiic Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\n10,600, as stated in the report of the Senate committee. Surely no \none will insist that the true and permanent prosperity of these \ncommunities will be promoted by loading their energies and their \nindustries with these great debts. I feel the force of the suggestion \nthat the freight charges now imposed upon the farm and orchard \nproducts of Maricopa County by the railroads now in operation are \noppressive. But this bill does not afford much relief even in that \ndirection. There would be but one competing point, viz. Phoenix. \nAt all other points on the proposed road the people would be sub- \nject to the exaction of just such rates as are demanded by the other \nlines. If this bill contained some effective provision to secure \nreasonable freight rates to the people who are to be taxed to build \nthe road, it would go far to secure my favorable consideration for it. \nI have carefully examined the reports of the committees and \nevery argument that has been submitted to me by the friends of \nthe bill, but I can not bring myself to believe that the permanent \nwelfare of the communities affected by it will be promoted by its \n\npassage. \n\nBenj. Harrison. \n\nExecutive Mansion, \n\nJune 20y iSgo. \n\n\n\nOMAHA INDIAN LANDS. \n\nTo the House of Representatives : \n\nI return herewith, without my approval, the bill (H. R. 5974) \nentitled "An act extending the time of payment to purchasers of \nland of the Omaha tribe of Indians in Nebraska, and for other pur- \nposes. \' \' \n\nThe United States holds the legal title of these lands, which \nhave been sold for the benefit of the Omaha Indians to secure the \nunpaid purchase money, the time of payment of which it is pro- \nposed by this act to extend. There is no objection that I know \nof, either on the part of the United States or of the Indians, to the \nextension of the unpaid installments due from purchasers. This \nrelief is probably due to the purchasers. The bill, howe\\er, \ncontains the following provision: \n\nThat all the lands the payment for which is hereby extended shall be subject to tax- \nation in all respects by and in the State of Nebraska as if fully paid for and patents \nissued. \n\nNow, while it is entirely proper that the interest of the purchasers \nin these lands should share the burdens of the communities in \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. 225 \n\nwhich the lands are located, the title of the United .States and the \nbeneficial interest of the Indians in the lands should not be sub- \njected to sale for the delinquency of the purchasers in paying tax \nassessments levied upon the lands. The effect of the provision \nwhich has been quoted would, in my opinion, give to the purchaser \nat a tax sale a title superior to the lien of the Government for pur- \nchase money. The bill should have contained a proviso that onl\\- \nthe interest of the purchasers from the Government could be sold \nfor taxes, and that the tax sale should be subject to the lien of the \nUnited States for unpaid purchase-money. \n\nBenj. Harrison. \nExecutive Mansion, \n\nJuly 9, iSgo. \n\n\n\nRETIREMENT OF CAPT. CHARLES STIVERS. \n\nTo the House of Representatives : \n\nI return herewith, without my approval, the joint resolution (H. \nRes. 39) declaring the retirement of Capt. Charles B. .Stivers, of the \nU. S. Army, legal and valid, and that he is entitled, as such officer \nto his pay. \n\nCaptain Stivers was dismissed the service summarily by order of \nthe President on July 15, 1863. A subsequent examination into \nthe causes leading to this action seems to have satisfied the Presi- \ndent that an injustice had been done to the officer, and on the nth \nday of August, 1863, an order was issued revoking the order of \ndismissal and restoring Captain Stivers to duty as an officer of \nthe Army. On December 30, 1864, by a proper order from the War \nDepartment, after examination, Captain Stivers was placed upon \nthe retired list of the Army. \n\nThe Supreme Court has decided, in the case of the United States \nvs. Corson (114 U. S. Reports, 619): \n\nP^irst. That at the time of the issuance of the order of dismissal \nthe President had authority, under the law, to summaril)- dismiss \nan officer, and that the effect of such an order was absolutely to \nseparate the officer from the service. \n\nSecond. That having been thus separated from the service, he \ncould not be restored except by nominatiou to the Senate and its \nadvice and consent to the appointment. \n\nMr. Garland, as Attorney-General, gave an opinion to the Secre- \ntary of War in the case of Captain Stivers, based upon the decision \nof the Supreme Court to which I have referred, holding that Captain \n15151 15 \n\n\n\n226 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nStivers was not an officer on the retired list of the Army. The \npresent Attorney-General, with whom I have conferred, takes the \nsame view of the law. Indeed, the decision of the Supreme Court \nto which I have referred is so exactly in point that there can be no \ndoubt as to the law of the case. It is undoubtedly competent for \nCongress, by act or joint resolution, to authorize the President, by \nand with the advice of the Senate, to appoint Captain Stivers to be a \ncaptain in the Army of the United States, and to place him upon \nthe retired list. It is also perfectly competent, by suitable legisla- \ntion, for Congress to give to this officer the pay of his grade during \nthe interval of time when he was improperly carried upon the Army \nlists. But the joint resolution which I herewith return does not \nattempt to deal with the case in that way. It undertakes to declare \nthat the retirement of Captain Stivers was legal and valid, and that \nhe always has been and is entitled to his pay as such officer. I do \nnot think this is a competent method of giving the relief intended. \nThe retirement, under the law as it then existed, was not legal and \nvalid, as the highest judicial tribunal under the Constitution has \ndeclared, for the reason that Captain Stivers was not then an officer \non the active list. That being so, it follows of course that he was \nnot entitled to draw the pay of an office he did not hold. \n\nThe relief should have taken the form usual in such cases, which \nis to authorize the appointment of the officer to a place made for \nhim on the retired list. \n\nBenj. Harrison. \n\nExecutive Mansion, \n\nSeptember ^o., iSgo. \n\n\n\nRELIEF OF CHARLES P. CHOUTEAU. \n\nTo the Senate ; \n\nI return witho\\it my approval Senate bill No. 1857, "for the \nrelief of Charles P. Chouteau, survivor of Chouteau, Harrison and \nValle." \n\nThis claim has been once presented to the Court of Claims and \nfully heard. This bill authorizes a rehearing. I find upon exam- \nination that ever>- fact connected with the case, necessary to the \ndetermination of the question whether the claim should be appro- \npriated for, has already been found and stated by the Court of \nClaims in a published opinion. Judgment was given against the \nclaimant upon the ground that a settlement had been made and a \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Bciijaniin Harrison. 227 \n\nreceipt given in full. If in the opinion of Congress, this receipt, \ngiven under the circumstances which accompanied it, should not \nbe held a bar to such further appropriation as is equitable, all the \nfacts have been found that can be necessary to determine the \nquestion what further payment should be made to the coutractors. \nThere can be no reason, as it seems to me, for a re-trial of the case \nin the Court of Claims, in the absence of any showing of newly \ndiscovered evidence. The result would only differ from the result \nalready obtained in that under the bill which I return the court \nwould enter ajudgment instead of a finding and the judgment could \nonly be paid after Congressional action. \n\nThe finding which has already been made, as I have said, is a \ncomplete basis for any such action as Congress may think should \nbe taken in the premises. \n\nBenj. Harrison. \nExecutive Mansion, \n\nOctober /, [Sgo. \n\n\n\nGAMING IN THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA. \nTo the Senate: \n\nI return without my ajjproval the bill (S. 3830) " to prohibit book- \nmaking of any kind and ijool-selling in the District of Columbia \nfor the purpose of gaming." \n\nMy objection to the bill is that it does not prohibit book-making \nand pool-selling, but on the contrary expressly saves from the oper- \nations of its prohibitions and penalties the Washington Jockey \nClub "and any other regular organizations owning race tracks no \nless than i mile in length " etc. \n\nIf this form of gambling is to be prohibited, as I think it should \nbe, the penalties should include all persons and all places. \n\nBenj. Harrison. \nExecutive Mansion, \n\nOctober /, /8po. \n\n\n\n228 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\n\n\nRELIEF OF THE PORTLAND COMPANY. \n\nTo the Senate : \n\nI return to the vScnate, without my approval, the bill (S. 473) " foi \nthe relief of the Portland Company, of Portland, Maine." \n\nThis bill confers upon the Court of Claims jurisdiction to inquire \ninto and determine how much certain steam machiner\\-, built for \nthe United States under contract and to be used in the vessels \nAfrawani and Pon/oosnc, cost the contractors over and above the con- \ntract price and an\\- allowances for extra work which have been \nmade; and requires the court to enter judgment in favor of the \nclaimant for the excess of cost above such contract price and allow- \nances. \n\nThe bill differs from others which have been presented to me, and \none of which I have approved, in that it does not make the further \nallowance to the contractors contingent upon the fl^ct that the addi- \ntional expense was the result of the acts of the Government, through \nits officers, causing delays and increased cost in the construction of \nthe work. \n\nThe bill in effect directs the court to ignore the contract entireh\', \nexcept as payments under it are to be treated as credits, and to allow \nthe contractors the cost of the work, and that without reference to \ntheir own negligence, or want of skill, in executing the work. \nThere would seem to be no object in the Government making a \ncontract for work if the contract is only to be binding upon the \nparties in the event that the contractor realizes a profit. \n\nI can not give my approval to the proposition applied here, which \nif allowed here should be given general application, that every con- \ntractor with the Government who, during the early days of the war \nfailed to realize, by reason of increase in the cost of labor and mater- \nials, a profit upon the contract, shall now have access to the Court of \nClaims to reco\\er upon the quantum meruit the cost of the work. \n\nBenj. Harrison. \n\nexecutivk im.\\nsiox, \nOctober J, iSgo. \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison 229 \n\n\n\nPUBLIC BUILDING AT BAR HARBOR, ME. \n\nTo the Senate : \n\nI retuni to the Senate, in which it originated, with my objections, \nthe bill (No. 544) "to proviile for the purchase of a site, and the \nerection of a public buildino; thereon, at Bar Harbor, in the State \nof Maine." The statement of a few facts will show, I think, that \nthe public needs do not justify the contemplated expenditm-e of \n$75,000 for the erection of a public building at Bar Harbor. \nOnlv one public office, the post-office, is to be accommodated. It \nappears from a report of the Postmaster-General that the rent paid \nby the United States for a room containing 875 square feet of floor \nspace was, in 1888. $300, and the expenditure for fuel and lights \n$60. One clerk was employed in the office and no carriers. The \ngross postal receipts for that year were $7,000. Bar Harbor is almost \nwholly a summer resort. The population of the town of E;deu, of \nwhich Bar Harbor forms a part, as taken by the census enumerators, \nwas less than 2,000. During one quarter of the year this population \nis largely increased by summer visitors, but for the otlier three \nquarters is not much above the census enumeration. The postal \nreceipts for 1890, by quarters, show that for more than half the \nyear the gross receipts of the post-office are about $S per day. \nThe salary of a janitor for the new building would be more than \ntwice the present cost to the Government for rent, fuel, and lights. \nI can not believe that upon reconsideration the Congress will \napprove the contemplated expenditure. \n\nBenj. Harrisox. \n\nExECTTivK Mansion, \n\nDecember 24, /Sc>o. \n\n\n\nRAILROAD BONDS-OKLAHOMA CITY. \n\nTo the House of Representatives: \n\nI return herewith, without mv approval, the bill (H. R. 12365) \nentitled "An act to authorize Oklahoma City, in Oklahoma Terri- \ntory, to issue bonds to provide a right of way for the Choctaw Coal \nand Railwav Companv through said city." This bill authorizes \nthe corporation of Okiahoma City to issue corporate bonds to tlie \namount of $40,000, for the purpose of providing a right of wav- for \na railroad companv through the city, if the proposition shall receive \n\n\n\n230 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nthe assent of a majority of the legal voters at au election to be \ncalled for that pnrpose. \n\nIt is attempted to distinguish this case from the ordinary case of \na municipal grant to a railway company by the fact that this railway \ncompany had located its line through the lands afterwards settled \nupon under the town-site law before such settlement, and that the \nroute thus located cuts the plat of the city diagonally and in a way \nto be very injurious to property interests. \n\nUpon an examination of the facts, it appears to me to be clear \nthat no legal location was made by the railway company prior \nto the acquisition of the lands by the occupying settlers. Some \npreliminary surveys had been made, but no map of location had \nbeen filed with the Secretary of the Interior. If the rights of this \ncompany at this point of its road, as to right of way, are derived \nfrom the general statute of the United States upon that subject \n(Revised Statutes, Supplement, page 87), then section 4 distinctly \nsaves the right of any settler who had located prior to the filing of \na profile of the road and the approval by the Secretary of the Inte- \nrior thereof. And, if, on the other hand, the rights of the company \nat the point indicated are derived from the act of Congress of \nFebruary 18, 1888, "to authorize the Choctaw Coal and Railway \nCompany to construct and operate a railway through the Indian \nTerritory, and for other purposes," section 6 of that act also plainly \nprotects the right of any occupying claimant. The latter statute, \nit seems to me, was intended to grant a right of way only through \nIndian lands, and if these lands were not such, the general statute, \nto which I have referred, would apply ; but in either event the \nconclusion is the same. \n\nIt appears from the report of the committee that its favorable \naction, and I must assume the favorable action of Congress, pro- \nceeded upon the theory that there was a real controversy, doubtful \nas to its issue, as to the right of the railroad company to hold the \nline of its survey through the city. \n\nI Stripped, then, of this claim, the proposition is nakedly one to \nauthorize Oklahoma City to donate $40,000 to the Choctaw Coal \nand Railway Company. The general statute of the United States \nprohibits such grants, and this must stand, imtil repealed, as a \ncontinuing expression of legislative opinion. If a departure from \nthis rule is to be allowed at all, certainly it should only be where \nthe circumstances are exceptional. Such circumstances, in my \nopinion, do not exist in this case. Already I have received from \nother cities in the Territory protests against special legislation of \nthis sort, accompanied by the suggestion that if this policy is \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Plarrison. 231 \n\nadmitted other cities shall also be allowed to encourage the building \nof roads by donation. \n\nOklahoma City, according to the report of the Census Office, has \na population of about 4,100, and this donation would be equivalent \nto nearly $10 per capita. Very little real estate, whether town site \nor country property, in this Territory is yet subject to assessment for \ntaxation. The people have not yet had time to accumulate, and \nCongress has received appeals for aid to relieve a prevailing distress \nwhich the Territorial authorities have found themselves unable to \ndeal with. It does not seem to me, in view of all these facts, that \nthe wholesome rule prescribed by the general statute should be \ndeparted from. \n\nBenj. Harrison. \n\nEXECUTIVK Man.sion, \n\nJanuary 26, iSgi. \n\n\n\nPROMOTION OF CHIEF OF RECORD AND PENSION \n\nOFFICE. \nTo tlie Senate: \n\nI return to the Senate without niv approval the bill (S. 4620) "to \nestablish the Record and Pension Office of the War Department, \nand for other purposes." \n\nThis bill proposes to change the designation of one of the divisions of \nthe War Department. It is now the "Record and Pension Division," \nand it is proposed that it .shall hereafter be the "Record and Pension \nOffice" of the War Department. The scope of the work assigned \nto this division or office is not changed, but the organization now \nexisting under a classification made by the Secretary of War is, \nby the bill, made permanent and put beyond the control of the \nSecretary. The change of designation seems to have been intended \nto add dignity to the position, and the effect of the bill is probably \nto require that the chief of this office shall hereafter be appointed \nonly by and with the advice and consent of the vSenate, though it is \nnot clear that any provision is made for a chief after the particular \nperson designated in the bill has been separated from the place, or \nin case he is not appointed. \n\nThe real object of the bill is disclosed in the following clause: \n\nThe President is hereby autliorized to iiomiiKiIe and, liy and with tlic advice and \nconsent of the Senate, to appoint the ofliccr now in charge of said Record and Pension \nDivision to be colonel in the .\\rmy. and chief of said office. \n\nIt is fairly to be implied from the bill that, in the opinion of \nCongress the public interests would be promoted b\\- making the \n\n\n\n232 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\ncontemplated change in the grade of this office and by giving the \nrank and pay of a colonel in the Army to the chief. A new and \nrather anomalons office is therefore created \xe2\x80\x94 that of \' \' colonel in the \nArmy and chief of the Record and Pension Office of the War Depart- \nment" \xe2\x80\x94 but npon the condition that the President shall nominate \na particnlar person to fill it. I do not think it is competent for \nCongress to designate the person who shall fill an office created by \nlaw, and practically nothing remains of the bill nnder consideration \nif this person is not to be appointed. The office is an important \none, connected with the active civil administration of the War \nDepartment. I can not agree that the selection of the officer shall \nbe taken out of the discretion of the Executive, where the responsi- \nbility for good administration necessarily rests. It is probably true \nthat the officer intended to be benefited is lieculiarly deserving and \nhas had remarkable success in the discharge of the duties of the \noffice; but these are considerations for the appointing power, and \nmight safely have been left there. \n\nIf this particular appointment was backed by reasons so obvious \nas to secure the su^Dport of both Houses of Congress, it should have \nbeen assumed that these reasons could have been made obvious \nto the Executive by the ordinary methods. In connection with \nthe Army and Navy retired lists, legislation akin to this has become \nquite frequent, too frequent in my opinion, but these laws have \nbeen regarded as grants of pensions rather than of offices. \n\nIf it is to be allowed that active places connected with the Execu- \ntive Departments can be created upon condition that particnlar \npersons are, or are not, to be designated to fill them, the power of \nappointment might be wholly diverted from the Executive to the \nCongress. \n\nBenj. Harrison. \nExecutive Man.sion, \n\nFebruary 26, i8gi. \n\n\n\nRELIEF OF ESTATE OF GEORGE W. LAWRENCE. \n\nTo the Senate: \n\nI return herewith, without my approval, the bill (S. 3270) "for \nthe relief of the administratrix of the estate of George W. I^aw- \nrence. \' \' \n\nIf I rightly construe this bill it authorizes the Court of Claims \nto give judgment in favor of the contractor with the United States \nfor the construction of the vessels named {Agawam and Pontoosuc) \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. 233 \n\nfor the difference between the contract price and the actual cost to \nthe contractor of building the vessels, subject only to the condition \nthat nothing shall be allowed for any advance in the price of labor \nor material, unless sucli advance occurred during the prolonged \nterm for completing the work rendered necessi^ry by delay resulting \nfnjm the action of the Ciovernment. The bill is somewhat obscure, \nbut I have, I think, correctly stated the legal effect of it. \n\nUndoubtedly in contracts made for Army and Navy supplies and \nconstruction during the early days of the war there was not infre- \nquently loss to the contractor by reason of the advance in the cost \nof labor, resulting from the withdrawal of so large a body of men \nfor service in the field, and the indirect result of this upon the cost \nof material; but I can not believe that it is the purpose of Congress \nto reopen such contracts at this late day and to pay to the con- \ntractors the cost of the work or material which they stipulated to \ndo or deliver at fixed prices. In the matter of another vessel con- \nstructed by this same claimant, and in the case of one other similar \nclaim, I approved bills at the last session, but they carefully limited \nany finding by tlie Court of Claims to such losses as necessarily \nresulted from the interference by the ( lOvernment with the progress \nof tlie work, thus creating delays and enhanced cost. \n\nIn those cases the Government only undertook to make good \nlosses resulting directly and unavoidably from its own acts. If the \nprinciple which seems to me to be embodied in the bill under con- \nsideration is adopted I do not see how the Congress can refuse in \nall cases of all sorts of contracts to make good the losses resulting \nfrom appreciation in the cost of labor and material. The expendi- \nture that such a policy would entail is incalculable, and the policy \nitself is in my judgment indefensible. \n\nThe bill at last session for the relief of this claimant, in the case \n\nof another vessel constructed by him, was, as I have said, carefully \n\nput upon the lines I have indicated, and if this claim could have \n\nbeen maintained upon those lines I assume that the bill would \n\nhave been similar in its provisions. \n\nBenj. Harrison. \n\nExKcuTivE Mansion, \n\nMarch 2, i8gi. \n\n\n\n234 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\n\n\nCIRCUIT COURT OF APPEALS. \n\nTo the Senate: \n\nI return herewith, without my approval, the bill (vS. 2729) entitled \n"An act to amend an act entitled \'An act to establish circuit courts \nof appeals, and to define and regulate in certain cases the jurisdiction \nof the courts of the United States, and for other purposes.\' " \n\nThe original act to which this amendment is proposed, constituting \nan intermediate court of appeals, had for its object the relief of the \nSupreme Court by limiting the cases which might be brought up \nfor hearing in that court. The first section of the bill under \nconsideration allows appeals in criminal cases where the sentence \nimposes no imprisonment and the fine is as much as $1,000. The \neffect of this provision will be to bring to the Supreme Court many \ncases that, in my opinion, should be finally determined in the \nintermediate appellate court, and so, in part, to defeat the general \npurpose of Congress in constituting the intermediate court. But \nthis objection would not alone have sufficient weight in my mind \nto induce me to return the bill. Section 3 of the bill is as follows : \n\nThat no appe.il shall hereafter be allowed from judgments of the Court of Claims in \ncases under the act of March 3, i8gi, entitled "An act to provide for the adjudication \nand payment of claims arising from Indian depredations," except where the adjudica- \ntion involves the construction or application of the Constitution or the validity or \nconstruction of a treaty or the constitutionality of a law of the United States : Provided, \nhowever. That upon such appeal it shall be competent for the Supreme Court to require, \nby certiorari or otherwise, the whole case to be certified for its review and determination \nupon the facts as well as the law. \n\nI am advised by the Attorney-General that under the Indian \ndepredations act, 8,000 cases, involving an aggregate of damages \nclaimed of about $30,000,000, have already been filed. A number \nof these cases involve as much as $100,000 each, while a few involve \nas much as $500,000 each, and one something over $1,000,000. \nThe damages which may be awarded in these cases by the Court of \nClaims are to be paid out of the trust funds of the Indians held by \nthe United States, or, if there are no such funds, out of the Treasury \nof the United States. The law referring these cases to the Court of \nClaims has had no judicial interpretation, and many novel and \ndifficult questions are likely to arise. It is quite a startling propo- \nsition and a very novel one, I think, that there shall be absolutely \nno opportunity for the review in an appellate court, in cases involv- \ning such large amounts, of questions involving the construction of \nthe statute vinder which the court is proceeding, or those various \nquestions of law, many of them new, which necessarily arise in \nsuch cases. \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. 