i°''t^ -J- fe-"y°- ^oV^ '^ / ... -^. *" <^^'^>. v< .'. '-^^0^ /- . •* ^0 ^^ -ftTo'* .^"^ •- t^O^ o^, v^O^ o i * " G^ ^c^ Lib. READINGS IN AMERICAN HISTORY READINGS IN AMERICAN HISTORY EDITED BY JAMES ALTON JAMES PROFESSOR OF HISTORY IN NORTHWESTERN UNIVERSITY CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS NEW YORK CHICAGO BOSTON \\ Em ■ J'zS Copyright, 1914, bt CHARLES SCRIBNERS SONS FEB 20 1914 CLAafiOOSIi PREFACE The text-book American History, written for the use of high schools by A. H. Sanford and myself, "includes, as a portion of the bibliographical material connected with each chapter, Readings in American History. The present volume is the fulfillment of the promise that a limited number of sources would be collected which might be suitable for col- lateral reading. I am convinced, from my own experience as teacher in the secondary schools, that the judicious use of such material adds life and reality to historical study. In making the selections I have constantly kept in mind that pupils of high-school age are ordinarily but slightly interested in constitutional documents. A. relatively large number of the extracts have been taken, therefore, from the journals and letters of persons who were contemporary with the events described. Books of travel have likewise been drawn upon extensively. Topics have been chosen in the various fields of human activity, political, industrial, social, educational, and religious, but, in general, more extended selections, from fewer sources, have been made than has heretofore been usual in similar collections. In the preparation of the present volume I am under spe- cial obligations to Albert H. Sanford, of the La Crosse, Wis- consin, State Normal School; Edward C. Page, of the De Kalb, Illinois, State Normal School; and William V. Pooley, of Northwestern University, for reading certain chapters of V vi Preface the manuscript and tor their many suggestions. My indebt- edness to u number of editors of special volumes and to pub- lishers who ha\e generously permitted the use of selections is acknowledged in the following pages. As originally planned, Ciuirles AV. Mann, Professor of History in Lewis Institute, Chicago, was to co-operate with me in the choice of the readings, but liis death occurred before the work was fairly begun. His coimsel would have added materially to any merits which the volume may possess. James Alton James. EvANSTON, Illinois, November, 1913. CONTENTS I. — The Discovery of America: 1. Voyages of the Northmen (about 1000) . 1 2. Discovery of America by Christopher Columbus (1492) 8 3. Letter from Columbus to Ferdinand and Isabella Concerning the Coloniza- tion and Commerce of the Island of Hispaniola 13 II. — Spanish Exploration and Colonization: ,4. Spanish Motives for Colonization ... 17 5. Expedition of De Soto, 1539-1542 .... 25 III. — The Rivalry of Nations in the Sixteenth Century : 6. The Expedition of John Cabot, 1497 . . 29 7. Cartier's Description of Hochelaga, 1535 33 IV^. — Virginia and Maryland: 8. Instructions for the Voyage to Virginia 36 9. Condition of the Jamestown Colony, 1607 38 10. Value of Virginia as a Colony 40 V. — New England: 11. John Smith's Description of New Eng- land, 1614 45 12. Incidents in the History of Plymouth Plantation 49 vii viii Contents chapter' page 13. New England as a Pl-^ce for Settle- ment, 1629 52 14. Progress of the Massachusetts Bay Colony, 1631 57 VI. — Further English Colonization: 15. Resources of Pennsylvania 62 VII. — The Colonies After the Restoration, 1660- 1690: '9 16. Revolt Against the Authority of Gov- ernor Andros 67.-' 17. Confession and Recantation of Witches 72 18. Examination for Witchcraft 73 19. Recantation of Confessors of Witch- craft 75 V __ VIII. — The French in America: 20. Characteristics of the Iroquois Indians 7S 21. Marquette's Two Journeys 83 22. La Salle and the Discovery of the Mouth of the Mississippi River ... 91 23. French and English Contest for the Control of the Ohio Valley .... 9fi 24. George Washington and the French Posts on the Ohio, 1753 101 IX. — The English Colonies in the Eighteenth Century: 25. Social and Economic Conditions in New > York City, 1732 106 ■ 26. Philadelphia and New York, 1748 ... 110 27. Economic Conditions in Virginia, Penn- sylvania, AND Rhode Island, 1759 . . 121 X. — Causes of the American Revolution: 28. Effect of British Commercial Regu- lations, 1765 126 Contents ix OHAPTEft PAGE 29. Parliamentary Petitions Against the Stamp Act, January 17, 1776 .... 130 30. b^NJA.MiN Franklin and the Repeal of the Stamp Act 133 31. Description of the First Continental Congress, 1774 137 XI.— The Revolutionary War, 1776-1783: 32. Effects of a Weak Central Govern- ment, 1778 145 33. American Diplomacy and French As- sistance During the Revolution . . 148 34. The Capture of Vincennes by George Rogers Clark, 1779 152 35. The Revolution and American De- velopment 156 XII. — The Period of the Confederation, 1781-1789: 36. Government Under the Confederation A Failure 164 37. A Picture of Pioneer Life 168 38. A Weak Form of Government and Trade Conditions, 1787 176 XIII. — The Formation of the Federal Constitution: 39. The First Abolition Society 180 40. Economic and Social Conditions in Amer- ica, 1788 183 41. The Temperance Movement, 1789 ... 189 42. Life at Princeton and on a Virginia Plantation, 1767-1774 194 43. Treatment of Prisoners, 1785 202 44. A Trip to Mt. Vernon and North Caro- lina 203 XIV. — Organization of the New Government: 45. Inaugur.^tion of President Washington 208 X Contents CHAPTER PAfiE 46. Forms and Ceremonies Connected with THE Inauguration of the Government 216 XV.— Foreign Relations, 1793-1801: 47. Control of the Navigation of the Mis- sissippi BY Spain, 1793 225 48. Washington's Farewell Address .... 229 49. The X. Y. Z. Correspondence, 1797 . . 235 50. John Marshall's Return to America and French-American Rel.\tions, 1798 . . 241 51. Steps Leading to an Understanding WITH France 244 XVI. — Democracy and E.xpansion, 1801-1811: 52. Thomas Jefferson as Man and States- man 246 53. Thomas Jefferson as Seen by Daniel Webster 252 54. Attitude of Jefferson Toward the Constitution 253 55. Founding of the University of Virginia, 1819 255 56. The Lewis and Clark Expedition . . . 258 57. Robert Fulton and the First Steam- boat 265 58. Inauguration of President Madison . . 268 XVII.— The War of 1812: 59. British Justification of the War of 1812 272 60. Favorable View of War 276 61. The Capture of Washington, 1814 . . . 280 62. Ni-:w York City, 1811 286 XVIII. — Reorganization, Westward Migration, and Internal Improvements, 1815-1825: 63. Political and Social Life, 1817 .... 297 Contents xi CHAPTER PAGE 64. The West in 1815 304 65. The Steamboat and Its Influence on Western Trade Conditions 311 66. Disposal of the Public Lands, 1796- 1820 318 67. The Santa Fe Trail, 1831 322 XIX. — The Development of Nationalism, 1815-1830: 68. The Monroe Doctrine 331 69. The Protective Tariff and the South . 334 XX. — The New Democracy and the Increase of Sec- tional Feeling, 1830-1845: 70. The Real Andrew Jackson 342 71. Inauguration of Andrew Jackson, 1829 347 72. Chicago in 1837 351 73. Beginning of Steam Railroad Construc- tion 360 74. The First Express Company in Opposi- tion to the Railroad 367 75. Progress in the Means of Communication AND Social Conditions, 1834 372 76. Organization of the National Anti- Slavery Society, 1833 378, 77. The First Telegraph Line, 1844 .... 383 XXI. — Territorial Expansion and Growth of the Slavery Issue: 78. The Oregon Trail, 1848 ....... 388 79. Discovery of Gold in California . . . 397 80. Influence of Gold-Mining on the De- velopment OF San Francisco 404 81. Arguments in Favor of Negro Slavery 405 82. A Picture of Immigration and Settle- ment, 1831 411 XXII. — Slavery Extension and Sectional Feeling: 83. Development of Railroads, 1850-1860 , 420 xli Contents CHAPTER PAGE S4. The Lincoln-Douglas Debates, 1858 . . 426 85. The Nomination of Abraham Lincoln . 436 XXIIL — Secession and Civil Wak: 86. Alexander H. Stephens and Secession, 1860 444 87. Scenes at the Opening of the War . . 453 88. The Battle of Gettysburg 461 XXIV.— The Civil War: 89. Attitude of the English Toward the Civil War 475 90. President Lincoln's Second Lvaugural Address, March 4, 1865 478 91. Scene at Appomattox, 1865 480 92. Character of Abraham Lincoln .... 486 XXV. — Reconstruction : 93. An Appeal to the South, 1865 489 94. The South and Carpet-Bag Rule, 1873 493 XXVL — Diplomacy, Finance, and Politics, 1865-1877: 95. The Alabama Cl.\ims 498 96. Disposal of the Public Lands by the Federal Government 502 XXVIL — Industrial and Social Changes, 1866-1886: 97. Strikes and Lockouts 510 XXVIII. — Political Changes and Industrial Expansion, 1880-1890: 98. Civil Service Reform, 1883 514 XXIX. -The Spanish-American War, 1898: 99. Porto Rico Under the American Fl.\g . 526 XXX.— The Opening of a New Era: 100. The Diplomacy of John Hay .... 533 101. Preserving the World's Pe.\ce . . . .536 Contents xiii PAGE 102. Relations Between the United States AND THE South American States . . . 543 103. The Rich Kingdom of Cotton 547 104. Conservation of Natural Resources . 560 105. The Inauguration of President Wood- row Wilson 570 Index 583 4^ READINGS IN AMERICAN HISTORY CHAPTER I THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA • 1. Voyages of the Northmen (about 1000) The voyages of the Northmen to Greenland began about 985 A. D., a centurj' after their settlement in Iceland. Two colonies were founded in Greenland, known as the Western, and Eastern settlements. In the latter, at Brattahlid, was the home of Eric the Red and his wife Thorhild. They had two sons, Thorstein and Leif, afterward called Leif the Lucky. In the year 1000 Leif was in Norway, at the court of King Olaf Tryggrason, and was selected by the King to introduce Christianity into Greenland. On his journey, however, he was driven from his course by storms and came i\pon an unknown coast. During the following decade several attempts were made to col- onize this land, known as Wineland, and these voyages form the chief subject-matter of two old Norse sagas: the Book of Hauk Erlendsson (about 1300) and that known as the Flat Island Book, because it was owned for a long time by a famih' living on Flat Island off the northeastern coast of Iceland. The following ac- count is from Hauk's Book, or the Saga of Eric the Red, and de- scribes the voyage of Thorfinn Karlsefni. — (The Finding of Wine- land the Good. Translated and edited by Ai-thur Middleton Reeves, pp. 42-52, 64-67. London, ISOO.) About this time there began to be much talk at Brattah- lid to the effect that Wineland the Good should be explored, for, it was said, that country must be possessed of many goodly qualities. And so it came to pass that Karlsefni 1 ReadiiKjs in Anwrlcdii Ilistorij The voy- age of Thorflnn Karlscfni and his compan- ions. The land of Flat Stones and Bear Island discovered. ^larch- land, Keclness, and the Wonder- strands. Thorliall, a companion of Karl- sefni, goes north in searcli of Wiueland. and Snorri fitted out their ship for the purpose of going in search of that country in the spring. . . . Tliey had in all one hundred and sixty men when they sailed to the Western Settlement and thence to Bear Jsland. Thence they bore away to the southward two "doegr" (twenty-four hours). Thence they saw lantl, and launched a boat and explored the land, and found there large flat stones, and many of them were twelve ells wide; there were many arctic foxes there. They gave a name to the country and called it Helluland (the land of flat stones). Then they sailed with northerly winds two "doegr" and land lay before them, and upon it was a great wood and many wild beasts; an island lay off the land to the southeast, and there they found a bear, and they called this Biarney (Bear Island), while the land where the wood was they called Marchland (Forest Land). Thence they sailed southward for a long time and came to a cape, and land lay upon the starboard; there were long strands and sandy banks there. They rowed to the land and found upon the cape the keel of a ship and they called the place Kialarnes (Keelness); they also called the strands Furdu- strandir (Wonder-strands), because they were ^o long to sail by. . . . It is said that Thorhall wished to sail to the northward beyond Wonder-strands in search of Wineland, while Karl- sefni desired to proceed to the southward off the coast. Thorhall prepared for his voyage out below the island, hiiv- ing only nine men in his party, for all the remainder of the company went to Karlsefni. And one day when Thorhall was carrying water aboard his ship and was drinking, he recited this ditty: "When I came, those brave men told me, Hero the best of drink I'd got, Now with water-pail behold mo, — Wine and I are strangers yot. Stooping at tho spring I've tested All'the wine this land affords; Of its vaunted charms divested, Poor indeed arc its rewards." The Discovery of America 3 And when they were ready they hoisted sail; whereupon Thorhall recited this ditty: "Comrades, let us now be faring Homeward to our own again! Let us try the sea-steed's daring, Give the chafing courser rein. Those who will may bide in quiet, Let them praise their chosen land. Feasting on a whale-steak diet, In their home by Wonder-strand." Then they sailed away to the northward past Wonder- strands and Keelness, intending to cruise to the westward around the cape. They encountered westerly gales, and were driven ashore in Ireland, where they were grievously maltreated and thrown into slavery. There Thorhall lost his life, according to that which traders have related. It is now to be told of Karlsefni* that he cruised southward off the coast, with Snorri and Biarni and their people. They sailed for a long time until at last they came to a river which flowed down from the land into a lake, and so into the sea. There were great bars at the mouth of the river so that it could only be entered at the height of flood tide. Karlsefni and his men sailed into the mouth of the river and called it Hop (a landlocked bay). They found self-sown wheat-fields on the land there, wherever there were hollows, and wherever there was hilly ground there were vines. Every brook was full of fish. They dug pits on the shore when the tide rose highest, and when the tide fell there were halibut in the pits. There were great numbers of wild animals of all kinds in the woods. They remained there half a month, and enjoyed themselves and kept no watch. They had their live stock with them. Now, one morning early when they looked about them they saw a great number of skin canoes, and staves were brandished from the boats with a noise like *For some of the various attempts which have been made to locate Karlsefni's landing-place, see Wiasor, Narrative and Critical History, vol. I, chap. II. Karlsefni'i adven- tures. First meeting with the natives. Readings in American History flails, and they were revolved in the same direction in which the sun moves. Then said Karlsef ni : " What may this be- token?" Snorri, Thorbrand's son, answers him: "It may be that this is a signal of peace, wherefore let us take a white shield and display it." And thus they did. Thereupon the strangers rowed toward them and went upon the land, mar- velling at those whom they saw before them. They were swarthy men and ill-looking, and the hair of their heads was ugly. They had great eyes and were broad of cheek. They tarried there for a time looking curiously at the people they saw before them, and then rowed away and to the south- ward around the point. Karlsefni and his followers had built their huts above the lake, some of the dwellings being near the lake and others further away. Now they remained there that winter. No snow came there, and all of their live stock lived by grazing. And wlien spring opened they discovered, early one morning, a great number of skin canoes, rowing from the south past the cape, so numerous that it looked as if coals had been scattered broadcast out before the bay; and on every boat staves were waved. Thereupon Karlsefni and his people dis- played their shields, and when they came together they be- gan to barter with each other. Especially did the strangers wish to buy red cloth, for which they offered in exchange peltries and quite gray skins. They also desired to bu#' swords and spears, but Karlsefni and Snorri forbade this. In exchange for perfect unsullied skins the Skrt^llings would take red stuff a span in length, which they would bind around their heads. So their trade went on for a time, until Karl- sefni and his people began to grow short of cloth, when they divided it into such narrow pieces that it was no more than a finger's breadth wide, but the Skrellings still continued to give just as much for this as before, or more. It so happened that a bull which belonged to Karlsefni and his people ran out of the woods bellowing loudly. This so terrified the Skrellings that they sped out to their canoes and then rowed away to the southward along the coast. The Discovery of America For three entire weeks nothing more was seen of them. At the enti of this time, however, a great number of Skrelhng boats were discovered approaching from the south, as if a stream was pouring down, and all of their staves were waved in a direction contrary to the course of the sun, and the Skrel- lings were all uttering loud cries. Thereupon Karlsefni and his men took red shields and displayed them. The Skrellings sprang from their boats and they met them and fought together. There was a fierce shower of missiles, for the Skrellings had war slings. Karlsefni and Snorri observed that the Skrellings raised up on a pole a great ball-shaped body nearly black in color, and this they hurled from the pole upon the land above Karlsefni's followers, and it made a frightful noise when it fell. Whereat a great fear seized upon Karlsefni and all his men, so that they could think of naught but flight and of making their escape up along the ri\"er bank, for it seemed to them that troops of Skrellings were rushing toward them from every side, and they did not pause until they came to certain jutting crags, where they offered a stout resistance. . . . It now seemed clear to Karlsefni and his people that al- though the country thereabouts was attractive their life would be one of constant dread and turmoil by reason of the inhabitants of the country, so they forthwith prepared to leave and determined to return to their own country. Wineland aban- doned. The story of Leif Ericsson's expedition is told at much greater length in the Flat Island Book, from which the following is taken: There was now much talk of voyages of discovery. Leif, the son of Eric the Red of Brattahlid, visited Biarni Heriulfs- son and bought a ship of him, and collected a crew until they formed altogether a company of thirty-five men. Leif in- vited his father Eric to become the leader of the expedition, but Eric declined, saying that he was less able to endure the exposure of sea-life than he had been. Leif replied that he would nevertheless be the one who would be most apt to Voyage of Leif Erics- son, from the Flat Island Book. 6 Readings in American History bring good luck, and Eric yielded to Leif s pleading and rode from home when they were ready to sail. When he was but a short distance from the ship the horse which Eric was riding stumbled, and he was thrown from his back and under his feet, whereupon he exclaimed: "It is not designed for me to discover more lands than the one in which we are now living, nor can we continue longer together." Eric returned home to Brattahlid, and Leif went on his way to the ship with his companions, thirty-five men; one of the company was a German named Tyrker. They put the ship in order, and when they were ready they sailed out to sea, and found first that land which Biarni and his shipmates found last. They sailed up to the land and cast anchor, and launched a boat and went ashore, and found no grass there. Great ice mountains lay inland back from the sea, and it was as a (tableland of) flat rock from the sea to the ice mountains, and the country seemed to them to be entirely devoid of good qualities. Then said Leif: "It has not come to pass with us in regard to this land as with Biarni, that we have not gone upon it. To this country I will now give a name and call it Helluland" (the land of flat stones). They returned to the ship, put out to sea, and found a second land. They sailed again to the land and came to anchor and launched a boat and went on shore. This was a level, wooded land, and there were broad stretches of white sand where they went, and the land was level by the sea. Then said Leif: "This land shall have a name after its nature, and we will call it Markland" (forest land). They returned to the ship forthwith, and sailed away upon the main with northeast winds and were out two "doegr" (twenty-four hours) before they sighted land. They sailed toward this land and came to an island which lay to the northward off the land. There they went ashore and looked about them, the weather being fine, and they observed that there was a dew upon the grass, and it so happened that they touched the dew with their hands and touched their hands to their mouths, and it seemed to them that they had never before tasted anything so sweet The Discovery of America as this. They went aboard their ship again and sailed into a certain sound, which lay between the island and the cape, which jutted out from the land on the north, and they stood in westering past the cape. At ebb tide there were broad reaches of shallow water there, and they ran their ship aground, and it was a long distance from their ship to the sea; yet were they so anxious to go ashore that they could not wait until the tide should rise under their ship, but hastened to the land where a certain river flows out from a lake. As soon as the tide rose beneath their ship they took the boat and rowed to the ship which they brought up the river and so into the lake, where they cast anchor and car- ried their hammocks ashore from the ship and built them- selves booths. They afterward determined to establish themselves there for the winter, and they accordingly built a large house. There was no lack of salmon there either in the river or in the lake, and larger salmon than they had ever seen before. The country thereabouts seemed to be possessed of such good qualities that cattle would need no fodder dur- ing the winter. There was no frost there in the winter and the grass withered but little. The days and nights were of more nearly equal length than in Greenland or Iceland. When they had completed their house Leif said to his com- panions: "I propose now to divide our company into two groups, and to set about an exploration of the country; one half of our party shall remain at the house, while the other half shall investigate the land, and they must not go beyond a point from which they can return the same day, and they are not to separate." Thus they did for a time; Leif himself by turns joined the exploring party or remained behind at the house. 'Leif was a large and powerful man and of a most imposing bearing, a man of sagacity, and a very great man in all things. It was discovered one evening that one of their company was missing, and this proved to be Tyrker, the German. Leif was sorely troubled by this, for Tyrker had lived with Leif and his father for a long time and had been very de- Winter quarters built. Adven- tures of Tyrker, the German. 8 Readings in American History voted to Leif when he was a child. Leif severely repri- niand('(l his companions, and prepared to ^o in search of him, taking twelve men with him. They had gone hut a short distance from the house when they were met by Tyrker, whom they received most cordially. Leif saw at once that his foster-father was in li\ely spirits. Tyrker had a promi- nent forehead, restless eyes, small features, was small in stature, and rather a sorry -looking individual withal, but was nevertheless a most capable handicraftsman. Leif ad- dressed him and asked: "Wherefore art thou so belated, foster-father mine, and astra}' from the others?" In the be- ginning Tyrker spoke for some time in German, rolling his eyes and grinning, and they could not understand him; but after a time he addressed them in the northern tongue: "I did not go much further than you, and I have something of novelty to relate. I have found vines and grapes." " Is this, indeed, true, foster-father? " asked Leif. '* Of a certainty it is true," said he, "for I was born where there is no lack of either grapes or vines." They slept the night through, and on the morrow Leif said to his shipmates: "We will now divide our labors, and each day will either gather grapes or cut vines and fell trees, so as to obtain a cargo of these for my ship." They acted upon this advice, and it is said their after-boat was filled with grapes. A cargo sufficient for the ship was cut, and when spring came they made their ship ready and sailed away; and from its products Leif gave the land a name and called it Wineland. They sailed out to sea and had fair winds until thev sighted Greenland. . . . 2. Discovery of America by Christopher Columbus (1492) When Columbus sailed from Palos he resolved "(o write an ac- count of all the voyage very punctually, noting from day to day all that I should do or see." The original journal has disappeared but there is an abridgment which contains many extracts from it. Columbus describes the difficulties of the voyage, the fears of the sailors and the means he used to quiet them, their joy at finding The Discovery of Ant erica 9 land, and the perils of the return. — (The Journal of Christopher Columbus During His First Voyage, 1492-93. Translated, with notes and an introduction, by Clements R. Markham, London, 1893.) I left the city of Granada on the 12th day of May, in the The saii- same year of 1492, being Saturday, and came to the town of coiumbus Palos, which \s a seaport; where I equipped three vessels well suited for such service; and departed from that port well supplied with provisions and with many sailors, on the 3d day of August of the same year, being Friday, half an hour before sunrise, taking the route to the Islands of Ca- naria belonging to your Highnesses, which are in the said Ocean Sea, that I might thence take my departure for navi- gating until I should arrive at the Indies, and give the letters of your Highnesses to those princes, so as to comply with my orders. Monday, 6th of August. The rudder of the caravel Pinta became unshipped, and Martin Alonzo Pinzon, who was in command, believed or suspected that it was by contrivance of Gomes Rascon and Cristobal Quintero to whom the caravel belonged, for they dreaded to go on that voyage. . . . Sunday, 9th of September. This day the Admiral made nineteen leagues, and he ar- The ranged to reckon less than the number run, because if the "i'stances voyage was of long duration, the people would not be so terrified and disheartened. . . . of the compass. Thursday, 13th of September. That day and night, steering their course which was west, Variation they made thirty-three leagues, counting three or four less. The currents were against them. On this day, at the com> mencement of the night, the needles turned half a point to the northwest, and in the morning they turned somewhat more northwest. 10 Readings in American History Saturday, 22(1 of September. They shaped their course W. N. W. more or less, her head turning from one to the other point, and made thirty leagues. They saw some sandpipers and another bird. Here the Admiral says: "This contrary wind was very necessary for me, because my people were much excited at the thought that in these seas no wind ever blew in the direction of Spain. ..." Thursday, 11th of October. The course was W. S. W., and there was more sea than there had been during the whole of the voyage. They saw sandpipers and a green reed near the ship. Those of the caravel Pinia saw a cane and a pole, and they took up another small pole which appeared to have been worked with iron; also another bit of cane, a land plant and a small board. The crew of the caravel Nina also saw signs of land, and a small branch covered with berries. Every one breathed afresh and rejoiced at these signs. The run till sunset was twenty-seven leagues. After sunset, the Admiral returned to his original west course, and they went along at the rate of twelve miles an hour. Up to two hours after midnight, they had gone ninety miles, equal to twenty-two and a half leagues. As the caravel Pinta was a better sailer and went ahead of the Admiral, she found the land, and made the signals ordered by the Admiral. The land was first seen by a sailor named Rodrigo de Triana. But the Admiral, at ten o'clock, being in the castle of the poop, saw a light, though it was so un- certain that he could not affirm it was land. He called Pero Gutierrez, a gentleman of the king's bed-chamber, and said that there seemed to be a light, and that he should look at it. He did so and saw it. The Admiral said the same to Rodrigo Sanchez of Segovia, whom the King and Queen had sent with the fleet as inspector, but he could see nothing, because he was not in a place where anything could be seen. After the Admiral had spoken, he saw the light once or twice The Discovery of America 11 and it was like a wax candle, rising and falling. It seemed to few to be an indication of land; but the Admiral made certain that land was close. When they said the SalvCf which all the sailors were accustomed to sing in their way, the Admiral asked and admonished his men to keep a good lookout on the forecastle and to watch well for land; and to him who should first cry out that he saw land, he would give a silk doublet, besides the other rewards promised by the sovereigns, which were 10,000 maravedis* to him who should first see it. At two hours after midnight the land was sighted at a distance of two leagues. They shortened sail, and lay by under the mainsail without the bonnets. The vessels were hove to, waiting for daylight ; and on The land- Friday they arrived at a small island of the Lucayos, called, be^'i^^'"" in the language of the Indians, Guanahani. Presently, they saw naked people. The Admiral went on shore in the armed boat, and Martin Alonzo Pinzon, and Vicente Yanez, his brother, who was captain of the Nina. The Admiral took the royal standard, and the captains went with two banners of the green^cross, which the Admiral took in all the ships as a sign, with an F and a Y,t and a crown over each letter, one on one side of the cross and one on the other. Having landed, they saw trees very green, and much water, and fruits of diverse kinds. The Admiral called to the two captains, and to the others who leaped on shore, and to Rodrigo Escovedo, secretary of the whole fleet, and to Rodrigo Sanchez of Segovia, and said that they should bear faithful testimony that he, in presence of all, had taken as he now took, possession of the said island for the King and for the Queen, his lords, making the declarations that are required, as is now largely set forth in the testimonies which were then made in writing. Presently many inhabitants of the islands assembled. What follows is in the actual words of the Admiral in his * The maravedi was worth about two-thirds of a cent. Columbus re- ceived this reward, because he saw the light on shore. t Fernando and Ysabel. 12 Readings in American History book of the first navigation and discovery of the Indies. "I," he says, "that we might form great friendship, for I knew that they were a people who could be more easily freed and con\erted to our holy faith by love than by force, gave to some of them red caps and glass beads to put around their necks, and many other things of little value, which gave them great pleasure, and made them so much our friends that it was a marvel to see. They afterwards came to the ship's boats where we were, swimming and bringing us parrots, cotton threads in skeins, darts, and many other things; and we exchanged them for other things that we gave them, such as glass beads and small bells. In fine, they took all and gave what they had with good will. It appeared to me to be a race of people very poor in everything. They are very well made, with very handsome bodies, and very good countenances. Their hair is short and coarse, almost like the hairs of a horse's tail. They wear the hair brought down to the eyebrows, except a few locks behind, which they wear long and never cut. They paint themselves black, and they are the color of the Canarians, neither black nor white. Some paint themselves white, others red, and others of what color they can find. Some paint their faces, others the whole body, some only around the eyes, others only on the nose. They neither carry nor know anything of arms, for I showed them swords, and they took them by the blade and cut themselves through ignorance. They have no iron, their darts being wands without iron, some of them having a fish's tooth at the end, and others being pointed in various ways. They should be good servants and intelli- gent, for I observed that they quickly took in what was said to them, and I believe that they would easily be made Chris- tians, as it appeared to me that they had no religion. I, our Lord being pleased, will take hence at the time of my depar- ture, six natives for your Highnesses, that they may learn to speak. I saw no beast of any kind except parrots on this island. . . ." The Discovery of America 13 3. Letter from Columbus to Ferdinand and Isabella Concerning the Colonization and Commerce of THE Island of Hispaniola This letter, which was written during the year 1493, before Co- lumbus set out on his second expedition, has been said to entitle him to the honor to be considered "the pioneer law-giver of the New World." — (The translation is the one used by W. E. Curtis in the Report of the American Historical Association, 1894, pp. 452-4o.5. A slightly different translation is given in Original Narratives of Early American History, The Northmen, Columbus, and Cabot, pp. 273-277.) Most High and Powerful Sirs: In obedience to what your Highnesses command me, I shall state what occurs to me for the peopling and settling of the Hispaniola Island and of all others, whether already discovered or hereafter to be discovered, submitting myself, however, to any better opinion. In the first place, and in regard to the Hispaniola Island, I should suggest the number of settlers who may be found willing to go there to be up to two thousand, so as to render the possession of the country safer and cause it to be more profitable. This will aid also in facilitating intercourse and dealings with the neighboring islands. I suggest further three or four towns to be founded at con- venient places, and the new settlers or colonists to be properly distributed among said towns. And in order to secure the better and prompter settlement of the said island, I should suggest furthermore that the privilege of getting gold be granted exclusively to those who have acquired a domicile and built a dwelling house in the town of their residence, so as to secure for them all to live close to each other and be better protected. And also, that each town be given, as is customary in Castile, a mayor and a clerk. And furthermore, that a church be built, and that secular priests or friars be sent there for the administration of the Number of settlers. Founding towns. Special privilege to house- holders. GfHcers. Churches. 14 Readings in American History Permits for gold- hunters. Provision for building churches. Division of gold. sacraments, the conversion of the Indians, and the proper worship of the Divinity. And further, that no colonist be allowed to go and gather gold unless with a permit from the governor or mayor of the town in which he lives, to be given only upon his promis- ing under oath to return to the place of his residence and faithfully report all the gold which he may have gathered, this to be done once a month, or once a week, as may be ordered to him, the said report to be entered on the proper registry by the clerk of the town in the presence of the mayor, and if so deemed advisable, in the presence of a friar or secular priest selected for the purpose. And further, that all the gold so gathered be melted right away, and melted and stamped subsequently with such a mark or seal as the town may have devised and selected, and that the share of that gold which belongs to your Highnesses be given and delivered to the mayor of the town, the proper record thereof being made by the clerk and by the secular priest or friar who may witness to it, so as to cause the trans- action to be known by more than one person and rendering tiie concealing of the truth impossible. Furthermore, that all the gold which may be found with- out the mark or seal aforesaid in the possession of any one who formerly had reported once as aforesaid, be forfeited and divided by halves, one for the informer and the other for your Highnesses. And further, that one per cent of all the gold gathered be set apart and appropriated for building churches and pro- viding for their proper furnishing and ornamentation, and to the support of the secular priests or friars having them in their charge, and if so deemed advisable for the payment of some compensation to the mayors and clerks of the respect- ive towns, so as to cause them to fulfill their duties faith- fully, and that the balance be delivered to the governor and treasurer sent there by your Highnesses. And further, and in regard to the division of the gold and the setting apart the share which belongs to your Highnesses, The Discovery oj America 15 I am of the opinion that the operation must be entrusted to the said governor and treasurer, because the amount of the gold found may sometimes be large and sometimes small, and, if so deemed advisable, that the share of your Highnesses be established for one year to be one-half, the other half going to the gatherers, reserving for a future time to make some other and better provision, if necessary. And further, that if the mayors and clerks commit any fraud in these matters, or consent to it, the proper punish- ment be inflicted upon them, and that a penalty be likewise imposed upon those colonists who do not report in full the whole amount of the gold which is in their possession. And further, that a treasurer be appointed and sent to the said island, who shall receive all the gold belonging to your Highnesses, and shall have a clerk to make and keep the proper record of the receipts, and that the mayors and clerks of the respective towns be given the proper vouchers for everything which they may deliver to the said treasurer. And further, that whereas the extreme anxiety of the colonists to gather gold may induce them to neglect all other business and occupations, it seems to me that prohibition should be made to them to engage in the search of gold dur- ing some season of the year, so as to give all other business, profitable to the island, an opportunity to be established and carried on. And further, as far as the business of discovering other lands is concerned, it is my opinion that permission to do so should be given to every one who desires to embark in it, and that some liberality should be shown in reducing the fifth to be given away, so as to encourage as many as possi- ble for entering into such undertakings. . . . And further, that all vessels coming from the said island must come to unload to the port of Cadiz, and that no per- son shall be allowed to leave the vessels or get in them until such person or persons of the said city as may be ap- pointed for this purpose bj' your Highnesses have boarded the same vessels and received information from the masters Penalty for fraud. Search for gold not to be only occupa- tion. Induce- ment for further discover- ies. Cadiz the only port of entrance. IG Rcadiny.'j in American History of all that they have brought, and the official statement of the nature and value of the cargoes, so as to facilitate a thorough examination and find out whether anything has been brought hidden and not declared in the manifests at the time of shipment. . . . S. S. A. S. X. M. Y. Xpo-Ferens.* Sent by the Admiral. * Meaning of the monogram has not been determined. CHAPTER II SPANISH EXPLORATION AND COLONIZATION 4. Spanish Motives for Colonization ■ "A relation of the commodities of Nova Hispania and the man- ners of the inhabitants, written by Henry Hawks, merchant, which hved five years in the said country and drew the same at the re- quest of Mr. Richard HakUiyt, 1572."— (Richard Hakluyt, The Third and Last Volume of the Voyages, Navigations, TrafRques, and Discoveries of the English Nation, pp. 462-469. London, 1600.) Saint John de Ulloa is an island not high above the water, where as now the Spaniards upon Mr. John Hawkins being there, are in making a strong fort. In this place all the ships that come out of Spaine for these parts do unlade; for they have none .other port so good as this. . . . Five leagues from Saint John de Ulloa is a fair river; it vera lieth northwest from the port and goeth to a little town of ^'"u^* the Spaniards called Vera Cruz, and with small vessels and barks which they call frigates, they carry all their merchan- dise which Cometh out of Spain to the said town; and in like manner bring all the gold, silver, cochinillas, hides and all other things that the ships carry into Spain unto them. And the goods being in Vera Cruz, they carry them to Mexico, and to Pueblo de los Angeles, Sucatecas, and Saint Martin, and divers other places so far within the country, that some of them are se\en hundred miles off, and some more and some less, all upon horses, mules, and in wains drawn with oxen, and in cars drawn with mules. 17 18 Readings in American History Mos- quitos. Irrigation. City of Mexico. Fairs. This town is inclined to many kinds of diseases, by reasor of the great heat, and a certain gnat or fly which they cul a musquito, which biteth both men and women in theii sleep; and as soon as they are bitten, incontinently th( flesh swelleth as though they had been bitten by a venemoui worm. And this musquito or gnat doth most follow such a; are newly come into the country. Many there are thai die of this annoyance. This hot or sick country continueth five and forty milei towards the city of Mexico; and the five and forty mile: being passed, then there is a temperate country, and full o tillage; but they water all their corn with rivers which the\ turn in upon it. And they gather their wheat twice a year And if they should not water the ground where their corn i; sown, the country is so hot it would burn all. Before you come to Mexico there is a great town callet Tlaxcalla, which hath in it above sixteen thousand house holds. All the inhabitants thereof are free by the kings o Spain; for these were the occasion that Mexico was won ii so short a time, and with so little loss of men. Wherefori they are all gentlemen, and pay no tribute to the king. Ii this town is all the cochinilla growing. Mexico is a great city; it hath more than fifty thousant households, whereof there are not past five or six thousan( houses of Spaniards; all the other are of the people of th( country that live under the Spaniard's laws. There are ir this city stately buildings, and many monasteries of friar and nuns, which the Spaniards have made. And the build ing of the Indians is somewhat beautiful outwardly, ant within full of small chambers, with very small windows which is not so comely as the building of the Spaniards Th's city standeth in the midst of a great lake, and the watei goeth through all or the most part of the streets, and then come small boats, which they call canoes, and in them the\ bring all things necessary, as wood, and coals, and grass foi their horses, stones and lime to build, and corn. This city is subject to many earthquakes, which often^ Spanish Exploration and Colonization 19 times cast down houses and kill people. This city is very well provided of water to drink, and with all manner of victuals. There are, in this city, every week three fairs or markets which are frequented with many people, as well Spaniards as people of the country. There are in these fairs or markets all manner of things that may be invented to sell, and in especial things of the country. The one of these fairs is on Monday and is called Saint Hippolytus fair, and Saint James' fair is upon the Thursday, and upon Saturday is Saint John's fair. In this city is always the king's governor Courts, or viceroy, and there are kept the Terms (courts) and Parlia- ments. And, although there be other places of justice, yet this is above all; so that all men may appeal to this place, and may not appeal from this city, but only into Spain before the King; and it must be for a certain sum, and if it be under that sum, there is no appellation from them. Many rivers fall into this lake which the city standeth in; but there was never any place found whither it goeth out. The Indians know a way to drown the city, and within Hatred of these three years they would have practised the same; but ^^'^''*'^^- they which should have been the doers of it were hanged, and ever since the city hath been well watched both night and day, for fear lest at some time they might be deceived, for the Indians love not the Spaniards. Round about the town there are very many gardens and orchards of the fruits of the country, marvellous fair, where the people have great recreation. There are near about this city of Mexico many rivers and Alligators, standing waters which have in them a monstrous kind of fish, which is marvellous ravening, and a great devourer of men and cattle. He is wont to sleep upon the dry land many times, and if there come, in the mean time, any man or beast and wake or disquiet him, he speedeth well if he get from him. He is like unto a serpent, saving that he doth not fly, neither hath he wings. There is west out of Mexico a port town which is on the Port of South sea, called Puerto de Acapulco, whereas there are ■'^^^p'^co. 20 Readings in American Ilisiory ships which they have ordinarily for the navigation of China, which they have newly found. This port is three score leagues from Mexico. There is another port town wliicli is called Culiacun, on the South sea, which lieth west by north out of Mexico and is 200 leagues from the same; and there the Spaniards made two ships to go seek the strait or gulf, which, as they say, is between the Newfoundland and Greenland; and they call it the Englishmens' strait; which as yet was never fully found. They say, that strait lieth not far from the main- land of China, which the Spaniards account to be marvel- lous rich. Toward the north from Mexico, there are great store of silver mines. There is greater quantity of silver found in these mines toward the north than there is in any other parts. These mines are commonly upon great hills and stony ground, marvellous hard to he labored and wrought. In this country of Nova Hispania there are also mines of gold, although the gold l)e commonly found in rivers, or very near unto rivers. And now, in these days, there is not so much gold found as there hath been heretofore. The Spaniards have notice of seven cities which old men of the Indians show them should lie toward the northwest from Mexico. They have used, and use daily, much diligence in seeking of them, but they cannot find any one of them. They say that the witchcraft of the Indians is such, that when they come by these towns, they cast a mist upon them so that they cannot see them. They have understanding of another city which they call Copulla; and in like manner, at my being in the country, they have used much labor and diligence in the seeking of it. They have found the lake on which it should stand, and a canoe, the head whereof was wrought with copper curiously, and could not find nor see any man, nor the town which to their understanding should stand on the same water, or very near the same. There is a great number of beasts or kine in the country Spanish Exploration and Colonization 21 of Cibola, which were never brought hither by the Spaniards, Buffaloes, but breed naturally in the country. They are like unto our oxen, saving that they have long hair like a lion, and short horns, and they have upon their shoulders a bunch like a camel, which is higher than the rest of their body. They are marvellous wild and swift in running. They call them the beasts or kine of Cibola. This Cibola is a city which the Spaniards found now of late, without any people in the same, goodly buildings, fair chimneys, windows made of stone and timber excellently wrought, fair wells with wheels to draw their water, and a place where they buried their dead people, with many fair stones upon the graves. And the captain would not suffer his soldiers to break up any part of these graves, saying, he would come another time to do it. They asked certain people which they met, whither the people of this city were gone; and they made answer, they were gone down a river, which was there by, very great, and there had builded a city which was more for their com- modity. The captain, lacking things necessary for himself and his men, was fain to return back again, without finding any treasure according to his expectation; neither found they but few people, although they found beaten ways which had been much haunted and frequented. The captain at his coming back again, had a great check of the governor, be- cause he had not gone forwards, and seen the end of that river. The people of the country are of good stature, tawny- Indian colored, broad-faced, flat-nosed, and given much to drink both wine of Spain and also a certain kind of wine which they make with honey of Magueiz, and roots, and other things which they use to put into the same. They call the same wine Pulco. They are soon drunk, and given to much beastliness, and void of all goodness. Whereupon they are defended from the drinking of wines, upon pains of money, as well he that selleth the wines as the Indian that drinketh traits. 