235 \n\nNeither the claimants, the Indians, nor the Government of the \nUnited States should be absolutely denied opportunity to bring \ntheir exceptions to review by some appellate tribunal. I would not \nsuggest that an appeal should be allowed in all cases. Some limita- \ntion as to amount would be reasonable, and perhaps some discretion \nmight be lodged in the Supreme Court as to granting appeals. The \nlimitations, however, imposed by the section I have quoted are so \nsevere and unreasonable, in nn- judgment, that I have felt compelled \nto return the bill to the Senate with a view to its reconsideration. \n\nBenj. Harrison. \n\nExHcuTivK Mansion, \n\n[illy 11^, iSg2. \n\n\n\nTHE CLAIM OF WILLIAM McGARRAHAN \n\nTo the Senate : \n\nI return herewith, without my approval, the bill (S. 1958) entitled \n"An act to submit to the Court of Private L,and Claims, established \nby an act of Congress approved March 3, 1891, the title of William \nMcGarrahan to the Rancho Panoche Grande in the State of Cali- \nfornia, and for other purposes. \' \' \n\nThis bill came to me on the 20th instant, at a time when verj\' \nmany other bills were suljmitted for my consideration, and it has \nnot been possible for me to make such an examination of the history \nof Mr. AIcGarrahan\'s claim as woidd be necessary to form an intel- \nligent judgment as to its merits and just extent. It is quite possible \nthat he lias been wronged and that he has a claim for some reparation \nfrom the Government. I can not, however, think that this bill \nproceeds upon a just basis. It provides that Mr. McGarrahan shall \nfile his claim as the assignee of Gomez in the Court of Private Land \nClaims for the lands described in the title ; and that if the court estab- \nlishes the grant to Gomez it shall be confirmed to McGarrahan. No \nevidence that he is the assignee of Gomez is, I think, required by \nthe bill, which assumes that feet, instead of submitting it to the \ncourt. If the claim is established it is provided, in substance, that \nall lands, part of said grant, which have been conveyed by the Gov- \nernment or are in the occupancy of actual settlers, or "upon which \nthere are any smelting or reduction works, or the lands claimed \nin connection with such reduction or smelting works," shall be \nexcepted from the patent which the Secretary of the Interior is \ndirected to issue to McGarrahan. By this provision the title of the \nNew Idria Alining Company, which has long contested with McGar- \n\n\n\n236 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nrahan the title to a large part of this property, is established and \nthat company is relieved from any responsibility to account for the \nprofits made in mining. On the other hand, the United States \nwaives all benefit of judicial proceedings which have resulted in its \nfavor and gives Mr. McGarrahan an opportunity dc novo to try all \nsuch questions ; and the decision, if in his favor, is not only to \nrestore to him all the lands yet undisposed of, but the United States \nassumes to pay him the value of the lands appropriated by others, \nand of their use for all these years, and to account to him for all \nprofits that have been made by the New Idria Mining Company, or \nany one else, in quicksilver or other mining. \n\nThis seems to me to be wholly inadmissible. The amount \ninvolved must be enormously large, though at present incapable of \nany accurate estimate. If the title of the New Idria Company has \nbeen established by final decrees of court, placing that title beyond \nquestion, and that company beyond any call to respond for use \nand profits, why should the Government of the United States, \nwaiving in its behalf these decrees which would protect it also, \nassume a responsibility to account for the value of the lands and for \ntheir use and for the net value of minerals extracted by that \ncompany or others? It will be noticed in the quotation I have \nmade from the act that this company is allowed to take all the land \nit may claim, but at the expense of the United States, not of Mr. \nMcGarrahan. \n\nThe bill is so framed as to give full protection to the New Idria \nMining Company to the full extent of its largest claim, while \nthrowing upon the United States a responsibility which that com- \npany should bear if the title of Mr. McGarrahan is established. \n\nThe United States provided a proper tribunal for the trial of \nclaims founded upon Mexican grants. This claim was there tried, \nand if fraud affected the judgment it is not, I think, chargeable to \nthe Government \xe2\x80\x94 the contest was chiefly between rival claimants. \nIn this state of the case it would seem that if the United States \nconsents to open the litigation, and to wipe out all judicial findings \nand decrees, that a less exacting measure of damages than that pro- \nposed in the bill should be agreed on. \n\nIt is not my purpose, as I have intimated, to express the opinion \nthat Mr. McGarrahan is entitled to no relief It seems to me, how- \never, clear that he is not entitled to the relief given by this bill, and \nthat it does not adequate!)- protect the interests of the United States. \n\nBenj. Harrison. \n\nExecutive Mansion, \nJuly 2g, 1892. \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addrascs of Benjamin Harrison. 237 \n\n\n\nAMENDING THE LAW AS TO LAND CLAIMS. \n\nTo tlic Sen ale : \n\nI return herewith, without my approval, the bill (S. iiii) \nentitled " An act to amend the act of Congress approved March 3, \n1887, entitled \'An act to provide for the bringing of suits against \nthe Government of the United States.\' " \n\nIf I may judge from the very limited discussion of this measure \nin Congress the sweeping effects of it upon the administration of \nthe public lands could hardly have been fully realized. From the \nbeginning of the Government the administration of the public \nlands and the issuing of patents under the land laws have been an \nexecutive function. \n\nThe jurisdiction of the courts as to contesting claims for patents \nhas awaited the action of the General Land Office. Land offices \nhave been established and maintained in all the districts where \npublic lands were found, located with reference to the convenience \nof the settlers, and the proceedings have been informal and inex- \npensive. It is true that at times, by an administration of the land \noffice unfriendly toward the settlers, unnecessary delays involving \nmuch hardship have intervened in the issuing of patents; but such \nis not the case now. The work of the laud office within the last \nthree years has been so efficient and so friendly to the bona fide \nsettler that the large accumulation of cases there has been swept \nawav, and the office, as I am informed by the Secretary of the \nInterior, is now engaged upon current business. \n\nIt seems to me that a transfer, in whole or in part, of this business \nto the courts, some of whose dockets are already loaded with cases, \ncan not tend to expedition: while it is very manifest that by reason \nof the greater formalit>- in the taking and presentation of evidence \nwhich would be required in court, and of the long distances \nwhich settlers would have to traverse in order to attend court, \nthe costs in such cases would be enormously increased. \n\nIt is proposed by this bill to give what is called concurrent juris- \ndiction to the district courts of the United vStates and to the Court \nof Claims to hear and determine all claims for land patents under \nany law or grant of the United States. Whether concurrent with \neach other or with each other and the Land Office is not clear. \n\nIt is quite doubtful under the rulings of the Supreme Court \nwhether the courts now provided by law for the Territories are \n"district courts of the United States " within the meaning of this \nbill. The effect of this legislation would, if they were held not to \n\n\n\n238 Public Papers and Addresses of Boijauiin Harrison. \n\nbe such, be that as to all suits relating to lands in the Territories \nof New Mexico, Arizona, Utah, and Oklahoma, no other forum is \nprovided than the Court of Claims at Washington. In this state of \nthe case a settler or one who has taken a mineral claim in any of \nthese Territories would be subject to be brought to the city of \nWashington for the trial of his case. \n\nIn view of the fact that all recent legislation of Congress has been \nin the direction of subdividing judicial districts and of bringing the \nUnited States courts nearer to the litigants, I can only attribute to \noversight the passage of this bill, which in my opinion, would \nburden the homesteader and preemptor whose claim is contested, \nwhether by another individual or by any corporation, by compelling \nhim to appear at Washington and to conduct with the formality and \nexpense incident to court proceedings the defense of his title. But \neven in the case of land contests arising in the States where district \ncourts exist, the plaintiff, it will be observed by this act, is given the \noption to sue in those courts or to bring his adversary to Washing- \nton to litigate the claim. Why should he have this advantage? \xe2\x80\x94 \none that is not given, so far as I know, in any other law fixing \nthe forum of litigation between individuals. Not only is this true, \nbut the Court of Claims was established for the trial of cases between \nindividuals and corporations on the one side and the United States \non the other, and, so far as I now recall, wholly for the trial of \nmoney claims. \n\nThere are no adequate provisions of law, if any at all, for con- \nducting suits between individuals contesting private rights. The \ncourt has one bailiflf and one messenger, no marshal, and is not \nprovided, I think, either with the machinery or with the appropria- \ntion to send its processes to the most distant parts of the country. \nYet it is apparent that under this bill the real issue would frequently \nbe between rival claimants, and not between either and the United \nStates. This court, too, is already burdened with business, since \nthe reference to it of the Indian depredation claims, the French \nspoliation claims, etc., and it certainly can not be thought that a \nmore speedy settlement of land claims could be there obtained than \nis now given. \n\nAgain, the bill is so indefinite in its provisions that it can not be \ntold, I think, what function, if any, remains to be discharged by \nthe General Land Office. It was said in answer to an interrogatory \nwhen the bill was under consideration, that it did not affect claims \npending in the Land Office; and yet it seems to me that its effect \nis to allow any contestant in the Land Office, at any stage of the \nproceedings there, to transfer the whole controversy to the courts. \nHe may take his chances of success in the Land Office, and if, at \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Beiijainiii Harrison. 239 \n\naii\\- time, he becomes apprehensive of an adverse decision, lie may \nbegin dc novo in the conrts. \n\nIf it was intended to preserve the jurisdiction of the Land Office, \nand to hold cases there until a judgment had been reached, the bill \nshould have so provided; for it is capable of, and indeed seems to \nme compels the construction that either party may forsake the Land \nOffice at any stage of a contest. I am quite inclined to believe that \nif ])rovision were made, as in section 1063 of the Revised Statutes, \nrelating to claims in other departments, for the transfer to a proper \ncourt, under proper regulations, of certain contest cases involving \nquestions affecting large classes of claims, it would be a relief to \nthe Land Office and would tend to a more speedy adjustment of \nlaud titles in such cases, a result which would be in the interest of \nall our people. \n\nNothing is more disadvantageous to a community, its progress \nand peace, than unsettled land titles. This bill, however, as I have \nsaid, is so radical, and seems to me to be so indefinite in its \nprovisions, that I can not give it m\\\' approval. \n\nBenj. Harrlson. \n\nExecutive M.\\nsion, \n\nAugust 9, iSgz. \n\n\n\nJUDICIAL OFFICERS IN ALABAMA. \n\nTo the House of Representatives: \n\nI return herewith, without my approval an act (H. R. 9613) \nentitled "An act to prescribe the number of district attorneys and \nmarshals in the judicial districts of the State of Alabama." \n\nUnder the present law there is a district attorney for the southern \ndistrict of Alabama, a district attorney for the northern and middle \ndistricts, a marshal for the northern district and a marshal for the \nsouthern and middle districts. An e.vamination of the records of \nthe Attorney-General\'s office as to the amount of business in the \ncourts in these districts leads me to believe that two districts would \nprovide amply for the disposition of all public and private cases. \nThe law creates two new officers whose aggregate compensation \nma\\- be $12,000 per annum, without, it seems to me, a justifying \nnecessity. But the most serious objection to the legislation is that \nit creates at once, upon the taking effect of the law, the offices of \ndistrict attorney and marshal for each of the three districts; and the \neffect, it seems to me, must be to abolish the offices as they now \nexist. No provision is made for a continued discharge of the duties \nof marshal and district attorne\\- by the present incumbents. A \n\n\n\n240 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nserious question -would be raised as to whether these officers were \nnot at once legislated out of office and vacancies created. As these \nvacancies could not be filed immediately the business of the courts \nwould seriously suffer. The law should at least have contained a \nprovision for the continued discharge of their duties by the incum- \nbents until the new officers were appointed and qualified. \n\nBenj. Harrison. \nExecutive Mansion, \n\nFebruary .?/, iSg^. \n\n\n\nPROCLAMATIONS AND ORDERS. \n\nTHANKSGIVING, 1889. \n\nA highly favored people, mindful of their dependence on the \nbounty of divine Providence, should seek fitting occasion to testify \ngratitude and ascribe praise to Him who is the author of their many \nblessings. It behooves us then to look back with thankful hearts \nover the past year and bless God for his infinite mercy in vouchsafing \nto our land enduring peace, to our people freedom from pestilence \nand famine, to oirr husbandmen abundant harvests, and to them \nthat labor a recompense of their toil. \n\nNow, therefore, I, Benjamin Harrison, President of the United \nStates of America, do earnestly recommend that Thursday, the 28th \nday of this present month of November, be set apart as a day of \nnational thanksgiving and prayer, and that the people of our coun- \ntry, ceasing from the cares and labors of their working day, shall \nassemble in their respective places of worship and give thanks to \nGod, who has prospered us on our way and made our paths the paths \nof peace ; beseeching Him to bless the day to our present and future \ngood, making it truly one of thanksgiving for each reunited home \ncircle as for the nation at large. \n\nIn witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the \nseal of the United States to be affixed. \n\nDone at the city of Washington this first day of November, in the \nyear of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and eight\\-- \n[SEAL. ] nine, and of the independence of the United States the one \nhundred and fourteenth. \n\nBenj. Harrison. \n\nBy the President: \nJames G. Blaine, \n\nSecretary of State. \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Beiijaiiiin Harrison. 241 \n\n\n\nTHANKSGIVING, 1890. \n\nBy the grace and favor of Almighty God the people of this nation \nhave been led to the closing days of the jjassing )ear, which has \nbeen full of the blessings of peace and the comforts of plenty. \nBountiful compensation has come to us for the work of our minds \nand of our hands in every department of human industry. \n\nNow, therefore, I, Benjamin Harrison, President of the United \nStates of America, do hereby appoint Thursday, the 27th day of \nthe present month of November, to be observed as a day of prayer \nand thanksgiving; and I do invite the people, upon that day to cease \nfrom their labors, to meet in their accustomed houses of worship \nand to join in rendering gratitude and praise to our beneficent Crea- \ntor for the rich blessings He has granted to us as a nation, and in \ninvoking the continuance of His protection and grace for the future. \nI commend to my fellow-citizens the privilege of remembering the \npoor, the homeless, and the sorrowful. Let us endeavor to merit \nthe promised recompense of charity and the gracious acceptance of \nour praise. \n\nIn testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused \nthe seal of the United States to be affixed. \n\nDone at the city of Washington this eighth day of November, in \nthe year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and \n[seat.] ninety, and of the Independence of the United States the \none hundred and fifteenth. \n\nBenj. Harrison. \n\nBy the President: \n\nJames G. Blaine, \n\nSecretary of State \n\n\n\nTHANKSGIVING, 1891. \n\nIt is a very glad incident of the marvelous prosperity which has \ncrowned the year now drawing to a close that its helpful and \nreassuring touch has been felt by all our people. It has been as \nwide as our country, and so special that every home has felt its \ncomforting influence. It is too great to be the work of man\'s power \nand too particular to be the device of his mind. To God, the \nBeneficent and the All Wise, who makes the labors of men to be \nfruitful, redeems their losses by His grace, and the measure of whose \ngiving is as much beyond the thoughts of man as it is beyond his \n15151 IG \n\n\n\n242 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\ndeserts, the praise and gratitude of the people of this favored nation \n\nare justly due. \n\nNow, therefore, I, Benjamin Harrison, President of the United \nStates of America, do hereby appoint Thursday, the 26th day of \nNovember present, to be a day of joyful thanksgiving to God for the \nbounties of His providence, for the peace in which we are permitted \nto enjoy them, and for the preservation of those institutions of civil \nand religious liberty which He gave our fathers the wisdom to devise \nand establish, and us the courage to preserve. Among the appro- \npriate observances of the day are rest from toil, worship in the public \ncongregation, the renewal of family ties about our American firesides, \nand thoughtful helpfulness towards those who suffer lack of the \nbody or of the spirit. \n\nIn testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused \nthe seal of the United vStates to be affixed. \n\nDone at the city of Washington, this thirteenth day of November, \nin the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and \n[seal.] ninety-one, and of the Independence of the United vStates \nthe one hundred and sixteenth. \n\nBenj. Harrison. \n\nBy the President: \n\nJames G. Blaine, \n\nSecretary of State. \n\n\n\nTHANKSGIVING, 1892. \n\nThe gifts of God to our people during the past year have been so \nabundant and so special that the spirit of devout thanksgiving \nawaits not a call, but only the appointment of a day when it may \nhave a common expression. He has stayed the pestilence at our \ndoor; He has given us more love for the free civil institutions in \nthe creation of which His directing providence was so conspicuous; \nHe has awakened a deeper reverence for law; He has widened our \nphilanthropy by a call to succor the distress in other lands; He \nhas blessed our schools and is bringing forward a patriotic and God- \nfearing generation to execute His great and benevolent designs for \nour country; He has given us great increase in material wealth \nand a wide diffusion of contentment and comfort in the homes of \nour people; He has given His grace to the sorrowing. \n\nWherefore, I, Benjamin Harrison, President of the United States, \ndo call upon all our people to observe, as we have been wont, \nThursday, the 24tli day of this month of November, as a day of \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. 243 \n\ntli^inksgiving to God for His mercies and of supplication for His \ncontinued care and grace. \n\nIn testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused \nthe seal of the United States to be affixed. \n\nDone at the city of Washington this fourth day of November, one \nthousand eight hundred and ninety-two, and of the \n[SE.^L.] Independence of the United States the one hundred \nand seventeenth. \n\nBenj. Harrison, \nBy the President; \n\nJohn W. Foster, \n\nSecretary 0/ State. \n\n\n\nWASHINGTON CENTENNIAL. ANNIVERSARY. \n\nA hundred vears have passed since the Government which our \nforefathers founded was formally organized. At noon on the 30th \nday of April, 1789, in the city of New York, and in the presence of \nan assemblage of the heroic men whose patriotic devotion had led \nthe colonies to victory and independence, George Washington took \nthe oath of office as Chief Magistrate of the new-born Republic. \nThis impressive act was preceded, at 9 o\'clock in the morning, in \nall the churches of the city, by prayer for God\'s blessing on the \nGovernment and its first President. \n\nThe centennial of this illustrious event in our history has been \ndeclared a general holiday by act of Congress to the end that the \npeople of the whole country may join in commemorative exercLses \nappropriate to the day. \n\nIn order that the joy of the occasion may be associated with a \ndeep thankfulness in the minds of the people for all our blessings \nin the past, and a devout supplication to God for their gracious \ncontinuance in the future, the representatives of the religious \ncreeds, both Christian and Hebrew, have memorialized the Govern- \nment to designate an hour for prayer and thanksgiving on that \nday. \n\nNow, therefore, I, Benjamin Harrison, President of the United \nStates of America, in response to this pious and reasonable request, \ndo recommend that on Tuesday, April 30, at the hour of 9 o\'clock \nin the morning, the people of the entire country repair to their \nrespective places of divine worship, to implore the favor of God \nthat the blessings of liberty, prosperity and peace may abide with \n\n\n\n244 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nus as a people, and that His hand may lead us in the paths ,ot \nrighteousness and good deeds. \n\nIn witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the \nseal of the United States of America to be affixed. \n\nDone in the city of Washington this fourth day of April, in the \nyear of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and eighty- \n[SEAL.] nine, and of the Independence of the United States the \none hundred and thirteenth. \n\nBenj. Harrison. \nBy the President: \n\nJames G. Blaine, \n\nSecretary of State. \n\n\n\nTHE COLUMBUS QUARTO CENTENARY. \n\nWhereas, by a joint resolution approved June 29, 1892, it was \nresolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United \nStates of America in Congress assembled, "That the president of \nthe United States be authorized and directed to issue a proclamation \nrecommending to the people the observance in all their localities \nof the four hundredth anniversary of the discovery of America, on \nthe twenty-first of October, eighteen hundred and ninety-two, by \npublic demonstrations and by suitable exercises in their schools \nand other places of assembly. " \n\nNow, therefore, I, Benjamin Harrison, President of the United \nStates of America, in pursuance of the aforesaid joint resolution, do \nhereby appoint Friday, October 21, 1892, the four hundredth anni- \nversary of the discovery of America by Columbus, as a general \nholiday for the people of the United States. On that day let the \npeople, so far as possible, cease from toil and devote themselves to \nsuch exercises as may best express honor to the discoverer and \ntheir appreciation of the great achievements of the four completed \ncenturies of American life. \n\nColumbus stood in his age as the pioneer of progress and enlight- \nenment. The system of universal education is in our age the most \nprominent and salutary feature of the spirit of enlightenment, and \nit is peculiarly appropriate that the schools be made by the people \nthe center of the day\'s demonstration. Let the national flag float \nover every school house in the country, and the exercises be such \nas shall impress upon our youth the patriotic duties of American \ncitizenship. \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Beiijaiuiii Ifarrisoii. 245 \n\nIn the churches and in the other pkices of assembly of the people, \nlet there be expressions of gratitude to divine Providence for the \ndevout faith of the discoverer, and for the divine care and guidance \nwhich has directed our history and so abundantly blessed our \npeople. \n\nIn testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused \nthe seal of the United vStates to be affixed. \n\nDone at the city of Washington this twenty-first day of July, in \nthe year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and \n[seal.] ninety-two, and of the Independence of the United States \nthe one hundred and seventeenth. \n\nBenj. H.^rrison. \nBy the President: \n\nJohn W. Foster, \n\nSecretary of Stale. \n\n\n\nTHE WORLD\'S COLUMBIAN EXPOSITION. \n\nWhereas satisfactory proof has been presented to me that pro- \nvision has been made for adequate grounds and buildings for the \nuses of the World\'s Columbian Exposition, and that a sum not less \nthan f 10,000,000, to be used and expended for the purposes of said \nExposition, has been provided in accordance with the conditions \nand requirements of section 10 of an act entitled "An act to provide \nfor celebrating the four-hundredth anniversary of the discovery \nof America b\\- Christopher Columbus by holding an international \nexhibition of arts, industries, manufactures, and the products of the \nsoil, mine, and sea, in the city of Chicago, in the State of Illinois," \napproved April 25, 1890. \n\nNow, therefore, I, Benjamin Harrison, President of the United \nStates, by virtue of the authority vested in me by said act, do hereby \ndeclare and proclaim that such international exhibition will be \nopened on the ist day of May, in the year 1893, in the city of \nChicago, in the State of Illinois, and will not be closed before the \nlast Thursday in October of the same year. And in the name of \nthe Government, and of the people of the United States, I do hereby \ninvite all the nations of the earth to take part in the commemora- \ntion of an event that is preeminent in human history and of lasting \ninterest to mankind, by appointing representatives thereto, and \nsending such exhibits to the World\'s Columbian Exposition as will \nmost fitly and fully illustrate their resources, their industries, and \ntheir progress in civilization. \n\n\n\n246 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nIn testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused \nthe seal of the United States to be affixed. \n\nDone at the citv of Washington this twenty-fourth day of Decem- \nber, one thousand eight hundred and ninety, and of the \n[seal.] Independence of the United States the one hundred and \nfifteenth. \n\nBenj. Harrison. \nBy the President : \n\nJames G. Blaine, \n\nSecretary of State. \n\n\n\nMISCELLANEOUS. \n\nOPPOSITION TO THE LAWS IN WYOMING. \n\nWhereas, by reason of unlawful obstructions, combinations, and \na.ssemblages of persons, it has become impracticable, in my judg- \nment, to enforce by the ordinar}- course of judicial proceedings the \nthe laws of the United States within the State and District of \nWyoming, the United States marshal, after repeated efforts, being \nimable by his ordinary deputies, or by any civil posse which he is \nable to obtain, to execute the process of the United States courts : \n\nNow, therefore, be it known that I, Benjamin Harrison, President \nof the United States, do hereby command all persons engaged in \nsuch resistance to the laws and the process of the courts of the United \nStates to cease such opposition and resistance and to disperse and \nretire peaceably to their respective abodes, on or before Wednesday, \nthe 3d day of August next. \n\nIn witness whereof I have hereunto set vox hand and caused the \nseal of the United States to be affixed. \n\nDone at the city of Washington this thirtieth day of July, in the \nyear of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and ninety- \n[SEAL.] two, and of the Independence of the United States the one \nhundred and seventeenth. \n\nBenj. Harrison. \nBy the President : \n\nJohn W. Foster, \n\nSecretary of State. \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Beii/aiuiii Harrison. 247 \n\n\n\nCANAL TOLLS FOR CANADIAN GOODS. \n\nWhereas, by an act of Congress approved July 26, 1892, entitled \n"x\\n act to enforce reciprocal commercial relations between the \nUnited States and Canada, and for other purposes," it is provided \xe2\x80\x94 \n\nThat, witli a view of securing reciprocal .idvantuKes for tlie citizens, ports, and \nvessels of tlie United States, on and after the first day of August, eighteen hundred \nand ninety-two, whenever and so often as tlie President shall be satisfied that the \npassage through any canal or lock connected with the navigation of the Saint Lawrence \nRiver, the Great Lakes, or the water ways connecting the same, of anv vessels of the \nUnited States, or of cargoes or passengers in transit to any port of the United States, \nis prohibited or is made difficult or burdensome by the imposition of tolls or otherwise \nwhich, in view of the free passage through the St. Marvs Falls Canal, now permitted \nto vessels of all nations, he shall deem to be reciprocally unjust and unreasonable, he \nshall have the power, and it shall be his duty, to suspend, by proclamation to that \neffect, for such time and to such extent (including absolute prohibition) as he shall \ndeem just, the right of free passage through the Saint Marys Falls Canal, so far as it \nrelates to vessels owned bj- the subjects of the government so discriminating against \nthe citizens, ports, or vessels of the United States, or to any cargoes, portions of \ncargoes, or passengers in transit to the ports of the government making such discrim- \nination, whether carried in vessels of the United States or of other nations. \n\nIn such case and during such suspension tolls shall be levied, collected, and paid \nas follows, to wit: LTpon freight of whatever kind or description, not to exceed two \ndollars per ton; upon passengers, not to exceed five dollars each, as shall be from \ntime to time determined by the President: Provided, That no tolls shall be charged or \ncollected upon freight or passengers carried to and landed at Ogdensburg, or any port \nwest of Ogdensburg, and south of a line drawn from the northern boundary of the \nState of New York through the Saint Lawrence River, the Great Lakes, and their \nconnecting channels to the northern boundary of the State of Minnesota. \n\nSec. 2. All tolls so charged shall be collected under such regulations as shall be \nprescribed by the Secretary of the Treasury, who may require the master of each vessel \nto furnish a sworn statement of the amount and kind of cargo and the number of \npassengers carried and the destination of the same, and such proof of the actual \ndelivery of such cargo or passengers at some port or place within the limits above \nnamed as he shall deem satisfactory; and until such proof is furnished such freight \nand passengers may be considered to have been landed at some port or place outside \nof those limits, and the amount of tolls which would have accrued if they had been so \ndelivered shall constitute a lien, which may be enforced against the vessel in default \nwherever and whenever found in the waters of the United States. \n\nAnd whereas the Government of the Dominion of Canada imposes \na toll amounting to about 20 cents per ton on all freight passing \nthrough the Welland Canal in transit to a port of the United States, \nand also a further toll on all vessels of the United States and on all \npassengers in transit to a port of the United States, all of which \ntolls are without rebate. \n\nAnd whereas the Government of the Dominion of Canada in \naccordance with an order in council of April 4, 1892, refunds 18 \ncents per ton of the 20-cent toll at the Welland Canal on wheat, \n\n\n\n248 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjaiiiin Harrison. \n\nIndian corn, pease, barley, rye, oats, flaxseed, and buckwheat, upon \ncondition that they are originally shipped for and carried to \nMontreal or some port east of Montreal for export, and that, if \ntransshipped at an intermediate point, such transshipment is made \nwithin the Dominion of Canada, but allows no such nor any other \nrebate on said products when shipped to a port of the United States \nor when carried to Montreal for export if transshipped within the \nUnited States. \n\nAnd whereas the Government of the Dominion of Canada by \nsaid system of rebate and otherwise discriminates against the \ncitizens of the United States in the use of said Welland Canal in \nviolation of the provisions of article 27 of the treaty of Washington \nconcluded May 8, 1871. \n\nAnd whereas said Welland Canal is connected with the navi^a- \ntion of the Great Lakes, and I am satisfied that the passage through \nit of cargoes in transit to ports of the United States is made diflScult \nand biirdensome by said discriminating system of rebate and \notherwise, and is reciprocally unjust and unreasonable : \n\nNow, therefore, I, Benjamin Harrison, President of the United \nStates of America, by virtue of the power to that end conferred \nupon me by said act of Congress approved July 26, 1892, do hereby \ndirect that from and after September i, 1892, imtil further notice, \na toll of 20 cents per ton be levied, collected, and paid on all freight \nof whatever kind or description passing through the St. Marys \nFalls Canal in transit to any port of the Dominion of Canada, \nwhether carried in vessels of the United States or of other nations; \nand to that extent I do hereby suspend from and after said date the \nright of free passage through said St. Marys Falls Canal of any \nand all cargoes or portions of cargoes in transit to Canadian ports. \n\nIn testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused \nthe seal of the United States to be affixed. \n\nDone at the city of Washington this eighteenth day of August, \nin the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and \n[seal.] ninety- two, and of the Independence of the United States \nof America the one hundred and seventeenth. \n\nBenj. Harrison. \n\nBy the President: \nJohn W. Foster, \n\nSecretary 0/ State. \n\n\n\nPublic Papers a ltd Addresses of Bciija)iiiii JIairisoii. 2-^9 \n\n\n\nADMITTING NEW STATES. \n\nNORTH DAKOTA. \n\n\n\nWhereas the Congress of the United States did by an act approved \non the 22d day of Febrnary, 1S89, provide that the inhabitants of \nthe Territory of Dakota might, upon the conditions prescribed in \nsaid act become the States of North Dakota and South Dakota; \n\nAnd whereas it was provided by said act that the area comprising \nthe Territory of Dakota should, for the purposes of the act, be \ndivided on the line of the seventh standard parallel produced due \nwest to the western boundary of said Territory and that the dele- \ngates elected as therein provided to the constitutional convention in \ndistricts north of said parallel should assemble in convention, at the \ntime prescribed in the act, at the city of Bismarck; \n\nAnd whereas it was provided by the said act that the delegates \nelected as aforesaid should, after they had met and organized, \ndeclare on behalf of the people of North Dakota that they adopt \nthe Constitution of the United States; whereupon the said con- \nvention should be authorized to form a constitution and State \ngovernment for the proposed State of North Dakota; \n\nAnd whereas it was provided by said act that the constitution so \nadopted should be republican in form and make no distinction in \ncivil or political rights on account of race or color, except as to \nIndians not taxed, and not be repugnant to the Constitution of the \nUnited States and the principles of the Declaration of Independence; \nand that the convention should, by an ordinance irre\\-ocable without \nthe consent of the United States and the people of said States, make \ncertain provisions prescribed in said act; \n\nAnd whereas it was provided by said act that the constitutions of \nNorth Dakota and South Dakota should, respectively, incorporate \nan agreement to be reached in accordance with the provision of the \nact, for an equitable division of all property belonging to the Terri- \ntory of Dakota, the disposition of all public records and also for the \napportionment of the debts and liabilities of said Territory, and that \neach of said vStates should obligate itself to pay its proportion of \nsuch debts and liabilities the same as if they had been created by \nsuch States respectively; \n\nAnd whereas it was provided by said act that the constitution \nthus formed for the people of North Dakota should, by an ordinance \nof the convention forming the same, be submitted to the people of \nNorth Dakota at an election to be held therein on the first Tuesday \nin October, 1889, for ratification or rejection b)\' the qualified voters \n\n\n\n250 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nof said proposed State and that the returns of said election should \nbe made to the secretary of the Territory of Dakota, who, with the \ngovernor, and chief justice thereof, or any two of them, should \ncanvass the same; and if a majority of the legal votes cast should \nbe for the constitution, the governor should certify the result to the \nPresident of the United States, together with a statement of the \nvotes cast thereon, and upon separate articles or propositions and a \ncopy of said constitution, articles, propositions and ordinances; \n\nAnd whereas it has been certified to me b}- the governor of the \nTerritory of Dakota that within the time prescribed by said act of \nCongress a constitution for the proposed State of North Dakota has \nbeen adopted and the same ratified by a majority of the qualified \nvoters of said proposed State in accordance with the conditions \nprescribed in said act; \n\nAnd whereas it is also certified to me by the said governor that at \nthe same time that the body of said constitution was submitted to a \nvote of the people, a separate article, numbered 20 and entitled \n" Prohibition," was also submitted and received a majority of all \nthe votes cast for and against said article as well as a majority of all \nthe votes cast for and against the constitution, and was adopted; \n\nAnd whereas a duly authenticated copy of said constitution, \narticle, ordinances, and propositions, as required by said act has \nbeen received by me: \n\nNow, therefore, I, Benjamin Harrison, President of the United \nStates of America, do, in accordance with the provisions of the act \nof Congress aforesaid, declare and proclaim the fact that the condi- \ntions imposed by Congress on the State of North Dakota to entitle \nthat State to admission to the Union have been ratified and accepted \nand that the admission of the said State into the Union is now \ncomplete. \n\nIn testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused \nthe seal of the United States to be aflSxed. \n\nDone at the city of Washington this second day of November, \nin the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and \n[seal.] eighty-nine, and of the Independence of the United States \nof America the one hundred and fourteenth. \n\nBenj. Harrison. \n\nBy the President: \n\nJames G. Blaine, \n\nSecretary of State. \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Beiijaniiii Harrison. 251 \n\n\n\nSOUTH DAKOTA. \n\n\n\nWhereas the Congress of the United States did, liv an act \napproved on the 22nd day of February, 1889, provide that the \ninhabitants of the Territory of Dakota might, upon the conditions \nprescribed in the said act, become the States of North Dakota and \nSouth Dakota; \n\nAnd whereas it was provided by said act that the area comprising \ntlie Territory of Dakota should, for the purposes of the act, be \ndivided on the line of the seventh standard parallel produced due \nwest to the western boundars\' of said Territory, and that the \ndelegates elected as therein provided to the constitutional conven- \ntion in districts south of said parallel should, at the time prescribed \nin the act, assemble in convention at the city of Sioux Falls; \n\nAnd whereas it was provided by the said act that the delegates \nelected as aforesaid should, after they had met and organized, \ndeclare on behalf of the people of South Dakota that they adopt the \nConstitution of the United States; whereupon the said convention \nshould be authorized to form a constitution and State government \nfor the proposed State of South Dakota; \n\nAnd whereas it was provided by said act that the constitution so \nadopted should be republican in form, and make no distinction in \ncivil or political rights on account of race or color, except as to \nIndians not taxed, and not be repugnant to the Constitution of the \nUnited States and the principles of the Declaration of Independence; \nand that the convention should, by an ordinance irrevocable without \nthe consent of the United States and the people of said States, make \ncertain provisions prescribed in said act; \n\nAnd whereas it was provided by said act that the constitutions of \nNorth Dakota and vSouth Dakota should, respectively, incorporate \nan agreement to be reached in accordance with the provisions of \nthe act, for an equitable division of all property belonging to the \nTerritory of Dakota, the disposition of all public records, and also \nfor the apportionment of the debts and liabilities of said Territory, \nand that each of said States should obligate itself to pay its propor- \ntion of such debts and liabilities the same as if they had been \ncreated by such States respectively; \n\nAnd whereas it was provided by said act that at the election for \ndelegates to the constitutional convention in South Dakota, as \ntherein provided, each elector might have written or printed on his \nballot these words, "For the Sioux Falls constitution." or the \nwords "against the vSioux Falls constitution;" that the votes on \nthis question should be returned and canvassed in the same manner \n\n\n\n252 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nas the votes for the election of delegates; and, if a majority of all \nvotes cast on this question should be "for the Sioux Falls consti- \ntution" it should be the duty of the convention which might \nassemble at Sioux Falls, as provided in the act, to resubmit to the \npeople of South Dakota, for ratification or rejection, at an election \nprovided for in said act, the constitution framed at Sioux Falls and \nadopted November 3, 1885, and also the articles and propositions \nseparately submitted at that election, including the question of \nlocating the temporary seat of government, with such changes only \nas related to the name and boundary of the proposed State, to the \nreapportionment of the judicial and legislative districts, and such \namendn:ents as might be necessary in order to comply with the \nprovisions of the act; \n\nAnd whereas it was provided by said act that the constitution \nformed for the people of South Dakota should, by an ordinance of \nthe convention forming the same, be submitted to the people of \nSouth Dakota at an election to be held therein on the first Tuesday \nin October, 1889, for ratification or rejection by the qualified voters \nof said proposed State, and that the returns of said election should \nbe made to the secretary of the Territory of Dakota, who, with the \ngovernor and chief justice thereof, or any two of them, should \ncanvass the same, and if a majority of the legal votes cast should be \nfor the constitution the governor should certify the result to the \nPresident of the United States, together with a statement of the \nvotes cast thereon and upon separate articles or propositions, and a \ncopy of said constitution, articles, propositions and ordinances; \n\nAnd whereas it has been certified to me by the governor of the \nTerritory of Dakota that at the aforesaid election for delegates the \n"Sioux Falls constitution" was submitted to the people of the \nproposed State of South Dakota, as provided in the said act; that a \nmajority of all the v\'Otes cast on this question was "for the Sioux \nFalls constitution;" and that the said constitution was, at the time \nprescribed in the act resubmitted to the people of South Dakota, \nwith proper changes and amendments, and has been adopted and \nratified by a majority of the qualified voters of said proposed State, \nin accordance with the conditions prescribed in said act; \n\nAnd whereas it was also certified to me by the said governor that \nat the same time that the body of said constitution was submitted \nto a vote of the people, two additional articles were submitted \nseparately to wit: an article numbered 24 entitled "Prohibition," \nwhich received a majority of all the votes cast for and against said \narticle, as well as a majority of all the votes cast for and against the \nconstitution and was adopted: and an article numbered 25, entitled \n\n\n\nPublic Papers ami Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. 253 \n\n"Minority representation," which did not receive a majorit)- of the \nvotes cast thereon or upon the constitution and was rejected; \n\nAnd whereas a duly authenticated copy of said constitution, \nadditional articles, ordinances and propositions as required by said \nact, has been received by me: \n\nNow, therefore, I, Benjamin Harrison, President of the United \nStates of America, do, in accordance with the act of Congress \naforesaid, declare and proclaim the fact that the conditions imposed \nby Congress on the State of South Dakota to entitle that State to \nadmission to the Union have been ratified and accepted, and that \nthe admission of the said State into the Union is now complete. \n\nIn testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused \nthe seal of the United vStates to be affixed. \n\nDone at the city of Wa.shington this second day of November \nin the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred \n[seal.] and eighty-nine, and of the Independence of the United \nStates of America the one hundred and fourteenth. \n\nBenj. Harrison. \n\nBv the President: \n\nJames G. Blaine, \n\nSecretary of State. \n\n\n\nMONTANA. \n\n\n\nWhereas the Congress of the United States did by an act approved \non the 22d day of February, 1889, provide that the inhabitants of \nthe Territory of Montana might, upon the conditions prescribed in \n.said act, become the State of Montana. \n\nAnd whereas it was provided by said act that delegates elected as \ntherein provided, to a constitutional convention in the Territory of \nAlontana, should meet at the seat of government of said Territory; \nand that after they had met and organized they should declare on \nbehalf of the people of Montana that they adopt the Constitution of \nthe United States ; whereupon the said convention should be author- \nized to form a State government for the proposed State of Montana ; \n\nAnd whereas it was provided by said act that the constitution so \nadopted should be republican in form and make no distinction in \ncivil or political rights on account of race or color, except as to \nIndians not taxed, and not be repugnant to the Constitution of the \nUnited States and the principles of the Declaration of Independence; \nand that the Convention should by an audience irrevocable without \n\n\n\n254 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nthe consent of the United States and the people of said State make \ncertain provisions prescribed in said act. \n\nAnd whereas it was provided by said act that the constitution \nthus formed for the people of Montana should, by an ordinance of \nthe convention forming the same, be submitted to the jDcople of \nMontana at an election to be held therein on the first Tuesday in \nOctober, 1889, for ratification or rejection by the qualified voters of \nsaid proposed State; and that the returns of said election should be \nmade to the secretary of said Territory, who, with the governor and \nchief justice thereof, or any two of them, should canvass the same; \nand if a majority of the legal votes cast should be for the constitu- \ntion, the governor should certify the result to the President of the \nUnited States, together with a statement of the votes cast thereon, \nand upon separate articles or propositions, and a copy of said con- \nstitution, articles, propositions and ordinances. \n\nAnd whereas it has been certified to me by the governor of said \nTerritory that within the time prescribed by said act of Congress a \nConstitution for the proposed State of Montana has been adopted and \nthat the same, together with two ordinances connected therewith, \nhas been ratified by a majority of the qualified voters of said pro- \nposed State in accordance with the conditions prescribed in said act. \n\nAnd whereas a duly authenticated copy of said constitution and \nordinances, as required by said act, has been received by me: \n\nNow, therefore, I, Benjamin Harrison, President of the United \nStates of America, do, in accordance with the provisions of the act \nof Congress aforesaid, declare and proclaim the fact that the condi- \ntions imposed by Congress on the State of Montana to entitle that \nState to admission to the Union have been ratified and accepted and \nthat the admission of the said State into the Union is now complete. \n\nIn testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the \nseal of the United States to be affixed. \n\nDone at the city of Washington this eighth day of November, in \nthe vear of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and \n[seal.] eighty-nine, and of the Independence of the United States \nof America the one hundred and fourteenth. \n\nBenj. Harrison. \n\nBy the President: \n\nJames G. Blaine, \n\nSecretary of State. \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Bcnjauiin Harrison. 