22 Readings in American History the same. And if this commandment were not, all the wine in Spain and France were not sufficient for the West Indies only. They are of much simplicity and great cowards, void of all valor, and are great witches. They used divers times to talk with the devil, to whom they do certain sacrifices and oblations; many times they have been taken with the same, and I have seen them most cruelly punished for that offence. The people are given to learn all manner of occupations and sciences (trades), which for the most part, they learned since the coming of the Spaniards; I say, all manner of arts. They are very artificial in making of images with feathers, or the proportion or figure of any man, in all kind of manner as he is. The fineness and excellency of this is wonderful, that a barbarous people as they are, should give themselves to so fine an art as this is. They are goldsmiths, blacksmiths, and coppersmiths, carpenters, masons, shoemakers, tailors, sadlers, embroiderers, and of all other kinds of sciences; and they will do work so good cheap, that poor young men that go out of Spain to get their living, are not set on work; which is the occasion there are many idle people in the country. For the Indian will live all the week on one groat; which the Spaniard cannot do, nor any man else. They have no care for anything, but only from day to day for that which they have need to eat. The Indians have the friars in great reverence. The occa- sion is that by them and by their means they are free and out of bondage, which was so ordained by Charles the em- peror; which is the occasion that now there is not so much gold and silver coming into Europe, as there was while the Indians were slaves. For when they were in bondage they could not choose but do their task every day, and bring their masters so much metal out of their mines; but now they must be well paid and much entreated to have them work. So it hath been, and is a great hinderance to the owners of the mines and to the kings quinto or custom. There are many mines of copper in great quantity, whereof Spanish Exploration and Colonization 23 they spend in the country as much as serveth their turns. There is some gokl in it, hut not so much as will pay the Copper costs of the [re]fining. The quantity of it is such, and the ^° ^° " mines are so far from the sea, that it will not be worth the freight to carry it into Spain. On the other side, the king's officers will give no license to make ordinance thereof; where- upon mines lie unlabored and of no valuation. The pomp and liberality of the owners of the mines is Wealth marvellous to behold; the apparel both of them and of their owners." wives is more to be compared to the apparel of noble persons than otherwise. If their wives go out of their houses, as unto the church, or any other place, they go out with great majesty, and with as many men and maids as though she were the wife of some nobleman. I will assure you, I have seen a miner's wife go to the church with an hundred men, and twenty gentlewomen and maids. They keep open house; who will, may come to eat their meat. They call men with a bell to come to dinner and supper. They are princes in keeping of their houses, and bountiful in all man- ner of things. A good owner of mines must have at the least an hundred slaves to carry and to stamp his metals ; he must have many mules, and men to keep the mines; he must have mills to stamp his metals; he must have many wains and oxen to bring home wood to fine his metals; he must have much quick-silver, and a marvellous quantity of salt brine for the metals; and he must be at many other charges. And as for this charge of quick-silver, it is a new invention, which they find more profitable than to fine their ore with lead. Howbeit, the same is very costly; for there is never a hun- dred of quick-silver but costeth at the least three score pounds sterling. And the mines fall daily in decay and of less value; and the occasion is, the few Indians that men have to labor their mines. The Indians are much favored by the Justices of the Justice to country, and they call them their orphans. And if any Spaniard should happen to do any of them harm, or to wrong 24 Readings in American History him in taking anything from him, as many times they do, or to strike any of them, being in any town where, a justice is, they are as well punished for the same as if they had done it one Spaniard to another. When the Spaniard is far from Mexico or any place of justice, thinking to do with the poor Indian what he list, considering he is so far from any place of remedy, he maketh the Indian do what he com- mandeth him, and if he will not do it, he l)eateth and misuseth him, according to his own appetite. The Indian holdeth his peace until he find an opportunity, and then taketh a neighbor with him and goeth to Mexico, although it be twenty leagues off, and maketh his complaint. This his complaint is immediately heard, and though it be a knight or a right good gentleman, he is forthwith sent for, and punished both by his goods and also his person is im- prisoned, at the pleasure of the Justice. This is the occasion that the Indians are so tame and civil, as they are; and if they should not have this favor, the Spanish woidd soon dispatch all the Indians, or the Indians would kill them. But they may call them dogs or other evil words, and the Indian must needs put it up and go his way. Montezuma, which was the last king of this country, was one of the richest princes that have been seen in our time or long before. He had all kind of beasts which were then in the country, and all manner of birds and fishes, and all manner of worms which creep upon the earth, and all trees, and flowers, and herbs, all fashionefl in silver and gold, which was the greatest part of all his treasure, and in these things he had great joy, as the old Indians report. And unto this day, they say that the treasure of Montezuma is hidden, and that the Spaniards have it not. This King would give none of his people freedom, nor forgive any of them that should pay him tribute, though he were never so poor. He had as many wives and concubines, as he would have, and such as liked him. Always, whenever he went out of his Court to pass the time, he was borne upon four of his noblemen's shoulders set upon a table, some say of gold. Spanish Exploration and Colonization 25 and very richly dressed with feathers of divers and many colors and flowers. He washed all his body every day, were it never so cold. And unto this day, so do all the Indians, and especially the women. The Spaniards keep the Indians in great subjection. They may have in their houses no sword nor dagger, nor knife with any point, nor may wear upon them any manner of arms. Neither may they ride upon any horse nor mule, in any saddle nor bridle, neither may they drink wine, which they take for the greatest pain of all. They have attempted divers times to make insurrections, but they have been over- thrown immediately by their own great and beastly coward- liness. 5. Expedition of De Soto, 1539-42 By "A Portugall Gentleman of Eluas." The real name of the writer is unknown, but he accompanied De Soto on his expedition. — (Richard Hakluyt, Voyages, II, pp. 1-131. London, 1609.) Captaine Soto was the son of a squire of Xercz of Badaioz. He went into the Spanish Indies, when Peter Arias of Auila was governour of the West Indies : and there he was without any thing else of his owne, save his sword and target; and for his good qualities and valour, Peter Arias made him Captaine of a troope of horsemen, and by his commandement hee went with Fernando Pizarro to the conquest of Peru: where (as many persons of credit reported, which were there present) as well as the taking of Atahalipa, Lord of Peru, as at the assault of the citie of Cusco, and in all other places where they found resistance, wheresoeuer hee was present, hee passed all other Captaines and principall persons. For which cause, besides his part of the treasure of Atabalipa, he had a good share: whereby in time he gathered an hundred and four-score thousand Duckets together, with that which fell to his part: which he brought into Spainc: whereof the Emperour borrowed a certaine part, which he repaied againe with 60,000 Rials of plate in the rent of the silkes of Granada, De Soto accom- panies Pizarro to Peru. 26 Readings in American History and all the rest was deliuered him in the Contractation house of Siuil [Seville]. . . . The Emperour made him the govern- our of the Isle of Cuba, and Adelantado or president of Florida ; with a title of Marques of certaine part of the lands, that he should conquer. WTien Don Ferdinando had obtained the gouernment, there came a Gentleman from the Indies to the Court, named Cabega de Vaca, which had been with the Governour Pamphilo de Naruaez which died in Florida, who reported that Naruaez was cast away at sea with all the companie yt went with him. And how he with foure more escaped and arriued in Nucnua Espanna; Also he brought a relation in writing of that which hee had scene in Florida ; . . . Generally he re- ported the miserie of the Countrie, and the troubles which he passed; and hee told some of his kinsfolke, which were desirous to goe into the Indies, and urged him very much to tell them whether he had scene any rich country in Florida ; . . . And hee informed them, that it was the richest Countrie of the u'orld. Don Ferdinando de Soto was very desirous to have him with him, and made him a favourable offer; and after they were agreed, because Soto gave him not a summe of money which he demanded to buy a ship, they broke off againe. . . . In the yeere of our Lord 1538, in the month of Aprill, the Adelantado delivered his shippes to the Captaines which were to goe in them; and took for himself e a new ship, and good of saile, . . . On Sunday the 18. of May, in the yeere of our Lord, 1539, the Adelantado or president departed . from Havana in Cuba with his fleete, which were nine vessels, five great ships, two carauels, and two brigantines: They sailed seven daies with a prosperous wind, . . . On Friday the 30. of May they landed in Florida, . . . They set on land two hundred and thirteene horses, . . . Hee landed all his men, and only the sea men remained in the shippes, . . . From the Port dr Spirifo Santo where the Governour lay, he sent the Alcalde Mayor Baltasar de Gallegos with 50 horse- Spanish Exploration and Colonization 27 men and 30, or 40, footemen to the province of Paracossi, to view the disposition of the eountrie, and enforme himselfe of the land farther inward, and to send him word of such things as he found. . . . Baltasar came to the Paracossi. . . . He asked them if they knew or had notice of any rich eountrie where there was gold or silver. They told them, they did : and that toward the West, there was a Prouince which was called Calc; and that others that inhabited other Countries had warre with the people of that Countrie, where the most part of the yeere was sommer, and that there was much gold ; and that when those their enemies came to make warre with them of Calc, these inhabitants of Cale did weare hats of gold, in manner of head pieces. . . . Hee [De Soto] left Captaine Caldcron at the Port, with De Soto thirtie horsemen, and seventie footemen, with prouision for ^^^ °"^ *° two yeeres, and himselfe with all the rest marched into the great river. maine land, and came to the Paracossi, at whose towne Baltasar de Gallegos was; and from thence with all his men took the way to Cale. . . . Upon Monday the sixt of March 1542, the Gouvernour departed from Antiamque to seek Nilco, which the Indians said was neere the Great river, with determination to come to the Sea, and procure some succour of men and horses; for hee had now but three hundred men of warre, and fortie horses, and some of them lame, which did nothing but helpe to make up the number; and for want of iron they had gone above a yeere unshod: . . . When he had passed the River there fell out such weather, that foure dales he could not travell for snow. Assoone as it gave ouer snowing, he went three dales journey through a Wildernesse, and a countrie so low, and so full of lakes and ewill waies, that hee travelled one time a whole day in water, sometimes knee deepe, sometimes to the stirrup, and sometimes they swamme. . . . This River which passed by Nilco was that which passed by Coyas and Antiamque, and fell into Rio grande, or the Great Riuer [Mississippi], which passed by Pachaba and 28 lic(i(li)i(js in Amrriran iiistnrjj Aquixo- ncere into the j)rovinco of Guachoi/a: . . . Within few daies the Governour determined to goe to Guachoya, to learne there whether the Sea was neere ... As he passed the Riuer of Nilco, there came in canoes Indians of Guachoiia up the streame, and when they saw him, supposing that he came to seeke them to doe them some hurt, they returned downe the River and informed the Cacique thereof; who with all his people, spoiling the towne of all that they could carrie away, passed that night over to the other side of Rio graiidc, or the great River. The Governour sent a Captainc with fifty men in sixe canoes downe the Riuer, and went himselfe by land with the rest; hee came to Guachoya upon Sunday the 17. of Aprill; he lodged in the towne of the Cacique which was inclosed about, and seated a crossebow shot dis- tant from the River. . . . As soone as the Governour came to Guachoya, hee sent John Damisco with as many men as could goe in the canoes up the River. For when they came downe from Xiico they saw on the other side the River new cabins made. John Damusco went and brought the canoes loden with Maiz, French beanes. Prunes, and many loaves made of the sub- stance of prunes. That day came an Indian to the Govern- our, from the Cacique of Guachoi/a, and said, that his Lord would come next day. The next day they saw many canoes come vp the Ri\er, ... In them came the Cacique of Guachoya, and brought with him manie Indians with great store of Fish, Dogges, Deeres skinnes, and mantles: and assoone as they landed, they went to the lodging of the Go\- ernour, and presented him their gifts, . . . CHAPTER III THE RIVALRY OF NATIONS IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 6. The Expedition of John Cabot, 1497 Letter from Lorenzo Pasqualigo to his Brothers Alvise and Francesco. — (Clements R. Markham, translator and editor. The Journal of Christopher Columbus and Documents Relating to the Voyages of John Cabot and Caspar Corte Real, pp. 201-206, Hakluyt Society PubHcations. London, 1893.) London, 23rd August, 1497. Discovery Our Venetian, who went with a small ship from Bristol Gran cam. to find new islands, has come back, and says he has discov- ered, 700 leagues ofY, the mainland of the country of the Gran Cam [China], and that he coasted along it for 300 leagues, and landed, but did not see any person. But he has brought here to the king certain snares spread to take game and a needle for making nets, and he found some notched trees, from which he judged that there were inhabitants. Being in doubt, he came back to the ship. He has been away three months on the voyage, which is certain, and, in returning, he saw two islands to the right, but he did not wish to land, lest he should lose time, for he was in want of provisions. The king has been much pleased. He says that the tides are slack, and do not make currents as they do here. The king has promised for another time, ten armed ships as he desires, and has given him all the prisoners, except such as are confined for high treason, to go with him as he has requested; and has granted him money to amuse himself 29 30 Readings in American History till then. Meanwhile, he is with his Venetian wife and his sons at Bristol. His name is Zuani Talbot and he is called the Great Admiral, great honour being paid to him, and he goes dressed in silk. The English are ready to go with him, and so are many of our rascals. The discoverer of these things has planted a large cross in the ground with a banner of England, and one of St. Mark, as he is a Venetian; so that our flag has been hoisted very far away. Extra£t from the Privy Purse Accounts, Henry VH. Reward for John Cabot, 10th Aug. 1497. To hym that founde the new isle, £lO. First Despatch of Raimondo di Soncitio to the Duke of Milan (extract), 24th August 1497. Some months afterwards His Majesty sent a Venetian, who is a distinguished sailor, and who was much skilled in the discovery of new islands, and he has returned safe, and has discovered two very large and fertile islands, having it would seem, discovered the seven cities, 400 leagues from England to the westward. These successes led His Majesty at once to entertain the intention of sending him with fifteen or twenty vessels. Second Despatch of Raimondo Di Soncino to the Duke of Milan. 18th. December, 1497. My most illustrious and most excellent Lord, — Perhaps amidst so many occupations of your Excellency it will not be unwelcome to learn how his Majesty has ac- quired a part of Asia without drawing his sword. In this kingdom there is a certain Venetian named Zoanne Caboto, of gentle disposition, very expert in navigation, who seeing that the most serene Kings of Portugal and Spain had occu- pied unknown islands, meditated the achievement of a sim- The Rivalry of Nations 31 ilar acquisition for the said Majesty. Having obtained royal privileges securing to himself the use of the dominions he might discover, the sovereignty being reserved to the crown, he entrusted his fortune to a small vessel with a crew of 18 persons, and set out from Bristo, a port in the western part of this kingdom. Having passed Ibernia, which is still further to the west and then shaped a northerly course, he began to navigate to the eastern part, leaving (during several days) the North Star on the right hand; and having wandered thus for a long time, at length he hit upon land, where he hoisted the royal standard, and took posses- sion for his Highness, and, having obtained various proofs of his discovery, he returned. The said Messer Zoanne, being a foreigner and poor, would not have been believed if the crew, who are nearly all English, and belonging to Bristo, had not testified that what he said was the truth. This Messer Zoanne has the description of the world on a chart, and also on a solid sphere, which he has constructed, and on which he shows where he has been; and, proceeding towards the east, he has passed as far as the country of the Tanais. And they say that there the land is excellent and temperate. Character suggesting that brasil [dye-wood] and silk grow there. They "and dis- affirm that the sea is full of fish, which are not only taken covered. with a net, but also with a basket, a stone being fastened to it in order to keep it in the water; and this I have heard stated by the said Messer Zoanne. The said Englishmen, his companions, say that they took so many fish that this kingdom will no longer have need of Iceland, from which country there is an immense trade in the fish they call stock-fish. But Messer Zoanne has set his mind on higher things, for he thinks that, when that place has been occupied, he will keep on still further to the east, where he will be opposite to an island called Cipango [Japan] situated in the equinoctial region, where he believes that all the spices of the world, as well as the jewels are found. He further says that he was once at Mecca, whither the spices are brought by caravans from distant countries; and having I a second expedition 32 Readings in American Htfitonj inquired from whence they were brought and where they grow, they answered they did not know, but that such mer- chandize was brought from distant countries by other cara- vans to their home; and tliey further say that they are also conveyed from other remote regions. And he adduced this argument, that if the eastern people tell those in the south that these things come from a far distance from them, pre- supposing the rotundity of the earth, it must be that the last turn would be by the north towards the west; and it is said that in this way the route would not cost more than it costs now, and I also believe it. And what is more, His Majesty, who is wise and not prodigal, reposes such trust in him be- cause of what he has already achieved, that he gives him a good maintenance, as Messer Zoanne has himself told me. Plans for And it is said that before long his Majesty will arm some ships for him, and will give him all the malefactors to go to that country and form a colony, so that they hope to establish a greater depot of spices in London than there is in Alex- andria. The principal people in the enterprise belong to Bristo. They are good seamen, and now that they know where to go, they say that the voyage thither will not oc- cupy them more than 15 days after leaving Ibernia. I have also spoken with a Burgundian, who was a companion of Messer Zoanne, who affirms all this, and who wishes to re- turn because the Admiral (for so Messer Zoanne is so entitled) has given him an island, and has given another to his barber of Castione [Castiglione] who is a Genoese, and both look upon themselves as counts; nor do they look upon my Lord the Admiral as less than a Prince. I also believe that some poor Italian friars are going on this voyage, who have all had bishopricks promised to them. And if I had made friends with the Admiral when he was about to sail, I should have got an archbishoprick at least; but I have thought that the benefits reserved for me by your Excellency will be more secure. I would venture to pray that, in the event of a vacancy taking place in my absence, I may be put in posses- sion, and that I may not be superseded by those, who being The Rivalry of Natiom^ 33 present, can be more diligent than I, who am reduced in this country to eating at each meal ten or twelve kinds of victuals, and to being three hours at table every day, two for love of your Excellency, to whom I humbly recommend myself. London, 18 Dec. 1497, your Excellency's most humble servant. Raimundus. m 7. Cartier's Description of Hochelaga, 1535 In April, 1534, Jacques Cartier, a native of St. Malo, France, under orders from Francis I, set out with two vessels of sixty tons each to extend the bounds of France. During his absence of six months he explored the St. Lawrence "until land could be seen on either side." The expedition was regarded as successful, and Car- tier set out on a second expedition in Maj', 1535. The account of Hochelaga was written by Cartier himself. — (Richard Hakluj't, Voyages, III, pp. 213-236. London, 1600.) In the yeere of our Lord 1535, upon Whitsunday, being Theex- the 16 of May, by the commandement of our Captaine James ^ °°' Cartier, and with a common accord, in the Cathedrall Church of S. Malo we devoutly each one confessed our selves, and received the Sacrament: and all entring into the Quier of a sayd Church, wee presented our selves before the Reverend Father in Christ, the Lord Bishop of S. Malo, who blessed us all, being in his Bishops roabes. The Wednesday following, being the 19 of May, there arose a good gale of wind, and therefore we hoysed sayle with three ships. ... So we sayled with a good and prosperous wind, untill the 20 of the said moneth. Now our Captaine with five Gentlemen and twentie armed men all well in order, went to see the toune of Hochelaga, and the situation of it. Our Captaine the next day very earely in the morning, Cartier's having very gorgeously attired himself, caused all his com- Hochelaga pany to be set in order to go to see the toune and habitation of these people, and a certaine mountaine that is somewhat neere the citie: with whom went also five gentlemen and 34 Readings in American History twentie mariners, leaving the rest to keepe and looke to our boates: we tooke with us three men of Hochelaga to bring us to the place. All along as we went we found the way as well beaten and frequented as can be, the fairest and best country that possibly can be scene, full of as goodly great okes as are in an wood in France, under which the ground was all covered over with faire Akornes. After we had gone about foure or five miles, we met by the way one of the chiefest Lords of the citie, accompanied with many more, who so soone as he sawe us beckned and made signes upon us, that we must rest in that place where they had made a great fire and so we did. After that we had rested our selves there awhile, the said Lord began to make a long discourse, even as we have said above, they are accustomed to doe in signe of mirth and friendship, shewing our Capitaine and all his company a joyfull countenance, and good will, who gave him two hatchets, a pair of knives and a crosse which he made him to kisse, and then put it about his necke, for which he gave our Captaine heartie thanks. This done, we went along, and about a mile and a half farther, we began to finde goodly and large fieldes, full of such come as the countrie yeeldeth. It is even as the Millet of Bresil, as great and somewhat bigger than small peas, wherewith they live even as we do with ours. In the midst of those fields is the citie of Hochelaga, placed neere, and as it were joyned to a great mountaine that is tilled round about, very fertill, on the top of which you may see very farre, we named it Mount Descrip- Roiall. The citie of Hochelaga is round, compassed about the^town. with timber, with three course of Rampires, one within another framed like a sharp Spire but laid across above. The middlemost of them is made and built, as a direct line but peipendicular. The Rampires are framed and fashioned with peeces of timber, layd along on the ground, very well and cunningly joined together after their fashion. This en- closure is in height about two rods. It hath but one gate or entry thereat, which is shut with piles, stakes, and barres. Over it, and also in many t)laces of the wall, there be places The Rivalry of Nations 35 to runne along, and ladders to get up, all full of stones for the defence of it. There are in the toune about fiftie houses, about fiftie paces long, and twelve or fiftiene broad, built all of wood, covered over with the barke of the wood as broad as any boord, very finely and cunningly joined together. Within the said houses, there are many roomes, lodgings and chambers. In the middest of every one there is a great Court, in the middle whereof they make their fire. They live in common together: there doe the husbands, wives and children each one retire themselves to their chambers. They have also on the tops of their houses certaine garrets, wherein they keepe their corne to make their bread withall: they call it Carraconny, which they make as hereafter shall follow. They have certain peeces of wood, made hollow like those whereon we beate our hempe, and with certain beetles of wood they beat their corne to powder: then they make a paste of it, and of the paste, cakes or wreathes, then they lay them on a broad and hote stone, and then cover it with hot stones, and so they bake their bread instead of Ovens. They make also sundry sorts of pottage with the said corne and also of pease and beanes, whereof they have great store, as also with other fruits, as Mushe-Millions, and very great cowcumbers. They have also in their houses certaine vessels as bigge as any But or Tun, wherein they preserve and keep their fish, causing the same in sommer to be dried in the sunne, and live therewith in winter, whereof they make great provision, as we by experience have scene. All their viands and meates are without any taste or savor of salt at all. They sleepe upon barkes of trees laid all along upon the ground being overspread with the skinnies of cer- taine wilde Beastes, wherewith they also cloth and cover themselves. . . . CHAPTER IV VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND 8. Instructions for the Voyage to Virginia Place for settlement. Precau- tions against the enemy. (Captain John Smith, Works, edited by Edward Arber, Vol. I, xxxiii. Birmingham, England, 18S4.) Advice of the Council to the captains and company sent to Virginia. When it shall please God to send you on the coast of Vir- ginia, you shall do your best endeavor to find out a safe port in the entrance of some navigable river, making choice of such a one as runneth farthest into the land and if you happen to discover divers portable rivers, and amongst them any one that hath two main branches, if the.drfference be not great, make choice of that which bendeth most toward the North-west for that way you shall soonest find the other sea. . . . And to the end that you be not surprized as the French were in Florida by Melindus, and the Spaniard in the same place by the P>ench, you shall do well to make this double provision. First, erect a little stoure at the mouth of the river that may lodge some ten men; with whom you shall leave a light boat, that when any fleet shall be in sight, they may come with speed to give you warning. Secondly, you must in no case sufl'er any of the native people of the coun- try to inhabit between you and the sea coast; for you cannot carry yourselves so towards them, but they will grow dis- contented with your habitation, and be ready to guide and assist any nation that shall come to invade you; and if you neglect this you neglect your safety. . . . 30 Virginia and Maryland 37 You must observe if you can, whether the river on whicli you plant doth spring out of mountains or out of lakes. If it be out of any lake, the passage to the other sea will be more easy, and it is like enough that out of the same lake you shall find some spring which runs the contrary way towards the East India Sea: for the great and famous rivers of Volga, Tanais and Dwina have three heads near joynid; and yet one falleth into the Caspian Sea, the other into the Euxine Sea, and the third into the Paelonian Sea. In all your passages you must have great care not to offend the naturals, if you can eschew it; and imploy some few of your company to trade with them for corn and all other lasting victuals if they have any: and this you must do before that they perceive you mean to plant among them: for not being sure how your own seed corn will prosper the first year, to avoid the danger of famine, use and endeavor to store yourselves of the country corn. . . . You must take especial care that you choose a seat for habitation that shall not be over burthened with woods near your town: for all the men you have, shall not be able to cleanse twenty acres a year; besides that it may serve for a covert for your enemies round about. Neither must you plant in a low or moist place, because it will prove unhealthfull. You shall judge of the good air by the people; ... if the naturals be strong and clean made, it is a true sign of a wholesome soil. You must take care that your marriners that go for wages do not marr your trade: for those that mind not to inhal)ite, for a little gain will debase the estimation of exchange and hinder the trade for ever after: and therefore you shall not admit or suffer any person whatsoever, other than such as shall be appointed by the President and Counsel there, to buy any marchandises or other things whatsoever. And seeing order is at the same price with confusion, it shall be adviseably done to set your houses even and by a line, that your streets may have a good breadth and be carried square about your market place, and every street's Search for the East Indies. Treatment of natives. Location of settle- ment. Sailors not to engage in trade. Plan of town. 38 Readings in American History end opening into it; that from thence with a few field pieces, you may command every street throughout; which market place you may also fortify if you think it needfull. . . . Lastly and chiefly the way to prosper and achieve good success is to make yourselves all of one mind for the good of your country and your own, and to serve and fear God the Giver of all Goodness, for every plantation which our Heavenly Father hath not planted shall be rooted out. 9. Condition of the Jamestown Colony, 1607 On May 14, 1607, the three vessels commanded by Captain Christopher Newport anchored at a point on James River, some thirty-two miles from its mouth. The colonists landed and began the settlement of Jamestown. June 22 Captain Newport sailed for England, leaving one hundred and four settlers. So poorly equipped were the settlers for the hardships encountered that by September 10 only forty-six of their number were still alive. — (Gathered out of a Discourse of the Plantation of the Southern Colonic in Vir- ginia by the English, 1606. Written by that Honorable Gentleman Master George Percy. Purchas His Pilgrimes, IV, pp. 1685-90. London, 1625.) Protec- tion of the colony. Condi- tions after the de- parture of Newport. The fifteenth of June, 1607, we had built and finished our Fort, which was triangle wise; having three Bulwarkes, one at every corner, like a halfe Moone, and four or five pieces of artillery mounted in them; this we had made ourselves suf- ficiently strong for these savages. We had also sown most of our corn on two mountains. It had sprung a mans height from the ground. This country is a fruitful soil, bearing many goodly and fruitful trees, as Mulberries, Cherries, Walnuts, Cedars, Cypresse, Sassafras, and vines in great abundance. Monday, the two and twentieth of June, 1607, in the morn- ing Captain Newport in the Admirall departed from James port for England. Captain Newport being gone for England, leaving us, one hundred and four persons, verie bare and scantie of victuals: furthermore in warres and in danger of the Savages. We hoped after a supply, which Captain Newport promised Virginia and Maryland 39 within twentie weeks. But if the beginners of this action doe carefully further us, the country being so fruitful, it would be as great a profit to the realm of England as the Indies to the King of Spain. If this river which we have found had been discovered in time of war with Spain, it would have been a commoditie to our realm, and a great annoyance to our enemies. . . . Our men were destroyed with cruell diseases, as swellings, fluxes, burning fevers and by warres: and some departed suddenly, but for the most part they died of meere famine. There were never Englishmen left in a foreign country in such misery as we were in this new discovered Virginia. We watched every three nights, lying on the bare cold ground, what weather soever came; and warded all the next day; which brought our men to be most feeble wTctches. Our food was but a small can of barley, sodden in water, to five men a day. Our drink, cold water taken out of the river; which was, at a flood very salt; at low tide full of slime and filth, which was the destruction of many of our men. Thus we lived for the space of five months [August, 1607- January, 1608] in this miserable distress, not having five able men to man our bulwarkes upon any occasion. If it had not pleased God to have put a terror in the savages hearts, we had all perished by those wild and cruel Pagans, being in that weake estate as we were; our men night and day groaning in every corner of the fort most pitiful to hear. If there were any conscience in men, it would make their hearts bleed to hear the pitiful murmurings and outcries of our sick men without relief, ever}' night and day for the space of six weeks; some departing out of this world, many times three or four in a night; in the morning their bodies trailed out of their cabins like dogs to be buried. In this sort did I see the mortality of divers of our people. It pleased God after a while, to send those people which were our mortal enemies, to relieve us with victuals, as bread, corne, fish, and flesh in great plenty, which was the setting up of our feeble men, otherwise we had all perished. 40 Readings in American History 10. Value of Virginia as a Colony (Virginia More Especially the South part thereof, Richly and truly valued: The Discovery of Silkworms, Also The Dressing of Vines, for the rich Trade of making Wines in Virginia. Together with the making of the Saw-mill, very usefull in Virginia, by E. W., Gent., London, 1G50. Peter Force, Collection of Historical Tracts, HI, No. XI, i)p. 1-G2.) Place for robbers. Suitable place for orphans. Malcon- tents. 1. It will disburthen this nation of many indigent persons, who having formerly perhaps enjoyed a fulnesse of abused or forfeyted plenty, at the present reduced to an inequality of such subsistence, are commonly prompted to their owne and other mens mine by making the high wayes (which should be as public and inviolable a sanctuaiy as the most sacred places^ an ambuscado to innocent Travellers, by which interruption of passages, there is commonly occasioned a decay and disincouragement of commerce, and dayly ex- amples informs us, that Prisons at present are almost as full of criminall as indebted persons. 2. It will take off all Parish charges, in providing for destitute Minors and Orphans, whereof there is at present a burthensome multitude, whereby the Parishes so freed, may with greater alacrity and ability, part with contributory moneys to maintaine, recruite, and ineourage your Armies and Navies. 3. Those Orphans so provided for may by Gods blessings upon their labours become happy and wealthy instruments, advantageous to the place of their nativity in particular, and their whole nation in generall. Whereas the condition of their birth and the usual way of exposing them, makes them capable of no more gainfull calling than that of day-labourers, or which is more fre(|uent, hereditar,\' beggars. 4. The republic in its present constitution abounding with so dangerous a number of male contents, who commonly like Shrubs under high and spreading Cedars, imagine the spacious height of others to be the cause of their owne low- Virginia and Maryland 41 ness, may by this means be honourably secured, and such men removing their discontents with their persons, will have a brave and ample theater to make their merits and abilities emergent, and a large field to sow and reap the fruit of all their honest industrious and public intentions. 5. It will to admiration increase the number of Ships and Seamen, (the brazen wall of this nation) all materiall to ad- vance Navigation, being abundantly to be furnished out of those countries and the more Passengers by conference and disputation with the knowing Mariner, will take great delight, satisfaction, and ambition, to attaine to the Theory of that knowledge, while the less capable being accustomed and as- signed to an usuall part in the toyle thereof, and instructed by the ordinary Seaman, will be brought to a good readinesse therein and speedy perfection. 6. All materialls for shipping, as Timber, Cordage, Sailes, Iron, Brasse, Ordnance, of both metals, and whatever else we are necesitated to supply our wants with out of the East- erne Countries, who make it not unusuall to take advantages of their neighbours necessity, and often times upon a pre- tence of difference or unintelligence betwixt us, embrace an occasion to over-rate or over-custome their commodities, or (a real quarrell widening) sell it to other nations from whence we are forced to supply our selves at a second or third market. 7. It will give us the liberty of storing a great part of Europe with a large plenty of incomparable better fish, then the Hollander hath found meanes to furnish it withall, and will make us in no long tract of time, if industriously prose- cuted, equall, if not transcend him in that his most bene- ficiall Staple. 8. It will be to this Common wealth a standing and plenti- fuU magazine of Wheat, Rice, Flax, Cotton, Salt, Pot-ashes, Sope-ashes, Segars, Wines, Silke, Olives, and whatever single is the staple of other Nations Shall be found in this joyntly collected. 9. It will furnish us with rich Furrs, Hides, Tallow, I5iefe, Pork, etc., the growth and increase of Cattell in this nation, Increase navy. Material furnished for sliip- building. Valuable for supply- ing fish. Produce which may be raised. To supply furs. Iieef, and porli. 42 Readings in American History Homes for dis- charged soldiers. Surplus popula- tion. Wealth of Virginia. receivmg a grand interuption and stop, by killing commonly very hopefuU yong breed to furnish our markets, or store our shipping, meerly occasioned by wast of ground to feed them, whereas those Provinces afford such large proportion of rich ground, that neither the increase of this or the suc- ceeding age can in any reasonable probability overfeed the moiety. 10. By it many of your Honours Reformadoes and dis- banded souldiers being dismist with the payment of such part of their arrears as your own judgment (guided by the rule of your immense disbursements) shall thinke a convenient recompense, by transporting themselves thither may change their desperate fortunes into a happy certainty of condition, and a contented lively hood, which will be a means not only to disburden this Republick (as before) but to remove all those clamors usualy disturbing your public consultations, and to win upon them by your bounty to invert all those fearfull imprecations, with which they would (as much as in them lies) unblesse your proceedings, into a joyfull and fervent concurrence of prayers to the Almighty to shoure downe blessings upon your heads, who, next under him, are the glorious and visible instruments of their increasing happinesse. 11. It will be a generous and moving incouragement to all industrious and publick spirits, to imploy those parts with which God and nature hath blessed them in the discovery of such happy inventions as may drive on hopefuU designs with a lesser number of hands then is usually assigned to them, which issues of the brain are legitimate and geniall to begin- ning Plantations, where the greatest want is that of people: but for our own or other popular Kingdomes where we are commonly overprest with a greater multitude of labourers than imployers, by much lesse acceptable, since our indigent people look upon such Engins meerly as monoppolies to engrosse their livelihood. ... That all these, and many inestimable benefits may have their rise, increase, and perfection from the South parts of Virginia and Maryland 43 Virginia, a country unquestionably our own, devolved to us by a just title, and discovered by John Cabot at the English expences, who found out and took seisure, together with the voluntary submission of the natives to the English obedience of all that Continent from Cape Florida northward, the excellent temper of the air, the large proportion of ground, the incredible richnesse of soile, the admirable abundance of minerals, vegetables, medicinall drugs, timber, ' scituation, no less proper for all European commodities, than all those staples which entitle China, Persia, and other the more opulent Provinces of the East to their wealth, reputation, and greatnes (besides the most Christian of all improvements, the converting many thousands of the natives) is agreed upon by all who have ever viewed the Country: To which the judgement of the most incomparable Ralegh may be a con- vincing assertion, whose preferring of that Country before either the North of Virginia or New-England, though it may sufficiently command my submission and acquiescence; yet for more particular satisfaction be pleased to accept these reasons for such praelation. 