255 \n\n\n\nWASHINOTON. \n\n\n\nWhereas the Conjjress of the United States did by an act approved \non the 22d day of February, 1889, provide that the inhabitants of \nthe Territory of Washington might, upon the conditions prescribed \nin said act, become the State of Washington: \n\nAnd whereas it was provided by said act that delegates elected as \ntherein pro\\ided, to a constitutional convention in the Territory of \nWashington, should meet at the seat of government of said Terri- \ntory; and that, after they had met and organized they should declare \non behalf of the people of Washington that they adopt the Consti- \ntution of the United States; whereupon the said convention should \nbe authorized to form a State government for the proposed State of \nWashington; \n\nAnd whereas it was provided by said act that the constitution so \nadopted should be republican in form and make no distinction in \ncivil or political rights on account of race or color, except as to \nIndians not taxed, and not be repugnant to the Constitution of the \nUnited States and the principles of the Declaration of Independence; \nand that the convention should by an ordinance irrevocable without \nthe consent of the United States and the people of said State make \ncertain provisions prescribed in said act; \n\nAnd whereas it was provided by said act that the constitution \nthus formed for the people of Washington should, by an ordinance of \nthe convention forming the same, be submitted to the people of \nWashington at an election to be held therein on the first Tuesday \nin October, 1889, for ratification or rejection by the qualified voters \nof said proposed State; and that the returns of said election should \nbe made to the secretary of said Territory, who, with the governor \nano chief justice thereof, or an\\- two of them, should canvass the \nsame, and if a majority of the legal votes cast should be for the \nconstitution, the governor should certify the result to the President \nof the United States, together with a statement of the votes cast \nthereon, and upon separate articles or propositions and a cop>- of \nsaid constitution, articles, propositions and ordinances \n\nAnd whereas it has been certified to me by the governor of said \nTerritory\' that within the time prescribed by said act of Congress a \nconstitution for the proposed State of Washington has been adopted \nand that the same has been ratified by a majority of the qualified \nvoters of said proijosed State in accordance with the conditions pre- \nscribed in said act ; \n\nAnd whereas it is also certified to me by the said governor that \nat the same time the bodv of said constitution was submitted to a \n\n\n\n256 Public Papers and Addresses of Bciijaiiiiii Narrison. \n\nvote of the people two separate articles entitled \' \' Woman\'s suffrage \' \' \nand "Prohibition" were likewise submitted, which said separate \narticles did not receive a majority of the votes cast thereon or upon \nthe constitution and were rejected; also that at the same election the \nquestion of the location of a permanent seat of government was so \nsubmitted and that no place received a majority of all the votes cast \nupon said questions; \n\nAnd whereas a duly authenticated copy of said constitution and \narticles, as required by said act, has been received by me: \n\nNow, therefore, I, Benjamin Harrison, President of the United \nStates of America, do, in accordance with the provisions of the act \nof Congress aforesaid, declare and proclaim the fact that the condi- \ntions imposed by Congress on the State of Washington to entitle \nthat State to admission to the Union have been ratified and accepted \nand that the admission of the said State into the Union is now \ncomplete. \n\nIn testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused \nthe seal of the United States to be affixed. \n\nDone at the city of Washington this eleventh day of November, \nin the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and \n[seal.] eighty-nine, and of the Independence of the United vStates \nof America the one hundred and fourteenth. \n\nBenj. Harrison. \n\nBy the President: \n\nJames G. Blaine, \n\nSecretary of State. \n\n\n\nTHE SEAL FISHERIES. \n\nThe following provisions of the laws of the United States are \nhereby published for the information of all concerned: \n\nSection 1956, Revised Statutes, chapter 3, title 23, enacts that \xe2\x80\x94 \n\nNo person sh.TlI kill any otter, mink, marten, sable, or fnr seal, or other fur-bearing \nanimal within the limits of Alaska Territory, or in the waters thereof; and ever}\' person \nguilty thereof shall, for each offense, be fined not less than two hundred nor more than \none thousand dollars, or imprisoned not more than six months, or both, and all vessels, \ntheir tackle, apparel, furniture and cargo, found engaged in violation of this section \nshall be forfeited, but the Secretary of the Treasury shall have power to authorize the \nkilling of any such mink, marten, sable, or other fur-bearing animal, except fur seals, \nunder such regulations as he may prescribe, and it shall be the duty of the Secretary to \nprevent the killing of any fur seal, and to provide for the execution of the provisions \nof this section until it is otherwise provided Ijv law, nor shall he grant any special \nprivileges under this section. \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and ^[ddrcsses of Benjamin Harrison. 257 \n\nSection 3 of the act entitled "An act to provide for the protection \nof tlie salmon fisheries of Alaska," approved March 2, 1889, pro- \nvides that; \n\nSec-. 3. That section 11J56 of tlie Revised Statutes of the United States is hereby \ndeclared to include and appl)- to all the dominion of the United Slates in the waters of \nBehring Sea. and it shall be the duty nf the President at a timely season, in each year, \nto issue his proclamation, and cause the same to be published for one month at least \nin one newspaper (if any such there be) published at each United States port of entry \non the Pacific coast, warning all persons against entering such waters for the purpose \nof violating the provisions or said section, and he shall also cause one or more \nvessels of the United States to diligently cruise said waters and arrest all persons and \nseize all vessels found to be or to have been engaged in any violation of the laws of \nthe United States therein. \n\nNow, therefore, I, Benjamin Harrison, President of the United \nStates, pursuant to the above recited statutes, hereby warn all \npersons against entering the waters of Bering vSea, within the \nthe dominion of the United St^\'tes, for the purpose of violating the \nprovisions of said section 1956, Revised vStatutes; and I herebv \nproclaim, that all jDersons found to be, or have been engaged in an\\- \nviolation of the laws of the United vStates, in said waters, will be \narrested and punished as above provided, and that all vessels so \nemployed, their tackle, apparel, furniture, and cargoes will be \nseized and forfeited. \n\nIn testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused \nthe seal of the United ^States to be affixed. \n\nDone at the city of Washington this twenty-first day of ]\\Iarcli, \none thousand eight hundred and eightv-nine, and of the \n[sKAL.] Independence of the United States the one hundred and \nthirteenth. \n\nBknj. Harrlson. \n\nBy the President: \n\nJames G. Blaine, \n\nSecretary of State. \n\nl,5l,-)l 17 \n\n\n\n258 I\'liblu J\'apcrs and , hMrcsscs of Ikujauiin Harrison. \n\n\n\nMODUS VIVENDI RESPECTING THE FUR-SEAL \nFISHERIES. \n\nWhereas an agreement for a modus vivendi between the Govern- \nment of the United States and the Government of Her Britannic \nMajesty, in relation to the fur-seal fisheries in Bering Sea, was \nconcluded on the 15th day of June, in the year of our Lord 1891, \nword for word as follows: \n\nAGREEMENT BETWEEN THE GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES AND THE GOVERNMENT \nOF HER BRITANNIC MAJESTY FOR A MODUS VIVENDI IN RELATION TO THE FUR-SEAL \nFISHERIES IN BEHRING SEA. \n\nFor the purpose of avoiding irritating differences and with a view to promote the \nfriendly settlement of the questions pending between the two governments touching \ntheir respective rights in Behring Sea, and for the preservation of the seal species, the \nfollowing agreement is made without prejudice to the rights or claims of either party. \n\n(i) Her Majesty\'s Government will prohibit, until May next, seal killing in that part \nof Behring Sea lying eastward of the line of demarcation described in article No. i of \nthe treaty of 1S67 between the United States and Russia, and will promptly use its \nbest efforts to ensure the observance of this prohibition by British subjects and vessels. \n\n(2) The United States Government will prohibit seal killing for the same period in \nthe same part of Behring Sea and on the shores and islands thereof, the property of \nthe United States (in excess of 7,50010 be taken on the islands for the subsistence and \ncare of the natives) and will promptly use its best efforts to ensure the observance of \nthis prohibition by United States citizens and vessels. \n\n(3) Every vessel or person offending against this prohibition in the said waters of \nBehring Sea outside of the ordinary territorial limits of the United States, may be seized \nand detained by the naval or other duly commissioned officers of either of the High \nContracting Parties, but they shall be handed over as soon as practicable to the authori- \nties of the nation to which they respectively belong, who shall alone have jurisdiction \nto try the offense and impose the penalties for the same. The witnesses and proofs \nnecessary to establish the offense shall also be sent with them. \n\n(4) In order to facilitate such proper inquiries as Her Majesty\'s Government may \ndesire to make, with a view to the presentation of the case of that Government before \narbitrators, and in expectation that an agreement for arbitration may be arrived at, it \nis agreed that suitable persons designated by Great Britain will be permitted at any \ntime, upon application, to visit or to remain upon the seal islands during the present \nsealing season for that purpose. \n\nSigned and sealed in duplicate at Washington, this fifteenth day of June, 1S91, on \nbehalf of their respective Governments, by William F. Wharton, Acting Secretary of \nState of the United States, and Sir Julian Pauncefote, o. c. M. G., K. c. B., H. B. M. \nEnvoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary. \n\nWilliam F. Wharton, [seal.] \nJulian Pauncefote. [seal.] \n\nNow, therefore, be it known that I, Benjamin Harrison, President \nof the United States of America, have caused the said agreement to \nbe made public, to the end that the same and every part thereof may \nbe observ^ed and fulfilled with good faith by the United States of \nAmerica and the citizens thereof, \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. 259 \n\nIn witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the \nseal of the United States to be affixed. \n\nDone at the city of Washington this fifteenth day of June, in the \nyear of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and ninety- \n[SKAL. j one, and of the Independence of the United States the one \nhundred and fii\'teenth. \n\nBenj. Harrison. \n\nBy the President : \n\nWilliam F. Wharton, \n\nActing Secretary of State. \n\n\n\nRENEWAL OF THE EXISTING MODUS VIVENDI IN \n\nBERING SEA. \n\nWhereas a convention between the United States of America and \nGreat Britain for the renewal of the existing modus z\'iz\'endiin Bering \nSea was signed by their respective plenipotentiaries at the city of \nWashington, on the iSth day of April, 1892, the original of which \nConvention, being in the English language, is word for word as \nfollows: \n\nCONVENTION BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA AND GREAT BRITAIN For THE \nRENEWAL OF THE EXISTING " M<JDIJS VIVENDI" IN BEIIRING\'s SEA. \n\nWhereas by a Convention concluded between the Unitetl States of .America and Her \nMajesty the Oueen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, on the twenty- \nninth day of February, one-thousand eight hundred and ninety-two, llic High Contracting \nParties have agreed to submit to Arbitration, as therein stated, the c|uestions which have \narisen between them concerning the jurisdictional riglits of llir l^niteil States in tire \nwaters of Behring\'s Sea and concerning also the preservation of the fur-seal in, or \nhabitually resorting to, the said sea, and the rights of the citizens and subjects of either \ncountry as regards the taking of the fur-seal in, or habitually resorting to, the said \nwaters; and whereas the High Contracting Parties, having diflered as to what restrictive \nRegulations for seal-hunting are necessary, during the pendency of such .Arbitration, \nhave agreed to adjust such diflerence in manner hereinafter mentioned, and without \nprejudice to the rights of either party: \n\nThe said High Contracting Parties have appointed as their Plenipotentiaries to \nto conclude a convention for this purpose, that is to say; \n\nThe President of the United States of America, James (i. Blaini-, Secretary of Stale, \nof the United States. \n\n.\xe2\x96\xa0\\nd Her Majesty the Oueen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, \nSir Julian Pauncefote, Knight Grand Cross of the Most Distinguished Order of Saint \nMichael and Saint George, Knight Conrmander of the Most Honorable Order of the \nBath, and Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of Her Britannic Majesty \nto the United States; \n\n\n\n26o J\'lihlic Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nWho, aflL-r liaviiiij coiuimiiiicalud Id each otlit-r thc-ir respective full powers, found \nin due and good form, liave agreed upon and concluded the following articles: \n\nAktii\'i.f. 1. \n\nHer Majesty\'s (\'xivernment will prohibit, during the pendency of the Arbilialion, \nseal killing in thai part of Behring Sea lying eastward of the line of demarcation \ndescribed in Article No. I of the Treaty of 1867 between the United States and Russia, \nand will promptly use its best efTorts to ensure the observance of this prohibition by \nBritish subjects and vessels. \n\n.\\rticlk II. \n\nThe United States Government will prohibit seal-killing for the same period in the \nsame part of Behring\'s Sea, and on the shores and islands thereof, the property of the \nUnited States (in c.Kcess of seven thousand five hundred to be taken on the islands for \nthe subsistence of the natives), and will proinptly use its best efforts to ensure the \nobservance of this prohibition by United States citizens and vessels. \n\n/\\kticle III. \n\nEvery vessel or person oflTending against this prohibition in the said waters of \nBehring Sea outside of the ordinary territorial limits of the United States, iriay be \nseized and detained by the naval or other duly commissioned officers of either of the \nHigh Contracting Parties, but they shall be handed over as soon as practicable to the \nauthorities of the Nation to which they respectively belong, who alone shall have \njurisdiction to try the offence and impose the penalties for the same. The witnesses \nand proof necessary to establish the ofTense shall also be sent with them. \n\nArticle IV. \n\nIn order to facilitate such proper inquiries as Her Majesty\'s Government may desire \nto make with a view to the pres\'jntation of the case and arguments of that Government \nbefore the Arbitrators, it is agreed that suitable persons designated by Great Britain \nwill be permitted at any time, upon application, to visit or remain upon the Seal Islands \nduring the sealing season for that purpose. \n\nArticle \\\'. \n\nIf the result of the Arbitration be to affirm the right of the British sealers to take \nseals in Behring Sea within the bounds claimed by the United States, under its purchase \nfrom Russia, then compensation shall be made by the United .States to Great Britain \n(for the use of her subjects) for abstaining from the exercise of that right during the \npendency of the Arbitration upon the basis of such a regulated and limited catch or \ncatches as in the opinion of the Arbitrators might have been taken without an undue \ndiminution of the seal-herds; and, on the other hand, if the result of the Arbitration \nshall be to deny the right of British sealers to take seals within the said waters, then \ncompensation shall be made by Great Britain to the United States (for itself, its citizens \nand lessees) for this agreement to liiriit the island catch to seven thousand five hundred \na season, upon the basis of the difTerence between this number and such larger catch \nas in the opinion of the .Arbitrators might have been taken without an undue diminution \nof the seal-herds. \n\nThe amount awarded, if any, in either case shall be such as under all the circum- \nstances is just and equitable, and shall be promptly paid. \n\nArticle VI. \n\nThis Convention maybe denounced by either of the I liuh Contracting Parties at \nany lime after the thirty-first day of October, one thousand eight hundred and ninety- \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Beiijauiiii Harrison. 261 \n\nthree, on giving to the othci Part\\- tv\\\'o monllis notice of its teiinination ; and al tlu- \nexpiration of sticlr notice the Con\\\'ention sliall cease to be in force. \n\nArtki.k VII. \n\nThe present Convention shall be duly ratified by the President of the United States, \nby and with the advice and consent of the Senate thereof, and by Her Britannic \nMajest)\'; and the ratifications shall be exchanged either at Washington or at London \nas early as possible. \n\nIn faith whereof, we, the respective PlcnijKitentiaries have signei.1 this Convention \nand have hereunto athxed our seals. \n\nDone in duplicate at Washington, tliis eighteenth day of April, one tlionsand eigKt \nhundred and ninety-two. \n\ny.A.MEs G. Blaine. [seal.] \nJulian Pauncefote. [seal.] \n\nAnd whereas the .said convention has been dnly ratified on both \nparts, and the ratifications of tlie two Governments were exchanged \nin tlie city of London on the /tli day of May, 1892: \n\nNow, therefore, be it known that I, Benjamin Harrison, President \nof the United vStates of America, have cansed the said Convention \nto be made pnblic, to the end tliat the same, and every article and \nclause thereof, may be observed in t^ood faith by the United States \nand the citizens thereof. \n\nIn witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the \n.seal of the United States to be affixed. \n\nDone at the city of Washington this ninth day of May, in the \n\\-ear of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and ninety- \n[sp:al. ] two, and of the Independence of the United States the one \nhundred and sixteenth. \n\n\n\nBenj. Harrison. \n\n\n\nBy the President: \n\nJames G. Blaine, \n\nSccretarv of State. \n\n\n\nTHE BERING SEA ARBITRATION. \n\nWhereas a convention between the United States of America \nand Great Britain, providing for an amicable settlement of the \nquestions which have arisen between tho.se Governments concern- \ning the jurisdictional rights of the United States in the waters of \nthe Bering vSea, and concerning also the preservation of the fur-seal \nin or habituallv resorting to the said .sea and the rights of the \ncitizens and subjects of either country as regards the taking ot fur- \n\n\n\n263 Pnhlic Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nseal in or habitually resortino^ to the said waters, was signed by \ntheir respective plenipotentiaries at the city of Washington on the \n29th day of February, 1892, the original of which con .ention, being \nin the English language and as amended by the Senate of the United \nStates, is word for word as follows : \n\nThe United Stales of America and Her Majesty the Queen of the United Kingdom \nof Great Britain and Ireland, being desirous to provide for an amicable settlement of \nthe questions which have arisen between their respective Governments concerning the \njurisdictional rights of the United States in the waters of Behring\'s Sea, and concerning \nalso the preservation of the fur-seal in, or habitually resorting to, the said sea, and the \nrights of the citizens and subjects of either country as regards the taking of fur-seal in, \nor habitually resorting to, the said waters, have resolved to submit to arbitration the \nquestions involved, and to the end of concluding a convention for that purpose have \nappointed as their respective plenipotentiaries : \n\nThe President of the United States of America, James G. Blaine, Secretary of State \nof the United States ; and \n\nHer Majesty the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, Sir \nJulian Pauncefote, o. c. M. G., K. c. n.. Her Majesty\'s Envoy Extraordinary and Minister \nPlenipotentiary to the United States ; \n\nWho, after having communicated to each other their respective full powers, which \nwere found to be in due and proper form, have agreed to and concluded the following \narticles : \n\nArticle I. \n\nThe (|uestions which have arisen between the Government of the United States and \nthe government of Her Britannic Majesty concerning the jurisdictional rights of the \nUnited States in the waters of Behiing\'s Sea, and concerning also the preservation of \nthe fur-seal in, or habitually resorting to, the said sea, and the rights of the citizens and \nsubjects of either country as regards the taking of fur-seal in, or habitually resorting \nto, the said waters, shall be submitted to a tribunal of arbitration, to be composed of \nseven arbitrators, who shall be appointed in the following manner, that is to say: Two \nshall be named by the President of the United States; two shall be named b}\' Her \nBritannic Majesty; His Excellency the President of the French Republic shall be \njointly requested by the High Contracting Parties to name one ; His Majesty the King \nof Italy shall be so requested to name one ; and His Majest\\\' the King of Sweden and \nNorway shall be so requested to name one. The seven arbitrators so named shall be \njurists of distinguished reputation in their respective countries; and the selecting \npowers shall be requested to choose, if possible, jurists who are acquainted with the \nEnglish language. \n\nIn case of the death, absence, or incapacity to serve of any or cither of the said \narbitrators, or in the event of any or either of the said arbitrators omitting or declining \nor ceasing to act as such, the President of the United States, or Her Britannic Majesty, \nor His Excellency the President of the French Republic, or His Majesty the King of \nItaly, or His Majesty the King of Sweden and Norway, as the case may be, shall name, \nor shall be requested to name forthwith, another person to act as arbitrator in the place \nand stead of the arbitrator originally named by such head of a State. \n\nAnd in the event of a refusal or omission for two months after receipt of the joini \nrequest from the High Contracting Parties of His Excellency the President of the \nFrench Republic, or His Majesty the King of Italy, or His Majesty the King of Sweden \nand Norway, to name an arbitrator, either to fill the original appointment or to fill a \nvacancy as above provided, then in such case the appointment shall be made or the \nvacancy shall be filled in such manner as the high contracting parties shall agree. \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. 263 \n\nAuTHI.k II. \n\nThe Arbitrators shall meet at Paris within twenty days after the delivery of the counter \ncases mentioned in Article IV, and shall proceed impartially and carefully to examine \nand decide the questions that have been or shall be laid before them as herein pro- \nvided on the part of the Governments of the United States and Her Britannic Majesty, \nrespectivelv. All questions considered by the tribunal, incliulins; the final decision, \nshall be determined by a luajority of all the arbitrators. \n\nEach of the High Contractiug Parties shall also name one person to attend the tribunal \nas its agent to represent it generally in all matters connected with the arbitration. \n\nArticle III. \n\nThe printed case of each of the two parties, accompanied by the documents, the \nofficial correspondence, and other evidence on which each relies, shall be delivered in \nduplicate to each of the Arbitrators and to the Agent of the other party as soon as may \nbe after the appointment of the members of the tribunal, but within a period not \nexceeding four months from the date of the exchange of the ratifications of this treaty. \n\nAktici.e IV. \n\nWithin three months after the delivery on both sides of the printed case, either party \nmay, in like manner deliver in duplicate to each of the said Arbitrators, and to the \nAgent of the other party, a counter case, and additional documents, correspondence, \nand evidence in replv to the case, documents, correspondence, and evidence so pre- \nsented by the other party. \n\nIf, however, in consequence of the distance of the place from which the evidence to \nbe presented is to lie procured, either party shall, within thirty days after the receipt \nby its agent of the case of the other party, give notice to the other party that it requires \nadditional time for the delivery of such counter case, documents, correspondence, and \nevidence such additional time so indicated, but not exceeding sixty days beyond the \nthree months in this Article provided, shall be allowed. \n\nIf in the case submitted to the Arbitrators either party shall have specified or alluded \nto any report or document in its own exclusive possession, without annexing a copy, \nsuch party shall be bound, if the other party thinks proper to apply for it, to furnish \nthat party with a copv thereof; and either party may call uii.iii the other, through the \nArbitrators, to produce the origin.als or certified copies of any papers adduced as \nevidence, giving in each instance notice thereof within thirty days after delivery of the \ncase; and the original or copy so requested shall be delivered as soon as may be and \nwithin a period not exceeding forty days after recei])! of notice. \n\nArticle V. \n\nIt shall be the duty of the Agent of each party, within one month after the expiration \nof the time limited for the delivery of the counter case on both sides, to deliver in \nduplicate to each of the said Arbitrators and to the agent of the other party a printed \nargument showing the ])oints and referring to the evidence upon which his Government \nreUes, and either parly may also support the same before the Arbitrators by oral \nargument of counsel; and the Arbitrators may, if they desire further elucidation witli \nregard to any point, require a written or primed statement or argumeul, or oial argu- \nment by counsel, upon it; but in such case the other party shall In- .niitled to reply \neither orally or in writing, as the case may be, \n\n.\xe2\x80\xa2\\RTICLI\', VI. \n\nIn deciding the matters submitted to the Arbitrators, it is agreed that the following \nfive points shall be submitted to them, in order that their award shall embrace- a dislincl \ndecision upon each of said five points, to wit ; \n\nI. What exclusive jurisdiction in the sea now known as ilie liehrings .Sc-a. and what \n\n\n\n264 Public Papers and Addresses of Bciija\xc2\xbbnn Harrison. \n\nexclusive rights in the seal fisheries therein, did Russia assert and exercise prior and \nup to the time of the cession of Alaska to the United States? \n\n2. How far were these claims of jurisdiction as to the seal fisheries recognized and \nconceded by Great Britain f \n\n3. Was the bod)- of water now known as the Behring\'s Sea included in the phrase \n" Pacific Ocean," as used in the Treaty of 1825 between Great Britain and Russia; and \nwhat rights, if any, in the Behring\'s Sea were held and exclusively exercised by Russia \nafter said Treaty? \n\n4. Did not all the rights of Russia as to jurisdiction, and as to the seal fisheries in \nBehring\'s Sea east of the water boundary, in the Treaty between the United States and \nRussia of the 30th March, 1867, pass unimpared to the United States under thatTreat)\'? \n\n5. Has the United States any right, and if so, what right of protection or property \nin the fur-seals frequenting the islands of the United States in Behring Sea when such \nseals are found outside the ordinary three-mile limit? \n\nArticle VU. \n\nIf the determination of the foregoing questions as to the exclusive jurisdiction of \nthe United States shall leave the subject in such position that the concurrence of Great \nBritain is necessary to the establishment of Regulations for the proper protection and \npreser%\'ation of the fur-seal in, or habitually resorting to, the Behring Sea, the Arbitrators \nshall then determine what concurrent Regulations outside the jurisdictional limits of \nthe respective Governments are necessary, and over what waters such Regulations \nshould extend, and to aid them in that determination the report of a Joint Commission \nto be appointed by the respective Governments shall be laid before them, with such \nother evidence as either Government may submit. \n\nThe High Contracting Parties furthermore agree to cooperate in securing the adhesion \nof other Powers to such Regulations. \n\nArticle VHI. \n\nThe High Contracting Parties having found themselves unable to agree upon a \nreference which shall include the question of the liability of each for the injuries \nalleged to have been sustained by the other, or by its citizens, in connection with the \nclaims presented and urged by it; and being solicitous that this subordinate question \nshould not interrupt or longer delay the submission and determination of the main \nquestions, do agree that cither may submit to the Arbitrators any question of fact \ninvolved in said claims and ask for a finding thereon, the question of the liability of \neither Government upon the facts found to be the subject of further negotiation. \n\nArticle IX. \n\nThe High Contracting Parties have agreed to appoint two Commissioners on the \npart of each Government to make the joint investigation and report contemplated in \nthe preceding Article VII, and to include the terms of the said Agreement in the \npresent Convention, to the end that the joint and several reports and recommendations \nof said Commissioners may be in due form submitted to the Arbitrators should the \ncontingency therefor arise, the said Agreement is accordingly herein included as \nfollows: \n\nEach Government shall appoint two Commissioners to investigate conjointly with \nthe Commissioners of the other Government all the facts having relation to seal life in \nBehring\'s Sea, and the measures necessary for its proper protection and preservation. \n\n"The four Commissioners shall, so far as they may be able to agree, make a joint \nreport to each of the two Governments, and they shall also report, either jointly or \nseverally, to each Government on any points upon which they may be unable to agree. \n\nThese reports shall not be made public until they shall be submitted to the Arbi- \ntrators, or it shall appear that the contingency of their being used by the Arbitrators \ncan not arise. \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Benjauiin Idarrisoii. 265 \nArtici.k X. \n\nEach Government shall pay the expenses of its members of the Joint romniission \nin the investigation referred to in the preceding Article. \n\nArticle X[. \n\nThe decision of the tribunal shall, if possible, be made within three months from \nthe close of the argument on both sides. \n\nIt shall be made in writing and dated, and shall be signed by the .Vrbitrators who \nmay assent to it. \n\nThe decision shall be in duplicate, one copy whereof shall be delivered to the .-Xgunt \nof the United States for his Government, and the other copy shall be delivered to the \nAgent of Great Britain for his Government. \n\n.^.RTICLE XII. \n\nEach Government shall pay its own Agent and provide for the proper remuneration \nof the counsel employed by it and of the Arbitrators appointed bv it, and for the \nexpense of preparing and submitting its case to the tribunal. .All other e.xpenses \nconnected with the .Arbitration shall be defrayed by the two Governments in equal \nmoieties. \n\nArticle XIII. \n\nThe Arbitrators shall keep an accurate record of their proceedings, and m.ay appoint \nand employ the necessary officers to assist them. \n\nArticle XIV, \n\nThe High Contracting Parties engage to consider the result of the proceedings of \nthe tribunal of arbitration, as a full, perfect, and final settlement of all the questions \nreferred to the .Arbitrators. \n\n.Article X\\\'. \n\nThe present treaty shall be duly ratified by the President of the United States of \nAmerica, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate thereof, and by Her \nBritannic Majesty; and the ratification shall be exchanged either at Washington or at \nLondon within six months from the d.ate hereof, or earlier if possible. \n\nIn faith whereof we, the respective Plenipotentiaries, have signed this treaty ,ind \nhave hereunto affixed our seals. \n\nDone in duplicate at Washington the twenty-ninth day of February, one thou.sand \neight hundred and ninetv-two. \n\nJames G. Blaine. [seal. J \n\nJulian Pauncefcite. [seal.] \n\nAnd whereas the said conveution ha.s been duh- ratified on both \nparts, and the ratifications of the two Governments were e.\\chan\xc2\xab-ed \nin the city of London, on the 7th day of May, 1892: \n\nNow, therefore, be it known that I, P>enjamin Harrison, President \nof the United States of America, have can.sed the said Convention \nto be made pnblic, as amended, to the end that the same, and every \narticle and clanse thereof, may he ol^served and fnlfiUed with good \nfaith by the United States and the citizens tliercof \n\n\n\n256 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nIn witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the \nseal of the United States to be affixed. \n\nDone at the city of Washinojton, this ninth day of May, in the \nyear of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and ninety- \n[SEAL.] two, and of the Independence of the United States the \none hundred and sixteenth. \n\nBenj. Harrison. \n\nBy the President: \n\nJames G. Blaine, \n\nSecretary of State. \n\n\n\nRECIPROCITY AGREEMENTS WITH BRAZIL. \n\nWhereas, pursuant to section 3 of the act of Congress approved \nOctober i, 1S90, entitled "An act to reduce the revenue and equalize \nduties on imports, and for other purposes," the Secretary of State \nof the United States of America communicated to the Government \nof the United States of Brazil the action of the Congress of the \nUnited States of America, with a view to secure reciprocal trade, \nin declaring the articles enumerated in said section 3, to wit, sugars, \nmolasses, coffee, and hides, to be exempt from duty upon their \nimportation into the United States of America; \n\nAnd whereas the envoy extraordinary and minister plenipoten- \ntiary of Brazil at Washington has communicated to the Secretary of \nState the fact that, in due reciprocity for and consideration of the \nadmission into the United States of America free of all duty of the \narticles enumerated in section 3 of said act, the Government of \nBrazil has, by legal enactment, authorized the admission, from and \nafter April i, 1891, into all the established ports of entry of Brazil, \nfree of all duty, whether national, state, or municipal, of the articles \nor merchandise named in the following schedule, provided that the \nsame be the product and manufacture of the United States of \nAmerica. \n\n[Here follows schedule of articles.] \n\nAnd whereas the Secretary of State has, by my direction, given \nassurance to the envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary \nof Brazil at Washington that this action of the Government of \nBrazil in granting exemption of duties to the products and manu- \nfactures of the United States of America, is accepted as a due \nreciprocity for the action of Congress, as set forth in section 3 of \nsaid act : \n\nNow, therefore, be it known that I, Benjamin Harrison, President \n\n\n\nPitblic Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. 267 \n\nof the United States of America, have caused tlie above-stated \nmodifications of the tariff law of Brazil to be made public for the \ninformation of the citizens of the United States of America. \n\nIn testimony whereof, I have herennto set my hand and caused \nthe seal of the United States to be affixed. \n\nDone at the city of Washington this fifth day of February, one \nthousand eight hundred and uinety-one, and of the Inde- \n[SEAL.] pendence of the United States of Aiuerica the one hun- \ndred and fifteenth. \n\nBenj. Harrison. \nB\\- the President: \n\nJames G. Blaine, \n\nSecretary of State. \n\n[Similar proclamations were issued reciting reciprocal agreements \nas follows: Dominican Republic, August i, 1891 ; Spain (for Cuba \nand Puerto Rico), July 31, 1891; Labrador, December 31, 1891; Ger- \nmany, Februar}\' i, 1892 ; Great Britain (for certain islands), February \nI, 1892; Nicaragua, March 12, 1892; Honduras, April 30, 1892; \nGuatemala, May 18, 1892. Proclamations were also issued suspend- \ning the free admission into the United States of sugar, molasses, \ncoffee, tea, and hides from Venezuela, Haiti, and Colombia.] \n\n\n\ndeath of gen. john c. fremont. \n\nExecutive Mansion, \nJVashington, July //, iSgo. \nThe death of John C. Fremont, a major-general on the retired list \nof the Armv of the United States, is an event calling for some \nappropriate expression of the national sorrow and of a grateful \nappreciation of his public services. His career was full of adven- \nturous and useful discovery, and of devoted and conspicuous service \nboth in civil and military affairs. He opened the passes of the \nRocky Mountains and gave value to his discoveries by aiding to \ncreate an American State on the Pacific coast. \n\nIt is therefore ordered that the National flag be displayed at half- \nmast upon all the buildings of the Executive Departments in this \ncit>\' until after the funeral shall lia\\e taken place. \nB\\- direction of the President: \n\nE. W. Halford, \n\nPrivate .Secretary. \n\n\n\n268 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\n\n\ndeath of george bancroft. \n\nExecutive Mansion, \nWashington.^ January /p, i8gi. \nThe death of George Bancroft, which occurred in the city of \nWashington on Saturday, January 17, at 3:40 o\'clock p. m., removes \nfrom among the living one of the most distinguished Americans. \n\nAs an expression of the public loss and sorrow, the flags of all the \nExecutive Departments at Wa.shington and of the public buildings \nin the cities through which the funeral party is to pass, will be \nplaced at half-mast on to-morrow and until the body of this eminent \nstatesman, scholar, and historian shall rest in the State that gave \nhim to his country and to the world. \nBy the direction of the President: \n\nElijah W. Halford, \n\nPrivate Secretary. \n\n\n\ndeath of hannibal hamlin. \n\nExecutive Mansion, \n\nJ2(ly 6, i8gT. \nTo the People of the United States: \n\nThe President, with a profound feeling of sorrow, announces the \ndeath of Hannibal Hamlin, at one time Vice-President of the United \nStates, who died at Bangor, Me. , on the evening of Saturday-, July 4. \nFew men in this country have filled more important and more \ndistinguished public positions than Mr. Hamlin, and in recognition \nof his many eminent and varied services, and as an expression of \nthe great respect and reverence which are felt for his memory, it is \nordered that the National flag be displayed at half-mast upon the \npublic buildings of the United States on the day of his funeral. \n\nBenj. Harrison. \n\nBy the President: \n\nWilliam F. Wharton, \n\nActing Secretary of State. \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Beiijainiii Harrison. 269 \n\n\n\nDEATH OF EX-PRESIDENT HAYES. \n\nKxiicuTivK Mansion, \n]]\'asIii)igtoii^ D. C.., January iS., fSi^j. \nTo the People of the Pnited States: \n\nTlic death of Rutherford B. Hayes, who was President of the \nUnited States from March 4, 1877, to March 4, 1881, at his home \nin Fremont, Ohio, at 11 p. m. yesterday is an event the announce- \nment of which will be received with ver\\\' general and very sincere \nsorrow. His public service extended over man\\- years and over a \nwide range of official duty. He was a patriotic citizen, a lover of \nthe flag and of our free institutions, an industrious and conscientious \ncivil officer, a soldier of dauntless courage, a loyal comrade and \nfriend, a sympathetic and helpful neighbor, and the honored head \nof a happy Christian home. He has steadily grown in the public \nesteem, and the impartial historian will not fail to recognize the \nconscientiousness, the manliness, and the courage that so strongly \ncharacterized his whole public career. \n\nAs an expression of the public sorrow, it is ordered that the \nExecutive Mansion and tlie several Executive Departments at \nWashington be draped in mourning and the flags thereon j^laced at \nhalf-staff, for a period of thirty days, and that on the day of the \nfuneral all public business in the Departments be suspended and \nthat suitable military and na\\\'al honors under the orders of the \nSecretaries of War and of the Navy be rendered on that da\\\'. \n\nDone at the city of Washington this 18th day of January, in the \nyear of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and ninety- \n[SEAL. ] three and of the Independence of the United States of \nAmerica the one hundred and seventeenth. \n\nBenj. Harrison. \n\nBy the President: \n\nJohn W. Foster, \n\nSecretary of State. \n\n\n\n270 Public Papers and .iddresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\n\n\ndeath of hon. james g. blaine. \n\nExecutive Mansion, \nWashington^ January 2y, i8gj. \nTo the People of the United States: \n\nIt is my painful duty to announce to the people of the United \nStates the death of James Gillespie Blaine, which occurred in this \ncity to-day at 11 o\'clock. \n\nFor a full generation this eminent citizen has occupied a conspic- \nuous and influential position in the nation. His first public service \nwas in the legislature of his State. Afterwards for fourteen years \nhe was a member of the national House of Representatives, and \nwas three times chosen its Speaker. In 1876 he was elected to the \nSenate. He resigned his seat in that body in 1881 to accept the \nposition of Secretary of State in the Cabinet of President Garfield. \nAfter the tragic death of his chief, he resigned from the Cabinet, \nand, devoting himself to literary work, gave to the public in his \n" Twenty Years of Congress, " a most valuable and enduring con- \ntribution to our political literature. In March, 1S89, he again \nbecame Secretary of State, and continued to exercise this ofiice until \nJune, 1892. His devotion to the public interests, his marked ability, \nand his exalted patriotism have won for him the gratitude and affec- \ntion of his countrymen and the admiration of the world. In the \nvaried pursuits of legislation, diplomacy, and literature his genius \nhas added new luster to American citizenshiiD. \n\nAs a suitable expression of the national appreciation of his great \npublic services and of the general sorrow caused by his death, I \ndirect that on the day of his funeral all the Departments of the \nexecutive branch of the Government at Washington be closed and \nthat on all public buildings throughout the United States the \nnational flag shall be displayed at half-staff; and that for a period of \nthirty days the Department of State be draped in mourning. \n\nDone at the city of Washington this twenty-seventh day of Jan- \nuary in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred \n[seal.] and ninety-three and of the Independence of the United \nStates ( f America the one hundred and seventeenth. \n\nBenj. Harrison. \n\nBy the President: \n\nJohn W. Foster, \n\nSecretary of State. \n\n\n\nPublic I\'apcrs and . Iddrcssa of Benjamin Ilarrisun. zji \nSPEECHES AND LETTERS. \n\nTHE WASHINGTON CENTENNIAL. \n\n|At New York Su ^treasury . April SO, 1889. | \n\nMr. Chainiiaii, my countryiiieii: Official duty of a very exactino- \ncharacter has made it quite iuipossible that I should deliver au \naddress on this occasion. Foreseein^j this, I early notified your com- \nmittee that the programme must not contain any address by me. \nThe selection of Mr. Depew as the orator of this occasion makes \nfurther speech not only difficult, but superfluous. He lias met the \ndemand of this great occasion on its own high level. He has brought \nbefore lis the incidents and the lessons of the first inauguration of \nWashington. We seem to have been a part of that admiring and \nalmost adoring throng that filled these streets one hundred years \nago. \n\nWe have come into the serious, but always inspiring, presence \nof Washington. He was the incarnation of duty, and he teaches \nus to-day this great lesson: That those who would associate their \nnames with events that shall outlive a century can only do so by \nhigh consecration to duty. Self-seeking has no public observance \nor anniversary. Tlie captain who gives to the sea his cargo of goods, \nthat he may give safety and deliverance to his imperiled fellow- \nmen, has fame; he who lands the cargo has only wages. Washing- \nton seemed to come to the discharge of the duties of his hieh \noffice impressed with a great sense of his unfamiliarity with these \nnew calls thrust upon him, modesth- doubtful of his own ability, \nbut trusting implicitly in the sustaining helpfulness and grace of \nthat God who rules the world, presides in tlie councils of nations, \nand is able to supph\' e\\\'ery human defect. We have made marvel- \nous progress in material things since then, but the stately and en- \nduring shaft that we have erected at the national capital at Wash- \nington symbolizes the fact that he is still the First American Citi- \nzen. \n\n[At the Ba.nquet, Metropolitan Opera House \xe2\x80\x94 Evening. ] \n\nMr. President and fellow-citizens: I should be unjust to myself, \nand, what is more serious, I should be unjust to you, if I did not at \nthis first and last opportunity express to nou the deep sense of obli- \ngation and thankfulness which I feel for these many personal and \n\n\n\n272 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjaniin Harrison. \n\nofficial courtesies which have been extended to nie since I came to \ntake part in this celebration. The official representatives of the \nState of New York and of this great city have attended me with the \nmost courteous kindness, omitting no attention that could make my \nstay among you pleasant and gratifying. From you and at the \nhands of those who have thronged the streets of the city to-day I \nhave received the most cordial expressions of good will. I would \nnot, however, have you understand that these loud acclaims have \nbeen in any sense appropriated as a personal tribute to myself I \nhave realized that there was in this occasion and all these interesting \nincidents which have made it so profoundl)- impressive to nu* mind \nthat which was above and greater than any living man. I have \nrealized that the tribute of cordial interest which you have mani- \nfested was rendered to that great office which, by the favor of a \ngreater people, I now exercise, rather than to me. \n\nThe occasion and all of its incidents will be memorable not only \nin the history of your own city, but in the history of our country. \nNew York did not succeed in retaining the seat of National Govern- \nment here, although she made liberal provision for the assembling \nof the first Congress in the expectation that the Congress might find \nits permanent home here. But though }ou lost that which you \ncoveted, I think the representatives here of all the States will agree \nthat it was fortunate that the first inauguration of Washington took \nplace in the State and city of New York. \n\nFor where in our country could the centennial of the event be so \nworthily celebrated as here? What seaboard offered so magnificent a \nbay on which to display our merchant and naval marine? What \ncit)- offered thoroughfares so magnificent, or a people so great, so \ngenerous, as New York has poured out to-day to celebrate that event ? \n\nI have received at the hands of the committee who have been \ncharged with the details \xe2\x80\x94 onerous, exacting, and too often unthank- \nful \xe2\x80\x94 of this demonstration evidence of their confidence in my ph\\s- \nical endurance. \n\nI must also acknowledge still one other obligation. The com- \nmittee having in charge the exercises of this event have also given \nme another evidence of their confidence, which has been accom- \npanied with some embarrassment. As I have noticed the progress \nof this banquet, it seemed to me that each of the speakers had been \nmade acquainted with his theme before he took his seat at the \nbanquet, and that I alone was left to make acquaintance with my \ntheme when I sat down to the table. I prefer to substitute for the \nofficial title which is upon the programme the familiar and fireside \nexpression, \' \' Our Country. \' \' \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. 