1. The apparent danger all the Colonies may be in if this be not possessed by the English, to prevent the Spaniard, who already hath seated himself on the North of Florida, advance, and on the back of Virginia in 34, where he is already pos- sessed of rich silver mines. . . . 5. And lastly, the planting of this CoUony will open a most compendious passage to the discovery of those more opulent Kingdomes of China, Cochin China, Cathaga, Japan, the Phillipines, Summatra, and all those beauteous and opulent Provinces of the East Indies which beyond dispute lye open to those seas which wash the South- West parts of Virginia, through whose bosome all those most precious commodities which enable the Chinesie, Cathayan, Persian, and Indostant Empires, may more conveniently, speedily, with more security and lesse expences, be transported thence from Spawhann or other remoter Pro\inces to Gombroon, by a long dangerous and expensive caravane, and from Foil against Spanish Will lead to the dis- covery of China. 44 Readings in American History thence to Surat, where when arrived the doubling of the Line, calentures Scurvies, with a long train of diseases and Famine attend its transportation into our owne Countrey. 6. Whereas by expandeing our selves to both sides and seas of Mrginia, our commerce to those noble Nations lies open in short and pleasant voyages to the encouragement, enriching and delight of the Seamen and personal adven- turers, who will share in the delicacies and profits of those Kingdoms without participating in the miseries attending our present voyages thither. . . . CHAPTER V ^ NEW ENGLAND 11. John Smith's Description of New England, 1614 (Captaine John Smith's Works, Arber edition, pp. 187-229. don, 1616.) Lon- In the moneth of Aprill, 1614, with two Ships from London, purpose of of a few merchant.s, I chanced to arive in Neio-Enqland, a t^eexpe- .' . . dition. parte of Amcryca, at the He of Monahiggan, in 433/2 ^^ Northerly latitude; our plot was there to take whales and make tryalls of a Myne of Gold and Copper. If those failed, Fish and Furres was then our refuge, to make our selues sauers howsoeuer; we found this Whalefishing a costly con- clusion: we saw many, and spent much time in chasing them; but we could not kill any; they being a kinde of Jubartes, and not the Whale that yeeldes Finnes and Oyle as wee ex- pected. For our golde, it was rather the Masters device to get a voyage that projected it, than any knowledge hee had at all of any such matter. Fish and Furres was now our guard: and by our late arriual, and long lingering about the Whale[s], the prime of both those seasons were past ere wee perceiued it; we thinking that their seasons, serued at all times; but wee found it otherwise; for by the midst of June, the fishing failed. Yet in July and August some were taken, but not sufficient to defray so great a charge as our stay required. Of dry fish we made about 40,000., of Cor- fish al^out 7000. Whilest the sailors fished, my selfe with eight or nine others Expiora- of them [that] might best bee spared; ranging the coast in a c°"f"^ ^^^ small boat, wee got for trifles neer 1100 Bcuer skinnes, 100 45 46 Readings in American History Success of the expe- dition. Situation of New England. Martins [skins], and near as many Otters; and the mo§t of them within the distance of twenty leagues. We ranged the Coast both East and West much further; but Eastwards our coninuxhtics were not esteemed, they were so neare the Erench who affords them better: and right against us in the main [the mainUmdJ was a ship of Sir Erances Popphames, that had there such acquaintance, having many yeares used onely that porte, that the most parte there, was had by him. And 40 leagues westwards were two Erench Ships, that had made there a great voyage by trade; during the time we tryed those conclusions, not knowing the Coast, nor Saluages habitation. With these Eurres, the Traine [train oil], and cor-fish, I returned for England in the Bark: where within six monthes after our departure from the Downcs, we safe arriued back. The best of this fish was solde for five pound the hundredth, the rest by ill usage betwixt three pound and fifty shillings. . . . New England is that part of America in the Ocean Sea opposite to Nova Albyon in the South Sea; discovered by the most memorable Sir Erancis Drake in his voyage about the worlde. In regarde whereto this is stiled New England, beeing in the same latitude. New Erance, off it, is North- ward; Southwardes is Virginia, and all the adioyning Con- tinent with New Granado, New Spain, New Andalosia and the West Indies. Now because I have been so oft asked such strange questions, of the goodnesse and greatnesse of these spatious Tracts of land, how they can bee thus long unknown, or not possessed by the Spaniard, and many such like demands; I intreat your pardens if I chance to be too plaine or tedious in relating my knowledge for plaine mens satisfaction. Elorida is next adioyning to the Indies, which unprosperously was attempted to bee planted by the Erench. A country far bigger than England, Scotland, Erance and Ireland, yet little known to any Christian, but by the wonder- ful endevors of Eerdinando de Soto a valiant Spaniard: whose writings in this age is the best guide knowne to search these parts. . . . New England 47 That part wee call New England is betwixt the degrees of 41 and 45; but that parte this discourse speaketh of, stretcheth but from Pennobscot to Cape Cod, some 75 leagues by a right line distant from each other: within which bounds I have scene at least 40 severall habitations upon the Sea Coast and sounded about 25 excellent good harbours: In many whereof there is anchorage for 500 sayle of ships of any burthen : in some of them for 5000 : And more than 200 lies over growne with good timber, of divers sorts of wood, which doe make so many harbours as requireth a longer time than I had, to be well discovered. . . . Betwixt Sagadahock and Sowocatuck there is but two or three sandy Bayes, but betwixt that and Cape Cod very many; especialy the Coast of the Massachusetts is so in- differently mixed with high clayie or sandy cliffes in one place, and then tracts of large long ledges of divers sorts; and quarries of stones in other places so strangely divided with trinctured veines of divers colors; as Free stone for building. Slate for tiling, smooth stone to make Furnaces and Forges for glasse or iron, and iron ore sufficient, conveni- ently to melt in them; but the most part so resembleth the Coast of Devonshire, I thinke most of the cliffs would make such limestone: If they be not of these qualities they are so like, they may deceive a better judgement than mine; all which are soe neere adjoyning to these other advantages I observed in these parts, that if the Ore prove as good iron and Steele in these parts, as I know it is within the bounds of the Countrey, I dare engage my head (having but men skillful to worke the simples, there growing) to have all things belonging to the building the rigging of shippes of any pro- portion, and good merchandize for the fraught, within a square of 10 or 14 leagues; and were it for a good rewarde, I would not feare to produce it in a lesse limitation. And surely by reason of these sandy cliffes and cliffes of Riches of rocks, both which we saw so planted with Gardens and .^^^ ^°^' Corne fields, and so well inhabited with a goodly, strong and well proportioned people, besides the greatenesse of the 48 UcddiiKjs ill American llisiorij Timber growing on them, the greatnesse of tlie fish and moderate temper of the ayre (for of twenty-five not any was sicke, but two that were many years diseased before they went notwithstanding our bad lodging and accidental! diet) who can but approve this a most excellent place both for health and fertility? And of all the foure parts of the world that I have yett scene not inhabited, could I but have the meanes to transport a ("olonie, I would rather live here than anywhere: and if it did not maintaine it selfe, were wee but once indifferently well fitted, let us starve. Value as The maine Staple, from hence to bee extracted for the flshiiiK- present to produce the rest, is fish; which however it may seeme a meane and base commoditic; yet who will but truely take the pains and consider the sequell, I thinkc will allow it well worth the labour. It is strange to see what great ad- ventures the hopes of setting forth men of war [privateers] to rob the industrious innocent, would produce; or such massie promises in grosse; though more are choked than well fedde with such hastie hopes. But who doth not know that the poor Hollanders, chiefly by fishing, at a great charge and labour in all weathers in the open Sea, are made a people so hardy and industrious? . . . And never could the Span- iard with all his Mynes of golde and silver, pay his debts, his friends and his army, halfe so truely, as the Hollanders stil have done by this contemptible trade of fish. . . . Cnnver- Who Can desire more content that hath small meanes; sum of the jjj. j-jj^ji- qj^]^. i^j^, l^^^(^Y\l to advance his fortune, than to treat, savages. and plant that ground hee hath purchased by the hazard of his life? If he have but the taste of virtue and magnanimity, what to such a mind can be more pleasant, than planting and l)uilding a foundation for his Posteritie, gotte from the rude earth, by God's blessing and his own industrie, without prejudice to any? If he haxc any graine of faith or zeal in religion, what can hee doe less hurtfull to any; or more agreeable to' God, than to seeke to convert these poore Salvages to know C'hrist, and humanitie, whose labours with discretion will triple requite thy charge and paines? What Neiv England 49 so truely sutes with honour and honestie, as the discovering things unknowne? erecting Townes, peopHng Countries, in- forming the ignorant, reforming things unjust, teaching vir- tue; and to gain to our Native mother Countrie a kingdom to attend her? finde imployment for those that are idle, be- cause they know not what to doe: so farre from wronging any as, to cause Posteritie to remember thee; and remember- ing thee, ever honour that remembrance with praise? 12. Incidents in the History of Plymouth Plantation. William Bradford was Governor of Plymouth between the years 1621 and 1657, with the exception of the three years when Edward Winslow was chosen, 1633, 1636, and 1644, and the two years, 1634 and 1638, when Thomas Pence was chosen. Governor Bradford's History of Plymouth, from which the extracts are taken, is a work of greatest value. — (William Bradford, History of Plymouth Planta- tion, 1629-1648, pp. 90-94; 110 passim. Boston, 1856.) Tn these hard and difficult beginnings they found some Condi- discontents and murmurings arise amongst some, and muti- nous speeches and carriags in others, but they were sopn quelled and overcome by the wisdom, patience, and just and equal carriage of things by the Governor and better part, which clave together faithfully in the main. But that which was most sad and lamentable was, that in two or three months time half of their company died, especially in January and February, being the depth of winter and wanting hou.ses and other comforts; being infected with the scur\y and other diseases, which • this long voyage and their inaccomodate condition had brought upon them ; so as there died sometimes two or three of a day, in the aforesaid time; that of one hun- dred and odd persons scarce fifty remained. And of these, in the time of most distress, there was but six or seven sound persons, who, to their great commendation be it spoken, spared no pains, night or day, but with abupdance of toil and hazard of their own health, fetched them wood, made them fires, dressed them meat, made their beds, clothed and tions in 1620. 50 Readings in American History unclothed them; and all this willingly and cheerfully, with- out any grudging in the least, showing herein their true love unto their friends and brethren. A rare example and worthy to be remembered. Two of these seven were Mr. William Brewster, their reverend elder, and Miles Standish their cap- tain and military commander, unto whom myself and many others were much beholden in our low and sick condition. And yet the Lord so up held these persons, as in this general calamity' they were not at all infected either with sickness or lameness. And what I have said of these I may say of many others who died in this general visitation and others yet living, that whilst they had health, yea, or any strength continuing they were not wanting to any that had need of them. And I doubt not but their recompense is with the Lord. Relations All this while the Indians came skulking about them, and Indians. would sometimes show themselves aloof of [at a distance], but when any one approached near them they would run away. And once they stole away their tools, where they had been at work and were gone to dinner. But about the 16th of March, a certain Indian came boldly among them, and spoke to them in broken English, which they could well understand but marvelled at it. At length they understood by discourse with him, that he was not of these parts, but belonged to the eastern parts where some English ships came to fish, with whom he was acquainted and could name sundry of them by their names, among whom he had gott his lan- guage. He became profitable to them in acquainting them with many things concerning the state of the country in the east parts where he lived, which was afterwards profitable unto them; as also of the people here, of their names, num- ber, and strength; of their situation and distance from this place, and who was chief among them. His name was Samoset. He told them also of another Indian whose name was Squanto, a native of this place, who had been in England and could speak better English than himself. Being, after some time of entertainment and gifts, dismissed, a while New England 51 after he came again and five men with him, and they brought again all the tools that were stolen away before, and made way for the coming of their great Sachem called Massasoit, Massasoit. who, about four or five days after, came with the chief of his friends and other attendants, with the aforesaid Squanto. With whom, after friendly entertainment and some gifts given him, they made a peace which hath now continued these twenty-four years. 1621, After the departure of this ship [the Fortune], which Put on stayed not above fourteen days, the Governor and his assist- ance^i62i. ant having disposed these late comers into several families, as they best could, took an exact account of all their provisions in store, and proportioned the same to the number of persons, and found that it would not hold out above six months at half allowance and hardly that. And they could not well give less this winter time till fish came in again. So they were presently put to half allowance, one as well as another, which began to be hard, but they bore it patiently under hope of supply. Soon after this ships departure (November 1621) the great people of the Narragansetts, in a braving manner, sent a messenger unto them with a bundle of arrows tied about natives, with a great snake-skin, which their interpreters told them was a threatening and a challenge. Upon which the Governor, with the advice of others, sent them a round answer, that if they had rather have war than peace, they might begin when they would ; they had done them no wrong, neither did they fear them, nor should they find them unprovided. And by another messenger sent the snake-skin back with bullets in it; but they would not receive it but sent it back again. . . . But this made them the more carefully to look to them- selves, so they agreed to inclose their dwellings with a good strong pale, and make flankers in convenient places, with gates to shut, which were every night locked and a watch kept, and when need required there was also warding in the daytime. And the company was, by the Captain's and Governor's advice, divided into four squadrons, and every one had their Exchange of gifts witli tlie Means of protec- tion. 52 Readings in American History quarter appointed them, unto which they were to repair upon any sudden alarm. And if there should be any cry of fire, a company were appointed for a guard with muskets, while others quenched the same, to prevent Indian treachery. This was accomplished very cheerfully, and the town impaled round by the beginning of March, in which e\ery family had a pretty garden plot secured. And herewith I shall end this year. Only I shall remember one passage more rather of mirth than of weight. On the day called Christmas day, the Governor called them out to work, as was used, but the most of this new company excused themsehes and said it went against their consciences to work on that day. So the Governor told them that if they made it a matter of conscience, he would spare them until they were better informed. So he led away the rest and left them ; but when they came home at noon from their work, he found them in the street at play openly; some pitching the bar and some at stool-ball and such like sports. So he went to them and took away their implements, and told them that was against his conscience, that they should play and others work. If they made the keeping of it a matter of devotion, let them keep thetr houses, but there should be no gaming or revelling in the streets. Since which time nothing hath been attempted that way, at least openly. . , . 13. New England as a Place for Settlement, 1629 Reverend Francis Higginson, a minister of Salem, wrote an ac- count of the conditions incident to making homes in Massachusetts. — (New England's Plantation or a Short and True Description of the Commodities and Discommodities of That Country, London, 1630; Peter Force, Historical Tracts, I, No. XII, 1-14. Washing- ton, 1836.) Though, as the idle proverb is, "Travellers may lie by authority," and so may take too much sinful liberty that way, yet I may say of myself, as once Nehemiah did in another case, "Shall such a man as I lie?" No, verilv. It becometh New England 53 not a preacher of truth to be a writer of falsehood in any degree; and therefore I have been careful to report nothing of New England but what I have partly seen with my own eyes, and partly heard and inquired from the mouths of very honest and religious persons, who be living in the country a good space of time have had experience and knowledge of the state thereof, and whose testimonies I do believe as myself. The fertility of the soil is to be admired at, as appeareth Fertility in the abundance of grass that groweth everywhere, both very °*".^^e thick, very long and very high in divers places. But it groweth very wildly, with a great stalk, and a broad and ranker blade, because it never had been eaten with cattle, nor mowed with a scythe, and seldom trampled on by foot. It is scarcely to be belie\'ed how our kine and goats, horses and hogs do thri\e and prosper here, and like well of this country. In our plantation we have already a quart of milk for a Growth penny. But the abundant increase of corn proves this coun- °^ '^°™* try to be a wonderment. Thirty, forty, fifty, sixty, are ordinary here. Yea, Joseph's increase in Egypt is outstripped here with us. Our planters hope to have more than a hun- dred fold this year. And all this while I am within compass; what will you say of two-hundred fold and upwards? It is almost incredible what great gain some of our English planters have had by our Indian corn, credible persons have assured me, and the party himself avouched the truth of it to me, that of the setting of thirteen gallons of corn he hath had increase of it fifty-two hogsheads, every hogshead hold- ing seven bushels of London measure, and every bushel was by him sold and trusted to the Indians for so much beaver as was worth eighteen shillings; and so of the thirteen gallons of corn, which was worth six shillings eight pence, he made about £327 of it the year following, as by reckoning will appear; where you may see how God blesseth husbandry in this land. There is not such great and plentiful ears of corn I suppose anywhere else to be found but in this country-, 54 Readings in American History Abun- dance of flsh. Healthful- ness of the location. being also of a variety of colours as red, blue, and yellow; and of one corn there springeth four or five hundred. I have sent you many ears of diverse colors that you might see the truth of it. The abundance of sea fish are almost beyond believing; and sure I should scarce have believed it except I had seen it with mine own eyes. I saw great store of whales, and gram- puses, and such abundance of mackerels that it would as- tonish one to behold; likewise codfish, abundance on the coast, and in their season are plentifully taken. There is a fish called a bass, a most sweet and wholesome fish as ever I did eat; it is altogether as good as our fresh salmon; and the season of their coming was begun when we came first to New England in June, and so continued about three months space. Of this fish, our fishers have taken many hundreds together, which I have seen lying on the shore, to my admiration. Yea, their nets ordinarily take more than they are able to haul to land, and for want of boats and men they are constrained to let many go after they have taken them; and yet sometimes they fill two boats at a time with them. And besicles bass, we take plenty of skate and thorn- back, and abundance of lobsters, and the least boy in the Plantation may both catch and eat what he will of them. For my own part, I was soon cloyed with them, they were so great, and fat, and lucious. The temper of the air in New England is one special thing that commends this place. Experience doth manifest that there is hardly a more healthful place to be found in the world that agreeth better with our English bodies. Many that have been weak and sickly in Old England, by coming here have been thoroughly healed, and grown healthful and strong. For here is an extraordinary clear and dry air, that is of a most healing nature to all such as are of a cold, melan- choly, phlegmatic, rheumatic temper of body. None can more truly speak hereof by their own experience than myself. My friends that knew me can well tell how very sickly I have been, being much troubled with a tormenting pain New England 55 through an extraordinary weakness of my stomach, and abundance of melancholic humors. But since I came hither on this voyage, I thank God I have had perfect health, and freed from pain and vomiting, having a stomach to digest the hardest and coarsest fare, who before could not eat finest meat; and whereas my stomach could only digest and did require such drink as was both strong and stale, now I can and do often times drink New England water very well. And I that have not gone without a cap for many years to- gether, neither durst leave off the same, have now cast away my cap, and do wear none at all in the day time; and whereas before time I clothed myself with double clothes and thick waistcoats to keep me warm, even in the summer time, I do now go as thin clad as any, only wearing a light stuff cassock upon my shirt, and stuff breeches of one thickness without linings. Besides, I have one of my children, that was formerly most lamentably handled with sin breaking out of both his hands and feet of the king's evil; but since he came here he is very well as ever he was, and there is hope of per- fect recovery shortly, even by the very wholesomeness of the air, altering, digesting, and drying up the cold and crude humors of the body; and therefore I think it is a wise course for all cold complexions to come to take physic in New Eng- land; for a sup of New England's air is better than a whole draught of Old England's ale. Though it be here somewhat cold in the winter, yet here Condi we have plenty of fire to warm us, and that a great deal cheaper than they sell billets and fagots in London; nay, all Europe is not able to aft'ord to make so great fires as New England. A poor servant here, that is to possess but fifty acres of land, may afford to give more wood for timber and fire as good as the world yields, than many noble men in England can afford to do. Here is good living for those that love good fires. And although New England have no tallow to make candles of, yet by the abundance of fish thereof it can afford oil for lamps. Yea, our pine trees, that are the most plentiful of all wood, doth allow us plenty of tions in winter. 56 Readings in American History Mos- quitoes. Severe cold. Snakes. Homes for surplus population of Eng- land. candles which are very useful in a house; and they are such candles as the Indians commonly use, having no other; and they are nothing else but the wood of the pine tree cloven in two little slices something thin, which are so full of the mois- ture of turpentine and pitch that they burn as clear as a torch. Now I will tell you of some discommodities, that are here to be found. First, in the summer season; for these three months, June, July, and August, we are much troubled with little flies called mosquitoes, being the same they are troubled with in Lincolnshire and the fens; and they are nothing but gnats which, except they be smoked out of their houses, are troublesome in the night season. Secondly, in the winter season for two months space, the earth is commonly covered with snow, which is accompanied with sharp biting frosts, something more sharp than is in Old England, and therefore are forced to make great fires. Thirdly, this country being very full of woods and wilder- nesses, doth also much abound with snakes and serpents, of strange colors and huge greatness. Yea, there are some ser- pents, called rattle snakes, that have rattles in their tails, that will not fly from a man as others will, but will fly upon him and sting him so mortally that he will die within a quarter of an hour after, except the party stinged ha^•e about him some of the root of an herb called snake-weed to bite on, and then he shall receive no harm. But yet it seldom falls out that any hurt is done b}' these. About three years since an Indian was stung to death by one of them ; but we have heard of none since that time. Fourthly and lastly, here wants as yet the good company of honest Christians, to bring with them horses, kine, and .'^heep, to make use of this fruitful land. Great pity it is to see so much good ground for corn and for grass as is any under the heavens, to lie altogether unoccupied, when so many honest men and their families in old England, through the populousness thereof, do make very hard shift to live one bv the other. . . . New England 57 14. Progress of the Massachusetts Bay Colony, 1631 Governor Dudley came from England with the charter for Massa- chusetts in 1630. For some nine or ten years he had lived in the family of the Countess of Lincoln. The letter was written nine months after his arrival in America. — (Governor Thomas Dud- ley's Letter to the Countess of Lincoln, March 28, 1631; Peter Force, Historical Tracts, II, No. IV, pp. 1-19. Washington, 1838.) For the satisfacon of your honour and some freinds, and for use of such as shall hereafter intend to increase our plan- tation in New England, I have in the throng of domestick, and not altogeather free from publique businesse, thought fitt to comit to memory our present condition, and what hath befallen us since our arrivall here; which I will doe shortly, after my usual manner, and must doe rudely, having yet no table, nor other room to write in, than by the fire side upon my knee, in this sharp winter; to which my family must have leave to resorte, though they break good manners, and make mee many times forget what I would say, and say what I would not. . . . Touching the plantacon which wee here have begun, it organiza fell out thus about the year 1G27 some friends beeing togeather in Lincolnesheire, fell into some discourse about New England and the plantinge of the gospell there; and after some de- liberation, we imparted our reasons by letters and messages to some in London and the west country where it was like- wise deliberately thought vppon, and at length with often negotiation soe ripened that in the year 1628, wee procured a patent from his Majesty for our planting between the Matachusetts Bay, and Charles river on the South; and the River of Merimack on the North and 3 miles on ether side of these Rivers and Bay, as allso for the government of those who did or should inhabit with in that compass, and the same year we sent Mr. John Endicott and some with him to beginne a plantacon and to strengthen such as he should Beginning find there which wee sent thether from Dorchester and some ment. tion of the company. 58 Readings in American History places adjoyning; ffrom whom the same year receivinge hopefull news. The next year, 1629^ wee sent diverse shipps over with about 300 people, and some Cowes, Goates, and horses many of which arrived safely. Theis by their too large comendacons of the country, and the comodities thereof, invited us soe strongly to goe on that Mr. ^Yenthropp of Soffolke (who was well knowen in his own country and well ap- proved heere for his pyety, liberality, wisedome and gravity) comeinge in to us, wee came to such resolution that in April 1G30, wee set saile from Old England with four good shipps. And in May following 8 more followed, 2 having gone before us in February and March, and 2 more following in June and August, besides another set out by a private merchant. Theis 17 Shipps arrived all safe in New England, for the in- crease of the plantacon here this year, 1630, but made a long, a troublesome, and a costly voyage, beeing all wind bound long in England, and hindered with contrary winds after they set saile and so scattered with mists and tempests that few of them arrived togeather. Our 4 shipps which sett out in Aprill arrived here in June and July, where we found the colony in a sadd and unexpected condicon, above 80 of them beeing dead the winter before and many of those alive, weake and sicke; all the corne and bread amongst them all hardly sufficient to feed them a fortnight; insoe much that the remainder of 180 servants wee had the 2 years before sent over, comeing to us for victualls to sustaine them, wee found ourselves wholly unable to feed them by reason that the provisions shipped for them were taken out of the shippe they were put in, and they who were trusted to shippe them in another failed us, and left them behind; whereupon neces- sity enforced us to our extreme loss to give them all libertie; who had cost us about 16 or 20£ a person furnishing and Settlement sending over. But bearing theis things as wee might, wee towrf^'^**'^" beganne to consult of the place of our sitting doune: for Salem where we landed pleased us not. And to the purpose some were sent to the Bay to search upp the rivers for a convenient place; who uppon their returne reported to have found a New England 59 good place uppon Mistick; but some other of us seconding theis to approve or dislike of their judgement; we found a place liked us better 3 leagues up Charles river — And there uppon unshipped our goods into other vessels and with much cost and labour brought them in July to Charles Towne; but there receiveing advertisements by some of the late arived shipps from London and Amsterdam of some Ffrench prepara- tions against us (many of our people brought with us beeing sick of ffeavers and the scurvy and wee thereby unable to cary up our ordinance and baggage soe farre) wee were forced to change counsaile and for our present shelter to plant dis- persedly, some at Charles Towne which standeth on the North Side of the mouth of Charles River; some on the South Side thereof, which place we named Boston (as wee intended to settlement have done the place wee first resolved on) some of us uppon *'*^?°!tf° Mistick, which wee named Meadford; some of us westwards towns, on Charles river, four miles from Charles Towne, which place we named Watertoune; others of us 2 miles from Boston in a place wee named Rocksbury, others upon the river of Saugus betweene Salem and Charles Toune. And the western men 4 miles South of Boston at a place wee named Dorchester. This dispersion troubled some of us; but helpe it wee could DiflBcui not, wanting abillity to remove to any place fit to build a Toune uppon, and the time too short to deliberate any longer least the winter should surprize us before wee had builded our houses. The best counsel wee could find out was to build a fort to retire to, in some convenient place if any enemy pressed there unto, after wee should have forti- fyed ourselves against the injuries of wett and cold. So ceasing to consult further for that time they who had health to labour fell to building, wherein many were interrupted with sicknes and many dyed weekley, yea almost dayley. Insomuch that the shipps beeing now uppon their returne, some for England, some for Ireland, there was as I take it not much less than an hundred (some think many more) partly out of dislike of our government which restrained and punished their excesses, and partly through feare of famine ties in founding the colony. 60 Readings in American History (not seeing other meanes than by their labour to feed them- selves) which returned back againe. And glad were wee so to be ridd of them. Others also afterwards hearing of men of their own disposition, which were planted at Piscataway went from us to them, whereby though our numbers were lessened yet wee accounted ourselves nothing weakened by their removeall. . . . But now haveing some leasure to dis- cnurse of the motives for other mens comeinge to this place or their abstaineing from it, after my breife manner I say this. — That if any come hether to plant for worldl}' ends that canne live well at home hee comits an error of which hee will Advice to soon repent him. But if for spirittuall and that noe particu- tivTset- '^^ obstacle hinder his removeall, he may finde here what tiers. may well content him: vizt: materialls to build, fewell to burn, ground to plant, seas and rivers to ffish in, a pure ayer to breath in, good water to drink till wine or beare canne be made, which togeather with the cowes, hoggs, and goates brought hether all ready may suffice for food, for as for foule and venison, they are dainties here as well as in England. Ffor cloaths and beddinge they must bring them with them till time and industry produce them here. In a word, wee yett enjoy little to be envyed but endure much to bee pittyed in the sicknes and mortalitye of our people. And I do the more willingly use this open and plain dealeinge least other men should fall short of their expectacons when they come hether as wee to our great prejudice did, by meanes of letters sent us from hence into England, wherein honest men out of a desire to draw over others to them wrote somewhat hyper- bolically of many things here. If any godly men out of religious ends will come over to helpe us in the good work wee are about I think they cannot dispose of themselves nor of their estates more to God's glory and the furtherance of their own reckoninge, but they must not bee of the poorer sort yett for diverse yeares. Ffor we have found by experi- ence that they have hindered, not furthered the work. — And for profane and deboshed persons their oversight in comeinge hether is wondered at, where they shall find nothing to con- New England Gl tent them. If there bee any endued with grace and furnished with meanes to feed themselves and theirs for 18 months, and to build and plant lett them come into our Macedonia and helpe us, and not spend themselves and their estates in a less profit table employment; for others I conceive they are not fitted for this busines. . . . CHAPTER VI FURTHER ENGLISH COLONIZATION Treat- ment of Penn in America. 15. Resources of Pennsylvania The following account of conditions in Pennsylvania was pre- pared by William Penn, as a letter to his friends in London, 1683. — (American Museum, or Universal Magazine. Philadelphia, January, 1787-December, 1792). Philadelphia, the 16th of the 6th month, called August, 1683. My Kind Friends. The kindness of yours by the ship Thomas and Anne, doth much oblige me; for by it I perceive the interest you take in my health and reputation and the prosperous beginning of this province, which you are so kind as to think may much depend upon them. In return of which, I have sent you a long letter, and yet containing as brief an account of myself, and the affairs of this province, as I have_, been able to make. . . . But if I have been unkindly used by some I left behind me, I found love and respect enough where I came — an universal kind welcome, every sort in their way. For here are some of several nations, as well as di\ers judgments; nor were the natives wanting in this; for their kings, queens, and great men, both visited and presented me; to whom I made suitable returns, etc. For the province, the general condition of it take as fol- loweth. I. The country itself, in its soil, air, water, seasons, and produce, both natural and artificial, is not to be despised. 62 ^ Further English Colonizaiion 63 The land containeth divers sorts of earth, as sand, yellow and Soil and black, poor and rich; also gravel both loamy and dusty; pe^nsyN^ and in some places, a fast, fat earth, like to our best vales in vania. England, especially by inland brooks and rivers; God in his wisdom having ordered it so that the advantages of the country are divided, the back lands, being generally, three to one, richer than those that lie by navigable waters. We have much of another soil, and that is a black hasel-mould, upon a stony or rocky bottom. II. The air is sweet and clear, the heavens serene, like the south parts of France, rarely overcast; and as the woods come, by numbers of people, to be more cleared, that itself will refine. III. The waters are generally good; for the rivers and Rivers, brooks have mostly gravel and ston}' bottoms, and in num- ber hardly credible. We have also mineral waters not two miles from Philadelphia. IV. For the seasons of the year, having, by God's good- The ness, now lived over the coldest and hottest, that the oldest "he^y^r"' liver in the province can remember, I can say something to an English understanding. First, of the fall, for then I came in: I found it, from the 24th of October, to the beginning of December, as we have it usually in England in September, or rather like an Eng- lish mild spring. From December, to the beginning of the month called March, we had sharp, frosty weather, not foul, thick, black weather, as our north-east winds bring with them in England; but a sky as clear as in summer, and the air dry, cold, piercing, and hungry; yet I remember not that I wore more cloaths, than in England. The reason for this cold is given from the great lakes, that are fed by the foun- tains of Canada. The winter before was as mild, scarce any ice at all ; while this, for a few days, froze up our great river Delaware. From that month, to the month called June, we enjoyed a sweet spring, no gusts, but gentle showers, and a fine sky. V. The natural produce of the country — of vegetables. / 64 Readings in American History Natural is trees, fruits, plants, flowers. The trees of most note, are tio'i^"'^ the black walnut, cedar, cypress, chestnut, poplar, gumwood, hickery, sassafras, ash, beech, and oak of divers sorts, as red, white, and black, Spanish chestnut and swamp, the most durable of all: of all which, there is plenty for the use of man. The fruits that I find in the woods, are the white and black mulberry, chestnut, walnut, plumbs, strawberries, cranberries, hurtleberries, and grapes of divers sorts. The great red grape, now ripe, called by ignorance, " the fox grape" (because of the relish it hath with unskilful palates), is in itself an extraordinary grape, and by art, doubtless, may be cultivated to an excellent wine, if not so sweet, yet little inferior to the fronteniac; as it is not much unlike in taste, ruddiness set aside; which in such things, as well as mankind, differs the case much. There is a white kind of muskadil, and a little black grape, like the cluster-grape of England, not yet so ripe as the other; but they tell me, when ripe, sweeter, and that they only want skilful vinerons to make good use of them. I intend to venture on it with my P'rench- man this season, who shews some knowledge in those things. Here are also peaches, very good, and in great quantities; not an Indian plantation without them: but whether natu- rally here at first, I know not: however, one may have them by bushels, for little. They make a pleasant drink, and I think, not inferior to any peach you have in England, except the true Newington. It is disputable with me, whether it be best to fall to fining the fruits of the country, especially the grape, by the care and skill of art, or send for foreign stems and sets, already good and approved. It seems most reasonable to believe, that not only a thing groweth best, where it naturally grows, but will hardly be equalled by another species of the same kind that doth not naturally grow there. But to solve the doubt, I intend, if God give me life, to try both, and hope the consequence will be as good wine, as any European countries, of the same latitude,^ do yield. Further English Colonization 65 VI. The artificial produce of the country, is wheat, *bar- Agricui- ley, oats, rye, pease, beans, squashes, pumkins, water-melons, *"jg' P"^"**' musk-melons, and all herbs and roots, that our gardens in England usually bring forth. VII. Of living creatures, fish, fowl, and the beasts of the Animal woods, here are divers sorts, some for food and profit, and some for profit only: for food as well as profit, the elk, as big as a small ox; deer bigger than ours; beaver, raccoon, rabbits, squirrels; and some eat young bear, and commend it. Of fowl of the land, there is the turkey (forty and fifty pounds weight) which is very great; pheasants, heath-birds, pigeons, and partridges in abundance. Of the water, the swan, goose, white and grey; brants, ducks, teal; also the snipe and curlew, and that in great numbers; but the duck and teal excel; not so good have I ever eat in other countries. Of fish, there is the sturgeon, herring, rock, shad, catshead, sheepshead, eel, smelt, perch, roach, and in inland rivers, trout, some say salmon above the falls. Of shell fish, we have oysters, crabs, cockles, conchs, and muscles; some oysters six inches long; and one sort of cockles, as big as the stewing oysters; they make a rich broth. The creatures for profit only, by skin or fur, and that are natural to these parts, are the wild cat, panther, otter, wolf, fox, minx, musk-rat: and of the water, the whale for oil, of which we have good store; and two companies of whalers, whose boats are built will soon begin their work, which hath the appearance of a considerable improvement; to say nothing of our reasonable hopes of good cod in the bay. VIII. We have no want of horses, and some are very good Exports, and shapely enough; two ships have been freighted to Bar- badoes with horses and pipe-staves since my coming. Here is also plenty of cow-cattle, and some sheep; the people plow mostly with oxen. * Edward Jones, son-in-law to Thomas Wynn, living on the Schuylkill, had, with ordinary cultivation, from one grain of English barley, seventy stalks and ears of barley; and it is common in this country, from one bushel sown, to reap forty, often fifty, and sometimes sixty — and three pecks of wheat sow an acre here. 66 Readings in American History Medicinal plants. Flowers. IX. There are divers plants, that not only the Indians tell us, but we have had occasion to prove, by swellings, burnings, cutts etc. that they are of great virtue, suddenly curing the patient: and for smell, I have observed several, especially one, the wild myrtle; the others, I know not what to call, but are most fragrant. X. The woods are adorned with lovely flowers, for colour, greatness, figure, and variety. I have seen the gardens of London best stored with that sort of beauty ; but think they may be improved by our woods. I have sent a few to a person of quality this year, for a trial. Thus much of the country; next of the natives, or Aborigines. . . . CHAPTER VII THE COLONIES AFTER THE RESTORATION, 1660-90 16. Revolt Against the Authority of Governor Andros (An Account of the Late Revolution in New-England Together with the Declaration of the Gentlemen, Merchants, and Inhabitants of Boston, and the Country Adjacent, April 18, 1689. Written by- Mr. Nathanael Byfield, a merchant of Bristol, in New-England, to his Friends in London. — Peter Force, Collection of Historical Tracts, IV, No. X, 1-17.) We were put under a President and Council, without any No repre- liberty for an Assembly, which the other Americaji Planta- ^^g^^^iy tions have, by a Commission from his Majesti/. III. The Commission was as Illegal for the form of it. Attitude as the way of obtaining it was malicious and mireasonahle : change of yet we made no Resistance thereunto as we could easily govem- have done; but chose to give all Mankind a Demonstration of our being a people sufficiently dutiful and loyal to our King; and this with yet more satisfaction, because we took pains to make our selves believe as much as ever we could of the Whedle then offer'd unto us; That his Majesty's desire was no other than the happy encrease and advance of these Provinces by their more immediate Dependance on the Crown of England. And we were convinced of it by the courses immediately taken to damp and spoyl our Trade; whereof decoyes and complaints presently filled all the Country; while in the mean time neither the Honour nor the Treasure of the King was at all advanced by this new Model of our Affairs, but a considerable Charge added unto the Crown. 67 ment. 68 Readings in American History Authority of Governor Andros. Type of public ofHcials. IV. In little more than half a year we saw this Commis- sion superseded by another, yet more Absolute and Arbitrary, with which Sir Edmund Andros arrived as our Governour: who besides his Power, with the Advice and Consent of his Council, to make Laws and raise Taxes as he pleased; had also Authority by himself to Muster and Imploy all Persons residing in the Territory as occasion shall serve; and to transfer such Forces to any English Plantation in America, as occasion shall require. And several Companies of Souldiers were now brought from Europe, to support what was to be imposed upon us, not without repeated Menaces that some hundreds more were intended for us. V. The Government was no sooner in these Hands, but care was taken to load Preferments principally upon such men as were strangers to, and haters of the People: and every ones Observation hath noted, what Qualifications rec- ommended a man to publick Offices and Employments, only here and there a good man was used, where others could not easily be had; the Governour himself, with Assertions now and then falling from him, made us jealous that it would be thought for his Majesties Interest, if this people were re- moved and another succeeded in their room: And his far- fetch'd Instruments that were growing rich among us, would gravely inform us, that it was not for his Majesties Interest that we should thrive. But of all our oppressors we were chiefly squeezd by a crew of abject Persons, fetched from New York, to be the Tools of the Adversary, standing at our right hand; by these were extraordinary and intoller- able Fees extorted from every one upon all occasions, without any Rules but those of their own insatiable Avarice and Beggary; and even the probate of a will must now cost as many Pounds perhaps as it did Shillings heretofore; nor could a small Volume contain the other Illegalities done by these Horse-Leeches in the two or three Years that they have been sucking of us; and what Laws they made it was as impossible for us to know, as dangerous for us to break; . . . VI. It was now plainly affirmed, both by some in open The Colonics after the Restoration 69 Council, and by the same in private converse, that the peo- ple in New-England were all Slaves and the only difference between them and Slaves is their not being bought and sold ; and it was a maxim delivered in open Court unto us by one of the Council, that we must not think the Privilcdges of English- men iroiild follow us to the end of the World.: Accordingly we have been treated with multiplied contradictions to Magna Charta, the rights of which we laid claim unto. Persons who did not peaceably object against the raising of Taxes without an Assembly, have been for it fined, some twenty, some thirty, and others fifty Pounds. Packt and pickt Juries have been very common things among us~, when, under a pretended form of Law, the trouble of some honest and worthy men had been aimed at; but when some of this Gang have been brought upon tlie stage for the most detest- able Enormities that ever the Sun beheld, all men have with admiration seen what methods have been takeii that they might not be treated according to their Crimes. Without a Verdict, yea, without a Jury sometimes have people been fined most unrighteously; and some not of the meanest Quality have been kept in long and close Imprisonment without any the least Information appearing against them, or an Habeas Corpus allowed unto them. In short, when our Oppressors have been a little out of mony, 'twas but pretending some offence to be enquired into, and the most innocent of men were continually put to no small Expence to answer the Demands of the Officers, who must have mony of them, or a prison for them tho none could accuse them of any Misdemeanour. VIII. Because these things could not make us miserable Titles to fast enough, there was a notable Discovery made of we know J^J^^ °"^^' not what^a«' in all our Titles to our Lands; and, tho besides our purchase of them from the Natives; and, besides our actual peaceable unquestioned possession of them for near threescore Years, and besides the Promise of K. Charles //, in his Proclamation sent over to us in the Year 16S3, That n& man here shall receive any Prejudice in his Eree-hold or Estate} 70 Readings in American History Appeal to the king. Seizure of ofiQcials. . . . Yet we were every day told, That no man was owner of a Foot of Land in all the Colony. Accordingly Writs of Intru- sion began every where to be served on People, that after all their Sweat and their Cost upon their formerly purchased Lands, thought themselves Free-holders of what they had. And the Governor caused the Lands pertaining to these and those particular Men, to be measured out for his Creatures to take possession of; and the Right Owners, for pulling up the Stakes, have passed through molestations enough to tire all the patience in the world. . . . IX. All the Council were not ingaged in these ill Actions, but those of them which were true Lovers of their Country, were seldom admitted to, and seldomer consulted at the Debates which produced these unrighteous Things; Care was taken to keep them under Disadvantages; and the Governor, with five or six more, did what they would. We bore all these, and many more such Things, without making any attempt for any Relief; only Mr. IVIather, purely out of respect unto the Good of his Afflicted Country, undertook a Voyage into England; which when these who suspected him to be preparing for, they used all manner of Craft and Rage, not only to interrupt his Voyage, but to ruin his Per- son too. God having through many Difficulties given him to arrive at White-hall, the King, more than once or twice, promised him a certain Magna Charta for a speedy Redress of many things which we were groaning under; and in the mean- time said That our Governor should he written unto, to forbear the Measures that he leas upon. However, after this, we were injured in those very Things which were complained of ; . . . XIL We do therefore seize upon the Persons of those few /// men which have been (next to our Sins) the grand Authors of our Miseries; resolving to secure them, for what Justice, Orders from his Highness, with the English Parlia- ment shall direct; lest, ere we are aware, we find what we may fear, being on all sides in danger our selves to be by them given away to a Foreign Power, before such Orders can reach unto us; for which Orders we now humbly wait. The Colonies after the Restoration 71 In the mean time firmly believing, that we have endeavoured nothing but what meer Duty to God and our Country calls for at our Hands: We commit our Enterprise unto the blessing of Him, tcho hears the cry of the oppressed, and advise all our Neighbours, for whom we have thus ventured our- selves to joyn with us in Prayers and all just Actions for the Defence of the Land. PROCLAMATION SENT TO SIR EDMOND ANDROS At THE Town-House in Boston, (.^ . April 18, 1689. Our Selves and many others the Inhabitants of this Town, and the Places adjacent, being surprized tvith the peoples sudden taking of Arms; iii the first notion whereof we were wholly ignorant, being driven by the present Accident, are necessitated to acquaint your Excellency, that for the quieting and securing of the People inhabiting in this Country from the imminent Dangers they many ways lie open and exposed to, and tending your own Safety, We judge it necessary you forthwith surrender and deliver up the Government and Fortification to be jneserved and disposed according to Order and Direction from the Crown of England, which suddenly is expected may arrive; promising all security from violence to your Self or any of your Gentlemen or Souldiers in Person and Estate; Otherwise we are assured they will endeavour the taking of the Fortification by Storm, if any Opposition be made. To Sir Edmond Andross Kt. Waite Winthrop, Elisha Cook, Simon Bradstreet, Isaac Addington, William Stoughton, John Nelson, Samuel Shrimpton, Adam Winthrop, Bartholemew Gidney, Peter Sergeant, William Brown, John Foster, Thomas Danforth, David Waterhouse. John Richards, n Readings in American History Confes- sion of a supposed witch. Confes- sion of a just ire of the peace. 17. Confession and Recantation of Witches (Massachusetts Historical Collections, Vol. I, third series, 124-126.) The Examination of Flizaheth Johnson, taken before me, Dudley Brwlstreet, one of their Majesties' Justices of the Peace for Essex, this lOth of August, 1G92. Elizabeth Johnson, heing accused of witchcraft, confessed as followeth: That Goody Carrier brought a })Ook to her, and that she set her hand to it, That Goody Carrier baptized her when she })aptized her daughter Sarah. And that Goody Carrier told her she should he saved if she would be a witch, That she had been at Salem village with Goody Carrier, and that she had been at the mock sacrament there, and saw Mr. Burroughs there. She confessed also, that she had afflicted several persons. That the first she afflicted was Lawrence Lacy. And that she and Thomas Carrier afflicted Sarah Phelps, and Mary Walcutt, and Ann Putnam, the 9th instant, and that she had afflicted them this day as she came to town. And that she had afflicted a child of Ephraim Davis, the 9th instant and this day, by pinching it. And that she afflicted Ann Put- nam with a spear. That she and Goody Carrier afflicted Benjamin Abbott. . . . Dudley Bradstreet, Justice Peace. Gentlemen; I thought it meet to give you this broken account, hoping it may be of some service, I am wholly unacquainted with affairs of this nature, neither have the benefit of books for forms, etc.; but being unadvisedly entered upon service, I am wholly unfit for, beg that my ignorance and failings may be as much covered as conveniently may be; which will be ever acknowledged by Your poor and unworthy servant, Dudley Bradstreet. The Colonies after the Restoration 73 I know not whether to make any returns. Bonds I have taken. The custos rotulorum I know not, etc. To the Honoured Bartholcmew Gedneij, John Hathorne, Esq., or any of their Majesties' Justices of the Peace in Salem, these humbly prese7it. 18. Examination for Witchcraft (Thomas Hutchinson, History of Massachusetts Bay, II, 31-33.) The examination and confession (8 Sept. 92.) of Mary Osgood, wife of Captain Osgood of Andover, taken before John Hawthorne and other their Majesties justices. She confesses, that about 11 years ago, when she was in a melancholy state and condition, she used to walk abroad in her orchard; and upon a certain time, she saw the appear- ance of a cat, at the end of the house, which yet she thought was a real cat. However, at that time, it diverted her from praying to God, and instead thereof she prayed to the devil ; about which time she made a covenant with the devil, who, as a black man, came to her and presented her a book, upon which she laid her finger and that left a red spot: and that upon her signing, the devil told her he was her God, and that she should serve and worship him, and she believes, she con- sented to it. She says further, that about two years agone, she was carried through the air, in company with deacon Frye's wife, Ebenezer Baker's wife and Goody Tyler, to five mile pond, where she was baptized by the devil, who dipped her face in the water and made her renounce her former baptism, and told her she must be his, soul and body, forever, and that she must serve him, which she promised to do. She says, the renouncing her first baptism was after her dipping, and that she was transported back again through the air, in company with the forenamed persons, in the same manner as she went, and believes they were carried on a pole. Q. How many persons were on the pole? 74 Readings in American History A. As I said before, viz. four persons and no more but whom she had named above. — She confesses she had afflicted three persons, John Sawdy, Martha Sprague, and Rose Foster, and that she did it by pinching her bed cloaths, and giving consent the devil should do it in her shape, and that the devil could not do it without her consent. — She confesses the afflicting persons in the court, by the glance of her eye. She says as she was coming down to Salem to be examined, she and the rest of the company with her stopped at Mr. Phillips's to refresh themselves, and the afflicted persons being behind them upon the road, came up just as she was mounting again and were then afflicted, and cried out upon her, so that she was forced to stay until they were all past, and said she only looked that way towards them. Q. Do you know the devil can take the shape of an inno- cent person and afflict? A. I believe he cannot. Q. Who taught you this way of witchcraft? A. Satan, and that he promised her abundance of satis- faction and quietness in her future state, but never performed anything; and that she had lived more miserably and more discontented since, than ever before. She confesses further, that she herself, in company with Goody Parker, Goody Tyler, and Goody Dean, had a meeting at IMoses Tyler's house last Monday night, to afflict, and that she and Goody Dean carried the shape of Mr. Dean, the minister, between them, to make persons believe that Mr. Dean afflicted. Q. What hindered you from accomplishing what you intended? A. The Lord would not suffer it to be, that the devil should afflict in an innocent person's shape. Q. Have you been at any other witch meetings? A. I know nothing thereof, as I shall answer in the presence of God and his people; but said, that the black man stood before her, and told her, that what she had confessed was a lie; notwithstanding, she said that what she had con- fessed was true; and there to put her hand. Her husband The Colonics affrr flic Resioraiion 75 being present was asked, if he judged his wife to be any ways discomposed. He answered, that having Hved with her so long, he doth not judge her to be any ways discom- posed, but has cause to believe what she says is true. — When Mistress Osgood was first called, she afflicted Martha Sprague and Rose Foster, by the glance of her eyes, and recovered them out of their fits by the touch of her hand. Mary Lacey and Betty Johnson and Hannah Post saw Mistress Osgood afflicting Sprague and P^oster. — The said Hannah Post and Mary Lacey and Betty Johnson, jun. and Rose Foster, and Mary Richardson were afflicted by Mistress Osgood, in the time of their examination, and recovered by her touching of their hands. I underwritten, being appointed by authority, to take this examination, do testify upon oath, taken in court, that this is a true copy of the substance of it, to the best of my knowl- edge, 5 Jan. 1692-3. The within Mary Osgood was examined before their Majesties justices of the peace in Salem. Attest. John Higginson, Just. Pac. 19. Recantation of Confessors of Witchcraft (Massachusetts Historical Collections, Vol. Ill, second series, 221-225.) Salem, Oct. 19, '92. The Rev. IMr. I. Mather went to Salem [to visit] the con- fessours (so called) : He conferred with several of them, and they spoke as follows: Mrs. Osgood freely and relentingly said, that the confession which she made upon her examina- tion for witchcraft, and afterwards acknowledged before the honourable judges, was wholly false, and that she was brought to the said confession by the violent urging and unreason- able pressings that were used toward her; she asserted that she never signed to the devill's book, was never baptised by tlie devill, never afflicted any of the accusers, or gave her consent for their being afflicted. Being asked, why she pre- fixed a time and spoke of her being baptised etc., about 76 Readings in American History tu'dve years since; she replyed, and said, that when she had owned the thing, they asked the time; to which she answered, that she knew not the time; but being told that she did know the time and must tell the time, and the like; she con- sidered that about twelve years before she had a fitt of sick- nesse, and was melancholy; and so thought that that time might be as proper a time to mention as any, and accord- ingly did prefix the said time. Being asked about the cat, in the shape of which she had confessed the devill appeared to her etc.; she replyed, that being told that the devill had appeared to her, and must needs appear to her etc. ; (she being a witch) she at length did own that the devill had appeared to her; and being press'd to say in what creature's shape he appeared in, she at length did say, that it was in the shape of a cat; remembering that some time before her being apprehended, as she went out at her door, she saw a cat etc.: not as though she any whitt suspected the said cat to be the de\'ill in the day of . . . but because some creature she must mention, and this came thus into her mind at that time. . . . Goodwife Tyler did say, that when she was first appre- hended, she had no fears upon her, and did think that nothing could have made her confesse against herself; but since, she had found to her great grief, that she had wronged the truth, and falsely accused herself; she said; that when she was brought to Salem, her brother Bridges rode with her, and that all along the way from Andover to Salem, her brother kept telling her that she must needs be a witch, since the afflicted accused her, and at her touch were raised out of their fitts, and urging her to confess herself a witch; she as constantly told him, that she was no witch, that she knew nothing of witchcraft, and begg'd of him not to urge her to confesse; however when she came to Salem, she was carried to a room, where her brother on one side, and Mr. John Emerson on the other side did tell her that she was certainly a witch, and that she saw the devill before her eyes at that time (and accordingly the said Emerson would The Colonies after the Restoration 77 attempt with his hand to beat him away from her eyes) and they so urged her to confesse, that she wished herself in any dungeon, rather than be so treated; Mr. Emerson told her once and again, Well! I see you will not confesse! Well! I will now leave you, and then you are undone, body and soul forever: Her brother urged her to confesse, and told her that in so doing she could not lye; to which she answered, good Brother, do not say so, for I shall lye if I confesse, and then who shall answer unto God for my lye? He still as- serted it, and said that God would not suffer so many good men to be in such an errour about it, and that she would be hang'd, if she did not confesse, and continued so long and so violently to urge and presse her to confesse, that she thought verily her life would have gone from her, and became so terry- fied in her mind, that she own'd at length almost anything that they propounded to her; but she had wronged her con- science in so doing, she was guilty of a great sin in belying of herself, and desired to mourn for it as long as she lived; This she said and a great deal more of the like nature, and all of it with such affection, sorrow, relenting, grief, and mourning, as that it exceeds any pen for to describe and expresse the same. CHAPTER VIII THE FRENCH IN AMERICA Organiza- tion of Iroquois. Military prowess. 20. Characteristics of the Iroquois Indians (William Smith, The History of the Province of New York from the First Discovery to the Year 1732, Part II, 34, 36 passim. London, 1757.) These, of all those innumerable Tribes of Savages, which inhabit the northern part of America, are of most importance to us and the French, both on account of their vicinity and warlike disposition. Before the late incorporation of the Tuscaroras, a People (Iriven by the inhabitants of Carolina from the frontiers of Virginia, they consisted of five confed- erate Cantons. What in particular gave rise to this League, and when it took place, are ciuestions which neither the Natives, nor Europeans, pretend to answer. Each of these Nations is divided into three families, or Clans, of different ranks, bearing for their arms, and being distinguished by the names of the Tortoise, the Bear, and the Wolf. No people in the world perhaps, have higher notions than these Indians of military glory. All the surrounding nations have felt the effects of their prowess; and many not only became their Tributaries, but were so subjugated to their power, that without their consent, they durst not commence either peace or war. Though a regular police for the preservation of harmony within, and the defence of the State against invasions from without, is not to be expected from the people of whom I am now writing, yet perhaps, they have paid more attention to it than is generally allowed. Their government is suited 78 TJie French in America 79 to their condition. A people whose riches consist not so much in abundance, as in a freedom from want; who are circumscribed by no boundaries, who live by hunting, and not by agriculture, must always be free, and therefore sub- ject to no other authority, than such as consists with the liberty necessarily arising from their circumstances. All The their affairs, whether respecting peace or war, are under the ^^^ ®™^' direction of their Sachems, or chief men. Great exploits and public ^artue procure the esteem of a people, and qualify a man to advise in Council, and execute the plan concerted for the advantage of his country: thus whoever appears to the Indians in this advantageous light, commences as a Sachem without any other ceremony. As there is no other way of arriving at this dignity, so it ceases, unless an uniform zeal and activity for the common good, is uninterruptedly continued. Some have thought it hereditary, but that is a mistake. The son, is indeed, re- spected for his father's services, but without personal merit, We can never share in the government ; which were it other- wise, must sink into perfect disgrace. The children of such are distinguished for their patriotism, moved by the con- sideration of their birth, and the perpetual incitements to virtue constantly inculcated into them, imitate their father's exploits, and thus attain to the same honours and influence; which accounts for the opinion that the Title and Power of Sachem is hereditary. Each of these republics has its own particular chiefs, who hear and determine all complaints in Council, and though they have no officers for the execution of Justice, yet their decrees are always obeyed, from the general reproach that would follow a contempt of their advice. The condition of this people exempts them from factions, the common disease of popular governments. It is impossible to gain a party amongst them by indirect means; for no man has either honour, riches, or power to bestow. All affairs which concern the general interest are deter- Assembly mined in a great assembly of the chiefs of each Canton, usually °^ Chiefs. 80 Readings in American History French and Iroquois. Houses. IjQve of ornaments Not laborers. Food. held at Onondaga, the center of their country. I'pon emer- gencies, they act separately, but nothing can bind the League but the voice of the general convention. The French, upon the maxim, "divide et impera," have tried all possible means to divide these Republics, and some- times have even sown great jealousies amongst them. In consequence of this plan, they have seduced many families to withdraw to Canada, and there settled them in regular towns, under the command of a fort, and the tuition of missionaries. The manners of these savages are as simple as their govern- ment. Their houses are a few crotched stakes thrust into the ground, and over-laid with bark. A fire is kindled in the middle, and an aperture left at the top for the convey- ance of the smoke. Whenever a considerable number of those huts are collected, they have a Castle, as it is called, consisting of a square without bastions, surrounded with Pallisades. They have no other fortification; and this is only designed as an asylum for their old men, their wi\-^s and children, when the rest are gone out to war. They live almost entirely without care. While the women, or squaws, cultivate a little spot of ground for corn, the men employ themselves in hunting. . . . Many of them are fond of ornaments, and their taste is very singular. I have seen rings affixed, not only to their ears, but their noses. Bracelets of silver and brass around their wrists, are very common. The women plait their hair, and tie it up behind in a bag, perhaps in imitation of the French beaux in Canada. Though the Indians are capable of sustaining great hard- ships, yet they cannot endure much labor, being rather fleet, than strong. Their men are taller than the Europeans, rarely corpulent, always beardless, straight limbed, of a tawny complexion, and black uncurled hair. In their food they have no manner of delicacy, for though venison is their ordinary diet, yet sometimes they eat dogs, bears, and even snakes. Their cookery is of two kinds, boiled or roasted; to perform the latter, the meat is penetrated by a short sharp The French in America 81 War- dance. stick set in the ground, inclining towards the fire, and turned as occasion requires. They are hospitable to strangers, though few Europeans would relish their highest favors of this kind, for the;^' are very nasty both in their garments and food. . . . Since they became acquainted with the Europeans, their Weapons, warlike apparatus is a musket, hatchet, and a long knife. Their boys still accustom themselves to bows and arrows, and are so dextrous in the use of them, that a lad of sixteen, will strike an English shilling five times in ten at twelve or fourteen yards distance. Their men are excellent marks- men, both with the gun and hatchet; their dexterity at the latter is very extraordinary, for they rarely miss the object, though at a considerable distance. The hatchet in the flight perpetually turns round, and yet always strikes the mark with the edge. Before they go out, they have a feast upon dog's flesh, and a great war dance. At these, the warriors, who are frightfully painted with vermilion, rise up and sing their own exploits, or those of their ancestors, and thereby kindle a military enthusiasm in the whole company. The day after the dance, they march out a few miles in a row, observ- ing a profound silence. The procession being ended, they strip the bark from a large oak, and paint the design of their expedition on the naked trunk. The figure of a canoe, with the number of men in it, determines the strength of their party; and by a deer, a fox, or some other emblem painted at the head of it, we discover against what nation they are gone out. The Five Nations being devoted to war, every art is con- Return trived to diffuse a military spirit through the whole body of par^tj**'^' their people. The ceremonies attending the return of a party; seem calculated in particular for that purpose. The day before they enter the \illage, two heralds advance, and at a small distance set up a yell, which by its modulation in- timates either good or bad news. If the former, the \'illage is alarmed, and an entertainment provided for the con- 82 Readings in American History Methods of attack. Treatment of prison- ers. Peace cere- monies. qiierors, who in the mean time approach in sight: one of them bears the scalps stretched over a bow, and elevated upon a long pole. The boldest man in the town comes out, and re- ceives it, and instantly Hies to the hut where the rest are col- lected. If he is overtaken, he is beaten unmercifully; but if he outruns the pursuer, he participates in the honour of the victors, who at their first entrance receive no compli- ments, nor speak a single word till the end of the feast. Their parents, wives, and children then are admitted, and treat them with the profoundest respect. After these salu- tations, one of the conquerors is appointed to relate the whole adventure, to which the rest attentively listen, without ask- ing a question, and the whole concludes with a savage dance. The Indians never fight in the field, or upon equal terms, but always skulk and attack, by surprise, in small parties, meeting every night at a place of rendezvous. Scarce any enemy can escape them, for by the disposition of the grass and leaves, they follow his track with great speed an;y'where but over a rock. Their barbarity is shocking to human nature. Women and children they generally kill and scalp, because they would retard their progress, but the men they carry into captivity. If any woman has lost a relation, and inclines to receive the prisoner in his stead, he not only escapes a series of the most inhuman tortures, and death it- self, but enjoys every immunity they can bestow, and is esteemed a member of the family, into w'hich he is adopted. To part with him would be the most ignominious conduct, and considered as selling the blood of the deceased; and for this reason it is not without the greatest difficulty, that a Captive is redeemed. When the Indians incline to peace, a messenger is sent to the enemy with a pipe, the bowl of which is made of soft, red, marble; and a long reed beautifully painted, and adorned with the gay plummage of birds, forms the stem. This is his infallible protection from any assault on the way. The envoy makes his proposals to the enemy, who if they ap- The French in America 83 prove them, ratify the prehminaries to the peace, by smoking through the pipe, and from that instant, a general cessation of arms takes place. The French call it a Calumet. It is used, as far as I can learn, by all the Indian nations upon the Continent. The rights of it are esteemed sacred, and have been only invaded by the Flat Heads; in just indignation for which, the Confederates maintained a war with them for near thirty years. . . . 21. Father Marquette's Two Journeys Jacques Marquette joined the order of Jesuits and came to America in 1666. After spending five years in the missions along the Saint Lawrence River, he came to the mission of Saint Ignace, then located on Mackinac Island, but later removed to the main- land. Here he was joined by Joliet, who had been engaged in making explorations for deposits of copper. Joliet brought orders from the governor of New France commanding him, with Marquette for his companion, to search for a Great River which was supposed to flow into the Gulf of California. — (Jesuit Relations, Marquette's Journal. Thwaites's translation. With permission of Burrows Brothers, Cleveland, Ohio.) THE FIRST VOYAGE OF FATHER MARQUETTE We were not long in preparing all our equipment, although Prepara- we were about to begin a voyage, the duration of which we could not foresee. Indian corn, with some smoked meat, constituted all our provisions; with these we embarked — Monsieur Jollyet and myself, with five men — in two bark canoes, fully resolved to do and suffer everything for so glorious an undertaking. Accordingly, on the 17th day of May, 1673, we started from the Mission of St. Ignace at Michilimakinac, where I then was. The joy that we felt at being selected for this expedition animated our courage, and rendered the labor of paddling from morning to night agreeable to us. And be- cause we were going to seek unknown countries, we took every precaution in our power, so that, if our undertaking tion for the expedition. 84 Readings in American History were hazardous, it should not be foolhardy. To that end we ol)tained all the information that we could from savages who had frequented those regions; and we even traced out from their reports a map of the whole of that new country; on it we indicated the rivers which we were to navigate, the names of the peoples and of the places through which we were to pass, the course of the great river, and the direction we were to follow when we reached it. Tho seven men rowed west from the mission at Mackinaw, crossed northern Lake Michigan, and turned south on Green Bay to the mouth of the Fox River, and crossed a portage to the Wisconsin River. Down the Wisconsin. On the Missis- sippi. The river on which we embarked is called Meskousing [Wisconsin]. It is very wide; it has a sandy bottom, which forms various shoals that render its navigation very difficult. . . . Our route lay to the southwest, and, after navigating a))out thirty leagues, we saw a spot presenting all the appear- ances of an iron mine; and, in fact, one of our party who had formerly seen such mines, assures us that the one which we found is very good and very rich. It is covered with three feet of good soil, and is quite near a chain of rocks, the base of which is covered by very fine trees. After proceed- ing forty leagues on this same route, we arrived at the mouth of our river; and, at forty-two and a half degrees of latitude we safely entered Mississippi on the 17th of June, with a joy that I cannot express. We gently followed its course, which runs toward the south and southeast, as far as the 42nd degree of latitude. Here we plainly saw that its aspect was completely changed. There are hardly any woods or mountains; the islands are more beautiful, and are covered with finer trees. We saw only deer and cattle, bustards, and swans without wings, because they drop their plumage in this country. . . . When we cast our nets into the water, we caught sturgeon. . . . When we reached the parallel of 41 degrees 28 minutes, following the same direction, we found that the turkeys had The French in America 85 taken the place of game; and the pisikious,* or wild cattle, that of the other animals. We call them "wild cattle," because they are very similar Buffalo, to our domestic cattle. They are not longer, but are nearly as large again, and more corpulent. When our people killed one, three persons had much difficulty in moving it. The head is very large; the forehead is flat, and a foot and a half wide between the horns, which are exactly like those of our oxen, but black and much larger. Under the neck they have a sort of large dewlap, which hangs down; and on the back is a rather high hump. The whole of the head, the neck, and a portion of the shoulders, are covered with a thick mane like that of horses ; it forms a crest a foot long, which makes them hideous, and, falling over their eyes, prevents them from seeing what is before them. The remainder of the body is covered with a heavy coat of curly hair, almost like that of our sheep, but much stronger and thicker. It falls off in summer, and the skin becomes as soft as velvet. At that season, the savages use the hides for making fine robes, which they paint in various colors. The flesh and the fat of the pisikious are excellent, and constitute the best dish at feasts. Moreover, they are very fierce; and not a year passes without their killing some savages. When attacked, they catch a man on their horns, if they can, toss him in the air, and then throw him on the ground, after which they trample him under foot, and kill him. If a person fire at them from a distance, with either a bow or a gun, he must, immediately after the shot, throw himself down and hide in the grass; for if they perceive him who has fired, they run at him, and attack him. As their legs are thick and rather short, they do not run very fast, as a rule, except when angry. They are scattered about the prairie in herds; I have seen one of 400. . . . Marquette and Joliet came upon a tribe of Illinois Indians, on the west bank of the Mississippi, possibly near the mouth of the Des Moines River. * The Indian name for the bison or buffalo. 86 Readings in American History Meeting Seeing all assembled and silent, I spoke to them by four i^J^i^^^ presents that I gave them. By the first, I told them that we were journeying peacefully to visit the nations dwelling on the river as far as the sea.* By the second, I announced to them that God, who had created them, had pity on them, inasmuch as, after they had been so long ignorant of him, he wished to make himself known to all the peoples; that I was sent by him for that purpose; and that it was for them to acknowledge and obey him. By the third, I said that the great captain of the French informed them that it was he who restored peace everywhere ; and that he had subdued the Iroquois. Finally, by the fourth, we begged them to give us all the information that they had about the sea, and about the nations through whom we must pass to reach it. . . . The council was followed by a great feast, consisting of four dishes, which had to be partaken of in accordance with all their fashions. The first course was a great wooden platter full of sagamite — that is to say, meal of Indian corn boiled in water, and seasoned with fat. The master of cere- monies filled a spoon with sagamite three or four times, and put it to my mouth as if I were a little child. He did the sajne to Monsieur Jollyet. As a second course, he caused a second platter to be brought, on which were three fish. He took some pieces of them, removed the bones therefrom, and, after blowing upon them to cool them, he put them in our mouths as one would give food to a bird. For the third course, they brought a large dog, that had just been killed; but, when they learned that we did not eat this meat, they removed it from before us. Finally, the fourth course was a piece of wild ox, the fattest morsels of which were placed in our mouths. Account of When one speaks the word "Illinois," it is as if one said in their language, "the men," — as if the other savages were looked upon by them merely as animals. . . . * It had been supposed that the Mississippi River flowed into the Gulf of California. But on this journey, as Marquette and Jollet noted the direction the stream was taking, they became convinced that it emptied into the Gulf of Mexico. the Illi- nois. The French in America 87 When the Illinois depart to go to war, the whole village must be notified by a loud shout, which is uttered at the doors of their cabins, the night and morning before their departure. The captains are distinguished from the war- riors by wearing red scarfs. These are made, with consider- able skill, from the hair of bears and wild cattle. They paint their faces with red ocher, great quantities of which are found at a distance of some days' journey from the village. They live by hunting, game being plentiful in that country, and on Indian corn, of which they always have a good crop; con- sequently, they have never suffered from famine. They also sow beans and melons, which are excellent, especially those that have red seeds. Their squashes are not of the best; they dry them in the sun, to eat them during the winter and the spring. Their cabins are very large, and are roofed and floored with mats made of rushes. They make all their utensils of wood, and their ladles out of the heads of cattle, whose skulls they know so well how to prepare that they use these ladles with ease for eating their saga- mite. . . . Here is one of the songs they are in the habit of singing. They give it a certain turn which cannot be sufficiently expressed by note: Ninahani, ninaham, ninahani, nani ongo. We take leave of our Illinois at the end of June, about three o'clock in the afternoon. We embark in the sight of all the people who admire our little canoes, for they have never seen any like them. Some distance below the mouth of the Ohio they met a band of Indians who informed them that they were not more than ten days from the sea. This news animated our courage, and made us paddle with fresh ardor. We thus push forward, and no longer see so many prairies; because both shores of the river are bor- dered with lofty trees. The cottonwood, elm, and bass-wood trees there are admirable for their height and thickness. The great numbers of wild cattle, which we heard bellowing. 88 Readings in American History led us to believe that the prairies are near. We also saw quail on the water's edge. We killed a little paroquet, one half of whose head was red, the other half and the neck yellow, and the whole body green. . . . Monsieur Joll^'et and I held another council, to deliberate upon what we should do — whether we should push on, or remain content with the discovery which we had made. After attentively considering that we were not far from the Gulf of Mexico, the basin of which is at the latitude of 31 degrees CO minutes, while we were at 33 degrees 40 minutes, we judged that we could not be more than two or three days' journey from it; and that, beyond a doubt, the Mississippi River discharges into the Florida or Mexican gulf, and not to the east in Virginia, whose sea-coast is at 34 degrees lati- tude — which we had passed, without, however, having as yet reached the sea — or to the west in California, because in that case our route would have been to the west, or the west southwest, . . . We had obtained all the information that could be desired in regard to this discovery. All these reasons induced us to decide upon returning; this we an- nounced to the savages, and, after a day's rest, made our preparations for it. The After a month's navigation, while descending the Missis- sippi from the 42nd to the 34th degree, and beyond, and after preaching the Gospel as well as I could to the nations that I met, we start on the 1 7th of July from the village of the Akensea, to retrace our steps. We therefore reascend the Mississippi, which gives us much trouble in breasting its currents. It is true that we leave it, at about the 3Sth degree, to enter another river, which greatly shortens our road, and takes us with but little effort to the lake of the Illinois [Lake Michigan]. We have seen nothing like this river that we enter, as regards its fertility of soil, its prairies and woods; its cattle, elk, deer, wildcats, bustards, swans, ducks, paroquets, and even beaver. There are many small lakes and rivers. That on which we sailed is wide, deep, and still, for sixty-five return voyage The French in America 89 leagues. In the spring and during part of the summer there is only one portage of half a league. We found on it a vil- lage of Illinois called Kaskasia, consisting of 74 cabins. They received us very well, and obliged me to promise that I would return to instruct them. One of the chiefs of this nation, with his young men, escorted us to the lake of the Illinois, whence, at last, at the end of September, we reached the Bay des Puantz [Green Bay], from which we had started at the beginning of June. THE SECOND VOYAGE OF FATHER MARQUETTE, WRITTEN BY HIMSELF AND SUPPLEMENTED BY FATHER DABLON's RELATION Marquette passed the winter at the mission of St. Francis, near Green Bay. Late the next summer, with two Frenchmen as com- panions, Marquette set out for the Illinois along the western shore of Lake Michigan. They wintered on the Chicago portage. Having been compelled to remain at St. Francois through- out the summer on account of an ailment, of which I was cured in the month of September, I awaited there the return of our people from down below [Quebec], in order to learn what I was to do with regard to my wintering. They brought me orders to proceed to the mission of la Concep- tion among the Illinois. . . . Having encamped near the portage, two leagues up the river, we resolved to winter there, as it was impossible to go farther, since we were too much hindered and my ailment did not permit me to give myself too much fatigue. . . . dablon's continuation OF Marquette's journey* On at last arriving at the village, he was received as an angel from Heaven. He resoh'ed to address all in public, in a general assembly which he called together in the open air, * Marquette was too ill to continue the daily entries in his journal. 90 Readings in American History the cabins being too small to contain all the people. It was a beautiful prairie, close to a village,* which was selected for the great council; this was adorned after the fashion of the country, by covering it with mats and bear-skins. Then the father, having directed them to stretch out upon lines several pieces of Chinese taffeta, attached to these four large pictures of the blessed Virgin, which were visible on all sides. The audience was composed of 500 chiefs and elders, seated in a circle around the father, and of all the young men, who remained standing. They numbered more than 1,500 men, without counting the women and children, who are always numerous — the village being composed of 5 or 600 fires. The father addressed the whole body of people, and conveyed to them ten messages, by means of ten presents which he gave them. He explained to them the principal mysteries of our religion, and the purpose that had brought him to their country. . . . After the Illinois, filled with great esteem for the Gospel, had taken leave of the father,t he continued his journey, and shortly after reached the lake of the Illinois, upon whose waters he had to journey nearly a hundred leagues, by an unknown route, whereon he had never before traveled; for he was obliged to coast along the southern [Eastern] shore of the lake, having come by the northern [Western]. But his strength was so rapidly diminishing that his two men de- spaired of being able to bring him alive to the end of their journey. . . . They accordingly brought him to the land, lighted a little fire for him, and prepared for him a wretched cabin of bark. . . . And so, with a countenance beaming and all aglow, he expired without any struggle, and so gently that it might have been regarded as a pleasant sleep. . . . * Near Starved Rock, Illinois. t Marquette, after remaining about two weeks, was forced, because of ill health, to set out for Saint Ignace. The French in America 91 22. La Salle and the Discovery of the Mouth of THE Mississippi River Rene Robert Cavalier, Sieur de La SaUe, was born in 1643, of an old and wealthy family of Rouen, France.