273 \n\nI congratulate you to-day, as one of the instructive and inter- \nesting features of this occasion, that these great thoroughfares \ndedicated to trade have closed their doors and covered up the \ninsignias of commerce ; that your great exchanges have closed and \nyour citizens given themselves up to the observance of the celebra- \ntion in which we are participating. \n\nI belie\\\'e that patriotisai has been intensified in many hearts by \nwhat we have witnessed to-day. I believe that patriotism has been \nplaced in a higher and holier fane in many hearts. The bunting \nwith which you have covered your walls, these patriotic inscriptions, \nmust go down and the wage and trade be resumed again. Here \nmay I not ask you to carry those inscriptions that now hang on the \nwalls into your homes, into the schools of your city, into all of your \ngreat institutions where children are gathered, and teach them that \nthe eye of the young and the old should look upon that flag as one \nof the familiar glories of every American? Have we not learned \nthat no stocks and bonds, nor land, is our country? It is a spiritual \nthought that is in our minds \xe2\x80\x94 it is the flag and what it stands for ; \nit is the fireside and the home ; it is the thoughts that are in our \nhearts, born of the inspiration which comes with the story of the \nflag, of martyrs to liberty. It is a graveyard into which a common \ncountry has gathered the unconscious deeds of those who died that \nthe thing might live which we love and call our country, rather \nthan anything that can be touched or seen. \n\nLet me add a thought due to our country\'s future. Perhaps never \nhave we been so well equipped for war upon land as now, and we \nhave never seen the time when our people were more smitten with \nthe love of peace. To ele\\\'ate the morals of our people ; to hold \nup the law as that sacred thing which, like tlie ark of God of old, \nmay not be touched by irreverent hands, but frowns upon any \nattempt to dethrone its supremacy- ; to unite our people in all that \nmakes home comfortable, as well as to give our energies in the \ndirection of material advancement, this service may we render. \nAnd out of this great demonstration let us draw lessons to inspire \nus to consecrate ourselves anew to this love and service of our \ncountry. \n\n15151 IS \n\n\n\n274 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \nTHE JOHNSTOWN DISASTER. \n\n(Willard Hall, Washington. June 4, 1889.] \n\nMy fellow-citizens : Everyone here to-day is distressingly con- \nscious of the circumstances which have convened this nieetino. \nIt would be wholly superfluous for me to attempt to set before you \nmore impressively than the newspapers have already done the \nhorrors attending the calamity which has fallen upon the city \nof Johnstown and the neighboring hamlets in a large section of \nPennsN-lvania situated on the Susquehanna River. The grim pencil \nof Dore would be inadequate to portra>- the distress and horrors of \nthis visitation. In such meetings as we have to-day here in the \nnational capital, and other like gatherings that are taking place in \nall the cities of this land, we have the only relief to the distress and \ndarkness of the picture. When such calamitous visitations fall \nupon any section of our country we can only put about the dark \npicture the golden border of love and charity. It is in such fires \nas this that the brotherhood of men is welded. And where more \nappropriately than here at the national capital can we give expres- \nsion to that sympathy and brotherhood which is now so strongly \nappealed to by the distress of large bodies of our fellow-citizens? \n\nI am glad to say that early this morning, from a city not long \nago visited with pestilence, and not long ago appealing to the \ncharity of the philanthropic people of the whole land for relief \xe2\x80\x94 \nthe city of Jacksonville, Fla. \xe2\x80\x94 there came the reflex, the ebb of \nthat tide of charity which flowed toward them, in a telegram from \nthe chairman of the relief association of that city authorizing \nme to draw upon them for $2,000 for the relief of the sufferers at \nJohnstown. \n\nBut this is no time for speech. While I talk men and women \nand children are suffering for the relief which we plan to give \nto-day. \n\nA word or two of practical suggestion and 1 will place this \nmeeting in the hands of those who have a.ssembled here to give effect \nto our loving purposes. I have to-da>- had a dispatch from the \ngovernor of Pennsylvania advising me that communication has just \nbeen opened with Williamsport, on a branch of the Susquehanna \nRiver, and that the losses in that section have been appalling; that \nthousands of people there are hungry and homeless and penniless, \nand there is immediate urgency for food to relieve their necessities, \nand he advises me that any supplies of food that can be hastily \ngathered here should be sent direct to Williamsport, where they \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Boijaniin Harrison. z-j^ \n\nwill be distributed. I suggest, therefore \xe2\x80\x94 and the occasion is such \nthat bells might be rung in }our streets to call the attention of the \nthoughtless to this great exigency \xe2\x80\x94 that a connnittee should be \nappointed to speedily collect contributions of food in order that a \ntrain loaded with provisions might be dispatched to-niglit or in the \nearly morning to these sufferers. \n\nI suggest, secondly, that as many of these people ha\\e had the \nentire furniture of their houses swept away, and have now only a \ntemporary shelter, that a committee be appointed to collect from \nyour citizens such articles of clothing, especially bedclothing, as \ncan be spared; and, now that the summer season is on, there can \nhardly be many households in Washington that can not spare a \nblanket or a coverlid for the relief of the suffering ones. \n\nI suggest, thirdly, that, of )\'Our substantial business people, \nbankers, and others, there be appointed a committee, who shall \ncollect money; for, after the first exigency has passed, there will be \nfound in those communities very many who have lost their all, who \nwill need aid in the reconstruction of their demolished homes and \nin furnishing them in order that they may be again inhabited. \n\nNeed I say, in conclusion, that as a temporar>\' citizen of Wash- \nington it would give me great satisfaction if the national capital \nshould so generously respond to this call of our distressed fellow- \ncitizens as to be conspicuous among the cities of the land for its \nample and generous answer. \n\nI feel, as I am calling for subscriptions, that I should say that on \nSaturday, on being first apprised of the need at Johnstown, I tele- \ngraphed to the mayor of that city my subscription. I do not care \nnow or at any time to speak of anything that is so personal as this, \nbut I felt it due to yon, as I am placed here to-day to solicit and \nurge others to give, that I should say so much as that. \n\n\n\nG. A. R. NATIONAL ENCAMPMENT. \n[Boston. Mass., August 12, 1889.] \n\nMr. Chairman and Comrades of the(irand Arnn of the Republic: \nI had impressions both pleasurable and painful as I looked upon \nthe great procession of veterans which swept through the streets of \nthis historic capital to-day; pleasurable in the contemplation of so \nmany faces of those who shared together the perils and glories of \nthe great struggle for the Union; sensations of a mournful sort as \nI thought how seldom we should meet again. Not manj- times \n\n\n\n276 Public Papers and Addresses of Beiijaiiiii! Harrison. \n\nmore here. As I have stood in the great National Cemetery at \nArlington and have seen those silent battalions of the dead, I have \nthought how swiftly the reaper is doing his work and how soon in \nthe scattered cemeteries of the land the ashes of all the soldiers of \nthe great war shall be gathered to honored graves. And yet I \ncould not help but feel that in the sturdy tread of those battalions \nthere was yet strength of heart and limb that would not be with- \nheld if a present peril should confront the Nation that you love. \nAnd if Arlington is the death, we see to-day in the springing step \nof those magnificent battalions of the Sons of Veterans the resurrec- \ntion. They are coming on to take our places; the Nation will not \nbe defenseless when we are gone, but those who have read about \nthe firesides of the veterans\' homes, in which they have been born \nand reared, the lessons of patriotism and the stories of heroism will \ncome fresh armed to any conflict that may confront us in the future. \nAnd so to-night we may gather from this maguificent spectacle a \nfresh and strong sense of security for the permanency of our country \nand our free institutions. I thought it altogether proper that I \nshould take a brief furlough from official duties at Washington to \nmingle with you here to-day as a comrade, because every President \nof the United States must realize that the strength of the Govern- \nment, its defense in war, the army that is to muster under its ban- \nner when our nation is assailed, is to be found here in the masses of \nour people. And so, as my furlough is almost done, and the train \nis already waiting that must bear me back to Washington, I can \nonly express again the cordial, sincere, and fraternal interest which \nI feel this day in meeting you all. I can only hope that God will \nso order the jears that are left to you that for you and those who \nare dear to you they may be ordered in all gentleness and sweet- \nness, in all prosperity and success, and that, when at last the com- \nrades who survive you shall wrap the flag of the Union about your \nbody and bear it to the grave, you may die in peace and iu the hope \nof a glorious resurrection. \n\n\n\nSOLDIERS AND SAILORS\' MONUMENT. \n(At Indianapolis, August 22, 1889.] \n\nMr. President and fellow-citizens: I did not expect to make any \naddress on this occasion. It would have been pleasant, if I could \nhave found leisure to make suitable preparation, to have accepted \nthe invitation of the committee having these exercises in charge to \ndeliver an oration. I would have felt it au honor to associate my \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. 277 \n\nname with an occasion so great as this. Public duties, however, \nIDrevented the acceptance of the invitation, and I could only promise \nto be present with )-ou to-day. It seemed to me most appropriate \nthat I should take part with my fellow-citizens of Indiana in this \ngreat ceremony. There have been few occasions in the histor>- of \nour State so full of interest, so magnificent, so inspiring, as that \nwhich we now witness. The suggestion that a monument should \nbe builded to commemorate the valor and heroism of those soldiers \nof Indiana who gave their lives for the flag attracted my interest \nfrom the beginning. Five years ago last January, when tlie people \nassembled in the opera house yonder to unveil the statue which \nhad been worthih- set up to our great war governor, I ventured to \nexpress the hope that near by it, as a twin expression of one great \nsentiment, there might be builded a noble shaft, not to any man, \nnot to bear on any of its majestic faces the name of a man, but a \nmonument about which the sons of veterans, the mothers of our \ndead, the widows that are yet with us, might gather, and, pointing- \nto the stately shaft, .say: "There is his monument." The hope \nexpressed that day is realized now. \n\nI congratulate the people of Indiana that our legislature has \ngenerously met the expectations of our patriotic people. I congrat- \nulate the commission having this great work in charge that they \nhave secured a design which will not suffer under the criticism of \nthe best artists of the world. I congratulate you that a monument \nso costly as to show that we value that which it commemorates, so \nartistic as to express the sentiment which evoked it, is to stand in \nthe capital of Indiana. Does anyone say there is wastefulness \nhere? My countrymen, $200,000 has never passed, and never will \npass, from the treasury of Indiana that will give a better return than \nthe expenditure for the erection of this monument. As I have \nwitnessed these ceremonies and listened to these patriotic hvmns I \nhave read in the faces of the men who stand about me that liftine \nup of the soul, that kindling of patriotic fire, that has made me \nrealize that on such occasions the nation is laying deep and strong \nits future security. \n\nThis is a monument by Indiana to Indiana soldiers. lUit I beg \nyou to remember that they were only soldiers of Indiana until the \nenlistment oath was taken; that from that hour until they came \nback to the generous State that had sent them forth they were \nsoldiers of the Union. So that it seemed to me not inappropriate \nthat I should bring to you to-day the sympathy and cheer of the \nloyal people of all the vStates. No American citizen need avoid it \nor pass it with unsympathetic eyes, for, my countrymen, it does not \n\n\n\n278 Public Papers and Addresses of Beiijaiinii Harrison. \n\ncommemorate a war of subjugation. There is not in the United \nStates to-day a man who, if he realizes what has occurred since the \nwar and has opened his soul to the sight of that which is to come, \nwho will not feel that it is good for all our people that victory \ncrowned the cause which this monument commemorates. I do \nseriously believe that if we can measure among the States the \nbenefits resulting from the preservation of the Union, the rebellious \nStates have the larger share. It destroyed an institution that was \ntheir destruction. It opened the way for a commercial life that, \nif the>- will only embrace it and face the light, means to them a \ndevelopment that shall rival the best attainments of the greatest of \nour States. \n\nAnd now let me thank you for your pleasant greeting. I have \nfelt lifted up b\\- this occasion. It seems to me that our spirits have \nbeen borne up to meet those of the dead and glorified, and that from \nthis place we shall go to our homes more resolutely set in our \npurpose as citizens to conserve the peace and welfare of our neigh- \nborhoods, to hold up the dignity and honor of our free institutions, \nand to see that no harm shall come to our country, whether from \ninternal dissensions or from the aggressions of a foreign foe. \n\n\n\nTO PAN-AMERICANS, APRIL 19, 1890. \n\n[In the Executive Mansion.] \n\nGentlemen: I find in this parting call of the delegates of the \nConference of American States both pain and pleasure. I participate \nin the regret which the delegates from the United States feel who \nare to part with those from other countries. I take pleasure in the \nknowledge of the foct that your labors have been brought to a \nhappy conclusion. The differences of opinion have been happily \nreconciled. I remark with pleasure the proposition which will be \nproductive of peace among the American States represented in tlie \nconference. It will be without excuse if one of them shall lift a \nhostile hand against the other. We gave you the other day a \nreview of the small detachment of the American army \xe2\x80\x94 not to \nshow you that we have an army, but that we have none ; that our \n.securities are lodged with our people and that the>- are safe. \n\nWe rejoice that you have found in the organization of our country \nsomething which commends itself to your own. We shall be glad \nto receive new lessons in return. In conclusion, I find much to \napprove in the friendly purposes of the Conference toward this \nGovernment, and I bid each and e\\ery one of \\ou a heartfelt \ngood-bye. \n\n\n\nI\'liblli Papds a)ul . Idilrcssi\'S of lien jam in J I tv risen. 279 \n\n\n\nTHE GARFIELD STATUE. \n\n[At Cleveland, Ollio, May SO. 1890.] \n\nMr. Chairman and fellow-citizen.s: I thank )\'ou most sincerely for \nthis cordial oreeting, but I shall not be betrayed by it into a lengthy \nspeech. The selection of this day for the.se exerci.ses \xe2\x80\x94 a day con- \nsecrated to the memory of those who died that there might be one \nflag of honor and authority in this republic \xe2\x80\x94 is most fitting. That \none flag encircles us with its folds to-day, the unrivaled object of \nour loyal lov-e. \n\nThis monument, so imposing and tasteful, fittingly t>-pifies the \no-rand and symmetrical character of him in whose honor it has \nbeen builded. His was "the arduous greatness of things done." \nNo friendly hands constructed and placed for his ambition a ladder \nupon which he might climb. His own brave hands framed and \nnailed the cleats upon which he climbed to the heights of public \nusefulness and fame. He never ceased to be student and instructor. \nTurning from peaceful pursuits to arnn- service, he quickh- mastered \ntactics and strateg\\-, and in a brief army career taught some valuable \nlessons in militar\\- science. Turning again from the field to the \ncouncils of the state, he stood among the great debaters that have \nmade our National Congress illustrious. What he might have been \nor done as President of the United States is chiefly left to friendly \naugury, based upon a career that had no incident of failure or \ninadequacy. The cruel circumstances attending his death had but \none amelioration \xe2\x80\x94 that space of life was given him to teach from \nhis dying bed a great lesson of patience and forbearance. His \nmortal part will find honorable rest here, but the les.sons of his life \nand death will continue to be instructive and inspiring incidents in \nAmerican history. \n\n\n\nTHE BENNINGTON MONUMENT. \n[At Bennington. Vermont. August 18. 1890.| \n\nMr. President and fellow-citizens : There are several obvious \nreasons why I should not attempt to speak to you at this time. \nThis great audience is so uncomfortably situated that a further pro- \nlongation of these exercises can not be desirable, but the stronger \nreason is that you have just listened with rapt attention to a most \nscholarly and interesting review of those historical incidents which \nhave suggested this assemblage and to those lessons which they \n\n\n\n2Xo Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nfurnish to thou,<,^htful and jDatriotic men. A son of Vermont, \nhonored bv his fellow-citizens, honored by the nation which he \nhas served in distinguished public functions, honored by the pro- \nfession of which he is an ornament and an instructor, has spoken for \nVermont ; and it does not seem to me fit that these golden sentences \nshould be marred by any extemporaneous words which I can add. \nI come to you under circumstances that altogether forbid prepara- \ntion. I have no other preparation for speech than this inspiring \ncup of good-will which you have presented to my lips. The most \ncordial welcome which has been extended to me to-day makes it \nunfittine that I should omit to make a cordial acknowledgment of \nit. Perhaps I may be permitted, as a citizen of a Western State, to \ngive expression to the high regard and honor in which Vermont is \nheld. Perhaps I may assume, as a public officer representing in \nsome sense all the States of the Union, to bring to-day their appre- \nciation of the history and people of this patriotic State. Its history \nis unique, as Mr. Phelps has said. The other colonies staked their \nlives, their fortunes and honor upon the struggle for independence, \nwith the assurance that if, by their valor and sacrifice, independence \nwas achieved, all these were assured. The inhabitants of the New \nHampshire grants alone fought with their fellow-countrymen of the \ncolonies for liberty, for political independence, unknowing whether, \nwhen it had been achieved, the property, the homes upon which \nthey dwelt, would be assured by the success of the confederate \ncolonies. They could not know \xe2\x80\x94 they had the gravest reason to \nfear \xe2\x80\x94 that when the authority of the confederation of the States \nhad been established this very Government, to whose supremacy \nVermont had so nobly contributed, might lend its authority to the \nestablishment of the claims of New York upon their homes ; and \nyet, in all this story, though security of property would undoubtedly \nhave been pledged by the royal representative, Vermont took a \nconspicuous, unselfish, and glorious part in achieving the independ- \nence of the united colonies, trusting to the justice of her cause for \nthe ultimate security of the homes of her people. \n\nIt is a most noble and unmatched history ; and if I may deliver \nthe message of Indiana as a citizen of that State, and as a public \nofficer the message of all the States, I came to say, "Worthy Ver- \nmont!" She has kept the faith unfalteringly from Bennington until \nthis day. She has added, in war and peace, many illustrious names \nto our roll of military heroes and of great statesmen. Her repre- \nsentation in the National Congress, as it has been known to me, has \nbeen conspicuous for its influence, for the position it has assumed \nin committee and in debate, and so far as I can recall, has been \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. 281 \n\nwithout personal reproach. We have occasionally come to Ver- \nmont with a call that did not ori,t,nnate with her j^eople, and those \nhave been answered with the same pure, high consecration to public \nduty as has been the case with those who have been chosen by }\'our \nsuffrages to represent the State, and I found when the difficult task \nof arranging a Cabinet was devolved upon me that I could not get \nalong without a Vermont stick in it, and I am sure you have plenty \nof timber left in each of the great political parties. The participa- \ntion of this State in the war of the rebellion was niagnificient. \nHer troops took to the fields of the South that high consecration to \nliberty which had characterized their fathers in the Revolutionary \nstruggle. They did not forget, on the hot sa\\-annas of the South, \nthe green tops of these hills, ever in their vision lifting up their \nhearts in faith that God would again bring the good cause of freedom \nto a just issue. We are to-day approaching the conclusion of a \nsummer of extraordinary fruitful ness. How insignificant the stores \nthat were gathered at Bennington in 1777 compared with these \ngreat storehou.ses bursting with fullness to-day! Our excess meets \nthe deficiency of Europe, and a ready market is offered for all our \ncereals. We shall grow richer b\\- contributions which other coun- \ntries shall make as they take from our storehouses the food needed \nto sustain their people. But after all, it is not the census tables of \nproduction or of wealth that tell the story of the greatness of this \ncountry. \\\'ermont has not been one of the rich States of the Union \nin gold and silver, and its lands have not given the returns that \nsome of the fertile ri\\\'ersides of the West yield. There has been \nhere constant effort and honest toil ; but out of all this there has \nbeen brought a sturdy manhood, which is better than riches, on \nwhich rather than on wealth the security of our country rests. I \nbeg you to accept my sincere thanks again for the evidence of \\our \nfriendliness, and my apology that the conditions are not such as to \nenable me to speak as I could wish. \n\n[At the Afternoon Banquet-] \n\nMr. President and fellow-citizens: Whatever temporary injur\\- \nmy voice has suffered was not at the hands of \\\'ermont. New York \nis responsible. In Albany I spoke in the rain to a large assemblage. \nPerhaps, if it were worth while to trace this vocal infirmitv further, \nI might find its origin at Cape May, for I think I started upon tliis \ntrip with the elements of a cold that has to some degree marred the \npleasure which I had anticipated to-day. But, notwithstanding what \nmy friend, General Veazey, has described as "the dilapidated condi- \ntion " of m\\\' \\-oice, I will respond to his request to say a word to you. \n\n\n\n282 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\n1 know tliat C.cueral Veazey had been put in charge of tlic trans- \nportation lines of tlie conntry; bnt I did not expect to find him in \ncharge of what tlie boys nsed to call the " cracker line." It seems \nthat liis capacity for usefulness in the ptiblic service is so great and \nso diversified that )on have called upon him to conduct the exercises \n(jf this magnificent occasion. He is a most excellent Interstate \nCommerce Commissioner, an honor to your State, and I have no \ncriticism of him as president of the day, except- that he calls too \nmuch attention to me. \n\nThis scene, these tables so bountifully and so tastefully spread, was \none full of beauty when we entered, but it seems now to have taken \non some of that "dilapidation" which General Veazey ascribed to \nmy voice. I am st:re that if the supplies gathered at Bennington \nto-day had been here in 1777 that struggle would have been much \nmore obstinate. But, my fellow-citizens, there is much in this \noccasion that is full of instruction to the strangers who by 3\'our \nhospitable invitation have the privilege of meeting with you. \nWherever men may have been born within this galaxy of great \nStates, which makes the greater Union, there is respect and honor \nfor the New England character. It has been a source of strength \nto the nation in its development in material things. It has furnished \nto literature and to invention some of the largest contributions; but, \nmore than all this, it has done a great work for all the States, and \nespecially those States of the West and Northwest in which its \nenterprising sons have found new homes, in establishing everywhere \na love of social order and a patriotic devotion to the Union of States. \nIf we seek to find the institutions of New England that have formed \nthe character of its own people and have exercised a stronger mold- \ning influence than that of any other section upon our whole people \nwe shall find them, I think, in their temples, in their schools, in \ntheir town meetings, and in their God-fearing homes. The courage \nof those who fought at Bennington, at Concord, Lexington, Bunker \nHill, and Saratoga was born of a high trust in God. They were \nmen who, fearing God, had naught else to fear. That devotion to \nlocal self-government which originated and for so long maintained \nthe town meeting, establishing and perpetuating a true democracy, \nan equal, full participation and responsibility in all public affairs \non the part of every citizen, was the cause of the development of \nthe love of social order and respect for law which has characterized \nyour communities, has made them safe and commemorable abodes \nfor your people. These migrations between the States have been \nto your loss, but there is now a turning back to these States of New \nEngland and to some of its unused farms, which I believe is to \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Beii/aii/in J larrisoii. 2S3 \n\ncontinue and increase. Tlic mi.^ration whicli yon liave sent into \ntlie South to develop its industries, to open its mines, to set u]) \nfactories and furnaces, is doiui^\' marvelous work in uinf\\-ing our \npeople. As I journeyed recently across the continent this oneness \nof our people was strongly impressed upon nie. I think these cen- \ntennial observances which have crowded one upon another from \nConcord to the centennial of the adoption of the Constitution and \nthe organization of the Supreme Court have turned the thought of \nour people to the most inspiring incident in our histor\\-, and have \ngreath\' intensified and de\\\'eloped our love of the flag and i>nr Con- \nstitution. I do not believe there has been a time in our history \nwhen there has been a deeper, fonder love for the unitv of the States, \nfor the flag that enil)lematizes this unit}\', and for the Constitiition \nwhich cements it. \n\nI believe we have come to a time when we may look out to greater \nthings. Secure in our institutions, enriched almost l)eyond calcu- \nlation, I believe we have reached a time when we ma\\- take a large \npart in the great transactions of the world. I belie\\eour people are \nprepared now to insist that the .\\merican flag shall again be seen \nupon the sea, and that our merchants and manufacturers are read)\' \nto seize the golden opportunity that is now offered for extending \nour commerce into the States of Central and .South America. I \nbelieve that conservative views of finance will pre\\-ail in this coun- \ntry. I am sure discontent and temporary distress will not tempt \nour people to forsake those safe lines of public administration in \nwhich commercial securit\\\' alone rests. As long as the general \nGovernment furni.shes the money of the people for their great \nbusiness transactions I believe we will insist, as I liave .said before, \nthat every dollar isstied, whether paper or coin, shall be as good and \nbe kept as good as any other dollar that issues. The purity, the \nequality of what we call dollars must be preserved, or an element of \nuncertainty and of bankruptc\\- will be introduced into all business \ntransactions. This I ma\\- sa\\- without crossing lines of division. \nHow this end is to be attained I will not attempt to sketch, but I do \nnot hesitate to sa\\- that I feel nu\'self, in the public interest, pledged \nso far as in me lies to maintain that ecpialit\\\' between our circulat- \ning mone\\- that is essential to tlic perfect use of all. \n\nI have gone beyond the promise of the president of tlie day, and \nhave been betrayed by your friendliness into speaking two or three \nwords. May I, in closing, tender to these good women of \\\'ermont \nmy thanks for the grace and sweetness which their .services and \ntheir presence have lent to this happ>- occasion? l\\Ia\\- 1 sa\\\' to them \nthat the de\\-oted services of their mothers, their courage and patience \n\n\n\n284 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nand helpfulness shown by the women in the great struggle for \nliberty can not be too highly appreciated? It was an easier fate to \nmarch with bared breasts against the Hessian ramparts at Benning- \nton than to sit in the lonely homestead awaiting the issue with \ntearful eyes uplifted to God in prayei for those who periled their \nlives for the cause. All honor to the New England mother, the \nqueen of the New England home ! There, in those nurseries of \nvirtue and truth, have been found the strongest influences that have \nmolded your people for good and led your sons to honor. \n\n\n\nLETTER TO ^A/ESTERN STATES COMMERCIAL CON- \nGRESS. \n\nWashington, April 7, iSgi. \nHon. H. B. Kelly, \n\nChairman^ Kansas City, Mo.: \n\nDear Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your \nletter of March 24, inviting me to attend the meeting of the com- \nmercial congress of the Western agricultural and mining States, \nto assemble in Kansas City, April 14 to 19, for the purpose of \nconsidering measures affecting the general agricultural and business \nprosperity of the Mississippi Valley States. I regret that it will \nnot be possible for me to accept this invitation. If I am not \ndetained here b)- public business I shall probably start about that \ntime for the Pacific coast by the Southern route; and if that purpose \nshould be thwarted it will be by considerations that will also pre- \nvent the acceptance of your invitation. \n\nA public discussion of the conditions affecting agricultural and \nbusiness prosperity can not Init be helpful if it is conducted on \nbroad lines and is hospitable to differences of opinion. The extra- \nordinary development of the productions of agriculture which has \ntaken place in a recent period in this country by reason of the \nrapid enlargement of the area of tillage under the favoring land \nlaws of the United States, very naturally has called attention to \nthe value and, indeed, the necessity of larger markets. I am one \nof those who believe that a home market is necessarily the best \nmarket for the producer, as it measurably emancipates him in pro- \nportion to its nearness from the exactions of the transportation \ncompanies. If the farmer could deliver his surplus produce to the \nconsumer out of his farm wagon his independence and his profits \nwould be larger and surer. It seems to me quite possible to attain \na largely increased market for our staple farm products without \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. 28^5 \n\nimpairing our home market l)y opening the manufacturing trades \nto a competition in which foreign producers, paying a lower scale \nof wages, would have the advantage. A policy that would reduce \nthe number of our people engaged in meclianical pursuits or \ndiminish their ability to purchase food products by reducing wages \ncan not be helpful to those now engaged in agriculture! The \nfarmers insist that the prices of farm products have been too low \xe2\x80\x94 \nbelow the point of fair living and fair profits. I think so too, but \nI venture to remind them that the plea they make involves the \nconcession that things may be too cheap. A coat may be too \ncheap as well as corn. The farmer who claims a good living and \nprofits for his work should concede the same to every other\'^man \nand woman who toils. \n\nI look with great confidence to the completion of further recii> \nrocal trade arrangements, especially with the Central and South \nAmerican States, as furnishing new and large markets for meats, \nbreadstuffs, and an important line of manufactured products. Per- \nsistent and earnest efforts are also being made, and a considerable \nmeasure of success has already been attained, to secure the removal of \nrestrictions which we have regarded as unjust upon the admission \nand use of our meats and live cattle in some of the Phiropean coun- \ntries.^ I look with confidence to a successful termination of the \npending negotiations, because I can not but a.ssume that when the \nabsolutely .satisfactory cliaracter of the sanitary inspections now \nprovided b}- our law is made known to those foreign states the>- will \npromptly rela.\\ their discriminating regulations. No effort and \nnone of the powers vested in the Executive will be left unused to \n\xe2\x80\xa2secure an end which is so desirable. \n\nYour deliberations will probably also embrace consideration of the \nquestion of the volume and character of our currency. It will not \nbe possible and would not be appropriate for me in this letter to \nenter upon any elaborate discussion of these questions. One or two \nthings I will say, and first, I believe that every penson who thought- \nfully considers the question will agree with me upon a proposition \nwhich is at the base of all my consideration of the currency ques- \ntion, namel\\-, that any dollar, paper or coin, that is issued by the \nUnited States must be made and kept in its commercial uses as \ngood as any other dollar. So long as an>- paper money issued or \nauthorized b\\- the United States Go\\-ernnient is accepted in com- \nmercial use as the equivalent of the best coined dollar that we \nissue, and so long as every coined dollar, whether of silver or \ngold, is assured of an equivalent value in commercial use, there \nneed be no fear as to an excess of money. The more such money \n\n\n\n286 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nthe better. But, on the other hand, when any issue of paper or \ncoined dollars is, in buying and selling, rated at a less value than \nother paper or coined dollars, we have passed the limit of safe experi- \nment in finance. If we have dollars of differing values, onl\\- the \npoorest will circulate. The farmer and the laborer, who are not \nin hourly touch with the ticker of the telegraph, will require, above \nall other classes of our community, a dollar of full value. Fluctu- \nations and depreciations are always at the first cost of these classes \nof our community. The banker and the speculator anticipate, dis- \ncount, and often profit by such fluctuations. It is very easy, under \nthe impulse of excitement of the stress of money stringency, to fall \ninto the slough of a depreciated or irredeemable currencw It is a \nvery painful and slow business to get out when once in. \n\nI have always believed, and do now more than ever believe, in \nbimetalism, and favor the fullest use of silver in connection with \nour currenc}- that is compatible with the maintenance of the parity \nof the gold and silver dollars in their commercial uses. Nothing, \nin my judgment, would so much retard the restoration of the free \nuse of silver bv the commercial nations of the world as legislation \nadopted b}- us that would result in placing this country upon a \nbasis of silver mononietalism. The legislation adopted by the first \nsession of the Fifty-first Congress I was assured by leading advo- \ncates of free coinage \xe2\x80\x94 representatives of the silver .States \xe2\x80\x94 would \npromptly and permanently bring silver to $\\. 29 per ounce and keep \nit there. That anticipation has not been realized. Our larger use \nof silver has apparently, and for reasons not yet agreed upon, dimin- \nished the demand for silver in China and India. \n\nIn view of the fact that it is impossible in this letter to elaborate, \nand that projjositions only can be stated, I am aware that what I \nhave said may be assailed in points where it is easily defensible, but \nwhere I have not attempted to present the argument. \n\nI have not before, excepting in an official way, expressed my,self \non these subjects ; but feeling the interest, dignity, and importance \nof the assemblage in whose behalf you speak, I have ventured, \nwithout bigotry of opinion, without any assnniiDtion of infallibility, \nbut as an American citizen, having a most earnest desire that ever\\- \nindividual and every public act of my life shall conduce to the glory \nof our country and the prosperity of all our people, to submit these \nviews for your consideration. \nVery respectfully, \n\nBenj. Harrison. \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Beitjaiiiin Harrison. 287 \n\nDECORATION DAY CEREMONIES. \n[In Independence Hall, Pli i ladelphia . May 30. 1891. | \n\nMr. Mayor, comrades of the (\'irand Arm\\- of tlie Republic, and \nfellow-citizens : I esteem it a great pleasure to staud iu this hi.storic \nedifice, in this historic city, to take part to-day as a comrade of the \nGrand Army of the Republic in these instructive and interesting \nexercises, which have been instituted to keep alive in our hearts \nthe memories of patriotic devotion and sacrifice. It is eminenth- \nappropriate that we should stand for a little before we go to the \ngraves of our dead in this edifice where the foundation declarations \nof independence and of civil government were made and put into \nthat course of development which has brought our nation to its \npresent position of prosperit\\\' and of influence among the nations \nof the earth. \n\nI have receutl)-, in an extended trip, been able to .see what the \nflower is of the seed that was planted liere. We are liere, in Phil- \nadelphia, a communit\\- instituted upon the principles of peace and \ngood will among men ; and vet, in a communit^\xe2\x96\xa0 that had given \nconspicuous illustration of the fact that the fruits of peace ma\\" \nsometimes be made to be defended by the valor of soldiers, you did \nnot at all depart from the great lessons which were taught by the \nfounders of this great colony, when, uniting with your comrades \nfrom all the .States, you went out into the field to hold up this \nbanner ; to maintain a peace which should be perpetual and per- \nvading in all the States. Obedience to law is the first element of \ndomestic peace and social order. You went out to maintain, and \nhave established, as I believe, again in the affections of all our \npeople, the old flag of our fathers, and hav: settled perpetually the \nquestion of loyal submission to the Constitution and the law in all \nthe States. It has been settled to the great contentment and liaj)- \npiness of all our people, and brought what any other nation could \nhave brought, prosperity to every section and every State. \n\nI appreciate most highly this generous welcome which you e.xtend \nto me, and shall take part in these exercises of the day with a sense \nof their fitness and of the great events which they commemorate. \n\nI have never been able to think of the day as one of mourning; \nI have never quite been able to feel that half-masted flags were \nappropriate on Decoration Day. I have rather felt that the flag \nshould be at the peak, because those whose d>ing we commenujrale \nrejoiced in .seeing it where their valor placed it. We honor them \niu a joyous, thankful, triumphant commemoration of what they \n\n\n\n288 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin PInrrison. \n\ndid. We inourii for them as comrades who have departed, but we \nfeel the glory of their dying and the glory of their achievement \ncovers all our great country, and has set them in an imperishable \nroll of honor. \n\n[In the Cemetery, Laurel Hill.) \n\nCommander, comrades of the Grand Army of the Republic and \nfellow-citizens: I have neither the strength nor the voice adequate \nto any extended speech to-day. I come to you as a comrade, to \ntake part in the interesting exercises of this Memorial Day. It \ngives me special pleasure to combine with that tribute, which I \nhave usually been able to pay since this day was instituted, to the \ndead of all our armies, a special mark of respect to that great soldier \nwho won Gettysburg. It is impossible to separate some impressions \nof sorrow from the exercises, for they bring to memory comrades \nwho have gone from us. How vividly come to my memory many \nbattle scenes; not the impetuous rush of conflict, but the cover of \n.sadness that followed victory. Then it was our sad duty to gather \nfrom the field the bodies of those who had given the last pledge of \nloyalty. There is open to my vision more than one yawning trench \nin which we laid the dead of the old brigade. We laid them elbow \ntouching elbow in the order in which they had stood in the line of \nbattle. We left them in the hasty sepulcher and marched on. \nNow we rejoice that a grateful Government has gathered together \nthe scattered dust of all of these comrades and placed them in \nbeautiful and safe places of honor and repose. I can not but feel \nthat if they could speak to us to-day they would say put the flag at \nthe top of the mast. I have recently returned from an extended \ntour of the States, and nothing so impressed and .so refreshened me \nas the universal display of this banner of beauty and glory. It \nwaved over every school; it was in the hands of the school children. \nAs we speeded across the sandy wastes at some solitary place, a \nman, a woman, a child, would come to the door, and wave it in \nloyal greeting. \n\nTwo years ago I saw a sight that has ever been present in my \nmemory. As we were going out of the harbor of Newport, about \nmidnight, on a dark night, some of the officers of the torpedo \nstation had prepared for us a beautiful surprise. The flag at the \ndepot station was unseen in the darkness of the night, when sud- \ndenly electric search lights were turned on it, bathing it in a flood \nof light. All below the flag was hidden, and it seemed to have not \ntouch with earth, but to hang from the battlements of heaven. It \nwas as if heaven was approving the human liberty and human \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Beiijainiji Harrison. 2S9 \n\nequality typified by that flag. I^et us take ou this occasion a new \ndraught of courage, make new vows of consecration, for, my coun- \ntrymen, it was not because it was inconvenient that the rebel States \nshould go, not that it spoiled the autonomy of the country, but \nbecause it was unlawful that all this sacrifice had to be made to \nbring them back to their allegiance. Let us not forget that as good \ncitizens and good patriots it is our dut^f always to obey the law, and \nto give it our loyal support, and insist that everyone else shall do \nso. There is no more mischievous suggestion made than that the \nsoldiers of the Union Army desire to lay any yoke on those who \nfought against us, other than the yoke of the law. We can not ask \nless than that in all relations they shall obey the law, and they shall \nyield to every other man his full rights under the law. \n\nI thank you for the pleasure of participating in these exercises \nwith you to-day, and give you a comr-ade\'s best wishes, and a com- \nrade\'s good-bye. \n\n\n\nTO THE VERMONT LEGISLATURE, MONTPELIER, VT. \n\nlAu.just 26, 1891.] \n\nMr. President and gentlemen of the lyCgislature of the State of \nVermont: I am grateful to you for this cordial reception, which \ncrowns a series of friendly demonstrations which began with my \nentry into this good State and have continued to this interesting \nand important occasion. I am glad to meet the chosen repre- \nsentatives of the towns of Vermont, appointed to the discharge of \nfunctions of legislating for the general good. The wisdom of our \nfathers devised that system of governmental division for the General \nGovernment which has found adoption or adaptation in all the \nStates; the division of the powers of the Government into three great \ncoordinate departments \xe2\x80\x94 each independent, and yet having close \nand important relations one with the other, and each adapted in the \nhighest degree to secure the liberty of the individual, the welfare of \nour community, and the national honor and prosperity. It has been \nfortunate for us as a people that no .serious clash has occurred to \nthe.se great departments. The constitutional balance and counter- \nbalance have preserved with marvelous exactness, with the per- \nfection of the most perfect machinery, the relations of these several \ndepartments, each doing, its appropriate work and jjroducing the \ngreat result which had been intended. Surely there is no other \ncountry where the springs of government are higher than here. \nThe impulses of our people are drawn from springs that lie high \n15151 10 \n\n\n\n290 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nin the,hills of duty and loyalty. They respect and obey the law, \nbecause it is the orderly expression of their own will. The \ncompact of our Government is a rule by the majority. The sanction \nof all law is that it is the expression by popular election of the will \nof a majority of our people. Law has no other sanction than that \nwith us; and happy are we, and happy are those connnunities where \nthe election methods are so honestly and faithfully prescribed and \nobserved that no doubt is thrown upon the popular expression and \nno question of the integrity of the ballot is ever raised. If we shall \never- or anywhere allow a doubt to settle into the minds of our \npeople whether the results of our elections are honestly attaihed, \nwhether the laws made are framed by those who have been properly \nchosen by the majority, then all sanction is withdrawn from law \nand all respect from the rulers who by a false ballot are placed in \npublic office. \n\nI am glad to congratulate you upon your constituencies \xe2\x80\x94 intelli- \ngent, devoted, and patriotic. I am glad to congratulate you that \nthe State of Vermont, from its earliest aspirations and efforts for \nliberty and self-government, which developed into your constitution \nin 1777, down through all the story of toil and the struggles which \nhave beset you as a State and the vicissitudes which have beset \nthe country of which you are an honored part \xe2\x80\x94 that the State of \nVermont and her .sons in the councils of the nation and on the \nblood-stained battlefields of the great war have borne themselves \nworthily. Will you permit me now to thank you again for this \ndemonstration and for the opportunity to stand for a moment in \nyour presence? I am sure that we may each, from this occasion, \nin the discharge of public duty, draw some impulse to a more \nperfect exercise of our powers for the public good. \n\n\n\nMETHODIST ECUMENICAL CONFERENCE. \n[Metropolitan M. E. Church, Washington, October 7, 1891.1 \n\nMr. Chairman and gentlemen of the Conference: I come here \nthis morning to make an expression of my respect and esteem for \nthis great body of delegates assembled from all the countries of the \nworld, and much more to give a manifestation of my respect and \nlove for that greater body of Christian men and women for whom \nyou stand. Every ecumenical conference is a distinct step in the \ndirection, not only of the unification of the church, but of the \nunification of the human race. \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. 291 \n\nAssembling from countries unlike in tlieir civil institutions, from \nchnrches not wholly in accord as to doctrine or church order, you \ncome together to find that the unlikeness is not so great as you \nhad thought, and to find your common sympathies and common \npurposes greater and larger than you had thought \xe2\x80\x94 large enough \npresently to overspread and to extinguish all these transitory lines \nof division. \n\nI am glad to know that as followers of Wesley, whose hymns we \nsing, you have been in consultation as to the methods by which \nthese minor divisions among you might be obliterated. It is the \nnatural order that subdivisions should be wiped out before the \ngrand divisions of the church can be united. Who does not greatly \nrejoice that the controversial clash of the churches is less than it \nonce was; that we hear more of the Master and His teachings of \nlove and duty than of hair-splitting theological differences? \n\nMany years ago, while visiting in Wisconsin, when Sunday came \naround I went with some friends to the little Methodist church in \nan adjoining village. The preacher undertook to overturn my \nPresbyterianism. An irreverent friend who sat beside me as the \nyoung man delivered his telling blows against Calvinism was \nconstantly emphasizing the points made by nudging me with his \nelbow. Now, I am glad to say that very often since then I have \nworshipped in Methodist churches, and that is the last experience \nof that kind I have had. \n\nYou have to-day as the theme of discussion the subject of inter- \nnational arbitration; and this being a public, or, in a large sense of \nthe word, a political question, perhaps makes my presence here as \nan officer of the United States especially appropriate. \n\nIt is a curious incident that some days ago, and before I was aware \nof the theme or the occasion which we have here this morning, I \nhad appointed this afternoon to visit the great gun foundry of the \nUnited States at the navy-yard. Things have come in their proper \nsequence. I am here at this arbitration meeting before I go to the \ngun factory. \n\nThis subject is one that has long attracted the attention, and I \nthink I may say has, perhaps, as greatly attracted the interest and \nadherence of the United States as that of any other Christian power \nin the world. \n\nIt is known to yoti all that in the recent Conference of the Amer- \nican States at Washington the proposition was distinctly made and \nadopted by the representatives of all, or nearly all, of the govern- \nments of America that, as applied to this hemisphere, all interna- \ntional disputes should be settled bv arbitration. \n\n\n\n292 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nOf course there are limitations as yet, in the nature of things, to \nthe complete and general adoption of such a scheme. It is quite \npossible to apply arbitration to a dispute as to a boundary line; it is \nquite impossible, it seems to me, to apply it to a case of international \nfeud. If there is present a disposition to subjugate, an aggressive \nspirit to seize territory, a spirit of national aggrandizement that does \nnot stop to consider the rights of other men and other people \xe2\x80\x94 to \nsuch a case and to such a spirit international arbitration has no, or \nif any a remote and difficult, application. \n\nIt is for a Christian sentiment, manifesting itself in a nation, to \nremove forever such causes of dispute; and then what remains will \nbe the easy subject of adjustment by fair international arbitration. \nBut I had not intended to enter into a discussion of this great \ntheme, for the setting forth of which you have appointed those who \nhave given it special attention. Let me, therefore, say simply this, \nthat for myself \xe2\x80\x94 temporarily in a place of influence in this coun- \ntry \xe2\x80\x94 and much more for the great body of its citizenship, I express \nthe desire of America for peace with the whole world. It would \nhave been vain to suggest the pulling down of blockhouses or \nfamily disarmament to the settlers on a hostile Indian frontier. \nThey would have told you rightly that the conditions were not ripe. \nAnd so it may be, and is probably, true that a full application of the \nprinciple is not presently possible, the devil still being uncliained. \n\nWe will have our gun foundries, and possibly will best promote \nthe settlement of international disputes by arbitration, by having \nit understood that if the appeal is to a fiercer tribunal we shall not \nbe out of the debate. There is a unity of the Church and of \nhumanity, and the lines of progress are the same. \n\nIt is by this great Christian sentiment, characterized not only by \na high sense of justice, but by a spirit of love and forbearance, \nmastering the civil institutions and governments of the world, that \nwe shall approach universal peace and adopt arbitration methods of \nsettling disputes. \n\nLet me thank you, Mr. Chairman, and you gentlemen of this \nconference, for the privilege of standing before you for a moment, \nand for this most cordial welcome which you have given to me. \nI beg to express again my high appreciation of the character of this \ndelegation and the membership of the great church from which )ou \ncome, and to wish that in your remaining deliberations and in your \njourneys to far-distant homes you may have the guidance and care \nof that God whom we all revere and worship. \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. 