* In the year 1666 he came to Canada and soon began his labors as an explorer. A friendship sprang up between La Salle and the new governor, Count Frontenac. When the latter, in 1673, in his desire to shut out the English at Albany from the trade with the Indians of the Northwest, erected a fort, at the outlet of Lake Ontario, he placed La Salle in command. Going to France, the following year. La Salle was granted, by the King, the right of seigneur over Fort Fron- tenac and extensive surrounding territory and was also given a title of nobility. In return, he was to rebuild the fort of masonry at his own expense and become responsible for its maintenance. For two years he was engaged in developing the resources of Fort Frontenac as a frontier post, and a village of French families was established under the protection of the fort. But the ambition of La Salle was not satisfied. He dreamed of the great river, partially explored by Joliet and Marquette, which he believed flowed into the Gulf of Mexico. It became his desire to discover its mouth, gain control of the trade and make it a stronghold against the encroachments of the Spaniards and the English, and possibly from its headwaters reach China and Japan. In order to gain authority to carry out his plan. La Salle, in 1677, again visited France. His description of the wealth of the wonder- ful country which he desired to explore and its future value to France won the favor of Colbert, then chief minister of Louis XIV. The King granted him letters patent for five years. f On his return in September, 1678, La Salle brought with him iron, cordage and sails, and also ship-carpenters who were to con- struct two vessels for fur-trading on the Lakes and on some branch of the Mississippi. Among the thirty-two men who accompanied him to Canada, none proved of as much service to La Salle as Henri de Tonty, a young adventurous Italian officer, full of energy and courage. Father Louis Hennepin, who was anxious to join the ex- pedition, and other missionaries of the order of Recollects, met the party at Quebec. Arriving at the head of the Niagara river, in * He signed his name De la Salle. Hi.s name was Robert Cavalier. The name by which he is known, Sieur de La Salle, was derived from an estate of his family near Rouen. t An official document issued by a king (or other sovereign) which granted some privilege to an individual or company was called "Letters Patent." 92 Readings in American History January, a fortified warehouse was built. Bj- spring a vessel of forty tons burden, the Griffin, was also completed.* On the seventh of August, La Salle and his companions, thirty- four in all, embarked on the Griffin and set sail on the waters of Lake Erie. After a voyage of twenty days, the Jesuit mission at St. Ignace was reached. Early in September, they again embarked and proceeded to the entrance of Green Bay. Here the vessel was loaded with furs, which had been collected by an advance party sent out by La Salle the year before, and was started back to Fort Niagara. La Salle with fourteen men, in four canoes, then advanced along the western shore of Lake Michigan. Tonty with twenty men pro- ceeded along the eastern shore and the two leaders, after escaping death from hunger, from storms and at the hands of Indians, met at the mouth of the St. Joseph River, where they built a fort. On December 3, they ascended that river some seventy miles to the portage, near the site of the present city of South Bend, Indiana. tonty's description of la Salle's discovery of the mouth of the mississippi We made the portage, which extends about two leagues, and came to the source of the Illinois river. We embarked there, and ascending [descending] the river for 100 leagues arrived at a village of the sa\'ages.t They were absent hunt- ing, so as we had no provisions we opened some caches of Indian corn. During this journey some of our Frenchmen were so fatigued that they determined to leave us, but the night they intended to go was so cold that their plan was broken up. As it was necessary to fortify ourselves during the winter, we made a fort which we called Crevecoeur.J Part of our * The vessel was built at the mouth of Cayuga Creek, which flows into Niagara River above the cataract. La Salle, in the meantime, with two companions returned to Fort Frontenac for supplies, a distance of two hun- dred pnd fifty miles, passing through the teiritof.v of tlie Iroquois. They had for food only a bag of parched corn, wliich failed them two days before they reached the fort. See Parkman, La Salle, p. 13.5. t Located near the site of the present village of Utica, Illinois. Across llie river stands the lofty cliff known as "Starved Rock." This Indian village contained several distinct irihes of the Illinois. The population changed from time to time. In 1(57.5 Marquette is said to have addressed at this place 1,500 men, beside women and children. t Crevecoeur was a stronghold in the Netherlands which had been cap- tured by Louis XIV. The fort was located near the site of Peoria, Illinois. The French in America 93 people deserted and they had even put poison into our kettle. M. de la Salle was poisoned, but he was saved by some anti- dote a friend had given him in France. The desertion of these men gave us less annoyance than the effect which it had on the minds of the savages. M. de la Salle commenced building a boat to descend the Father river. He sent a Father Recollect [Hennepin], with the "n™*" Sieur Deau to discover the nation of the Sioux 400 leagues And the from the Illinois on the Mississippi river southwards [north- the Missis- ward], a river that runs not less than 800 leagues to the sea ^ippi- without rapids.* He determined to go himself, by land, to Fort Frontenac, because he had heard nothing of the boat which he had sent to Niagara. He gave me the command of this place, and left us on the 22d of March with five men. . . . La Salle had directed Tonty to go to "Starved Rock" and there build a strong fort. On the waj^ Tonty was deserted by all of his companions save five men. Early in September the Illinois Indians were attacked by the Iroquois. Tonty and his companions were made prisoners by the Iroquois, a young warrior attempting to kill Tonty. They were finally allowed to escape. One of the number met his death, within a few hours, at the hands of the Kickapoos. The survivors journeyed by the way of the Des Plaines River and Chicago River to Lake Michigan, and after great suffering finally reached the Jesuit mission on Green Bay. Had they gone by the Saint Joseph River, they would doubtless have met La Salle, who had learned of their disaster and was hastening with a party to their relief. La Salle found the fort at the mouth of that river in ruins. He left some of his men to rebuild it, and with six others again advanced to the Illinois River. He found that the Illinois tribes had been driven from their homes. December 4 he set out to follow the river to its mouth, and reached the Mississippi. Con- * During the winter several delegations of Indians from distant tribes came to visit the Illinois in order to see the white men. Among them were the Sioux who dwelt near the sources of the ISIississippi. They invited the French to visit them in their homes, which they said were near the " western sea." Hennepin is spoken of as the leader of the party of three selected to go to explore the upper Mississippi. Michel Accault (Ako), noted for his bravery and for his knowledge of Indian languages, was the real leader. Hennepin told the story of the expedition and assumed a large place for himself. The party ascended the Mississipjii, to tlie Falls of Saint Anthony, some live hundred miles above the mouth of the Illinois. They were taken prisoners by the Sioux, but were rescued by Duluth, who, witli four other Frenchmen, was visiting the Sioux to secure their trade in furs. 94 Readings in American History Voyage down the Missis- sippi. trarj- to the wishes of his comrades, who desired to descend the river, La Salle turned northward, hoping to find some trace of Tonty. Day after day the party plunged through the snow up to the waist, suffering from extreme cold and hunger, and finally, at the end of January, were again at the mouth of the Saint Joseph. Here he learned from some hunting Indians that Tonty was safe at Green Bay. Fort Miami was rebuilt, and on May 25 La Salle set out for Mackinac. Here, to the great joy of both, the two leaders met again. Neither of them thought of abandoning the enterprise. After going to Canada, partially satisfying his creditors, and obtaining fresh supplies. La Salle and his party returned to Fort Miami, reaching there December 19. Tonty's narration con- tinues as follows: We went in canoes to the River Chicagou, where there is a portage which joins that of the IlUnois.* The rivers being frozen, we made sledges and dragged our baggage thirty leagues below the village of Illinois, where, finding the navi- gation open, we arrived at the end of Januaryf at the great River Mississippi. We descended the river, and found si.x leagues below, on the right, a great river, J which comes from the west, on which there are numerous nations. We slept at its mouth. The next day we went on to the village of Tamarous, six leagues off on the left. There was no one there, all the people being at their winter quarters in the woods. We made marks to inform the savages that we had passed, and continued our route as far as the RiverOuabache,§ which is eighty leagues from that of Illinois. It comes from the east, and is more than 500 leagues in length. It is by this river that the Iroquois advance to make war against the nations of the south. Continuing our voyage about sixty leagues, we came to a place which was named Fort Prudhomme, because one of our men lost himself there when out hunting and was nine days without food. As they were looking for him they fell in with two Chikasas savages, whose village was three days' journey inland. They have * There were 54 members in the party, 23 being Frenchmen, 18 Indian warriors, 10 squaws and 3 Indian children. t February 6. \ i The Missouri — called by the French, Emissourita. $ The Ohio — Oyo of the Iroquois. The French in America 95 2,000 warriors, the greatest number of whom have flat heads, which is considered a beauty among them. . . . We pro- ceeded on our course, and after sailing 40 leagues, arrived at the sea on the 7th of April, 1682. M. de la Salle sent canoes to inspect the channels; some The mouth of them went to the channel on the right hand, some to the ^issfs- left, and M. de la Salle chose the centre. In the evening sippi each made his report, that is to say, that the channels were very fine, wide, and deep. We encamped on the right bank; we erected the arms of the King,* and returned several times to inspect the channels. The same report was made. The river is 800 leagues long, without rapids, 400 from the country of the Scioux, and 400 from the mouth of the Illinois river to the sea. The banks are almost uninhabitable, on account of the spring floods. The woods are all those of a boggy district, the country one of canes and briars and of trees torn up by the roots ; but a league or two from the river, the most beautiful country in the world, prairies, woods of mulberry trees, vines, and fruits that we were not acquainted with. The savages gather the Indian corn twice a year. In the lower part of the river, which might be settled, the river makes a bend north and south, and in many places every now and then is joined by streams on the right and left. The river is only navigable (for large vessels) as far as the village of Natches, for above that place the river winds too much; but this does not prevent the navigation of the river from the confluence of the Ouabache and the Missis- sippi as far as the sea. There are but few beavers, but, to make amends, there is a large number of buffaloes, bears, large wolves, stags and hinds in abundance, and some lead mines, which yield two-thirds of ore to one of refuse. As these savages are stationary, and have some habits of subor- * This ceremony took place April 9, 1682. A rude column was made out of the trunk of a tree. Upon this was placed the arms of the King, made out of one of their copper kettles. Amidst the firing of muskets and the shouts of "Vive le Roi," the column was raised by La Salle, who thus took possession of the Mississippi valley in the name of Louis XIV, King of France. 96 Readings in American History dination, they might be obHgecI to make silk in order to pro- cure necessaries for themselves; bringing to them from France the eggs of silkworms, for the forests are full of mulberry trees. This would be a valuable trade. . . . We then went on to the Taencas, and then to the Arkansas, where we were very well received. From thence we came to Fort Prud- homme, where M. de la Salle fell dangerously ill, which obliged him to send me forward, on the 6th of May, to arrange his affairs at Missilimakinac [Mackinac]. . . . 23. French and English Contest for the Control OF the Ohio Valley By the year 1750 it was appreciated by both the French and Eng- lish authorities that the struggle for the control of the Ohio was in- evitable. Because of the increase in the numbers of English traders and the grants of lands on the Ohio, the French determined upon a more vigorous policy to maintain their supremacy. In 1749, Captain Celeron de Bienville at the head of two hundred and thirty men set out to take military possession of the Ohio country. As he passed down the Ohio he buried leaden plates at the mouths of a number of the streams flowing into the Ohio. The inscription on these plates indicated that France had retaken possession of the country. During the year 1753, Fort Presque Isle [Erie], and Fort Le Boeuf were erected by the French and the following year they built Fort Venango and Fort Duquesne [Pittsburgh]. Their plan was to construct a chain of forts by which they could maintain con- trol of the valley. — (E. B. O'Callaghan, Documents Relating to (he Colonial History of the State of New York, Paris Documents, 1745-8, X, 239, 258 passim.) MINISTERIAL MINUTE ON THE ATTEMPTS OF THE ENGLISH TO SETTLE ON THE OHIO English The English always occupied with plans to extend their Ohi^o** possessions, and to confine those of his Majesty, in North America, have undertaken since the last war to carry their trade towards the Beautiful river [Ohio] which is situated in the interior, between Canada and Louisiana, and forms the principal communication between these two Colonies; to The French in America 97 corrupt the Indian nations of that quarter, and even to es- tabHsh posts there. The Marquis de la Jonquiere having been informed of French those attempts, adopted measures last year to prevent their i'®^'^**'^'^^- success. He organized divers detachments of Frenchmen and Indians, which, according to his arrangements, were to form a junction this spring to proceed at once to the Beau- tiful river, drive the English from it, and bring back the Indians who might have allowed themselves to be debauched by the intrigues of that nation. News of the result was expected at the end of this year, but private letters have arrived from Canada stating that the Marquis de la Jonquiere has abandoned that project, and insinuating that private interest has led some one, in whom he had placed his confidence, to dissuade him from it, by making him apprehend creating thereby a general Indian war. This motive would be good, if it were valid. It is proper always to avoid, as much as possible, war with the Indians; but, it appears, that on this occasion, it was not difficult to guarantee himself against it. The question is not to operate against the Indians, but to prevent the interloping trade the English are driving in a country belonging to us, and which, previous to the last war, they would be careful not to dispute us; this is proposed to be effected by checking at the same time the views they entertain of establishing posts there. It is easy, therefore, to render the Indians indifferent in this regard; nay, even to induce them to understand that for the sake of their own tranquillity and of the freedom of their trade, in which we have never clogged them, they must wish that we should stop the progress of the English schemes. 'Twould therefore be unfortunate if the Marquis de la Jonquiere has abandoned the project he has formed for that purpose; and although the private advices announcing that change on his part may be unfounded, it appears, neverthe- less, proper not to keep him in ignorance of them; to inform 98 Readings in American History French claims to the Ohio, him, at the same time, that his Majesty continues to expect the execution of this project; that there is, in fact, no other course to adopt than to drive from the Beautiful river any European foreigners who will happen to be there, so as to make them lose all taste for returning thither, observing, notwithstanding, the caution practicable in these sorts of matters. As for the rest, there is no reason to apprehend any justi- fiable complaints on the part of the Court of England. The French were the discoverers of the Beautiful river, which has always served as a communication, as already observed, between Canada and Louisiana. We always carried on trade there without any interruption, and have sent con- siderable detachments thither on various occasions. 23rd September, 1751. French plans. The Marquis de la Jonquiere reported last year, that the Indian nations of the Upper Countries were threatening a sort of general conspiracy against the French, and that the English who succeeded in debauching them by presents and intrigues, were pledged to sustain them by arms.. He stated, at the same time, that the reports made to him by some faithful Nations, caused him to conclude that effectual measures must be indespensably adopted, both to bring the nations that had joined the confederacy, back to their attachment to France, or to oblige them to return to their duty, and to destroy, by force of arms, the posts the English might have undertaken to erect on our territory towards the River Ohio, whence they set all these movements on foot; and this Governor transmitted at the same time, a plan of operations which he was to execute, and which consisted principally in despatching at the beginning of autumn last year, several detachments for various posts, whence they were to make a junction at the opening of the spring, at a rendezvous, indicated to them, to act according to circumstances. We learn by letters received from the Marquis de la Jon- The French in America 99 quiere, and dated last September, that his plan was badly executed; that the officers entrusted with its execution had undertaken nothing against the rebellious Indians, nor against the English posts, and that the movements of those Indians are becoming every day more dangerous. . . . MINUTE OF INSTRUCTIONS TO BE GIVEN M. DUQUESNE The River Ohio, otherwise called the Beautiful River, and French vs. its tributaries belong indesputably to France, by virtue of ci°i^g^ its discovery by Sieur de la Salle; of the trading posts the French have had there since, and of possession which is so much the more unquestionable as it constitutes the most frequent communication from Canada to Louisiana. It is only within a few years that the English have undertaken to trade there; and now they pretend to exclude us from it. They have not, up to the present time, however, main- tained that these rivers belong to them; they pretend only that the Iroquois are masters of them and being the Sover- eigns of these Indians, that they can exercise their rights. But 'tis certain that these Indians have none, and that, besides, the pretended sovereignty of the English over them is a chimera. Meanwhile 'tis of the greatest importance to arrest the progress of the pretensions and expeditions of the English in that quarter. Should they succeed there, they would cut off the communication between the two colonies of Canada and Louisiana, and would be in a position to trouble them, and to ruin both the one and the other, independent of the advantages they would at once experience in their trade to the prejudice of ours. An}' complaints that may be presented to the Court of England against the English governors would be altogether futile. On the one hand it would be very difficult to obtain proofs of the most serious facts ; and on the other, no matter what proofs may be produced, that Court will find means 100 Readings in American History French plans to control Indians. to elude all satisfaction, especially as long as the boundaries are not settled. It is necessary then, to act on the spot, and the {juestion to be determined is, what means are the most proper. It is not known what steps the Marquis de la Jonquiere will take this year; but whatever they be, it appears that the orders to be given on this subject to M. Duquesne, who is to succeed him in the government, must have principally for their object, to avoid, as much as it will be possible, an Indian war on that account. Wars of this character are always extremely expensive, and very rarely productive of any real advantage. Therefore, without undertaking, as the Marquis de la Jonquiere appears to have proposed, to drive from the River Ohio the Indians who are looked upon as rebels or suspected, and without wishing even to destroy the liberty of their trade, it is thought best to adhere to two principal points. 1st. To make every possible effort to drive the English from our territory, and to prevent them coming there to trade. 2nd. To give the Indians to understand at the same time that no harm is intended them, that they will have liberty to go as much as they please to the p]nglish to trade, but will not be allowed to receive these on our territory. There is reason to believe that by this course of conduct; by providing our posts with plenty of goods and preventing our traders dictating to the Indians, our trade will soon recover the superiority over that of the English in those parts; for 'tis certain the Indians do not like to go into their towns, nor forts. . . . English claims on Ohio. governor dinwiddie to m. de st. pierre Sir, The lands upon the river Ohio, in the western parts of the Colony of Virginia, are so notoriously known to be the prop- erty of the Crown of Great Britain that it is a matter of equal concern and surprise to me, to hear that a body of French The French in America 101 forces are erecting fortresses and making settlements upon that ri\er, within his Majesty's dominions. The many and repeated complaints I have received of these acts of hostility lay me under the necessity of sending, in the name of the King, my master, the bearer hereof, George Washington, Esq., one of the Adjutant-Generals of the forces of this dominion, to complain to you of the encroachments thus made, and of the injuries done to the subjects of Great Britain, in viola- tion of the law of nations, and the treaties now subsisting between the two Crowns. If these facts be true, and you think fit to justify your proceedings, I must desire you to acquaint me by whose authority and instructions you have lately marched from Canada with an armed force, and in- vaded the King of Great Britain's territories, in the manner complained of; that according to the purport and resolution of your answer, I may act agreeably to the commission I am honored with, from the King, my master. However, sir, in obedience to my instructions, it becomes my duty to require your peacable departure; and that you would fore- bear prosecuting a purpose so interruptive of the harmony and good understanding, which his Majesty is desirous to continue and cultivate with the most Christian King, etc. Robert Dinwiddie. October 31, 1753. 24. George Washington and the French Posts on THE Ohio, 1753 When George Washington set out as the agent of Governor Din- widdie to the French posts on the Ohio, he was accompanied by Christopher Gist, who, as agent of the Ohio Company, had already gone over the route for the purpose of exploring the lands clainied by that company. The following account of Washington's ex- pedition is taken from Christopher Gist's Journals, 80 passim. Wednesday 14 November, 1753. — Then Major George Washington came to my house at Will's Creek, and delivered me a letter from the council in Virginia, requesting me to 102 Readimjs in American History attend him up to the commandant of the French fort on the Ohio River. The ex- Thursday 15. — We set out, and at night encamped at sets'ou" George's Creek, about eight miles, where a messenger came with letters from my son, who was just returned from his people at the Cherokees, and lay sick at the mouth of Conegocheague. But as I found myself entered again on public business, and IMajor Washington and all the company unwilling I should return I wrote and sent medicines to my son, and so continued my journey, and encamped at a big hill in the forks of Youghioganj', about eighteen miles. , . . Sunday IS. — And at night got to my house in the new settlement about twenty-one miles; snow about ankle deep. . . . Tuesday 4. — Set out about fifteen miles, to the town of Venango, where we were kindly and complaisantly received by Monsieur Joncaire, the French interpreter for the Six Nations. . . . Arrival Tuesday 11. — We set out, travelled about fifteen miles to French ^^^ French fort, the sun being set. Our interpreter gave forts. the commandant notice of our being over the creek; upon which he sent several officers to conduct us to the fort, and they received us with a great deal of complaisance. Wednesday 12. — The INIajor gave the passport, showed his commission, and offered the Governor's letter to the com- mandant; but he desired not to recei\'e them, until the other commander from Lake Erie came, whom he had sent for, and expected next day by twelve o'clock. Thursday 13. — The other General came. The Major de- livered the letter, and desired a speedy answer; the time of year and business required it. They took our Indians into private council, and gave them several presents. . . . Friday. 21. — The ice was so hard we could not break our way through, but were obliged to haul our vessels across a point of land and put them in the creek again. The Indians and three French canoes o\ertook us here, and the people of one French canoe that was lost, with her cargo of powder The French in America 103 The return expedition. and lead. This night we encamped about twenty miles above Venango. Saturday 22. — Set out. The creek began to be very low anil we were forced to get out, to keep our canoe from over- setting, several times; the water freezing to our clothes; and we had the pleasure of seeing the French overset, and the brandy and wine floating in the creek, and run by them, and left them to shift for themselves. Came to Venango, and met with our people and horses. Sunday 23. — We set out from Venango, travelled about five miles to Lacomick creek. Monday 24. — Here INIajor Washington set out on foot in Indian dress. Our horses grew weak, that we were mostly obliged to travel on foot, and had snow all day. Encamped near the barrens. Tuesday 25. — Set out and travelled on foot to branches of Great Beaver creek. Wednesday 26. — The Major desired me to set out on foot, Hardships, and leave our company, as the creeks were frozen, and our horses could make but little way. Indeed, I was unwilling he should undertake such a travel, who had never been used to walking before this time. But as he insisted on it, I set out with our packs, like Indians, and travelled eighteen miles. That night we lodged at an Indian cabin, and the Major was much fatigued. It was very cold; all the small runs were frozen, that we could hardly get water to drink. Thursday 27. — We rose early in the morning, and set out about two o'clock. Got to the Murthering town, on the southeast fork of Beaver Creek. Here we met with an In- dian, whom I thought I had seen at Joncaire's at Venango, when on our journey up to the French fort. This fellow called me by my Indian name, and pretended to be glad to see me. He asked us several ciuestions, as how we came to travel on foot, when we left Venango, where we parted with our horses, and when they would be there, etc. Major Washington insisted on travelling on the nearest way to forks of Alleghany. We asked the Indian if he could go with 104 Readings in American Ilisiory us, and show us the nearest way. The Indian seemed very glad and ready to go with us. T'pon which we set out, and the Indian took the Major's pack. We travelled very brisk for eight or ten miles, when the Major's feet grew very sore, and he very weary, and the Indian steered too much north- eastwardly. The Major desired to encamp, to which the Indian asked to carry his gun. But he refused that, and then the Indian grew churlish, and pressed us to keep on, telling us that there were Ottawa Indians in these woods, and they would scalp us if we lay out; but to go to his cabin, and we should be safe. I thought very ill of the fellow, but did not care to let the Major know I mistrusted him. But he soon mistrusted him as much as I. He said he could hear a gun to his cabin, and steered us more northwardly. We grew uneasy, and then he said two whoops might be heard to his cabin. We went two miles further; then the Major said he would stay at the next water, and we desired the Indian to stop at the next water. But before we came to water, we came to a clear meadow; it was very light, and snow on the ground. The Indian made a stop, turned about; the Major saw him point his gun towards us and fire. Said the Major, "Are you shot?" "No," said I. I'pon which the Indian ran forward to a big standing white oak, and to loading his gun; but we were soon with him. I would have killed him, but the Major would not suffer me to kill him. We let him charge his gun ; we found he put in a ball ; then we took care of him. The Major or I always stood by the guns; we made him make a fire for us by a little run, as if we intended to sleep there. I said to the Major, " As you will not have him killed, we must get him away, and then we must travel all night." l^pon which I said to the Indian, " I suppose you were lost, and fired your gun." He said, he knew the way to his cabin, and 'twas but a little way. "Well," said I, "do you go home; and as we are much tired, we will follow your track in the morning; and here is a cake of bread for you, and you must give us meat in the morning." He was glad to get away. I followed him, and listened until he was The French in Aincrica 105 fiiirly out of the way, and then we set out about half a mile, when we made a fire, set our compass, and fixed our course, and travelled all night, and in the morning we were on the head of Piney Creek. . . . Saturday 29. — We set out early, got to x411eghany, made a raft, and with much difficulty got over to an island, a little above Shannopin's town. The Major having fallen in from off the raft, and my fingers frost-bitten, and the sun down, and very cold, we contented ourselves to encamp upon that island. It was deep water between us and the shore; but the cold did us some service, for in the morning it was frozen hard enough for us to pass over on the ice. . . . Wednesday 2. — Set out and crossed Youghiogany on the ice. Got to my house in the new settlement. . . . Friday 4. — Set out for Will's Creek, where we arrived on Sunday January 6. CHAPTER IX THE ENGLISH COLONIES IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY Size of New York City. Food products. Churches. 25. Social and Economic Conditions in New York City, 1732 (William Smith, The History of the Projyince of New York from the First Discovery to the Year MDCCXXXII, 188, 217 passiin. London, 1757.) -; i^ The city of New York, as I have elsewhere had occasion to mention, "consists of about two thousand five hundred buildings. It is a mile in length, and not above half that in breadth." . . . The streets are irregular, but being paved with round pebbles are clean, and lined with well built brick houses, many of which are covered with tiled roofs. No part of America is supplied with markets abounding with greater plenty and variety. We ha\e beef, pork, mutton, poultry, butter, wild fowl, venison, fish, roots, and herbs, of all kinds, in their seasons. Our oysters are a considerable article in the support of the poor. Their beds are within view of the town; a fleet of two hundred small craft, arc often seen there, at a time, when the weather is mild in winter; and this single article is computed to be worth annually 10 or 12,000 £. . . . The inhabitants of New York are a mixed people, but mostly descended from the original Dutch planters. There are still two churches, in which religious worship is per- formed in that language. The old building is of stone and ill built, ornamented within by a small organ loft and brass branches. The new church is a high, heavy, edifice, with a 10(1 English Colonies in the Eighteenth Century 107 very extensive area, and was completed in 1729. It has no galleries, and yet will perhaps contain a thousand or twelve hundred auditors. The steeple of this church affords a most beautiful prospect, both of the City beneath and the sur- rounding country. . . . There are, besides the Dutch, two Episcopal churches in this city, upon the plan of the established church in South Britain. Trinity church was built in 1696, and afterwards enlarged in 1737. It stands very pleasantly upon the banks of Hudson's river, and has a large cemetery, on each side, in- closed in the front by a painted paled fence. Before it a long walk is railed off from the Broad-way, the pleasantest street of any in the whole town. This building is about 148 feet long, including the tower and chancel, and 72 feet in breadth. . . . The church is, within, ornamented beyond any place of public worship amongst us. The head of the chancel is adorned with an Altar-piece, and opposite to it, at the other end of the building, is the organ. The tops of the pillars, which support the galleries, are decked with the gilt busts of angels winged. P'rom the ceiling are suspended two glass branches, and on the walls hang the arms of some of its prin- cipal benefactors. The allies are paved with flat stones. The present rector of this church is the Rev. Mr. Henry Barclay, formerly a missionary among the Mohawks, who receives 100 £ a year, levied upon all the other clergy and laity in the city, by virtue of an act of Assembly procured by Governor Fletcher. He is assisted by Dr. Johnson and Mr. Auchmuty. This congregation, partly by the arrival of strangers from Europe, but principally by proselytes from the Dutch churches, is become so numerous, that though the old building will contain 2,000 hearers, yet a new one was erected in 1752. This, called St. George's Chapel, is a very neat edifice, faced with hewn stone and tiled. The steeple is lofty, but irreg- ular; and its situation in a new, crowded, and ill-built, part of the town . . . 108 Readhujs in, American History Tlie revenue of this church is restricted, by an Act of Assembly, to 500 £ per annum ; but it is possessed of a real Estate, at the north end of the town, which having been lately divided into lots and let to farm, will, in a few years, produce a much greater income. The Presbyterians, increasing after Lord Cornbury's return to England, called Mr. Anderson, a Scotch minister, to the pastoral charge of their congregation; and Dr. John Nicol, Patrick Mac Night, Gilbert Livingston and Thomas Smith, purchased a piece of ground and founded a church, in 1719. Two years afterwards they petitioned Colonel Schuyler, who had then the chief command, for a charter of incorpora- tion, to secure their estate for religious worship, upon the plan of the church in North-Britain; but were disappointed in their expectations, through the opposition of the episcopal party. . . . The French church, by the contentions in 1724, and the disuse of the language, is now reduced to an inconsiderable handful. . . . The German Lutheran churches are two. Both their places of worship are small: one of them has a cupola and bell. The Quakers have a Meeting-house, and the Moravians, a new sect among us, a church, consisting of female proselytes from other societies. Their service is in the English tongue. The Anabaptists assemble at a small Meeting-house, but have as yet no regular settled congregation. The Jews, who are not inconsiderable for their numbers, worship in a syna- gogue erected in a \ery private part of the town, plain with- out, but very neat within. City Hall. The City Hall is a strong brick building, two stories in height, in the shape of an oblong, winged with one at each end, at right angles with the first. The floor below is an open walk, except two jails and the jailor's apartments. The cellar underneath is a dungeon, and the garret above a com- mon prison. This edifice is erected in !i place where four streets meet, and fronts, to the southwest, one of the most English Colonies in the Eighteenth Century 109 spacious streets in town. The eastern wing, in the second story, consists of the Assembly chamber, a lobby, and a small room for the Speaker of the House. The west wing, on the same floor, forms the Council room and a library; and in the space between the ends, the Supreme Court is ordinarily held. The library consists of a 1000 volumes, which were be- queathed to "The Society for the Propagation of the Gos- pel in Foreign Parts," by Dr. Millington, rector of Newing- ton. . . . In 17.54, a set of gentlemen undertook to carry about a public subscription towards raising a public library, and in a few li'^^^'ry- days collected near 600 £ which were laid out in purchasing, about 700 volumes of new, well-chosen books. Every sub- scriber, upon payment of 5 £ principal, and the annual sum of 10 s. is entitled to the use of these books. His right by the articles is assignable, and for non-compliance with them may be forfeited. The care of this library is committed to twelve Trustees, annually elected by the subscribers, on the last Tuesday of April, who are restricted from making any rules repugnant to the fundamental subscription. . . . The singular conveniency of Hudson's river to this province in particular, was so fully shown in one of the late papers, pub- lished in 1753, under the title of the Independent Reflector, that I cannot help reprinting the passage relating to it. " The province of Pennsylvania, has a fine soil, and through com- the importance of Germans, abounds with inhabitants; but merdai ^ being a vast inland country, its produce must, of consecjuence, of New " be brought to a market over a great extent of ground, and all ^°'^^- by land carriage. Hence it is, that Philadelphia is crowded with wagons, carts, horses, and their drivers; a stranger, at his first entrance, would imagine it to be a place of traffic, beyond any one town in the colonies; while at New- York, in particular, to which the produce of the country is all brought by water, there is more business, at least, business of profit, though with less show and appearance. Not a boat in our river is navigated with more than two or three men at most; and these are perpetually coming in from, and returning to. 110 Readings in American History all parts of the adjacent country, in the same emploj-ments, that fill the city of Philadelphia with some hundreds of men, who, in respect to the pul)lic' advantage may justly be said, to be laboriously idle: for, let anj^ one nicely compute the expense of a wagon, with its tackling; the time of two men in attending it; their maintenance; four horses and the charge of their provender, on a journey of one, though they often come, two hundred miles; and he will find, these sev- eral particulars amount to a sum far from l)eing inconsider- able. All this time the New York farmer is in the course of his proper business, and the unincumbered acquisitions of his calling; for, at a medium, there is scarce a farmer in the province, that cannot transport the fruits of a year's labor, from the best farm, in three days, at a proper season, to some convenient landing, where the market will be to his satisfac- tion, and all the wants from the merchant, cheaply supplied: besides which, one boat shall steal into the harbor of New York, with a lading of more burden and value, than forty wagons, one hundred and fifty horses, and eighty men, into Philadelphia; and perhaps with less noise, bluster, or show than one. ..." English The bigotry and tyranny of some of our governors, together with the great extent of their grants, may also be considered among the discouragements against the full settlement of the province. Most of these gentlemen coming over with no other view than to raise their own fortunes, issued extravagant patents, charged with small quit rents, to such as were able to serve them in the Assembly, and these patentees being gen- erally men of estates, have rated their lands so exorbitantly high, that very few poor persons could either purchase or lease them. Add to all these, that the New England planters have always been disaffected to the Dutch, nor was there, after the surrender, any foreign accession from the Nether- lands. The province being thus poorly inhabited, the price of labour became so enormously enhanced, that we have been constrained to import negroes from Africa, who are employed in all kinds of servitudes and trades. governors. English Colonies in the Eighteenth Century 111 English is the most prevailing language amongst us, but Language not a little corrupted by the Dutch dialect, which is still so ^^^g ^l^' much used in some counties, that the sheriffs find it difficult people, to obtain persons sufficiently acquainted with the English tongue, to serve as jurors in the Courts of Law. The manners of the people differ as well as their language. In Suffolk and Queen's County, the first settlers of which were either natives of England, or the immediate descendants of such as begun the plantations in the eastern Colonies, their customs are similar to those prevailing in the English coun- ties, from which they originally sprang. In the city of New- York, through our intercourse with the Europeans, we follow the London fashions; though by the time we adopt them, they become disused in England. Our affluence, during the late war, introduced a degree of luxury in tables, dress, and furniture, with which we were before unacquainted. But still we are not so gay a people, as our neighbors in Boston and several of the southern colonies. The Dutch counties, in some measures, follow the example of New York, but still retain many modes peculiar to the Hollanders. The city of New York consists principally of merchants, shopkeepers, and tradesmen, who sustain the reputation of honest, punctual, and fair, dealers. With respect to riches, there is not so great an inequality amongst us, as is common in Boston and some other places. Every man of industry and integrity has it in his power to live well, and many are the instances of persons, who came here distressed by their poverty who now enjoy ease and plentiful fortunes. New York is one of the most social places on the continent. Social The men collect themselves into weekly Evening Clubs, conditions. The ladies, in winter, are frequently entertained either at concerts of music or assemblies, and make a very good appear- ance. They are comely and dress well, and scarce any of them have distorted shapes. Tinctured with a Dutch edu- cation, they manage their families with becoming parsimony, good providence, and singular neatness. The practise of extravagant gaming, common to the fashionable part of the 112 Readbujs in American Ilififory fair sex, in some places, is a vice with which my country- women cannot justly be charged. There is nothing they so generally neglect as reading, and indeed all the arts for the improvement of the mind, in which, I confess, we have set them the example. They are modest, temperate, and chari- table; naturally sprightly, sensible, and good-humoured; and by the helps of a more elevated education, would possess all the accomplishments desirable in the sex. Our schools are in the lowest order; the instructors want instruction, and through a long shameful neglect of all the Arts and Sciences, our common speech is extremely corrupt, and the evidences of a bad taste, both as to thought and language, are visible in all our proceedings, public and private. The people, both in town and country, are sober, indus- trious, and hospitable, though intent upon gain. The richer sort keep very plentiful tables, abounding with great varieties of flesh, fish, fowl, and all kinds of vegetables. The common drinks are beer, cider, weak punch, and Madeira wine. For dessert, we have fruits in vast plenty, of different kinds and various species. . . . The inhabitants of this colony are in general healthy and robust, taller but shorter lived than Europeans, and, both with respect to their minds and bodies, arrive sooner to an age of maturity. Breathing a serene, dry air, they are more sprightly in their natural tempers than the people of England, and hence instances of suicide are here very uncommon. The history of our diseases belongs to a profession with which I am very little acquainted. Few physicians amongst us are eminent for their skill. Quacks abound like locusts in Egypt, and too many have recommended themselves to a full practice and profitable subsistence. This is the less to be wondered at, as the profession is under no kind of regula- tion. Loud as the call is, to our shame be it remembered, we have no law to protect the lives of the King's subjects, from the malpractice of pretenders. Any man at his pleasure sets up for physician, apothecary, and chirurgeon. No candidates are either examined or licensed, or even sworn to fair prac- tice. . . . English Colonies in the Eighteenth Century 113 Our merchants are compared to a hive of bees, who in- Activity of dustriously gather honey for others — " Non vobis mellificatis '^'■^<^®''^- Apes." The profits of our trade centre chiefly in Great Britain, and for that reason, methinks, among others, we ought always to receive the generous aid and protection of our Mother Country. In our traffic with other places, the bal- ance is almost constantly in our favour. Our exports to the West-Indies are bread, peas, rye-meal, Indian corn, apples, onions, boards, staves, horses, sheep, butter, cheese, pickled oysters, beef, and pork. Flour is also a main article, of which there is shipped about 80,000 barrels per annum. To pre- serve the credit of this important branch of our staple, we have a good law, appointing officers to inspect and brand every cask before its exportation. The returns are chiefly rum, sugar, and molasses, except cash from Curacoa, and when mules from the Spanish Main, are ordered to Jamaica, and the Windward Islands, which are generally exchanged for their natural produce, for we receive but little cash from our own islands. The balance against them would be much more in our favour, if the indulgence to our sugar colonies, did not enable them to sell their produce at a higher rate than either the Dutch or French islands. The Spaniards commonly contract for provisions, with merchants in this and the colony of Pennsylvania, very much to the advantage both of the contractors and the public, because the returns are wholly in cash. Our wheat, flour, Indian corn, and lumber shipped to Lisbon and Madeira, balance the Madeira wine imported here. The Logwood trade to the Bay of Honduras is very con- siderable, and was pushed by our merchants with great boldness in the most dangerous times. The exportation of flax seed to Ireland is of late very much increased. Between the 9th of December 1755, and the 23d of February following, we shipped off 12,528 hogsheads. In return for this article, linens are imported and bills of exchange drawn, in favour of England, to pay for the dry goods we purchase there. Our logwood is remitted to the English merchants for the same purpose. 114 Readings in American History Trade with England. Contra- band trade. The fur trade, though very much impaired by the French wiles and encroachments, ought not to be passed over in silence. The building of Oswego has conduced, more than anything else, to the preservation of this trade. Peltry of all kinds is purchased with rum, ammunition, blankets, strouds, and wampum, or conque-shell bugles. The French fur trade at Albany, was carried on till the summer 1755, by the Caghnuaga proselytes; and in return for their peltry, they received Spanish pieces of eight, and some other articles which the French want to complete their assortment of Indian goods. For the savages prefer the tlnglish strouds to theirs, and the French found it their interest to purchase them of us, and transport them to the western Indians on the Lakes Erie, Huron, and at the strait of Michilimakinac. Our importation of dry goods from England is so vastly great, that we are obliged to betake oursehxs to all possible arts, to make remittances to the British merchants. It is for this purpose we import cotton from St. Thomas's and Surinam, lime-juice and Nicaragua wood from Curacoa; and logwood from the Bay, etc. and yet it drains us of all the silver and gold we can collect. It is computed, that the annual amount of the goods purchased by this colony in Great Britain, is in value not less than 100,000 £ sterling; and the sum would be much greater if a stop was put to all clan- destine trade. England is, doubtless, entitled to all our super- fluities; because our general interests are closely connected, and her navy is our principal defence. On this account, the trade with Hamburg and Holland for duck, chequered linen, oznalrigs, cordage, and tea, is certainly, upon the whole, im- politic and unreasonable; how muchsoever it may conduce to advance the interest of a few merchants, or this particular colony. By what measures this contraband trade may be effectually obstructed is hard to determine, though it well deserves the attention of a British Parliament. Increasing the number of custom-house officers, will be a remedy worse than the disease. Their salaries would be an additional charge upon Kinds of English Colonies in the Eighteenth Century 115 the public; for if we argue from their conduct, we ought not to presume upon their fidehty. The exclusive right of the East-India Company to import tea, while the colonies pur- chase it of foreigners 30 per cent cheaper, must be very preju- dicial to the Nation. Our people, both in town and country, are shamefully gone into the habit of tea-drinking; and it is supposed we consume of this commodity in value near 10,000 £ sterling per annum. . . . The money used in this province is silver, gold, British halfpence, and bills of credit. To counterfeit either of them moneys is felony without benefit of clergy; but none except the latter, and Lyon dollars are a legal tender. Twelve halfpence, till lately, passed for a shilling; which being much beyond their value in any of the neighboring colonies, the Assembly, in 1753, resolved to proceed, at their next meeting, after the 1st of May ensuing, to the consideration of a method for ascertaining their value. A set of gentlemen, in number seventy-two, took the advantage of the discredit that re- solve put upon copper halfpence, and on the 22nd of Decem- ber, subscribed a paper, engaging not to receive or pass them, except at the rate of fourteen coppers to a shilling. This gave rise to a mob, for a few days, among the lower class of people, but some of them being imprisoned, the scheme was carried into execution; and established in every part of the province, without the aid of a law. Our paper bills, which are issued to serve the exigencies of the government, were at first equal to an ounce of silver, then valued at eight shillings. Before the late Spanish War, silver and gold were in great demand to make remittances for European goods, and then the bills sunk, an ounce of silver being worth nine shillings and three pence. During the war, the credit of our bills was well supported, partly by the number of prizes taken by our privateers, and the high price of our produce abroad; and partly by the logwood trade and the depreciation of the New- England paper money, which gave ours a free circulation through the Eastern colonies. Since the war, silver has been valued at about nine shillings and two pence an ounce, and 116 Readings in American History Governors is doubtless fixed there, till our imports exceed what we ex- port. To assist his Majesty for removing the late encroach- ments of the French, we have issued 80,000 £ to he sunk in short periods, by a tax on estates real and personal ; and the whole amount of our paper currency is thought to be about 160,000 £. ... No colony, upon the Continent, has formerly suffered more than ours, in the opinion of the King's ministers. This has Assembly, been owing to the ill impressions made by our governors, w^ho are scarce ever disengaged from disputes with the Lower House. Our representatives, agreeable to the general sense of their constituents, are tenacious in their opinion, that the inhabitants of this colony are entitled to all the privileges of Englishmen; that they have a right to participate in the legislative power, and that the session of Assemblies here, is wisely substituted instead of a representation in Parliament, wdiich, all things considered, would, at this remote distance, be extremely inconvenient and dangerous. The governors, on the other hand, in general, entertain political sentiments of a quite different nature. All the immunities we enjoy, according to them, not only flow from, but absolutely depend upon, the mere grace and will of the Crown. It is easy to conceive, that contentions must naturally attend such a con- tradiction of sentiments. Most of our disputes however re- late to the support of government. . . . 26. Philadelphia and New York, 1748 (Peter Kalm, Travels into North America. Translated by John Reinhold Forster. I, 31-35 passim.) Phila- delphia. Philadelphia, the capital of Pennsylvania, a province which makes part of what formerly was called New Sweden is one of the principal towns in North-America; and next to Boston the greatest. . . . The streets are regular, fine and most of them are fifty foot, English measure, broad ; Arch-street measures sixty six English Colonies in the Eighteenth Century 117 feet in breadth, and market street or the principal street where the market is kept, nearly a hundred. . . . All the streets except two which are nearest to the river, run in a straight line, and make right angles at the intersections. Some are paved, others are not; and it seems less necessary since the ground is sandy, and therefore soon absorbs the wet. But in most of the streets is a pavement of flags, a fathom or more broad, laid before the houses, and posts put on the outside three or four fathom asunder. Under the roofs are gutters which are carefully connected with pipes, and by this means those who walk under them, when it rains or when the snow melts, need not fear being wetted by the dropping from the roofs. The houses make a good appearance, are frequently several stories high, and built either of bricks or of stone; but the former are more commonly used, since bricks are made before the town, and are well burnt. . . . On one side of this building [Town Hall] stands the Li- Public brari/, which was first begun in the year 1742, on a publick ^'•'''^'■y* spirited plan, formed and put in execution by the learned Mr. Franklin. For he persuaded first the most substantial people in town to pay forty shillings at the outset, and after- wards ten shillings annually, all in Pensylvania currency, towards purchasing all kinds of useful books. The subscribers are entitled to make use of the books. Other people are like- wise at liberty to borrow them for a certain time, but must leave a pledge and pay eight-pence a week for a folio volume, six-pence for a quarto, and four-pence for all others of a smaller size. As soon as the time allowed a person for the perusal of the volume is elapsed, it must be returned or he is fined. The money arising in this manner is employed for the salary of the librarian and for purchasing new books. There was already a fine collection of excellent works, most of them English; many French and Latin, but few in any other lan- guage. The subscribers were so kind to me, as to order the librarian, during my stay here, to lend me every book, which I should want without requiring any payment from me. The 118 Readings in American History Markets. German immigra- tion. Nmnerous nationali- ties. library was open every Saturday from four to eight-o-clock in the afternoon. Besides the books, several mathematical physical curiosities were to be seen in it. Several little li- braries were founded in the town on the same footing or nearly with this. . . . The town has two great fairs every year; one in May, and the other in November, both on the sixteenth day of those two months. But besides these fairs, there are every week two market days, viz. Wednesday and Saturday. On those days the country people in Pennsylvania and New Jersey, bring to town a quantity of victuals, and other productions of the country, and this is a great advantage to the town. It is therefore to be wished that the like regulation might be made in our Swedish towns. You are sure to meet with every produce of the season, which the country affords, on the market days. But on other days, they are in vain sought for. Provisions are always to be got fresh here, and for that reason most of the inhabitants never buy more at a time, than what will be sufficient till the next market-day. In summer there is a market almost every day; for the victuals do not keep well in the great heat. There are two places in the town where these markets are kept; but that near the Court-house is the principal. It begins about four or five o'clock in the morning, and ends about nine o'clock in the forenoon. . . . In the summer of the year 1749, near twelve thousand Germans came over to Philadelphia, many of whom staid in that town. In the same year the houses in Philadelphia were counted, and found to be two thousand and seventy-six in number. The town is now quite filled with inhabitants, which in re- gard to their country, religion and trade, are very different from each other. You meet with excellent masters in all trades, and many things are made here full as well as in England. Yet no manufactures, especially for making fine cloth are established. Perhaps the reason is, that it can be got with so little diffi- English Colonies in the Eighteenth Century 119 culty from England, and that the breed of sheep which is brought over, degenerates in process of time, and affords but a coarse wool. . . . It has not been necessary to force people to come and settle here; on the contrary, foreigners of different languages, have left their country, houses, property and relations, and ventured over wide and stormy seas, in order to come hither. Other countries which have been peopled for a long space of time, complain of the small number of their inhabitants. But Pennsylvania which was no better than a desert in the year 1681, and hardly contained five hundred people, now vies with several Kingdoms in Europe, in number of inhabit- ants. It has received numbers of people which other coun- tries to their infinite loss, have either neglected or expelled. New York probably carries on a more extensive commerce, New York than any town in the English North American provinces; ^erciai™' at least it may be said to equal them ; Boston and Philadelphia centre, however come very nearly up to it. The trade of New York extends to many places, and it is said they send more ships from thence to London, than they do from Philadelphia. They export to that Capital all the various sorts of skins which they buy of the Indians, sugar, logwood, and other dying woods, rum, mahogany, and many other goods, which are the produce of the West Indies; together with all the specie which they get in the course of trade. Every year here they build several ships, which are sent to London, and there sold; and of late years they have shipped a quantity of iron to England. In return for these, they import from London stuff and every other article of English growth or manufac- ture, together with all sorts of foreign goods. England, and especially London, profits immensely by its trade with the American colonies; for not only New York, but likewise all the other English towns on the continent, import so many articles from England, that all their specie, together with the goods which they get in other countries, must altogether go to Old England, in order to pay the amount, to which they are however, insufficient. From hence it appears how much 120 Readings in American History a well regulated colony contributes to the increase and wel- fare of its Mother country. . . . Irrigation. November the 13th. I saw in several parts of this province a ready method of getting plenty of grass to grow in the meadows. Here must be remembered what 1 have before mentioned about the springs which are sometimes found on the sides of the hills, and sometimes in the vallies. The meadows lie commonly in the vallies between the hills; if they are too swampy and wet, the water is carried off by several ditches. But the summer in Pennsylvania is very hot; and the sun often burns the grass so much, that it dries up entirely. The husbandmen therefore have been very attentive to prevent this in their meadows: to that purpose they look for all the springs in the neighborhood of a meadow; and as the rivulets flowed before by the shortest way into the vallies, they raise the water as much as possible and necessary, to the higher part of the meadow, and make several narrow channels from the brook, down into the plain, so that it is entirely watered by it. Where there are some deeper places, they frequently lay wooden gutters across them, through which the water flows to the other side; and from thence it is again by very narrow channels carried to all the places where it seems necessary. To raise the water the higher, and in order to spread it more, there are high dykes built near the springs, between which the water rises till it is so high as to run down where the people want it. Industry and ingenuity went further: when a brook runs in a wood, with a direction not towards the meadow, and it has been found by levelling, and taking an exact survey of the land between the meadow and the rivulet, that the latter can be conducted towards the former; a dyke is made, which hems the course of the brook, and the water is led round the meadow over many hills, sometimes for the space of an English mile and further, partly across vallies in wooden pipes, till at last it is brought where it is wanted, and where it can be spread as above- mentioned. One that has not seen it himself, cannot believe English Colonies in the Eighteenth Century 121 how great a quantity of grass there is in such meadows, especially near the little channels; whilst others, which have not been thus managed look wretchedly. The meadows commonly lie in the vallies, and one or more of their sides have a declivity. The water can therefore easily be brought to run down in them. These meadows which are so carefully watered, are commonly mowed three times every summer. But it is likewise to be observed, that summer continues here seven months. The inhabitants seldom fail to employ a brook or spring, in this manner, if it is not too far from the meadows to be led to them. . . . 27. Economic Conditions in Virginia, Pennsylvania, AND Rhode Island, 1759 (Andrew Burnaby, Travels Through the Middle Settlements in North America in the Years 1759-60. London, 1775, pp. 11-17, 20-23 passim.) Viewed and considered as a settlement, \'irginia is far from Virginia being arrived at that perfection of which it is capable. Not ^ure*^ a tenth of the land is yet cultivated: and that which is cul- tivated, is far from being so in the most advantageous man- ner. It produces, however, considerable quantities of grain and cattle, and fruit of many kinds. The Virginia pork is said to be superior in flavour to any in the world; but the sheep and horned cattle being small and lean, the meat of them is inferior to that of Great Britain, or indeed, of most parts of Europe. The horses are fleet and beautiful; and the gentlemen of Virginia, who are exceedingly fond of horse- racing, having spared no expence or trouble to improve the breed of them by exporting great numbers from England. . . . The trade of this colony is large and extensive. Tobacco Virginia is the principal article of it. Of this they export annually be- ^^5°"^^- tween fifty and sixty thousand hogsheads, each hogshead weighing eight hundred or a thousand weight: some years they export much more. They ship also for the Madeiras, the Streights, and the West Indies, several articles such as 122 Readings in American History Virginia manufac- tures. Religion in Virginia. Independ- ent .spirit of the Virginians. grain, pork, lumber, and cyder: to Great Britain, bar-iron, indigo, and a small quantity of ginseng, though of an inferior quality; and they clear out one year with another about 45,179 ton of shipping. Their manufactures are very inconsiderable. They make a kind of cotton-cloth, with which they clothe themselves in common, and call after the name of their countr}^; and some inconsiderable quantities of linen, hose, and other trifling ar- ticles: but nothing to deserve attention. . . . The established religion is that of the church of England; and there are very few Dissenters of any denomination in this province. There are at present between sixty and sev- enty clergymen; men in general of sober and exemplary lives. They have each a glebe of two or three hundred acres of land, a house, and a salary established by law of 16,000 weight of tobacco, with an allowance of 1700 more for shrink- age. This is delivered to them in hogsheads ready packed for exportation, at the most convenient warehouse. . . . The public or political character of the Virginians, corre- sponds with their private one: they are haughty and jealous of their liberties, impatient of restraint, and can scarcely bear the thought of being controuled by any superior power. Many of them consider the colonies as independent states, not connected with Great Britain, otherwise than by having the same common king, or being bound to her by natural affection. There are but few of them that have a turn for business, and even those are by no means expert at it. . . . they think it a hardship not to have an unlimited trade to every part of the world. They consider the duties upon their staple as injurious only to themselves; and it is utterly impos- sible to persuade them that they affect the consumer also. However, to do them justice, the same spirit of generosity prevails here which does in their private character: they never refuse any necessary supplies for the support of government when called upon, and are a generous and loyal people. ... Or as to the Ohio, they have suffered themselves, notwithstanding the superior advantages they might enjoy English Colonies in the Eighteenth Century 123 from having a water carriage almost to the Youghiogheny to neglect this valuable branch of commerce; while the industrious Pennsylvanians seize every opportunity, or strug- gle with innumerable difficulties, to secure it to themselves. The Virginians are content if they can but live from day to day; they confine themselves almost entirely to the cul- tivation of tobacco; and if they have but enough of this to pay their merchants in London, and to provide for their pleasures, they are satisfied, and desire nothing more. Some few, indeed, have been rather more enterprising and have endeavoured to improve their estates by raising indigo, and other schemes : but whether it has been owing to the climate, to their inexperience in these matters, or their want of perse- verance, I am unable to determine, but their success has not answered their expectations. . . . The trade of Pennsylvania is surprisingly extensive, car- ried on to Great Britain, the West Indies, every part of North America, the Madeiras, Lisbon, Cadiz, Holland, Africa, the Spanish Main, and several other places ; exclusive of what is illicitly carried on to Cape Francois, and Monte-Christo. Their exports are provisions of all kinds, lumber, hemp, flax, flax-seed, iron, furrs, and deer-skins. Their imports, Eng- lish manufactures, with the superfluities and luxuries of life. By their flag of truce-trade, they also get sugar, which they refine and send to Europe. Their manufactures are very considerable. The German- town thread-stockings are in high estimation; and the year before last, I have been creditably informed, there were manufactured in that town alone about 60,000 dozen pair. Their common retail price is a dollar per pair. The Irish settlers make very good linens; some woollens have also been fabricated, but not I believe to any amount. There are several other manufactures, viz. of beaver hats, which are superior in goodness to any in Europe, of cordage, linseed oil, starch, myrtle-wax, and spermaceti candles, soap, earthern ware, and other commodities. . . . The province of Rhode Island is divided into counties and Contest for the control of the Ohio. Pennsyl- vania com- merce. Manufac- tures of Pennsyl- vania. 124 Rcadiiif/s i)i American Ilistonj Local gov- ernment in Rhode Island. Com- merce of Rhode Islaad. Colonial jealousy. townships; of the former there are four or five, but they are exceedingly small; of the latter between twenty and thirty; the towns themselves are inconsiderable villages: however they send members to the assembly, in the whole about seventy. The number of inhabitants, with negroes, and Indians, of which in this province there are several hundreds, amounts to 35,000. As the province affords but few com- modities for exportation; horses, provisions, and an incon- siderable quantity of grain, with spermaceti candles, being the chief articles; they are obliged to Connecticut and the neighbouring colonies, for most of their traffic; and by their means they carry on an extensive trade. Their mode of commerce is this; they trade to Great Britain, Holland, Africa, the West Indies, and the neighboring colonies; from each of which places they import the following articles; from Great Britain, dry goods; from Holland, money; from Africa, slaves; from the West Indies, sugars, coffee, and molasses; and from the neighbouring colonies, lumber and provisions: and with what they purchase in one place they make their returns in another. Thus with the money they get in Hol- land, they pay their merchants in London; the sugars they procure in the West Indies, they carry to Holland; the slaves they fetch from Africa they send to the West Indies, together with lumber and pro\'isions, which they get from the neigh- bouring colonies: the rum that they distil they export to Africa; and with the dry goods, which they purchase in London, they traffick in the neighbouring colonies. By this kind of circular commerce they subsist and grow rich. . . . For fire and water are not more heterogeneous than the different colonies in North America. Nothing can exceed the jealousy and emulation, which they possess in regard to each other. The inhabitants of Penns^\'lvania and New York have an inexhaustible source of animosity, in their jealousy for the trade of the Jerseys. Massachusetts-Bay and Rhode Island, are not less interested in that of Connecticut. The West Indies are a common subject of emulation to them all. Even the limits and boundaries of each colony, are a constant English CoJonies in the Eighfecnih Century 125 source of litigation. — In short, such is the difference of char- acter, of manners, of reHgion, of interest, of the different colonies, that I think if I am not wholly ignorant of the human mind, were they left to themselves, there would even be a civil war, from one end of the colony to the other; while the Indians and negroes would, with better reason, impa- tiently watch the opportunity of exterminating them all together. CHAPTER X CAUSES OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION 28. Effect of British Commercial Regulations, 1765 The colo- nists not engaged in manufac- turing. America a market for British manufac- tures. American produc- tions. John Dickinson was one of the conservative leaders during the early days of the Revolution. In the following selection, which appeared in the form of a "letter from a gentleman in Philadelphia, to his friend in London," he portrays the effects of British commercial regulations on American development. — (John Dickinson, Political Writings, I, 47-90. The Late Regulations Respecting the British Colonies on the Continent of America. Philadelphia, 1765.) The American continental colonies are inhabited by per- sons of small fortunes, who are so closely employed in sub- duing a wild country, for their subsistence, and who would labor under such difficulties in contending with old and populous countries, which must exceed them in workmanship and cheapness, that they have not time nor any temptation to apply themselves to manufactures. Hence arises the importance of the colonies to Great- Britain. Her prosperity depends on her commerce; her commerce on her manufactures ; her manufactures on the mar- kets for them; and the most constant and advantageous mar- kets are afforded by the colonies, as in all others the rest of Europe interferes with her, and various accidents may in- terrupt them. The benefit from hence is at present immense; but in future times when America shall be more fully peopled, must exceed with prudent management the warmest wishes of a British patriot. Our chief productions are provisions, naval stores, furs, iron and lumber. A few colonies yield tobacco and indigo. 126 trade with other strictions on trade. Causes of the American Revolution 127 Some of these commodities are necessary to Great Britain; but all that she requires are vastly insufficient to pay for her manufactures which we want. The productions of some of the southern colonies may perhaps be equal to their demands, but the case is widely different with the northern; for in these, the importations from Great Britain are computed to be generally more than double the value of their immediate exportations to that kingdom. The only expedient left us for making our remittances, is Colonial to carry on some other trade, whereby we can obtain silver and gold, which our own country does not afford. Hence it nations is evident, that if our taking off and paying for her manufac- tures to Great Britain, the channels by which we acquire money for that purpose, ought to be industriously kept open and uninterrupted. Our trade with Spain, Portugal and the foreign plantations British re- in the West Indies have chiefly answered this end; though with much difficulty, the mother country having long since drawn the commercial cords with which the colonies are bound, extremely tight upon them. Everything produced here, that Great Britain chooses to take to herself, must be carried to that kingdom only — everything we choose to im- port from Europe must be shipped in Great Britain — heavy duties have been laid on our importations from the foreign plantations. However, under all these restraints and some others that have been imposed on us, we have not till lately been unhappy. Our spirits were not depressed: — we apprehended no design formed against our liberty. We for a long time enjoyed peace, and were quite free from any heavy debt, either internal or external. We had a paper currency which served as a medium of domestic commerce, and permitted us to employ all the gold and silver we could acquire, in trade abroad. We had a multitude of markets for our provisions, lumber and iron. — These allowed liberties, with some others we assumed, en- abled us to collect considerable sums of money for the joint benefit of ourselves and our mother country. 128 Readiiujs in American History Trade in iron with Great Britain alone. But the modern regulations are in every circumstance afflicting. The remittances we have been able to make to Great Britain, with all the license hitherto granted or taken, and all the money brought among us in the course of the late war, have not been sufficient to pay her what we owe; but there still remains due, according to a late calculation made by the English merchants, the sum of four millions sterling. Besides this, we are and have been for many years heavily taxed, for the payment of the debts contracted by our efforts against the common enemy. These seem to be difficulties severe enough for young colonies to contend with. The last sinks our paper currency very fast. — The former sweeps off our silver and gold in a torrent to Great Britain, and leaves us continually toiling to supply from a number of distant springs the continually wasting stream. Thus drained, we are prohibited by new and stricter re- straints being laid on our trade, from procuring these coins as we used to do: and from instituting among ourselves bills of credit in the place of such portions of them as are required in our internal traffic; and in this exhausted condition, our languishing country is to strive to take up and to totter under the additional burthen of the Stamp Act. . . . The restriction also with regard to our iron, is thought par- ticularly severe. Whenever we can get a better price in Great Britain, than elsewhere, it is unnecessary; whenever we can get a better price in other places, it is prejudicial. Cargoes composed of this metal, provisions and lumber, have been found to answer very well at the Portugese and some other markets; and as the last articles are frequently very low, and our foreign trade is reduced to so few commodities, the taking away any one of them must be hurtful to us. Indeed, to require us to send all our iron to Great Britain, is, in the opinion of some of our judicious merchants, to re- quire an impossibility ; for as this article is so heavy, and such small quantities can be sent in one vessel, they assert, that we cannot find freight directly home for one half of it. But it is unnecessary to endeavour to prove by reasoning Causes of the American Revolution 12'J on these things, that we shall suffer, for we already suffer. Decline of Trade is decaying; and all credit is expiring. Money is be- colonial come so extremely scarce, that reputable freeholders find it impossible to pay debts which are trifling in comparison to their estates. If creditors sue, and take out executions, the lands and personal estate, as the sale must be for read}' money, are sold for a small part of what they were worth when the debts were contracted. The debtors are ruined. The creditors get but part of their debts, and that ruins them. Thus the consumers break the shopkeepers; they break the merchants; and the shock must be felt as far as London. Fortunate, indeed, is the man who can get satisfaction in money for any part of his debt, in some counties ; for in many instances, after lands and goods have been repeatedly adver- tised in the public gazettes, or exposed to sale, not a buyer appears. By these means multitudes are ruined, and the estates of increase of others are melting away in the same manner. It must strike ^^'^'^o''^- anyone with great surprise and concern, to hear of the number of debtors discharged every court by our insolvent act. If it be considered, that this law extends only to those who do not owe any single debt above ^150, that many are daily re- leased by the lenity of their creditors, and that many more re- move, without their knowledge, it will not be difficult to form a judgment of the condition to which the people are reduced. If these effects are produced already, what can we expect Effect of when the same causes shall have operated longer? What can ^^^^ stamp we expect when the exhausted colonies shall feel the Stamp Act drawing oft', as it were, the last drops of their blood? From whence is the silver to come with which the taxes im- posed by this act, and the duties imposed by other late acts, are to be paid? Or how will our merchants and the lower ranks of people, on whom the force of these regulations will fall first, and with the greatest violence, bear this additional load? . . . Yet still their resentment is but the resentment of dutiful children, who have received unmerited blows from a beloved 130 Readings in American History parent. Their obedience to Great-Britain is secured by the best and strongest ties, those of affection; which alone can, and I hope will form an everlasting union between her and her colonies. May no successes or suspicions ever tempt her to deviate from the natural generosity of her spirit — and may no dreadful revolution of sentiments ever teach them to fear her victories, or to repine at her glories. I am C. C. Exports to America by London merchants. Imports from the American colonies. 29. Parliamentary Petitions against the Stamp Act, January 17, 1766 Notwithstanding the Stamp Act passed the House of Commons with the vote of 205 to 49 and the House of Lords without "debate, division, or protest," opposition developed among the people of Eng- land which together with the protests from America led to its repeal. — (T. C. Hansard, The Parliamentary History of England, XVI, 133-136; 1765-71.) A Petition of the merchants of London, trading to North America, was presented to the House, and read; setting forth: "That the petitioners have been long concerned in carrying on the trade between this country and the British colonies on the continent of North America; and that they have annually exported very large quantities of British manu- factures, consisting of woollen goods of all kinds, cottons, linens, hardware, shoes, household furniture, and almost without exception of every other species of goods manufac- tured in these kingdoms, besides other articles imported from abroad, chiefly purchased with our manufactures and with the produce of our colonies; by all which, many thousand manufacturers, seamen and labourers, have been employed, to the very great and increasing benefit of this nation; and that, in return for these exports, the petitioners have received from the colonies, rice, indigo, tobacco, naval stores, oil, whale fins, furs, and lately pot-ash, with other commodities, besides remittances by bills of exchange and bullion, obtained by the colonists in payment for articles of their produce, not I Causes of the American Revolution 131 required for the British market, and therefore exported to other places ; and that from the nature of this trade, consist- ing of British manufactures exported, and of the import of raw materials from America, many of them used in our manu- factures, and all of them tending to lessen our dependence on neighbouring states, it must be deemed of the highest im- portance in the commercial system of this nation; and that this commerce, so beneficial to the state, and so necessary for the support of multitudes, now lies under such difficulties and discouragements, that nothing less than its utter ruin is apprehended, without the immediate interposition of parlia- ment; and that, in consequence of the trade between the colonies and the mother country, as established and as per- mitted for many years, and of the experience which the peti- tioners have had of the readiness of the Americans to make their just remittances to the utmost of their real ability, they have been induced to make and venture such large exporta- tions of British manufactures, as to leave the colonies in- debted to the merchants of Great Britain in the sum of sev- eral millions sterling; and that at this time the colonists, when pressed for payment, appeal to past experience in proof of their willingness; but declare it is not in their power, at present, to make good their engagements, alledging, that the taxes and restrictions laid upon them, and the extension of the jurisdiction of vice admiralty courts established by some late acts of parliament, particularly by an act passed in the fourth year of his present majesty, for granting certain duties in the British colonies and plantations in America, and by an act passed in the fifth year of his present majesty, for granting and applying certain stamp duties, and other duties, in the British Colonies and plantations in America, with sev- eral regulations and restraints, which, if founded in acts of parliament for defined purposes, are represented to have been extended in such a manner as to disturb legal commerce and harass the fair trader, have so far interrupted the usual and former most fruitful branches of their commerce, restrained the sale of their produce, thrown the state of the several prov- Favorable balance of trade for Great Britain. Disturb- ance of trade due to Stamp Act. 132 Readings in American History Effect on British manufac- tures. Other petitions. inces into confusion, and brought on so great a number of actual bankruptcies, that the former opportunities and means of remittances and payments are utterly lost and taken from them; and that the petitioners are, by these unhappy events, reduced to the necessity of applying to the House, in order to secure themselves and their families from impending ruin; to prevent a multitude of manufacturers from becoming a burthen to the community, or else seeking their bread in other countries, to the irretrievable loss of this kingdom; and to preserve the strength of this nation entire, its commerce flourishing, the revenues increasing, our navigation, the bul- wark of the kingdom, in a state of growth and extension, and the colonies, from inclination, duty, and interest, firmly at- tached to the mother country; and therefore praying the consideration of the premises, and entreating such relief, as to the House shall seem expedient. The petition was referred to the Committee of the whole House, as were also the following petitions, viz. of the master, wardens, and commonalty of the society of merchants ven- turers of the city of Bristol, under their common seal; of the merchants, tradesmen and manufacturers of the same city; of the merchants of Liverpool, trading to and from America and the coast of Africa; of the merchants, tradesmen and manufacturers of the town and parish of Halifax; of the merchants and inhal)itants of the borough of Leeds, trading to the several colonies of North America, and of the manu- facturers of broad woollen cloth, and sundry other assort- ments of woollen goods, manufactured for supplying the North America markets; of the merchants of Lancaster trad- ing to and from North America; of the merchants, manu- facturers, and traders of the town of Manchester, and neigh- borhood thereof, of the manufacturers of the town and count}' of Leicester; and of the clothiers and manufacturers of super- fine broad cloth, in the town of Bradford in Wiltshire; all complaining of a great decay in the trade to the North Ameri- can colonies, owing to the late obstructions and embarrass- ments laid thereon, and praying relief. Causes of the American Revolution 133 And afterwards there were presented to the House and read, and referred to the same Committee, the following petitions, viz. of the principal inhabitants of the town of Frome; of the merchants, factors, and manufacturers of Bir- mingham; of the mayor, bailiffs, and commonalty, of the city of Coventry, and the principal tradesmen and manu- facturers of silk ribbands and worsted goods, in and near the said city, whose common seal and names are thereunto respectively affixed, in behalf of themselves and others con- cerned in the same manufactures ... all containing much the same complaint as in the former petitions, and conclud- ing with the same prayer. 30. Benjamin Franklin and the Repeal of the Stamp Act While the repeal of the Stamp Act was under discussion in Parlia- ment, Benjamin Franklin, with others, was ordered to appear before the House of Commons and testify upon the general attitude of America toward the act. Franklin was at the time the representa- tive of Pennsylvania and some of the other colonies. The queotions answered by Franklin were submitted by friends of the colonies, members of the special committee, and were intended to draw out what Franklin had already expressed on the subject. The examina- tion was concluded on February 1.3, 1766, and eleven days later the resolution was offered that the Stamp Act should be repealed. — (T. C. Hansard, The Parliamentary History of England, XVI, 138-160, 1765-71, London, 1813.) Q. What is your name and place of abode? A. Franklin, of Philadelphia. Q. Do the Americans pay any considerable taxes among themselves? A. Certainly, many and very heavy taxes. Q. What are the present taxes in Pennsylvania, laid by the laws of the colony? A. There are taxes on all estates, real and personal, a system of poll-tax, a tax on all offices, professions, trades and businesses, ^^^^''*o°- according to their profits; an excise on all wine, rum, and 134 Readings in American Ilislorij Purpose of taxes. other spirits; and a duty of ten pounds per head on all negroes imported, with some other duties. Q. For what purposes are those taxes laid? A. For the support of the civil and military establish- ments of the country, and to discharge the heavy debt con- tracted in the last war. Colonists unable to pay stamp duties. Q. From the thinness of the back settlements, would not the Stamp Act be extremely inconvenient to the inhabitants, if executed? A. To be sure it would ; as many of the inhabitants could not get stamps when they had occasion for them without taking long journeys, and spending perhaps three or four pounds, that the crown might get sixpence. Q. Are not the colonies, from their circumstances, very able to pay the stamp duty? .1. In my opinion there is not gold and silver enough in the colonies to pay the stamp duty for one year. Q. Don't you know that the money arising from the stamps was all to be laid out in America? A. I know it is appropriated by the act to the American service; but it will be spent in the conquered colonres, where the soldiers are, not in the colonies that pay it. Q. Is there not a balance of trade due from the colonies where the troops are posted, that will bring back the money to the old colonies? A. I think not. I believe very little would come back. I know of no trade likely to bring it back. I think it would come from the colonies where it was spent directly to England ; for I have always observed, that in every colony the more plenty the means of remittance to England, the more goods are sent for, and the more trade with England carried on. Popula- tion of colonies. Q. How many white men do you suppose there are in North America? A. About 300,000, from 16 to 60 years of age. Causes of the American Revohdion 135 Q. Have you heard of any difficulties lately laid on the Spanish trade? A. Yes, I have heard, that it has been greatly obstructed by some new regulations, and by the English men of war and cutters stationed all along the coast of America. Q. Do you think it right that America should be protected by this country and pay no part of the expence? A. That is not the case. The colonies raised, cloathed Americans and payed, during the last war, near 25,000 men, and spent defence, many millions. Q. Were you not reimbursed by parliament? A. We were only reimbursed what, in your opinion, we had advanced beyond our proportion, or beyond what might reasonably be expected from us ; and it was a very small part of what we spent. Pennsylvania, in particular, disbursed about 500,000 £, and the reimbursements, in the whole, did not exceed 60,000 £. Q. You have said that you pay heavy taxes in Pennsyl- vania; what do they amount to in the pound? A. The tax on all estates, real and personal, is eighteen pence in the pound, fully rated; and the tax on the profits of trades and professions, with other taxes, do, I suppose, make full half a crown in the pound. Q. Do you think the people of America would submit to pay the stamp duty, if it were moderated? A. No, never, unless compelled by force of arms. Q. What was the temper of America towards Great Britain before the year 1763? A. The best in the world. They submitted willingly to Condi- the government of the Crown, and paid, in all their courts, before obedience to acts of parliament. Numerous as the people 1763. are in the several provinces, they cost you nothing in forts, citadels, garrisons, or armies, to keep them in subjection. They were governed by this country at the expence only of a little pen, ink and paper. They were lead by a thread. 