293 \n\nGRANT MKMORIAL MONUMENT. \n[Riverside Park, New York, April 27, lSy2.] \n\nMr. President and fellow-citizens: My assignincnt in connection \nwith these exercises has to do with mechanics rather than with \noratory. The pleasant duty of bringing to our memory to-day those \nbrilliant incidents of public service and those personal and manly \nvirtues which have placed the name of Ulysses S. Grant so high \nupon the scroll of fame, and settled the love of the man so deeply \nin all patriotic hearts has been devolved upon another, who never \nfails to meet these high occasions with credit to himself and with \npleasure to all his favored hearers. No orator, however gifted, can \noverpraise General Grant. The most impressive and costly memorial \nstructure that an architect can plan or wealth execute is justified \nwhen the name of Grant is inscribed upon its base. This stone \nwhich has now been laid, accompanied by this magnificent expres- \nsion of popular interest, is onl}- the top stone of a foundation, but \nit speaks to us of a structure, imposing and graceful in its complete- \nness, which shall rise from this supporting base. Shall it rise with \nstately progress, without check or tardiness, until the capstone is \nset amid the plaudits of the liberal and patriotic citizens of this \ngreat city? Thus his fame grew, from Belmont to Appomattox, in \nwhose honor this tomb is builded. I am glad to see here what \nseems to me to be adequate assurance that this work, so nobly \nstarted upon, will be speedily consummated. Your distinguished \ncitizen, who has assumed as a labor of love the burden of con- \nducting this great enterprise, learned of his beloved friend and \ncommander to exclude the word "failure" from his vocabulary. \n\n\n\nLAWLESSNESS IN THE SOUTHERN STATES. \n\n[Letter to the Virginia State Baptist Conventi<:)n. | \n\nExecutive Mansion, \n\n]Vashington^ May 2/ , iS()2. \nRev. H. H. MiTCHKLi^ and otiikr.s. \n\nCommittee : \nGentlemen: When yon called upon me on the 13th day of May, \njust prior to my departure with Mrs. Harrison, I expressed myself \nsomewhat fully to you orally upon the subject of the memorial \nwhich you submitted, and promised to respond in writing at the \nearliest practicable moment. \n\n\n\n294 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjanii)i Harrison. \n\nThose who have read iny public addresses and official papers \nimist be aware of the fact that I have felt the reproach which \nlawlessness has brought upon some of our communities. I have \nendeavored to hold up the law as the one single admissible rule of \nconduct for good citizens. I have appealed against race discrim- \ninations as to civil rights and immunities, and have asked that law- \nabiding men of all creeds and all colors should unite to discourage \nand to suppress lawlessness. Lynchings are a reproach to any \ncommunity; they impeach the adequacy of our institutions for the \npunishment of crime; they brutalize the participants and shame \nour Christian civilization. I have not time to explain to you the \nlimitations of the Federal power further than to say that under the \nConstitution and laws I am, in a large measure, without the power \nto interfere for the prevention or punishment of these offenses. \nYou will not need to be assured that the Department of Justice will \nlet no case pass that is one of Federal jurisdiction without the most \nstrenuous endeavors to bring the guilty persons to punishment. I \nwill give the matter you have suggested the most serious consider- \nation and you may be assured that my voice and help will be given \nto every effort to arouse the conscience of our people and to stimu- \nlate efficient efTorts to reestablish the supremacy of the courts and \nl)ublic officers as the only proper agency for the detection and \npunishment of crime and the only security of those who are falsely \naccused. \n\nWith great respect, very truly, yours, \n\nBenj. Harrison. \n\n\n\nSOLDIERS AND SAILORS\' MONUMENT. \n\n(Roohester, N. Y., May SO, 1892.] \n\nFellow-citizens: Every external condition, and some internal \nconditions affecting my strength, admonish me that I should speak \nto you with brevity. I have enjoyed greatly the exercises which \nare now being consummated in this beautiful city. You have met \na great occasion greatly. I have never seen anywhere a more \nmagnificent expression of patriotism than I have witnessed here. \n\nThese streets upon which the institutions of trade have been for \na time covered with the starr}- banner, this great marching column \nin which the veterans of the war march again to the old music and \nfollow with faithful hearts the old flag that they ma)\' do honor to \ntho.se brave comrades who were permitted under God to make a \nsupremer sacrifice than they to the flag they dearly love ; these \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. 295 \n\nfollowing companies of the children of our public and parochial \nschools; these banners, the music of drum and fife and bugle, the \ncheering multitude, the great open-hearted, lo\\ing expression \nwhich we saw as we moved along your streets, all testify to the fact \nthat our Constitution, our civic institutions, and that glorious flag \nthat s^\xe2\x80\xa2mbolizes them, are set upon a granite foundation in the \npeople\'s hearts. As the old hymn says, "What can shake our sure \nrepose?:\' If we should fail, comrades, to meet any occasion of peril \nwhich may be in the pathway of this nation, it seems to me that \nthe trundle-beds of this country would furnish its defenders. War \nis not attractive to our people. We have not many of that class of \nmen, of whom we sometimes heard during the war, who would \nrather fight than eat. \n\nI had one of that class in my regiment, and he got into the ditch \nthe first serious engagement we became involved in. No, our \npeople are smitten with the love of peace. We had not before the \ncivil war so much cultivated in the North as had our friends in the \nSouth the military spirit. We were a peaceful people. They said, \nbut they will say so no more, that we were a craven set of peddlers. \nIt took a great deal to separate the home-loving, peaceful people \nfrom their homes \xe2\x80\x94 these farmers and artisans and clerks and pro- \nfessional men. \n\nIt must be a strong pull that could withdraw them from associa- \ntion that so closely bound their affections and their lives, but when \nthe moment came and the dreaded war was present, with what \nmagnificent self-denial, with what alacrity every family tie and \nevery commercial interest were put beneath the supreme duty to \nsave the nation and redeem the flag from dishonor. Out of this \nwar we have brought a mutual respect that would not otherwise \nhave been possible. \n\nSome of us fancied that the Southern people were given to vapor- \ning\xe2\x80\x94that each one of them was equal to five Northern soldiers. \nBut the South learned that Paul Revere still rode the highways of \nMassachusetts, and that the man of Concord still plowed his fields. \nAnd we, on our part, learned that the spirit of the cavalier which \nwas found in the Southern army was combined with the reserve and \nsteadfastness of Cromwell\'s Ironsides. \n\nWe have found a plane of mutual respect, and I am glad of it; \nand not only this, but we have found a common country. I do not \nthink \xe2\x80\x94 indeed, I am sure that no war ever waged in history before \nour civil war brought equal blessings to the victor and to the van- \nquished. No companies of weary, sad-eyed captives at the chariot \nwheel adorned our triumph and return. Wc brought into full \n\n\n\n296 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nparticipation in the glories of restored Union those who had mis- \ntakenly sought to destroy it. \n\nIt gladdens my heart now to believe that the love of the old flag \nis so revived in these Southern hearts that they would vie with \nmartial ardor to be in front of the charge if we should ever be called \nto meet a common enemy. Glorious victory and God-given and \nGod-blessed peace ! No yoke upon the defeated except that yoke \nwhich we wore, comrades, when we resumed our place as citizens \xe2\x80\x94 \nthe obligation to obey the Constitution, and all laws made in \npursuance of it, as the condition of peaceful citizenship. \n\nWe are happy in our great national isolation \xe2\x80\x94 happy, as your \ndistinguished orator has said, that we do not need to burden our \npeople to maintain standing armies, and do not live under a per- \npetual threat that the chariot wheels of war may roll through our \npeaceful villages. No nation in the world is able to wage war, on \nour soil, with the United States, and when the generous work upon \nwhich we have entered of building, equipping, and manning a \nsuitable navy is completed, no nation in the world will be hasty to \nengage us upon the sea. \n\nWe are now entering into competition with the great nations of \nthe world in the markets of the world. We will push these purposes \npeacefully. \n\nThe diplomacy of the United States has always been a sentimental \ndiplomacy. We do not push our trade by the bayonet, by aggression, \nby the subjugation of helpless people. We pu.sh it only upon the \nbasis of friendliness and mutual trade advantage. Holding up the \ndignity and honor of our country, we shall expect others to respect \nour rights as we shall respect theirs. \n\nUnited we will enter upon a career of wealth and development,\' \naccompanied by the sweet influences of the school, of the churches, \nof the home-refining, thegoldof trade\xe2\x80\x94 = by their purifying influences \nto save, under God, the great heritage, committing to His care the \ngeneration that is to take from our lips these lessons of patriotism \nthat they may be fitted, if such an exigency should come, to do the \npart their fathers did. \n\nWhat they did who can tell? We say you saved the nation. \nWlfo can expand that thought until its full meaning is before the \nsoul? Who can look down the pages of history and sa}\' what one \nissue would have involved in disaster, contention, weakness, and \nblood, and what the other has involved on this ascending plane of \nbrightness and glory. \n\n\n\nPublic Papers and Addresses of L\'ei/jaiiiin Harrison. 297 \n\n\n\ntwo\' hundred and fiftieth anniversary of \nwoburn, mass. \n\nExecutive Mansion, \nIVas/iiKgton, September 2j, 1892. \n\nHon. Edward F. John.son, \n\nll^obnrn, Mass. .\xe2\x80\xa2 \nMy Dear Sir : The celebration of the two linndred and fiftieth \nanniversary of the incorporation of Wobnrn, whicli i.s to be held on \nOctober 7, is an event of snch interest that I would have been glad \nto accept the invitation of the committee to participate in the exer- \ncises which your citizens have planned, if the circumstances had \nbeen such as to make it possible for me to leave Washington. I very \nmuch regret that it will be \xe2\x80\x94 as your people will understand without \nmore particular reference \xe2\x80\x94 impossible for me to be present. The \nbrave and intelligent founders of our early civil communities are \nworthy of honor ; and this generation will derive profit from a study \nof the influences and principles from which have grown our civil \no-overnment and our great increase and development as a nation. \nVery respectfully, yours, \n\nBenj. Harrison. \n\n\n\nreceiving riggin statuette. \n\n[Presented by George W. Turner, Executive Mansion, Fcljruary 8, 1898.] \n\nSir : The gift which you tender to me ind the kind and appre- \nciative words with which you accom4Dany it, are very grateful to \nme. I have felt great interest and enthusiasm in the rebuilding of \nthe American Navy. I have felt that it was not only essential as a \nmatter of national defense, but that there was a prestige and influ- \nence for peace and good neighborhood between the nations of the \nearth in the completion and equipment of these great ships that \nnothing else could furnish. As to the incident to which you refer, \nI felt that the honor of our country and of the iSfavy had been \ntouched, and that nothing was lei\'t to us but, in a quiet and digni- \nfied and yet firm way, to insist upon suitable redress. It was given \nin a generous spirit, and I think the result of it has been that our \nrelations with that brave people, whose history is so full of martial \nachievements and provvess, as well as with the sister Republics ot \n\n\n\n298 Public Papers and Addresses of Benjamin Harrison. \n\nSouth America, are more friendly. International intercourse must \nalways proceed upon the basis of mutual respect and a yielding of \nmutual right. No acquiescence in wrong, no tame and spiritless \nsubmission to injury, can be the basis of respect, and friendship \nmust be founded upon respect. \n\nI thank you, sir, and these generous donors, for this testimonial \nof an incident which I am sure will be regarded as valuable in our \nhistory. \n\n\n\nHOISTING THE FLAG ON THE STEAMSHIP NEW YORK. \n\n[February 22. 1893.] \n\nIt gives me pleasure to consummate here to-day, by the act of \nlifting this flag, the efforts in support of a principle to which I give \nmy hearty support. \n\nI have felt as a citizen and as President a mortification which \nevery American must feel who examines into the standing of the \nUnited States in the merchant marine of the world. \n\nI believe we have reached an epoch in our development when \nwe may successfully begin the work of carrying our share of the \nworld\'s commerce upon the seas. \n\nWe lift the flag to-day over one ship, a magnificent specimen of \nthe naval art, one of the best on any sea. \n\nThat event is interesting in itself, but its interest to me is in the \nfact that this ship is the type and precursor of many others. \n\n\n\nIN DEX \n\n\n\nAcceptance, letters of : Page. \n\nAccepting first nomination, 1888 \xe2\x96\xa0 \n\nAccepting second nomination, 1S92 o \n\nAddress, inaugural -\xc2\xb0 \n\nMessages to Congress : \nAnnual \xe2\x80\x94 \n\nDecember 3, 18S9 ^^ \n\nDecember I, iSgo ^\'5 \n\nDecember 9,1891 9\' \n\nDecember 6, 1892 \'27 \n\nSpecial \xe2\x80\x94 \n\nAgreement with the Sac and Fox Indians \xe2\x96\xa0 167 \n\nAppropriation for the Grand Army of the Rci>ublic igd \n\nAnnexation of the Hawaiian Islands ^A~ ^1" \n\nArbitration, international i?" \n\nArizona and New Mexico, lands in 168 \n\nCanada, reciprocal trade with ")S \n\nAdditional message 201 \n\nCan.ada, railway transportation through 201 \n\nChippewa Indians of Minnesota 161 \n\nChoctaw and Chickasaw appropriation, the 18S \n\nColumbian Exposition, the \'94 \n\nConference Jlnternational American lf\'3 \n\nCullum Memorial Hall, West Point, the I<)7 \n\nDeath of Admiral Porter \'72 \n\nDeath of General Sherman \'72 \n\nDistress in OlcLihoma \'\'\'9 \n\nExposition, the Columbian ")4 \n\nFamine in Russia, the \'73 \n\nGrand Army of the Republic, appropriation for ")& \n\nGreat Sioux Reservation, the \'57 \n\nHawaiian Islands, annexation of the 214 \n\nInternational American Bank, an \'\'>3 \n\nInternational American Conference, the \'f\'3 \n\nInternational Arbitration \'7^ \n\nInternational Railway Line \'\'\'2 \n\nInternational Silver Conference ")^ \n\nLake Traverse Indian Reservation, the i*>o \n\nLands in Arizona and New Mexico I\'j\'\' \n\nLouisiana State lotterj\' \'"5 \n\nMiners in the Territories \'\xc2\xb07 \n\nMob at Valparaiso, Chile. \'74 \n\n299 \n\n\n\n3QO Index. \n\nPage. \nMessages to Congress \xe2\x80\x94 Continued. \n\nSpecial \xe2\x80\x94 Continued. \n\nNew Mexico and Arizona, lands in i6S \n\nOklahoma, distress in i6y \n\nPorter, Admiral, death of 172 \n\nPostal and cable communications with South America 167 \n\nRail waj- transportation through Canada 201 \n\nReciprocal trade with Canada 198 \n\nReciprocal commercial treaties 164 \n\nRussia, famine in 173 \n\nSac and Fox Indians, agreements with 167 \n\nSherman, General, death of 172 \n\nSilver Conference, International 196 \n\nSouth America, postal and cable communications with 167 \n\nTerritories, miners in the 187 \n\nTreaties, reciprocal commercial 164 \n\nVacancies in office of Secretary\' 171 \n\nValparaiso, Chile, mob at 174 \n\nAdditional message 186 \n\nWest Point, Cullum Memorial Hall at 197 \n\nVeto- \nAlabama, judicial officers in 239 \n\nAmending the law as to land claims 237 \n\nBar Harbor, Me., public building at 22g \n\nBonds of Maricopa Count}\', Ariz 221 \n\n("harles Stivers, retirement of 225 \n\nChouteau, Charles P., relief of 226 \n\nCircuit courts of appeals 234 \n\nDallas, Tex., public building at 217 \n\nDebt of Ogden, Utah 216 \n\nDistrict of Columbia, gaming in 227 \n\nGaming in the District of Columbia 227 \n\nGeorge W. Lawrence, relief of estate of 232 \n\nHudson, N. Y., public building at 218 \n\nIndian lands, Omaha , 224 \n\nJudicial officers in Alabama 239 \n\nLand claims, amending law as to 237 \n\nLawrence, George W., relief of estate of 232 \n\nMaricopa County, Ariz., bonds 221 \n\nMcGarrahan, William, claim of 235 \n\nOgden, Utah, debt of 216 \n\nOklahoma City railroad bonds 229 \n\nOmaha Indian lands 224 \n\nPortland Company, relief of 228 \n\nPromotion of Chief of Record and Pension Office 231 \n\nPublic building at \xe2\x80\x94 \n\nBar Harbor, Me 229 \n\nDallas, Tex 217 \n\nHudson, N. Y 218 \n\nTuscaloosa, Ala 219 \n\nRailroad bonds, Oklahoma City 229 \n\nRecord and Pension Office, promotion of chief of 231 \n\nRelief of the Portland (Company 228 \n\nRelief of Charles P. Chouteau 226 \n\n\n\nIndex. 301 \n\nPage, \n\nMessages to Congress \xe2\x80\x94 Continued. \n\nVeto \xe2\x80\x94 Continued. \n\nReservation, Uncompaligie 220 \n\nRetirement of Capt. Charles Stivers 225 \n\n225 \n\n\n\nStivers, Charles, retirement of \n\nTuscaloosa, Ala,, public building at 219 \n\n\n\n220 \n235 \n\n\n\nUncompahgrc Reservation, the .\xe2\x96\xa0% \n\nWilliam McGarrahan, claim of \nProclamations and orders : \nAdmitting new States \xe2\x80\x94 \n\nNorth Dakota 2,49 \n\nSouth Dakota 251 \n\nMontana 253 \n\nWashington 255 \n\nColumbus quarto-centenary 244 \n\nMiscellaneous \xe2\x80\x94 \n\nBancroft, George, death of 26S \n\nBering Sea arbitration 2()i \n\nBlaine, Hon, James G,, death of 270 \n\nBrazil, reciprocity treaty with ofib \n\nCanal tolls for Canadian goods 247 \n\nFremont, Gen, John C, death of 267 \n\nHamlin, Hannibal, death of 26S \n\nHayes, ex-President, death of 269 \n\nModus Vivendi respecting the fur-seal fisheries 25S \n\nNew States, admitting, (See Admitting new States,) \n\nOpposition to the laws in Wyoming 24^1 \n\nRcciprocit)\' treaty with Brazil 2()(i \n\nRenewal of the existing modus vivendi in liering Sea 25<) \n\nSeal fisheries 256 \n\nWyoming, opposition to the laws in 246 \n\nThanksgiving, iSSy 24a \n\nTiianksgiving, 1S90 241 \n\nThanksgiving, lSi;I 241 \n\nThanksgiving, 1892 242 \n\nWashington Centennial anniversary 243 \n\nWorld\'s Columbian Exposition. 245 \n\nSpeeches and letters: \n\nBennington Monument \xe2\x80\x94 \n\nAt Bennington, Vt 27<) \n\nAt the afternoon banquet 2S1 \n\nDecoration Day ceremonies \xe2\x80\x94 \n\nIndependence Hall, Philadelphia, M.iy 30, 1S91 2S7 \n\nIn the cemelery, Laurel Ilill 2S8 \n\nSoldiers and Sailors\' Monument, Rochester, N. Y 276 \n\nG, A, R, National Encampment 275 \n\nGarfield statue at Cleveland 279 \n\nGrant Memorial Monument, Riverside Park, New York 293 \n\nInaugural 26 \n\nJohnstown disaster, the. 274 \n\nLetters \xe2\x80\x94 \n\nWestern States Commercial Congress 284 \n\nTwo hundred and fiftieth anniversary of Woburn, Mass 297 \n\n\n\n* \n202 Index. \n\nPage. \nSpeeches and letters\xe2\x80\x94 Continued. \n\nLetters \xe2\x80\x94 Continued. , \n\nLawlessness in the Southern States 293 \n\nOf acceptance. {See Acceptance, letters of.) \n\nSouthern States, lawlessness in 293 \n\nMethodist Ecumenical Conference 2go \n\nPan-Amcrieans, to, April 19, 1890 278 \n\nReceiving Riggin statuette 297 \n\nSoldiers and Sailors\' Monument at Indianapolis 294 \n\nSteamship New York, hoisting flag on 298 \n\nVermont legislature, to the \xe2\x80\xa2 289 \n\nWashington Centennial \xe2\x80\x94 \n\nAddress at New York Subtreasnry, April 30, 18R9 271 \n\nAt the banquet. Metropolitan Opera House, evening 271 \n\nO \n\n\n\nr I ^^\xe2\x96\xa0 \n\n\n\ni \nI \n\n\n\n:i \n\n\n\nA^\' \n\n\n\n\n\n\n.-* \n\n\n\n^;s\' \n\n\n\n.-x^ \n\n\n\n%\xe2\x96\xa0 .<^\' \n\n\n\n</\xe2\x96\xa0 ^ \n\n\n\n-^. \n\n\n\n^ -^^ : \n\n\n\n\xe2\x96\xa0i-, .V- \n\n\n\n\n\n\n~ .\xe2\x96\xa0?- \n\n\n\n\n\n\nV \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nN^\' \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\' \n\n\n-% \n\n\n/ \n\n\n\\ \n* \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\'\'^\' \n\n\n\n\n\n\n/ \n\n\nJ>- \n\n\n\xe2\x96\xa0-<\xe2\x96\xa0\', \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n* \n\n\n"\'\'^> \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\'.v<\' \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\xe2\x96\xa0?/. \n\n\n\'., , \n\n\n-J \n\n\n\n\n\n\n# ^ \n\n\n\n\n\n\n--> \n\n\n\n\n\n\nc^- ^\xe2\x96\xa0 \n\n\n^^ \n\n\nV^^ \n\n\n\xe2\x96\xa0-" \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n-"o \n\n\n0^ \n\n\n\n\nN^\' \n\n\n<5^. \n\n\nV \n\n\nfc.- \n\n\n\n\n\xe2\x96\xa0\xe2\x80\xa2 \xc2\xbb<\xe2\x96\xa0\xe2\x96\xa0\' \n\n\n\xe2\x96\xa0\'\xe2\x96\xa0^-.. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n^ -J V \' \n\n\n^^^. \n\n\n\xe2\x80\xa2\\ \'\xe2\x96\xa0 \n\n\n\'\' f \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\' \n\n\n\'\xe2\x96\xa0\xe2\x96\xa0"\xe2\x96\xa0.J. \n\n\n.^^ \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n- / \n\n\n\no \n\n\xe2\x96\xa0\\- \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nc^ \n\n\n\n\'--^ \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\\\' J. " " " / ^ .0\' ~ \n\n^- V, - "\' \xe2\x96\xa0\xe2\x96\xa0> .V \xc2\xbb\' \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\ne \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n^ \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\xe2\x96\xa0 O\' \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\xe2\x80\xa2>^ \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nr\\- \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\xe2\x96\xa0^. \n\n\n2,"^ \n\n\nN-^- *^ \n\n\n.ff^^:. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\'/ \n\n\n\n\n\n\n.^^^^\xe2\x80\xa2 \n\n\n\'\'\xe2\x96\xa0\': \n\n\ni^. \n\n\n\n\n\xe2\x96\xa0v;-^ \xe2\x96\xa0-\'\xe2\x96\xa0" \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n-n/- y\' : -O.N \n\n\n\n\n\n.*^ \n\n\n-J.\'" \n\n\n\n\nN^\' \n\n\n\'=>. \n\n\n\n\n\xc2\xab\xe2\x80\xa2 \n\n\n\n\n\' / \n\n\n\'\'^\'r.. \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\xe2\x96\xa0-^.. .^^ \n\n\n,>~N f , \n\n\nx^^ ^^. \n\n\n\xe2\x80\xa2^^ \'-t:. o. \n\n\n\n\n\xe2\x96\xa0 "\xe2\x96\xa0-.: \n\n\n\xe2\x80\xa277^v \' \n\n\n" \' ^ \n\n\n"\\ \n\n\n\n\n\n\nz \n\n\n^x^\'^ 1 1 \n\n\n\n\n^\xe2\x96\xa0% ^ \xe2\x96\xa0 \n\n\n\\ \n\n\n^ \n\n\n.\\ \n\n\n\xe2\x96\xa0> \' (, V \n\n\n" ,#v \n\n\n\n\n^v^ ;\xe2\x96\xa0 \n\n\n- -O 0"^ \n\n\nx^^r. : \n\n\n.<^ x^ \n\n\n\n\n\n\nX\'^ \n\n\n\nx^ \xc2\xab ,.*: \n\n\n\n\n\n\nx^ \xe2\x96\xa0-> " \xe2\x80\xa2 - X^ ^- -\' ^ \xe2\x80\xa2 -\' ^ % \n\n. \xe2\x80\xa2^. \xe2\x96\xa0 ^ X>^,\xe2\x80\x94 ,^ A>^^"\'., \xe2\x80\xa2\'^- X>^ \' , -> \'\'~ A> \n\n,^ \' -^ - ~ - - - ^\' -- r\'^-\'^ \' -^ - -i \xe2\x96\xa0 \'\xe2\x80\xa2 \'X* \n\n\n\n\n\n\nV.\' \n\n\n\n0- ^ir. ,A-^ -^\xe2\x80\xa2. .v^^-\' \n\n\n\n\'x \\X - V , -\xe2\x96\xa0 -i \' >^ ~0> \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\'\'^.,^\' :f \xc2\xa5:\'"\'\xe2\x96\xa0\' I %<f ^ %<^ \n\n\n\n> -r- - I .r^,-.~ \' .s <> - ~ .xV \'\' \n\n\n\n\n\n\n> \'-^ \n\n\n\noA \' --> > ^ \\~ \n\n\n\nx^ \n\n\n\n\n\n\n,\\ \' _ . . , . \'^>.. \' <y ."\xe2\x80\xa2\'\xe2\x96\xa0\xe2\x96\xa0 ,\'<. \xe2\x96\xa0 "\xe2\x96\xa0 .A^ \xe2\x96\xa0 . \' " .\xe2\x96\xa0 \'\'>.\'\xe2\x96\xa0\' ^ ,0-^ . \xe2\x96\xa0\' ^ \xe2\x80\xa2 . --^ \n\n\n\nOo .. _^ \' \' ,00. \n\n\n\n'