136 Readings in American IH.^ton/ Condi- tions, 1775. They liad not only a respect, hut an anVction for Great Britain; for its laws, its customs and manners, and even a fondness for its fasliions, that greatly increased the com- merce. Natives of Britain were always treated with a par- ticular regard; to he an Old-England man was, of itself, a character of some respect, and gave a kind of rank among us. Q. And what is their temper now? A. O, very much altered. Q. Did you ever hear the authority of parliament to make laws for America questioned till lately? A. The authority of parliament was allowed to be valid in all laws, except such as should lay internal taxes. It was never disputed in laying duties to regulate commerce. Attitude of colo- nists toward Parlia- ment Q. In what light did the people of America use to con- sider the parliament of Great-Britain? A. They considered the parliament as the great bulwark and security of their liljerties and privileges, and always spoke of it with the utmost respect and veneration. Arbi- trary ministers, they thought, might, possibly, at times, at- tempt to oppress them; but they relied on it, that the par- liament, on application, would always give redress; They remembered, with gratitude, a strong instance of this, when a bill was brought into parliament, with a clause, to make royal instructions laws in the colonies, which the House of Commons would not pass, and it was thrown out. Q. And have they not still the same respect for parlia- ment? A. No it is greatly lessened. * Q. To what causes is that owing? A. To a concurrence of causes; the restraints lately laid on their trade, by which the bringing of foreign gold and silver into the colonies was prevented ; the prohibition of mak- ing paper money among themselves; and then demanding a new and heavy tax by stamps; taking away, at the same time, trials by juries, and refusing to receive and hear their humble petitions. Act. Causes of the American Revolution 137 Q. Don't you think they would submit to the stamp-act, Attitude if it was modified, the obnoxious parts taken out, and the ni^ined duty reduced to some particulars of small amount? stamp A. No; they will never submit to it. Q. If the stamp act should be repealed, would it induce the assemblies of America to acknowledge the rights of par- liament to tax them, and would they erase their resolutions? A. No, never. Q. Are there no means of obliging them to erase those resolutions? .1. None that I know of; they will never do it, unless compelled by force of arms. Q. Is there no power on earth that can force them to erase them? A. No power, how great soever, can force men to change their opinions. Q. Would it be most for the interest of Great Britain, to employ the hands of Virginia in tobacco, or in manufactures? A. In tobacco, to be sure. Q. What used to be the pride of Americans? A. To indulge in the fashions and manufactures of Great Britain. Q. What is now their pride? A. To wear their old cloaths over again, till they can make new ones. — Withdrew. 31. Description of the First Continental Congress, 1774 The letters written by John Adams to Mrs. Abigail Adams, his wife, give a good account of the difficulties encountered in organiz- ing the First Continental Congress. Mrs. Adams in reply gave excel- lent descriptions of affairs in and about Boston. — (Charles Francis Adams, Familiar Letters of John Adams and His Wife, Abigail Adams, During the Revolution, 31 passim. With permission of Charles Francis Adams. Hurd and Houghton. New York, 1876.) 138 Readings in American History John Adams in attendance upon the First Continen- tal Congress. Duties in Congress. Broad- minded men as delegates. rhiladelphia 8 Sept. 1774. When or where this letter will find you I know not. In what scenes of distress or terror I cannot forsee. We have received a confused account from Boston of a dreadful catastrophe. The particulars we have not heard. W^e are waiting with the utmost anxiety and impatience for further intelligence. The effect of the news we have, both upon Congress and the inhabitants of this city, was very great. Great indeed! Every gentleman seems to consider the bombardment of Boston as the bombardment of the Cap- ital of his own province. Our deliberations are grave and serious indeed. It is a great affliction to me that I cannot write to you oftener than I do. But there are so many hindrances that I cannot. It would fill volumes to give you an idea of the scenes I behold, and the characters I converse with. We have so much business, so much ceremony, so much company, so many visits to receive and return, that I have not time to write. And the times are such as to make it imprudent to write freely. We cannot depart from this place until the business of the Congress is completed, and it is the general disposition to proceed slowly. When I shall be at home I can't say. If there is distress and danger in Boston, pray invite our friends, as many as possible, to make an asylum with you, — Mrs. Cushing and Mrs. Adams, if you can. There is in the Congress a collection of the greatest men upon this continent in point of abilities, virtues, and fortunes. The magnanimity and public spirit which I see here make me blush for the sordid, venal herd which I have seen in my own province. The addressers, and the new councillors are held in universal contempt and abhorrence from one end of the continent to the other. Be not under any concern for me. There is little danger from anything we shall do at the Congress. There is such a spirit through the colonies, and the members of the Congress Causes of the American Revolution 139 are such characters, that no danger can happen to us which will not involve the whole continent in universal desolation; and in that case who would wish to live? Adieu. Philadelphia 14 Sept 1774. . . . The Congress will, to all appearances, be well united, and in such measures as I hope, will give satisfaction to the friends of our country. A Tory here is the most despicable Tories animal in creation. Spiders, toads, snakes are their only proper emblems. The Massachusetts councillors and ad- dressers are held in envious esteem here as you will see. The spirit, the firmness the prudence of our province are vastly applauded, and we are universally acknowledged the saviors and defenders of American liberty. The designs and plans of Congress must not be communicated until completed, and we shall move with great deliberation. . . . Massa- chusetts delegates. opened with prayer. Philadelphia, 16 Sept. 1774. Having a leisure moment while Congress is assembling, I gladly embrace it to write you a line. When the Congress first met, Mr. Cushing made a motion congress that it should be opened with prayer. It was opposed by Mr. Jay, of New York, and Mr. Rutledge, of South Carolina, because we were so divided in religious sentiments, some Episcopalians, some Quakers, some Anabaptists, some Pres- byterians, and some Congregationalists, that we could not join in the same act of worship. Mr. Samuel Adams arose and said he was no bigot, and could hear a prayer from a gentlema)! of piety and virtue, who was at the same time a friend to his country. He was a stranger in Philadelphia, but had heard that Mr. Duche (Dushay they pronounce it) deserved that character, and therefore he moved that Mr. Duche, an Episcopal clergyman, might be desired to read prayers to the Congress, to-morrow morning. The motion was seconded and passed in the affirmative. Mr. Randolph, our president, waited on Mr. Duche, and received for answer if his health would permit he certainly would. 140 Readings in American History Accordingly, next morning he appeared with his clerk and his pontificals, and read several prayers in the established form ; and then read the Collect for the seventh day of Sep- tember, which was the thirty-fifth Psalm. You must re- member that this was the next morning after we heard the horrible rumor of the cannonade of Boston. I never saw a greater effect upon an audience. It seemed as if Heaven had ordained that Psalm to be read on that morning. After this, Mr. Duche, unexpected to everybody, struck out into an extemporary prayer, Avhich filled the bosom of every man present. I must confess I never heard a better prayer, or one so well pronounced. . . . Business of Con- gress greatly delayed. Philadelphia, 25 September, 1774. I would not lose the opportunity of writing to you, though I must be short. Tedious indeed is our business — slow as snails. I have not been used to such ways. We sit only before dinner. We dine at four o'clock. We are crowded with a levee in the evening. Fifty gentlemen meeting to-gether, all strangers, are not acquainted with each other's language, ideas, views, designs. They are, therefore, jealous of each other — fearful, timid, skittish. Useless discus- sions. 9 October, 1 774. I am wearied to death with the life I lead. The business of Congress is tedious beyond expression. This assembly is like no other that ever existed. Every man in it is a great man, an orator, a critic, a statesman; and therefore every man upon every question must show his oratory, his criticism, and his political abilities. The consequence of this is that business is drawn and spun out to an immesurable length. I believe if it was moved and seconded that we should come to a resolution that three and two make five, we should be entertained with logic, and rhetoric, law, history, politics, and inatliematics, and then — we should pass the resolution unanimously in the affirmati\e. Causes of the Avierican Revolution 141 The perpetual round of feasting, too, which we are obUged to submit to, makes the pilgrimage more teiUous to me. . . . Philadelphia 17 June 1775. I can now inform you that the Congress have made choice of the modest and virtuous, the amiable, generous, and brave George Washington, Esquire, to be General of the American army, and that he is to repair, as soon as possible, to the camp before Boston. This appointment will have a great effect in cementing and securing the union of these colonies. The continent is really in earnest, in defending the country. They have voted ten companies of riflemen to be sent from Pennsylvania, Maryland and Virginia, to join the army be- fore Boston. These are excellent species of light infantry. They use a peculiar kind of musket, called a rifle. It has a circular groove within the barrel, and carries a ball with great exactness to great distances. They are the most accurate marksmen in the world. I begin to hope we shall not sit all summer. I hope the people of our province will treat the General with all that confidence and affection that politeness and respect, which is due to one of the most important characters in the world. The liberties of America depend upon him, in a great de- gree. . . . I have found this Congress like the last. When we first came together, I found a strong jealousy of us from New England, and the Massachusetts in particular; suspicions entertained of designs of independency; an American repub- lic; Presbyterian principles, and twenty other things. Our sentiments were heard in Congress with great caution, and seemed to make but little impression; but the longer we sat, the more clearly they saw the necessity of pushing vigorous measures. It has been so now. Every day we sit, the more we are convinced that the designs against us are hostile and san- guinary, and that nothing but fortitude, vigor and persever- ance can save us. Washing- ton chosen general of the army. Riflemen from Penn- sylvania, Maryland, and Vir- ginia go to the assist- ance of Boston .Jealousy of Massa- chusetts delegates. 142 Readings in American History But America is a great unwieldy body. Its progress must be slow. It is like a large fleet sailing under convoy. The fleetest sailors must wait for the dullest and slowest. Like a coach and six, the swiftest horses must be slackenetl, and the slowest quickened, that all may keep an even pace. . . . Abigail Adams on the battle of Bunker Hill. Weymouth, Sunday, 18 June 1775. The day — perhaps the decisive day — is come; on which the fate of America depends. My bursting heart must find vent at my pen. I have just heard that our dear friend, Dr. Warren, is no more, but fell gloriously fighting for his country; saying, Better to die honorably in the field, than ignominiously hang upon the gallows. Great is our loss. He has distinguished himself in every engagement, by his courage anc^ fortitude, by animating the soldiers and leading them on by his own example. A particular account of these dreadful, but I hope glorious days, will be transmitted to you, no doubt, in the exactest manner. "The race is not to the swift nor the battle to the strong; but the God of Israel is he that gi\'eth strength and power unto his people. Trust in him at all times, ye people, pour outyour hearts before him; God is a refuge for us." Charles- town is laid in ashes. The battle began upon our intrench- ments upon Bunker's Hill, Saturday morning about three o'clock, and has not ceased yet, and it is now three o'clock Sabbath afternoon. It is expected they will come out over the Neck, to-night, and a dreadful battle must ensue. Al- mighty God, cover the heads of our coimtrymen, and be a shield to our dear friends! How many have fallen we know not. The constant roar of the cannon is so distressing that we cannot eat, drink, or sleep. May we be supported and sustained in the dreadful conflict. I shall tarry here till it is thought unsafe by my friends, and then I have secured my- self a retreat at your brother's, who has kindly oft'ered me a part of his house. I cannot compose myself to write any further at present. I will add more as I hear further. . . . Causes of the American Revolution 143 Weymouth, 5 July, 1775. I have received a good deal of paper from you. I wish it situation had been more covered; the writing is very scant, yet I i° Boston, must not grumble. I know your time is not yours nor mine. Your labors must be great and your mouth closed; but all you may communicate, I beg you would. There is a pleas- ure, I know not whence it arises, nor can I stop now to find it out, but I say there is a degree of pleasure in being able to tell news, especially any that so nearly concerns us, as all your proceedings do. I should have been more particular, but I thought you knew everything that passed here. The present state of the inhabitants of Boston is that of the most abject slaves, under the most cruel and despotic of tyrants. Among many instances I could mention, let me mention one. Upon the 17th of July, printed hand bills were posted up at the corners of the streets, and upon houses, forbidding any inhabitants to go up on their houses, or upon any emi- nence, on pain of death; the inhabitants dared not look out of their houses, nor to be heard or seen to ask a question. Our prisoners were brought over to the Long Wharf, and there lay all night, without any care of their wounds, or any resting place but the pavements, until next day, when they exchanged it for the jail, since which we hear they are civilly treated. Their living cannot be good, as they can have no fresh provisions; their beef, we hear, is all gone, and their wounded men die very fast, so that they have a report that their bullets were poisoned. Fish they cannot have, they have rendered it so difficult to procure; and the admiral is such a villain as to oblige every fishing schooner to pay a dollar every time it goes out. The money that has been paid for passes is incredible. Some have given ten, twenty, thirty, and forty dollars, to get out with a small proportion of their things. It is reported and believed that they have taken up a number of persons, and committed them to jail, we know not for what in par- ticular. Master Lovell is confined in the dungeon; a son of 144 Readings in American History Mr. Edes is in jail, and one Wiburt, a ship-carpenter, is now upon trial for his life. God alone knows to what length these wretches will go, and will, I hope restrain their malice. I would not have you be distressed about me. Danger, they say, makes people valiant. Hitherto I have been dis- tressed but not dismayed. I have felt for my country and her sons. I have bled with them and for them. Not all the havoc and devastation they have made has wounded me like the death of Warren. We want him in the Senate; we want him in his profession; we want him in the field. We mourn for the citizen, the senator, the physician, and the warrior. May we have others raised up in his room. . . . CHAPTER XI THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR, 1776-1783 32. Effects of" a Weak Central Government, 1778 Alexander Hamilton in the following letter to George Clinton shows the influence of the weak central government in the conduct of the affairs of the Revolution. Hamilton was at the time serving as a member of Washington's staff. — (Jared Sparks, Writings of Washington, V, 508, 509.) Head-Quarters, 13 February 1778. — Dear Sir; There is Decline in a matter, which often obtrudes itself upon my mind, and ^^'^'t-v of . . f J ' ^ represent- which requires the attention of every person of sense and in- atives in fluence among us; I mean a degeneracy of representation in o^^ress. the great council of America. It is a melancholy truth, Sir, the effects of which we daily see and feel, that there is not so much wisdom in a certain body as there ought to be, and as the success of our affairs absolutely demands. Many mem- bers of it are no doubt men, in every respect, fit for the trust; but this can not be said of it as a body. Folly, ca- price, a want of forsight, comprehension and dignity, char- acterize the general tenor of their actions. Of this, I dare say, you are sensible, though you have not perhaps so many opportunities of knowing it as I have. Their conduct, with Effect on respect to the army especially, is feeble, indecisive, and im- ^^^^ ai^my. provident; insomuch that we are reduced to a more terrible situation than you can conceive. False and contracted views of economy have prevented them, though repeatedly urged to it, from making that provision for officers which was req- uisite to interest them in the service. This has produced such carelessness and indifference to the ser\ice, as is sub- 145 146 Readings in American History Where are the former leaders? State serv- ice more attractive. versive to every officer-like quality. They have disgusted the army by repeated instances of the most whimsical favor- itism in their promotions; and by an absurd prodigality of rank to foreigners, and to the meanest staff of the army. They have not been able to summon resolution enough to withstand the impudent importunity and vain boasting of foreign pretenders; but have manifested such a ductility and inconstancy in their proceedings, as will warrant the charge of suffering themselves to be bullied by every petty adven- turer, who comes armed with ostentatious pretentions of mili- tary merit and experience. AYould you believe it. Sir? it is become almost proverbial in the mouths of the French of- ficers and other foreigners, that they have nothing more to do, to obtain whatever they please, than to assume a high tone, and assert their owm merit with confidence and per- severance. These things wound my feelings as a republican more than I can express, and in some degree make me con- temptible in my own eyes. America once had a representation, that would do honor to any age or nation. The present falling off is very alarming and dangerous. What is the cause? and How is it to be remedied? are questions that the welfare of these States re- quires should be well attended to. The great men, who com- posed our first council, — are they dead, have they deserted the cause, or what has become of them? Very few are dead, and still fewer have deserted the cause; they are all, except the few who still remain in Congress, either in the field or in the civil offices of their respective States; far the greater part are engaged in the latter. The only remedy then is to take them out of these employments, and return them to the place where their presence is infinitely more important. Each State, in order to promote its own internal govern- ment and prosperity, has selected its best members to fill the offices within itself, and conduct its own affairs. Men have been fonder of the emoluments and conveniences of being employed at home; and local attachment, falsely operating, has made them more provident for the particular interests The Revolutionary U^ar 147 of the States to which they belonged, than for the common interests of the confederacy. This is a most pernicious mis- take, and must be corrected. However important it is to A strong give form and efficiency to your interior constitutions and go°grn. pohce ; it is infinitely more important to have a wise general ment de- council ; otherwise a failure of the measures of the Union will overturn all your labors for the advancement of your particu- lar good, and ruin the common cause. You should not beggar the councils of the United States to enrich the administra- tion of the several members. Realize to yourself the conse- quences of having a Congress despised at home and abroad. How can the common force be exerted, if the power of col- lecting it be put in weak, foolish, and unsteady hands? How can we hope for success in our European negotiations, if the nations of Europe have no confidence in the wisdom and vigor of the great Continental government? This is the object on which their eyes are fixed; hence it is, America will derive its importance or insignificance in their estima- tion. You and I had some conversation, when I had the pleasure Faction of seeing you last, with respect to the existence of a certain wasWng- faction. Since I saw you, I have discovered such convincing ton. traits of the monster, that I cannot doubt its reality in the most extensive sense. I dare say you have seen and heard enough to settle the matter in your own mind. I believe it unmasked its batteries too soon, and begins to hide its head; but, as I imagine it will only change the storm to a sap, all the true and sensible friends of their country, and of course to a certain great man, ought to be upon the watch, to counterplot the secret machinations of his enemies. I am, with great regard and respect, &c. 148 Readings in American Hifitori/ American foreign ministers without knowledge of condi- tions at home. Attitude of Ver- gennes. Frencli secret rela- tions with America. 33. American Diplomacy and French Assistance During the Revolution The followiiij? selection illustrates to what extent the French Gov- ernment was willing to grant secret aid to America prior to the con- summation of the treaty of February, 1778. Benjamin Franklin and 8ila.s Deane to the Committee of Secret Correspondence. — (Wharton, Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution, II, 283-290.) Paris, March 12, 1777. Gentlemen: It is now more than four months since Mr. Franklin's departure from Philadelphia, and not a line from thence written since that time has hitherto reached either of your commissioners in Europe. We have had no information of what passes in America but through England, and the advices are, for the most part, such only as the ministry choose to publish. Our total ignorance of the truth or falsehood of facts, when questions are asked of us concerning them, makes us appear small in the eyes of the people here, and is prejudicial to our negotia- tions. ... In our first conversation with the minister, after the ar- rival of Mr. Franklin, it was e\ident that this court, while it treated us privately with all civility, was cautious of giving umbrage to England, and was therefore desirous of avoiding an open reception or acknowledgment of us, or entering into any formal negotiation with us as ministers from Congress. To make us easy, however, we were told that the ports of France were open to our ships as friends; that our people might freely purchase and export, as merchandise, whatever our states had occasion for, vending at the same time our own commodities; that in doing this we should experience all the facilities that a Government disposed to favor us could, consistent with treaties, afford to the enemies of a friend. But though it was at that time no secret that two hundred field-pieces of brass and thirty thousand fusils, with other munitions of war in great abundance, had been taken The Revoluiionary War 149 out of the King's magazines for the purpose of exportation to America, the minister, in our presence, affected to know nothing of that operation, and claimed no merit to his court on that account. But he intimated to us that it would be well taken if Ave communicated with no other person about the court concerning our affairs but himself, who would be ready at all convenient times to confer with us. . . . Means were proposed of our obtaining a large sum of money for present use by an advance from the Farmers-General, to be repaid in tobacco, of which they wanted twenty thousand hogsheads. We entered accordingly into a treaty with that company, which meeting with difficulty in settling the terms, we were informed that a grant was made us of two millions of livres from the Crown, of which five hundred thousand was ready to be paid us down, and an equal sum should be paid at the beginning of April, July and October; that such was the King's generosity, he exacted no conditions or prom- ises of repayment; he only reciuired that we should not speak to any one of our having received this aid. We have accord- ing observed strictly this injunction, deviating only in this information to you, which we think necessary for your satis- faction, but earnestly requesting that you would not suffer it to be made public. This is the money which, in our letter, we mentioned as raised for us by subscription. . . . The desire that military officers here, of all ranks, have of going into the service of the United States is so general and so strong as to be quite amazing. We are hourly fatigued with their applications and offers which we are obliged to re- fuse, and with hundreds of letters, which we cannot possibly answer to satisfaction, having had no orders to engage any but engineers, who are accordingly gone. If the Congress thinks fit to encourage some of distinguished merit to enter their service they will please to signify it. . . . We have purchased eighty thousand fusils, a number of pistols etc., of which the enclosed is an account, for two hun- dred and twenty thousand livres. They were King's arms and second-hand but so many of them are unused and un- Aid from the King of France. French of- ficers and American service. 150 Readings in American History Influence of the Ar- ticles of Confeder- ation in Europe. American ministers to otiier courts. exceptionally good, that we esteem it a large bargain if only half of them should arrive. We applied for the large brass cannon, to be borrowed out of the king's stores till we could replace them, but have not yet obtained an answer. You will soon have the arms and accoutrements for the horses except the saddles, if not intercepted by the enemy. All Europe is for us. Our articles of confederation being by our means translated and published here, have given an appearance of consistence and firmness to the American States and Government that begins to make them consid- erable. The separate constitutions of the several States are also translating and publishing here, which afford abundance of speculation to the politicians of Europe, and it is a very general opinion that if we succeed in establishing our liber- ties, we shall, as soon as peace is restored, receive an immense addition of numbers and wealth from Europe, by the families who will come over to participate in our privileges, and bring their estates with them. Tyranny is so generally established in the rest of the world, that the prospect of an asylum in America for those who love liberty, gives general joy, and our cause is esteemed the cause of mankind. Slaves natu- rally become base, as well as wretched. We are fighting for the dignity and happiness of human nature. Glorious is it for the Americans to be called by Providence to this post of honor. Cursed and detested will everyone be that deserts or betrays it. We are glad to learn the intention of Congress to send ministers to the empires of Prussia and Tuscany. With submission, we think Holland, Denmark, Sweden and Rus- sia (if the expense is no objection), should not be neglected. It would be of great service if among them we could get a free port or two for the sale of prizes, as well as for com- merce. A commencement of intercourse has been made with Prussia as you will see by the enclosed copies of letters, be- tween his minister and us. We suppose, as the Congress has appointed one of us to Spain, they will order another of us to some of the other The Revolutionary War 151 courts, as we see no utility equal to the charge, and yet some inconveniency, in a joint commission here, where one, when freed from commercial cares and action is sufficient for the business. As soon as the court of Spain shall be willing to receive a minister (which, from Mr. Lee's information, seems not to be at present the case), Mr. Franklin intends to go thither in obedience to the orders he has received. Mr. Lee has expressed his readiness to go to Prussia or Tuscany, be- fore the intention of Congress to send to those courts was known; and he waits here a while, by the advice of his col- leagues, expecting that perhaps the next ship may bring his future destination . . . For news, we refer in general to the papers, and to some Foreign letters inclosed, which we have received from London. We q^^*^ shall only add, that though the English begin again to Britain, threaten us with twenty thousand Russians, it is the opinion of the wisest here and particularly among the foreign min- isters that they will never be sent. The Anspachers who were to be embarked in Holland, mutinied, and refused to proceed, so that the prince was obliged to go with his guards and force them on. A gentleman of Rotterdam writes us that he saw a number of them brought, bound hands and feet, in boats to that place. This does not seem as if much service can be expected from such unwilling soldiers. The British fleet is not yet half manned; the difficulty in that respect was never before found so great, and it is ascribed to several causes, viz, a dislike to war, the subtraction of American sailors, the number our privateers have taken out of British ships, and the enormous transport service. . . . We transmit you some affidavits, relating to the treatment of our prisoners, with a copy of our letter to Lord Stormont communicating them, and his insolent answer. We request you to present our duty to the Congress, and assure them of our most faithful services. With great respect we have the honor to be, etc B. Franklin. Silas Deane. 152 Readings in American History 34. The Capture of Vincennes by George Rogers Clark, 1779 At the outbreak of the Revokition George Rogers Clark was more famihar than any other man of the time with conditions west of the Alleghany Mountains. From the year 1772 he had been engaged in surveying lands on the Ohio and assisting in the establishment of the first Kentucky settlements. He had investigatefl also the strength of the British forces in the Illinois country and Vincennes. His i)lan to capture Kaskaskia and the other posts proved acceptable to Governor Patrick Henry, of Virginia, and in May, 1778, C'olonel Clark, with his force of one hundred and fifty men, set out in boats down the Ohio River. June 24 they left the falls of the Ohio and descended the river to the mouth of the Tennessee, where they se- creted their boats. A march of four days brought tlifm to Kaskas- kia on the evening of July 4. The village, having a population of five hundred whites and nearly as many slaves, and the fort, with its small garrison, were surprised during the night and captured. After the taking possession of Cahokia by Joseph Bowman, Clark took up the problems of treating with the Indian tribes and making plans for the capture of Vincennes and Detroit. The account of the march to Vincennes and the capture of that post is taken from the journal of Major Joseph Bowman, who accompanied the expedition and was one of Clark's most trusted lieutenants. — (Bowman, Journal of The Proceedings of Colonel George R. Clark, from 27th January, 1779, to March 20th, inst. J. A. James, George Rogers Clark Papers, 111. Hist. Society Collections, Vol. Ill, 500 et seq.) M. Vigo, a Spanish subject, who has been at Post St. Vincent on his lawful business, arrived and gave us intelH- gence that Gov. Hamilton, with thirty regulars and fifty vohinteers and about 400 Indians, had arrived in November and taken that Post with Capt. Hehn and such other Ameri- cans who were there with arms, . . . [two or three words illegible] . . . and disarmed the settlers and inhabitants. 17th [February]. Marched early — crossed several runs, very deep. Sent Mr. Kennedy, our commissary, with three men, to cross the river Embarras, if possibel, and proceed to a plantation opposite Post St. Vincent, in order to steal boats or canoes to ferrv us across the Wabash. About an hour The Revolutionary War 153 by sun we got near the river Embarras. Found the country all overflown with water. We strove to find the Wabash. Traveled till 8 o'clock in mud and water, but could find no place to camp on. Still kept marching on. But after some time Mr. Kennedy and his party returned. Found it im- possible to cross Embarras river. W'e found the water fall- ing from a small spot of ground; staid there the remainder of the night. Drizzly and dark weather. 18th. At break of day heard Gov. Hamilton's morning gun. Set off and marched down the river. Saw some fine land. About two o'clock came to the bank of the Wabash; made rafts for four men to cross and go up to town and steal boats. But they spent day and night in the water to no purpose, for there was not one foot of dry land to be found. 19th. Capt. McCarty's company set to making a canoe; and at 3 o'clock the four men returned after spending the night on some old logs in the water. The canoe finished, Capt. McCarty with three of his men embarked in the canoe and made the third attempt to steal boats. But he soon returned, having discovered four large fires about a league distant from our camp, which seemed to him to be fires of whites and Indians. Immediately Col. Clark sent two men in the canoe, down to meet the batteau, with orders to come on day and night ; that being our last hope, and (we) starv- ing. Many of the men much cast down, particularly the volunteers. No provisions of any sort, now two days. Hard fortune! . . . 21st. At break of day began to ferry our men over in our two canoes to a small hill called the Momib or Bubbriss. Capt. Williams, with two men, went to look for a passage and were discovered by two men in a canoe, but could not fetch them to. The whole army being over, we thought to get to town that night, so plunged into the water sometimes to the neck, for more than one league, when we stoppeil on the next hill of the same name, there being no dry land on any side for many leagues. Our pilots say we cannot get 154 Readings in American History along, that it is impossible. The whole army being over we encamped. Rain all this day — no provisions. 22d. Col. Clark encourages his men, which gave them great spirits. Marched on in the waters. Those that were weak and famished from so much fatigue, went in the canoes. We came one league farther to some sugar camps, where we stayed all night. Heard the evening and morning guns from the fort. No provisions yet. Lord help us! 23d. Set off to cross the plain called Horse-shoe Plain, about four miles long, all covered with water breast high. Here we expected some of our brave men must certainly perish, having froze in the night, and so long fasting. Hav- ing no other resource but wading this plain, or rather lake, of waters, we plunged into it with courage. Col. Clark, being first, taking care to have the boats try to take those that were weak and numbed with the cold into them. Never were men so animated with the thought of avenging the wrongs done to their back settlements, as this small army was. About one o'clock we came in sight of the town. We halted on a small hill of dry land called Warren's [Warrior's] Island, where we took a prisoner hunting ducks, who in- formed us that no person suspected our coming at that season of the year. Col. Clark wrote a letter by him to the inhabit- ants, in the following manner: To THE Inhabitants of Post St. Vincents: Gentlemen: — Being now within two miles of your village with my army, determined to take your fort this night, and not being willing to surprise you, I take this method to re- quest such of you as are true citizens, and willing to enjoy the liberty I bring you, to remain still in your houses. And those, if any there be, that are friends to the King, will in- stantly repair to the fort and join the Hair-buyer General, and fight like men. And if any such, as do not go to the Fort shall be disco\'ered afterwards, they may depend on severe punishment. On the contrary, those that are true friends to liberty, may depend on being well treated. And The Revolutionary JVar 155 I once more request them to keep out of the streets; for every one I find in arms on my arrival, I shall treat as an enemy. (Signed) G. R. Clark. In order to give time to publish this letter, we lay still till about sundown, when we began our march all in order, with colours flying and drums braced. After wading to the edge of the water breast high, we mounted the rising ground the town is built on about 8 o'clock. Lieut. Bayley, with four- teen regulars, was detached to fire on the Fort, while we took possession of the town, and ordered to stay till he was relieved by another party, which was soon done. Recon- noitered about to find a place to throw up an entrenchment. Found one, and set Capt. Bowman's company to work. Soon crossed the main street, about one hundred and twenty yards from the first gate. We were informed that Capt. Lamath [Lamothe], with a party of twenty-five men, were out on a scout, who heard our firing and came back. We sent a party to intercept them, but missed them. However we took one of their men, and one Capt. Maison Ville, a principal man; the rest making their escape under the cover of the night into the fort. The cannon played smartly. Not one of our men wounded. Men in the Fort badly wounded. Fine sport for the sons of Liberty. 24th. As soon as daylight, the Fort began to play her small arms very briskly. One of our men got slightly wounded. About 9 o'clock the Colonel sent a flag with a letter to Governor Hamilton. The firing then ceased, during which time our men were provided with a breakfast, it being the only meal of victuals since the 18th inst. Col. Clark's Letter as follows: Sir : — In order to save yourself from the impending storm that now threatens you, I order you immediately to surrender yourself, with all your garrison, stores, &;c., &c., &c. For if I am obliged to storm, you may depend on such treatment 156 Readings in American History as is justly due a murderer. Beware of destroying stores of any kind, or any papers, or letters, that are in your posses- sion; for, by Heavens, if you do, there shall be no mercy shown you. (Signed) G. R. Clark. Answer from Gov. Hamilton: Governor Hamilton begs leave to acquaint Col. Clark, that he and his garrison are not disposed to be awed into an action unworthy of British subjects. Terms of Capitulation. 1. That Lieut. Col. Hamilton engages to deliver up to Col. Clark, Fort Sackville, as it is at present, with all the stores, &c., &c. 2. The garrison are to deliver themselves as prisoners of war, and march out with their arms and accoutrements, &c., &c. 3. The garrison to be delivered up at 10 o'clock to-morrow. 4. Three days' time to be allowed the garrison to settle their accounts with the inhabitants and traders of this place. 5. The officers of the garrison to be allowed the necessary baggage, &c., &c. Signed at Post St. Vincents, 24th Feb., 1779. Agreed to for the following reasons : The remoteness from succors; the state and quantity of provisions, &c. ; ima- nimity of officers and men in its expediency; the honorable terms allowed; and, lastly, the confidence in a generous enemy. (Signed) Henry Hamilton, Lieut. Gov. and Superintendent. 35. The Revolution and American Development (David Ramsay [of South Carolina], The History of the Ameri- ( can Revolution, II, 310, 324 passim. London, 1793.) *^pp°^^^^^ Previous to the American revolution, the inhabitants of of the Rev- . . , , . n i i rr»i i oiution. the British colonies were universally loyal. That three mil- The Revolutionary War 157 lions of such subjects should break through all former attach- ments, and unanimously adopt new ones, could not reason- ably be expected. The revolution had its enemies, as well as its friends, in every period of the war. Country, religion, local policy, as well as private views, operated in disposing the inhabitants to take different sides. The New-England provinces being mostly settled by one sort of people, were nearly of one sentiment. The influence of placemen in Boston, together with the connections which they had formed by marriages, had attached sundry influential characters in that capital to the British interests, but these were but as the dust in the balance, when compared with the numerous independent Whig yeomanry of the country. The same and other causes produced a large number in New York, who were attached to royal government. That city had long been headquarters of the British army in America, and many inter- marriages, and other connections, had been made between British officers, and some of their first families. The prac- tice of entailing estates had prevailed in New York to a much greater extent, than in any of the other provinces. The governors thereof had long been in the habit of indulging their favorites with extravagant grants of land. This had introduced the distinction of landlord and tenant. There was therefore, in New York, an aristocratic party, respectable for numbers, wealth, and influence, which had much to fear from independence. The city was also divided into parties by the influence of two ancient and numerous families, the Livingstones and Delanceys. These having been long ac- customed to oppose each other at elections, could rareby^ be brought to unite in any political measures. In this contro- versy, one almost universally took part with America, the other with Great Britain. ... Religion also divided the inhabitants of America: the Religious Presbyterians and Independents were almost universally and^thT attached to the measures of Congress. Their religious soci- Revoiu- eties are governed on the repul)lican plan. From independence they had much to hope, but from Great tion. 158 Readings in American History Britain, if finally successful, they had reason to fear the estab- lishment of a church hierarchy. Most of the episcopal min- isters of the northern provinces were pensioners on the bounty of the British government. The greatest part of their clergy, and many of their laity in these provinces, were therefore disposed to support a connection with Great Britain. The episcopal clergy in the southern provinces being under no such bias, were often among the warmest Whigs. Some of them foreseeing the downfall of religious establishments from the success of the Americans, were less active: but in general, where their church was able to support itself, their clergy and laity zealously espoused the cause of independence. Great pains were taken to persuade them, that those who had been called dissenters, were aiming to abolish the episcopal estab- lishment to make way for their own exaltation; but the good sense of the people restrained them from giving any credit to the unfounded suggestion. Religious controversy was hap- pily kept out of view, the well-informed of all denominations were convinced, that the contest was for their civil rights, and therefore did not suffer any other considerations to inter- fere, or disturb their union. The Quakers, with a few exceptions, were averse to inde- pendence. In Pennsylvania they were numerous, and had power in their hands. Revolutions in government are rarely patronised by any body of men, who foresee that a diminution of their own importance, is likely to result from the change. Quakers, from religious principles, were averse to war, and therefore could not be friendly to a revolution, which could only be effected by the sword. Several individuals separated from them on account of their principles, and following the impulse of their inclinations, joined their countrymen in arms. The services America received from two of their so- ciety. Generals Greene and Mifflin, made some amends for the embarrassments which the disaffection of the great body of their people occasioned to the exertions of the active friends of independence. The age and temperament of individuals had often an in- The Revolutionary War 159 men were Young lution. fluence in fixing their political character. Old seldom warm Whigs : they could not relish the great changes ™®° ^°^ 1-1 1-1 1-1 11 • .. *^^ Revo- which were daily takmg place; attached to ancient forms and habits, they could not readily accommodate themselves to new systems. Few of the very rich were active in fore- warding the revolution. This was remarkably the case in the eastern and middle states; but the reverse took place in the southern extreme of the confederacy. There were in no part of America more determined Whigs than the opulent slaveholders in Virginia, the Carolinas, and Georgia. The active and spirited part of the community, which felt them- selves possessed of talents that would raise them to eminence in a free government, longed for the establishment of inde- pendent constitutions; but those who were in possession or expectation of royal favor, or of promotion from Great Britain, wished that the connection between the Parent State and the Colonies might be preserved. The young, the ardent, the ambitious, and the enterprising, were mostly Whigs; but the phlegmatic, the timid, the interested, and those who wanted decision were, in general, favourers of Great Britain, or at least only the lukewarm, inactive friends of independence. The Whigs received a great reinforcement from the operation of continental money. In the year 1775, 1776, and in the first months of 1777, while the bills of Congress were in good credit, the effects of them were the same, as if a foreign power tion had made the United States a present of twenty million of silver dollars. The circulation of so large a sum of money, and the employment given to great numbers in providing for the American army, increased the numbers and invigorated the zeal of the friends to the revolution; on the same prin- ciples, the American war was patronised in England, by the many contractors and agents for transporting and supplying the British army. In both cases, the inconveniences of in- terrupted commerce were lessened by the employment which war and a domestic circulation of money substituted in its room. The convulsions of war afforded excellent shelter for desperate debtors. The spirit of the times revolted against Self-inter- est and the Revolu- 160 Reading f i)i American History Influence of the Rev- olution on the people. dragging to jails for debt, men who were active and zealous in defending their country, and on the other hand, those who owed more than they were worth, by going within the British lines, and giving themselves the merit of suffering on the score of loyalty, not only put their creditors to defiance, but sometimes obtained promotion, or other special marks of royal favour. The American revolution, on the one hand, brought forth great vices; but on the other hand, it called forth many vir- tues, and gave occasion for the display of abilities which, but for that event, would have been lost to the world. When the war began, the Americans were a mass of husbandmen, mer- chants, mechanics, and fishermen; but the necessities of the country gave a spring to the active powers of the inhabitants, and set them on thinking, speaking, and acting, in a line far beyond that to which they had been accustomed. The difference between nations is not so much owing to nature, as to education and circumstances. While the Americans were guided by the leading strings of the Mother Country, they had no scope nor encouragement for exertion. All the departments of government were established and executed for them, but not by them. In the years 1775 and 1776, the country, being suddenly thrown into a situation that needed the abilities of all its sons, these generally took their places, each according to the bent of his inclination. As they sever- ally pursued their objects with ardour, a vast expansion of the human mind speedily followed. This displayed itself in a variety of ways. ... The Americans knew but little of one another, previous to the revolution. Trade and business had brought the inhab- itants of their sea-ports acquainted with each other, but the bulk of the people in the interior country were unacquainted with their fellow-citizens. A continental army, and a Con- gress composed of men from all the States, by freely mixing together, were assimilated into one mass. Individuals of both, mingling with the citizens, disseminated principles of The Revolutionary War 161 union among them. Local prejudices abated. By frequent collision, asperities were worn off, and a foundation was laid for the establishment of a nation out of discordant materials. Intermarriages between men and women of different States were much more common than before the war, and became an additional cement to the union. Unreasonable jealousies had existed between the inhabitants of the eastern and of the southern States; but on becoming better acquainted with each other, these in a great measure subsided. A wiser policy prevailed. Men of liberal minds led the way in discouraging local distinctions, and the great body of the people, as soon as reason got the better of prejudice, found that their best in- terests would be most effectually promoted by such prac- tices and sentiments as were favourable to union. Religious bigotry had broken in upon the peace of various sects before the American war; this was kept up by partial establishments, and by a dr^ad that the church of England, through the power of the mother country, would be made to triumph over all other denominations. These apprehensions were done away by the revolution. The different sects, having nothing to fear from each other, dismissed all religious contro- versy. . . . Though schools and colleges were generally shut up during increased the war, yet many of the arts and sciences were promoted by knowledge it. The geography of the United States before the revolu- country, tion was but little known: but the marches of armies, and the operations of war, gave birth to many geographical in- quiries and discoveries, which otherwise would not have been made. A passionate fondness for studies of this kind, and the growing importance of the country, excited one of its sons, the Rev. Mr. Morfe, to travel through every State of the Union, and amass a fund of topographical knowledge, far exceeding anything heretofore communicated to the public. The necessities of the States led to the study of tactics, fortification, gunnery, and a variety of other arts connected with war, and diffused a knowledge of them among 1G2 Readings in American History Develop- ment of surgery and medi- cine. Growth of the science of govern- ment. a peaceable people, who would otherwise have had no in- ducement to study them. . . . Surgery was one of the arts which was promoted by the war. From the want of hospitals and other aids, the medical men of America had few opportunities of perfecting them- selves in this art, the thorough knowledge of which can only be acquired by practice and observation. The melancholy events of battles gave the American students an opportunity of seeing, and learning more in one day, than they could have acquired in years of peace. It was in the hospitals of the United States that Dr. Rush first discovered the method of curing the lock-jaw by bark and wine added to other invigor- ating remedies, which has since been adopted with success in Europe, as well as in the United States. The science of government has been more generally diffused among the Americans by means of the revolution. The policy of Great Britain in throwing them out of her protec- tion, induced a necessity of establishing independent consti- tutions. This led to reading and reasoning on the subject. The many errors that were at first committed by unexperi- enced statesmen, have been a practical comment on the folly of unbalanced constitutions, and injudicious laws. The dis- cussions concerning the new constitution gave birth to much reasoning on the subject of government and particularly to a series of letters signed Publius, but really the work of Alex- ander Hamilton, in which much political knowledge and wisdom were displayed, and which will long remain a monu- ment of the strength and acuteness of the human under- standing in investigating truth. When Great Britain first began her encroachments on the Colonies, there were few natives of America who had dis- tinguished themselves as speakers or writers, but the con- troversy between the two countries multiplied their num- ber. . . . On the whole, the literary, political, and military talents of the citizens of the United States have been improved by the i The Revolutionary War 163 revolution, but their moral character is inferior to what it formerly was. So great is the change for the worse, that the friends of public order were loudly called upon to exert their utmost abilities in extirpating the vicious principles and habits which have taken deep root during the late convul- sions. . . . CHAPTER XII THE PERIOD OF THE CONFEDERATION, 1781-1789 36. Government under the Confederation a I Failure ' No man of his time was better prepared to discuss the weaknesses of the government under the Articles of Confederation than John Jay. As president of Congress, minister to Spain, one of the com- missioners to negotiate the peace of 1783, and secretary of foreign affairs, he had seen how inefficient the national government really was. The following letters set forth his views on numerous topics. — (John Jay, Correspondence and Public Papers, III, 221-229. Ed- ited bv Henry P. Johnston, permission of G. P. Putnam's Sons, New York," 1891.)" Delay for want of a quorum in Congress. Apathy of the States. JOHN JAY TO JACOB REED New York, 12th December, 1786. Dear Sir: Your friendly letter has long remained unanswered; but a variety of private as well as public affairs constrained me to postpone indulging myself in the pleasure I always derive from writing to my friends. The recess (if I may so call it) of Congress gives their officers too much leisure at present; and there is reason to fear that the members will be as long in convening this year as they were last. Business is at a stand for want of an adequate representation. The languor of the States is to be lamented; many inconveniences have already arisen from it, and if continued, serious evils will awaken our people. Our affairs, my dear sir, are in a deli- cate situation, and it is much to be wished that the real patriots thrtnighout the States would exert themsehes to 104 I 7'he Period of the Confederation 165 Disorders due to lack of public render it more safe and respectable. The feuds in Massa- chusetts are rather suspended than extinguished. What events they may ultimately produce is uncertain; but I should not be surprised if much trouble was to result from them. The public creditors will soon become importunate, and Congress cannot create the means of satisfying them. It is true that order usually succeeds confusion; but it is a high price to pay for order, especially when a little virtue and good sense would procure it for us on very reasonable credit, terms. If the best men would be prevailed upon to come forward, and take the lead in our legislatures as well as in Congress, and would unite their efforts to rescue their country from its present condition, our affairs, both at home and abroad, would soon wear a more pleasing aspect. It is time for our people to distinguish more accurately than they seem to do between liberty and licentiousness. The late Revolu- tion would lose much of its glory, as well as utility, if our conduct should confirm the tory maxim, "That men are in- capable of governing themselves." With real esteem and regard, I am, dear sir, your most obedient and very humble servant, John Jay. JOHN JAY TO THOMAS JEFFERSON Office for Foreign Affairs 14 December, 1786. . . . Our country is fertile, abounding in useful produc- evHs due tions, and those productions in demand and bearing a good *" "^^^^ . . . . r .. govern- price; yet relaxation m government and extravagance in indi- ment. viduals creates much public and private distress and much public and private want of good faith. The public papers will tell you how much reason we have Misman- to apprehend an Indian war, and to suspect that Britain ind^n'^af"'^ instigates it. In my opinion our Indian affairs have been fairs. ill managed. Details would be tedious. Indians have been murdered by our people in cold blood, and no satisfaction 166 Readings in American History Isolated settle- ments con- demned. given; nor are they pleased with the avidity with which we seek to acquire their land. Would it not be wiser gradually to extend our settlements, as want of room should make it necessary, than to pitch our tents through the wilderness in a great variety of places, far distant from each other, and from those advantages of education, civilization, law and govern- ment which compact settlements and neighbourhoods afford? — and will they not become more formidable to us than the tawny ones which now inhabit it? . . . JOHN JAY TO WILLIAM CARMICHAEL Troubles in Massa- chusetts. General govern- ment inef- ficient. New York, 4th January, 1787. Dear Sir Since the 3d day of November last a sufficient number of States to do business have not been represented in Congress, and it is doubtful whether some weeks more will not elapse before that will be the case. Hence it is that I am obliged to be less particular than I should otherwise be on sundry subjects. The public papers have informed you of commotions in Massachusetts. They have not yet subsided although that government has manifested great moderation, and conde- scended to treat the complaints of the malcontents with much respect. What may be the issue of those disturbances, or how far they will extend, is as yet far from certain. The inefficiency of the Federal Government becomes more and more manifest, and how it is to be amended is a question that engages the serious attention of the best people in all the States. Endeavours are making to form a convention for the purpose, but it is not clear that all the States will join in that measure. On this and on some other great points the public mind is fluctuating though uneasy; perhaps a few months more may produce a greater degree of decision. . . . The Period of the Confederation 167 JOHN JAY TO SAMUEL WASHINGTON New York, 7th January, 1787. Dear Sir: They who regard the public good with more attention and attachment than they do mere personal concerns must feel and confess the force of such sentiments as are expressed in your letter to me by Colonel Humphrey last fall. The situ- ation of our affairs calls not only for reflection and prudence, but for exertion. What is to be done? is a common question not easy to answer. ... Shall we have a king? Not in my opinion while other ex- periments remain untried. Might we not have a Governor- General limited in his prerogatives and duration? Might not Congress be divided into an upper and lower house — the former appointed for life, the latter annually — and let the Governor-General (to preserve the balance), with the advice of a council, formed for that only purpose, of the great judi- cial officers, have a negative on their acts? Our government should in some degree be suited to our manners and circum- stances, and they, you know, are not strictly democratical. What powers should be granted to the government so con- stituted is a question which deserves much thought. I think the more the better, the States retaining only so much as may be necessary for domestic purposes, and all their prin- cipal officers, civil and military, being commissioned and re- movable by the national government. These are short hints. Details would exceed the limit of a letter, and to you be superfluous. What form of ex- ecutive should the general govern- ment adopt? Powers to be granted the Na- tional Gov- ernment. Would it not be better for Congress plainly and in strong Weakness terms to declare that the present Federal Government is gration*^^'^" inadequate for the purposes for which it was instituted ; that should be they forbear to point out its particular defects or to ask for an extension of any particular powers, lest improper jealousies should thence arise; but that in their opinion it would be 108 Readings in American Ilisfory GoTieral conven- lioii of Iho colonies should be called. expedient for the people of the States without dehiy to appoint State conventions (in tlie way they choose their jj;eneral as- sembUcs), with the sole and express power of appointing deputies to a general convention who, or the majority of whom should take into consideration the Articles of Confed- eration, and make such alterations, amendments, and addi- tions thereto as to them should appear necessary- and proper, and which being by them ordained and published should have the same force and obligation which all or any of the present articles now have? No alterations in the government should, I think, be made, nor if attempted will easily take place, unless deducible from the only source of just authority — the People. Accept, my dear sir, my warmest and most cordial wishes for your health and happiness, and believe me to be with the greatest respect and esteem, Your most obedient servant John Jay. Crossing the AUe- ghanies. 37. A Picture of Pioneer Life Daniel Drake was born near Plainfield, N. J., in 1785. Influ- enced by the glowing accounts about Kentucky, his father decided to take his family there to make a home. During the year 1788, together with four other families, they set out. In the letters is described the life connected with the growth of an early Western State. The writer was one of the leaders in the development of the Middle West. He was the first student of medi- cine in Cincinnati, a town of some four hundred inhabitants. He was a nominal student of medicine for four years. For three of these years a part of his training consisted in distributing medicine.'^ which had been prepared in the "doctor's shop." In the year 1806 he began the practice of medicine in Cincinnati, and for the re- mainder of his life was noted as physician, writer, and teacher. — (Daniel Drake, Pioneer Life in Kentucky, 8-11, 163-184 passim.) The time fixed on for their departure was the latter part of the spring of 1788. Behold, then, the departure! These five persons, three of whom were adults, with all their earthly goods crowded into The Period of the Confederation 169 one Jersey wagon, to be hauled by two horses over the yet steep and rugged Alleghany Mountains, and throughout an overland journey of nearly four hundred miles. There were but few taverns on the way, and if there had been many, we should not have been much the better for them, as father's means were too limited to admit of a participation in their comforts. He could only purchase necessary food, which was cooked when we stopped at night and before we started in the morning. As the weather was mild, our lodgings were often in the wagon. . . . The first and last landing before reaching Limestone was at Fort Pitt, now Pittsburg. The danger of being attacked by the Indians was too great to justify a landing between that point and Limestone. The flotilla I presume consisted of se\'eral boats. That which my parents were in met with no accident; and on the 10th of June, 1788, just sixty -four days after the first settlement of Ohio at Marietta, we landed at Limestone, which then consisted of a few cabins only, though Washington, four miles off, was something of a vil- lage — of log cabins. . . . At that time there was a great immigration into the in- Migration terior counties of Kentucky, chiefly from the State of Vir- ginia. Lexington, settled about the year 1776, had in fact become already a considerable town. . . . No attack was made on them either by night or day, and Houses of before winter set in their rude cabins, each with its port holes and a strong bar across the door, were completed. The roofs were of clap-boards, and the floors of puncheons, for sawing was out of the question. Another and, to nearly the whole colon}^ the last removal now took place. Kentucky was no longer a promise, but a possession — not an imagination, but a reality; they had ceased to be Jersey men, and become Virginians; for at that time the daughter was still a member of her mother's house. . . . For the next six years my father continued to reside at the same place, in the same original log cabin, which in due course of time acquired a roof, a puncheon floor, below and to Ken- tucliy. tlie pio- neers. Means of defence. 170 Readings in American History Clearing the land. Lack of food. Danger from In- dians. a clap-board roof above, a small square window without glass, and a chimney, carried up with "cats and clay" to the height of the ridge-pole. These "cats and clay" were pieces of small poles, well imbedded in mortar. The rifle, indis- pensable both for hunting and defense, lay on two pegs driven into one of the logs; the axe, and scythe — no Jerseyman emigrated without those implements — were kept at night under the bed as weapons of defense, in case the Indians should make an attack. In the morning the first duty was to ascend, by a ladder which always stood leaning behind the door, to the loft, and look out through the cracks for Indians, lest they might have planted themselves near the door, to rush in when the strong cross-bar should be removed, and the heavy latch raised from its resting place. But no attack was ever made on his or any other of the four cabins which composed the station. . . . The first and greatest labor after father had thus domi- ciliated his little family, was to clear sufficient land for a crop the following year, which was, of course, to consist of corn and a few garden vegetables. The autumn of 1789 would have brought forth a sufficient abundance, but that on the night of the last day of August there came so severe a frost as to kill the unripe corn, and almost break the hearts of those who had watched its growth from day to day in joyous anticipation. From the time of their arrival in Kentucky, fourteen months before, they had suffered from want of bread, and now they found themselves doomed to the same deficiency for another year. There was no fear of famine, but they cloyed on animal food, and sometimes almost loathed it, though of an excellent quality. Deer were numerous, and wild turkeys numberless. There was no longing for the "flesh-pots" of native land, but their hearts yearned for its meat and abounding wheat-bread trays. Up to the victory of Wayne in 1794, the danger from In- dians still continued; that is through a period of six years from the time of our arrival. I well remember that Indian The Period of the Confederation 171 wars, midnight butcheries, captivities, and horse-stealings, were the daily topics of conversation. Volunteering to pur- sue marauding parties occasionally took place, and some- times men were drafted. At that time, as at present, there were many young men who delighted in war much more than work, and therefore preferred the tomahawk to the axe. At that period, the Shawnees residing on the Scioto, and the Wyandots on the Sandusky, were our great enemies. The children were told at night, "lie still and go to sleep, or the Shawnees will catch you." Through the period of which I have been speaking, and for several years afterward, and I well recollect, nearly all my troubled or. vivid dreams included either Indians or snakes — the copper-colored man, and the copper-headed snake, then extremely common. Soon after the settlement at Mayslick, all the people being Religious either professors of religion in, or adherents to, the Baptist ^^° ession. church, a log meeting-house was built about a quarter of a mile up the road, to the south, and Parson Wood, of Wash- ington, frequently came out to preach. . . . Within the six years that elapsed, the number of settlers increase of had increased to such an extent that one could not wander ^*^**®''^- a mile in any direction, without meeting with a clearing of two or ten acres, often enclosed with a brush fence, and des- ignated as a human residence by a one-story unhewed log cabin with the latch string always out, and the usual number of ragged children around the door. . . . Nothing is equal to the Indian corn for the settlers of a Com a ne- new and isolated spot. At the present time, when steam- foo^*^ °'* boats not only transport the movers to every point, but afterward supply them with flour and every needful article of food, the value of corn to the first settlers of Kentucky can only be estimated by those who witnessed the pressure of the arm of civilization against the resisting forest, and saw that men had to support themselves while they were performing the very labor from which support must come. In the new soil, corn, with moderate cultivation, yielded from sixty to eighty bushels to the acre. 172 Readings in Aniericati History Frontier . . . But I iiiust pass on to tlie antagonisms of the corn- spor s. husking. When the crop was drawn in, the ears were heaped into a long pile or rick, a night fixed on, and the neighbors notified, rather than invited, for it was an affair of mutual assistance. As they assembled at nightfall the green glass quart whisky bottle, stopped with a cob, was handed to every one, man or boy, as they arrived, to take a drink. A sufficient number to constitute a quorum having arrived, two men, or more commonly two boys, constituted themselves, or were by acclamation declared captains. They paced the rick or estimated its contractions and expansions with the eye, till they were able to fix on the spot on which the end of the dividing rail should be. In a few minutes the rick was charged upon by rival forces. As others arrived, as soon as the owner had given each the bottle, he fell in, according to the end that he belonged to. The captains planted them- selves on each side of the rail, sustained by their most active operatives. There at the beginning was the great contest, for it was lawful to cause the rail to slide or fall toward your end, shortening it and lengthening the other. Although nearly fifty years have rolled away, I have never seen a more anxious rivalry, nor a fiercer struggle. It was there that I first learned that competition is the mother of cheating, false- hood, and broils. The heap cut in two, the parties turned their backs upon each other, and making their hands keep time with a peculiar sort of time, the chorus of voices on a still night might be heard a mile. The oft-replenished whisky bottle meanwhile circulated freely, and at the close the victorious captain, mounted on the shoulders of some of the stoutest men, with the bottle in one hand and his hat in the other, was carried in triumph around the vanquished party amidst shouts of \ictory which rent the air. Then came the supper, upon which t\\v women had^been busily em- ployed, and which alw ays included a " pot-pie." Either before or after eating the fighting took place, and by midnight the sober were found assisting the drunken home. Such was one of my autumnal schools, from the age of nine to fifteen years. The Period of the Confederation 173 I was taught the vaUie of learning, by being denied the opportunities for acquiring more than a pittance. I was taught tlie value of time, by having more to do day after day than could be well accomplished. I was molded to do many things, if not absolutely at the same time, in such quick succession as almost to render them identical; a habit which I have found of great advantage to me through life. But better than all these, I grew up with love and obedience to m}' mother, and recei\ed from her an early moral training, to which, in conjunction with that of my father, I owe, per- haps, more of my humble success in life, and of my humble preparation for the life to come, than to any other influence. She was still more illiterate than my father, but was pious, and could read the Bible, Rippon's hymns, and Pilgrim's Progress. Her natural understanding was tolerable only, but she comprehended the principles of domestic and chris- tian duty, and sought to inculcate them. This she never did by protracted lectures, but mixed them up with all our daily labors. The era of division of labor and distribution of commodi- ties on sale, had not yet arrived ; and, of course, no particu- lar branch was pushed very far; and least of all, that which ministered to intellectual improvement, for its articles were least in demand. Bibles, hymn-books, primers, spelling- books, arithmetics, and almanacs, in fact, composed, in most instances, the importation, which was always from Philadel- phia, the only city of the seaboard which maintained any commercial intercourse with the infant settlements of the interior. Our preachers and teachers were, in general, al- most as destitute as the people at large, many of whom could neither read or write, did not send their children to school, and, of course, kept no books in the house. Of our own library I have already spoken incidentally. A family Bible, Rippon's Hymns, Watt's Hymns for Children, the Pilgrim's Progress, an old romance of the days of knight- errantry, primers, with a plate representing John Rogers at the stake, spelling-books, an arithmetic, and a new almanac Education of the youth. Books. 174 Readings in American History Hospital- ity general on the frontier. Society crude. Military training. for the new year, composed all that I can recollect, till within two or three years of my leaving home. Immigrants into the wilderness are or rather become, so- cial and hospitable; for their isolation makes them glad to see each other. They have private or family visiting, with abundance of small talk about the countries they had left, about their pursuits, their children, and their neighbors, in the last of which, according to my experience, they do not yield to people under any other circumstances. They also have many gatherings. Some are composed of men and boys only, for raising houses, stables, and barns, or rolling logs, for husking corn, for opening new roads, and other purposes; all of which I have repeatedly attended, and well recollect that profanity, vulgarity and drinking were their most emi- nent characteristics. All drank, though not to excess. Coarse jocularities were scarcely frowned upon by any. Some sort of physical amusement, including fights, in which biting and gouging were essential elements, with the beastly intoxication of several would generally wind up these meet- ings. We had other gatherings composed of females only, or of the two sexes united. Dances were not common. Weddings, commonly in the day time, were scenes of carousal and of mirth. Another kind of gathering was the quilting party. Mayslick, although scarcely a village, was at once an em- porium and capital for a tract of country six or eight miles in diameter and embracing several hundred families, of which those in my father's neighborhood were tolerably fair speci- mens. ... It was the place for holding regimental militia musters, where all the boys, and old men of the surrounding country, not less than those who stood enrolled, would assem- ble; and before dispersing at night, the training was quite eclipsed by a heterogeneous drama of foot racing, pony rac- ing, wrestling, fighting, drunkenness and general uproar. It was also a place for political meetings and stump conflict by opposing candidates, and after intellectual performances there generally followed an epilogue of oaths, yells, loud blows, The Period of the Confederation 175 and gnashing of teeth. Singing-schools were likewise held at the same place, in a room of Deacon Morris' tavern. It may be interesting to you to know something of the Baptist preachers and the prevalent religious ideas of those days. Most of the former were illiterate persons, but some were men of considerable natural talents. ... A great deal of the preaching of those times was doctrinal, I might say metaphysical, and most of the religious conversation which I heard was of the same kind. Election, reprobation, and pre- destination were the favorite themes. They were all held strongly in the affirmative, and the slightest doubt was branded as tending to heresy. Presbyterian ministers occasionally preached in the vil- lage; but they found little favor with the predominant Bap- tist people. The objections to them, as I well recollect, were their advocacy of sprinkling and infant baptism, and their having been educated in early life to the ministry as to a profession. The Methodists were, in the main, Marylanders and Vir- ginians, the former predominating. Most of them were among the lamentably ignorant. The high and disorderly excitement which characterized their worship was equally lamentable. Their preachers, in point of learning, were even below those of the Baptist connection. My superstition, and that of the people of Mayslick, in the days of which I am writing, extended to other things than heaven and hell. It embraced omens, ghosts, and even self- notions of dead men's bones. . . . We had, at the period of which I write, several common and current credulities, which were not superstitions, though they are erroneously called so. A belief in the influence of the moon, not only on the atmos- phere, but on vegetation and even animal life, was common. Thus, radishes must be planted at the decrease of the moon, for the^- tapered downward ; and so of some other vegetables. And hogs must not be killed in the dark or decrease of that luminary, for the pork would shrink and waste away in the barrel. Then there were the twelve signs of the Zodiac, Christian doctrines. Denomi- national difficul- ties. Creduli- ties of the people. 176 Readings in American History presiding over twelve different parts of the living body in the twelve months of the year but where or what the Zodiac was, no one knew. Notwithstanding our ignorance, or rather, in consequence of it, we believed that many things must be done, or left undone, during the reign of each constellation, and therefore the almanac was an important book of refer- ence. . . . Industrial crisis. Reason for crisis. Further causes for commer- cial troub- les. 38. A Weak Form of Government and Trade Condi- tions, 1787 Tench Coxe was a member of the Annapolis Convention, 178G, and also of the Continental Congress, 1788. In 1789, he was made assistant secretary of the treasury. He is noted as a political econ- omist and for his discussions of .\merican industrial problems. — (Tench Coxe, A View of the United States of America, 4, 5, 26-32. Philadelphia, 1794.) There are in every country certain important crises, when exertion or neglect must produce consequences of the utmost moment. The period, at which the inhabitants of these states have now arrived, will be admitted, by every attentive and serious person, to be clearly of this description. Our money absorbed by a wanton consumption of imported luxuries, a fluctuating paper medium beginning to be substi- tuted in its stead, foreign commerce extremely circumscribed, and a federal government not only ineffective but disjointed, tell us indeed too plainly, that further negligence may ruin us forever. . . . The commercial citizens of America have for some time felt the deepest distress. Among the principal causes of their imhappy situation were the inconsiderate spirit of adventure to this country, which pervaded almost every kingdom in Europe; and the prodigious credit there given to our mer- chants on the return of peace. To these may be added, the high spirits, and the golden dreams, which naturally followed such a war, closed with so much honour and success. — Tri- umphant over a great enemy, courted by the most powerful The Period of the Confederation 177 nations in the world, it was not in human nature, that America should immediately comprehentl her new situation. Really possessed of the means of future greatness, she anticipated the most distant benefits of the revolution, and considered them as already in her hands. She formed the highest ex- pectations; many of which, however, serious experience has taught her to relinquish: and now that the thoughtless ad- ventures and imprudent credits from foreign countries take place no more, and time has been given for cool reflection, she can see her real situation, and need not be discouraged. . . . The foundations of national wealth and consequence are so firmly laid in the United States, that no foreign power can undermine or destroy them. But the enjoyment of these substantial blessings is rendered precarious by domestic cir- cumstances. Scarcely held together by a weak and half- formed federal constitution, the powers of our national gov- ernment are unequal to the complete execution of any salutary purpose, foreign or domestic. The evils resulting from this unhappy state of things have again shocked our reviving credit, produced among our people alarming instances of dis- obedience to the laws, and, if not remedied, must destroy our property, liberties, and peace. Foreign jx)wers, however disposed to favour us, can expect neither satisfaction nor benefit from treaties with Congress, while it is unable to en- force them. We can therefore hope to secure no privileges from them, if matters be thus conducted. We must imme- diately remedy this defect, or suffer exceedingly. Desultory commercial acts of the legislatures, formed on the impression of the moment, proceeding from no uniform or permanent principles, clashing with the laws of other states, and oppos- ing those made in the preceding year by the enacting state, can no longer be supported, if we be to continue one people. A system, which will promote the general interests, with the smallest injury to particular ones, has become indispensably necessary. Commerce is more affected by the distractions and evils arising from the uncertainty, opposition, and errours, of our trade laws, than by the restrictions of any one power Weakness of govern- ment. Influence of a weak govern- ment on foreign af- fairs. Conflict in legislation. Uncertain trade laws and com- merce. 178 Readings in American History Restora- tion of public credit a necessity. Influence of tender laws. in Europe. A negative upon all commercial acts of the legis- latures, if granted to Congress, would be perfectly safe, and must have an excellent effect. If thought expedient, it should he given as well with regard to those that exist, as to those that may be devised in future. Congress would thus be enabled to prevent every regulation, that might oppose the general interest; and by restraining the states from im- politic laws, would gradually bring our national commerce to order and perfection. . . . The restoration of public credit at home and abroad should be the first wish of our hearts, and requires every economy, every exertion we can make. The wise and virtuous axioms of our political constitutions, resulting from a lively and per- fect sense of what is due from man to man, should prompt us to the discharge of debts of such peculiar obligation. We stand bound to no common creditors. The friendly foreigner, the widow and the orphan, the trustees of charity and religion, the patriotic citizen, the war-worn soldier, and a magnani- mous ally — these are the principal claimants upon the feelings and justice of America. Let her apply all her resources to this great duty, and wipe away the darkest stain, that has ever fallen upon her. The general import — the sale of the lands, and every other unnecessary article of public property — re- straining with a firm hand every needless expence of govern- ment and private life — steady and patient industry, with proper dispositions in the people — would relieve us of part of the burden, enable Congress to commence it's payments, and, with the aid of taxation, would put the sinking and funding of our debts within the power of the United States. The violence committed on the rights of property under the authority of tender laws, in some of the states; the familiarity with which that pernicious measure has been recurred to; and the shameless perseverance with which it has been per- sisted in, after the value of the paper was confessedly gone; call aloud for some remedy. This is not merely a matter of justice between man and man. It dishonours our national character abroad, and the engine has been employed to give The Period of the Confederation 179 the coup de grace to public credit. It would not be difficult, perhaps, to form a new article of confederation to prevent it in future; and a question may arise, whether fellowship with any state, that would refuse to admit it, can be satisfactory or safe. To remove difficulties it need not be retrospective. The present state of things, instead of inviting emigrants, influence deters all who have the means of information, and are capable n^grciTi" of thinking. The settlement of our lands, and the introduc- disturb- tion of manufactories and branches of trade yet unknown on^m- among us, or requiring a great capital, which are to make our migration. country rich and powerful, are interrupted and suspended by our want of public credit and the numerous disorders of our government. . . . CHAPTER XIII THE FORMATION OF THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION 39. The First Abolition Society The first abolition law in the United States was passed bj' the legislature of Pennsylvania in 1780. This law, providing for grad- ual abolition, was due chiefly to the influence of the Quakers. The contest for complete abolition was carried on mainly by the Penn- sylvania Society for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery. During these years the numbers of slaves in the State were becoming fewer. According to the census of 1790 there were less than four thousand slaves in Pennsylvania. In 1820 there were two hundred and eleven, and in 1830 sixty-seven.— (American Museum, Vol. VI, 283.) An address to the public, from the Penn.sylvania Society for promoting the aboUtion of slavery, and the rehef of free negroes, unlawfully held in bondage. It is with peculiar satisfaction, we assure the friends of humanity, that, in prosecuting the design of our association, our endeavours have proved successful, far beyond our most sanguine expectations. Encouraged by this success, by the daily progress of that luminous and benign spirit of liberty, which is diffusing itself throughout the world^and humbly hoping for the continu- ance of the divine blessing on our lal)ours — we have ventured to make an important addition to our original plans, and do, therefore, earnestly .solicit the support and assistance of all who can feel the tender emotions of sympathy and compas- sion, or relish the exalted pleasure of beneficence. Slavery is such an atrocious debasement of human nature, that its very extirpation, if not performed with solicitous care, may sometimes open a source of serious evils. The unhappy man, who has long been treated as a brute ISO Formation of the Federal Constitntion 181 animal, too frequently sinks beneath the common standard of the human species. The galling chains, that bind his body do also fetter his intellectual faculties, and impair the social affections of his heart. Accustomed to move like a mere machine, by the will of a master, reflexion is suspended: he has not the power of choice; and reason and conscience have but little influence over his conduct: because he is chiefly governed by the passion of fear. He is poor and friendless — perhaps worn out by extreme labour and disease. Under such circumstances, freedom may often prove a misfortune to himself, and prejudicial to society. Attention to emancipated black people, it is therefore to be hoped, will become a branch of our national police; but as far as we contribute to promote this emancipation, so far that attention is evidently a serious duty, incumbent on lis, and which we mean to discharge to the best of our judgment and abilities. To instruct — to advise — to qualify — those who have been restored to freedom, for the exercise and enjoyment of civil liberty — to promote in them habits of industry — to furnish them with employments suited to their age, sex, talents, and other circumstances — and to procure their children an edu- cation calculated for their future situation in life — these are the great outlines of the annexed plan, which we have adopted, and which we conceive will essentially promote the public good, and the happiness of these our hitherto too much neglected fellow creatures. A plan so extensive cannot be carried into execution, with- out considerable pecuniary resources, beyond the present ordinary funds of the society. We hope much from the generosity of enlightened and benevolent freemen, and will gratefully receive any donations or subscriptions for the purpose, which may be made to our treasurer, James Starr, or to James Pemberton, chairman of our committee of cor- respondence. Signed by order of the society, B. Franklin, president. Philadelphia, 9th of Nov., 1789. 182 Readings in" American History Plan for improving the condition of the free blacks, above mentioned: The business, relative to free blacks, shall be transacted by a committee of twenty-four persons, annually elected by bal- lot, at the meeting of this society, in the month called April; and in order to perform the different services, with expedi- tion, regularity, and energy, this committee shall resolve it- self into the following sub-committees, viz. I. A committee of inspection, who shall superintend the morals, general conduct, and ordinary situation of the free negroes, and afford them advice and instruction; pro- tection from wrongs; and other friendly offices. II. A committee of guardians, who shall place out chil- dren and young people with suitable persons, that they may (during a moderate time of apprenticeship, or servitude) learn some trade or other business of subsistence. The com- mittee may effect this partly by a persuasive influence on parents and the persons concerned ; and partly by co-operat- ing with the laws, which are, or may be enacted for this, and similar purposes; in forming contracts on these occa- sions, the committee shall secure to the society, as far as may be practicable, the right of guardianship, over the per- sons so bound. III. A committee of education, who shall superintend the school instruction of the children and youth of the free- blacks; they may either influence them to attend regularly the schools, already established in this city, or form others with this view; they shall, in either case, provide, that the pupils may receive such learning, as is necessary for their future situation in life; and especially a deep impression of the most important, and generally acknowledged moral and religious principles. They shall also procure and preserve a regular record of the marriages, births, and manumissions of all free blacks. IV. A committee of employ, who shall endeavour to pro- cure constant employment for those free negroes, who are Formation of the Federal Constitution 183 able to work: as the want of this would occasion poverty, idleness, and man}- vicious habits. This committee will, by sedulous enquiry, be enabled to find common labour for a great number; they will also provide, that such as indicate proper talents, may learn various trades, which may be done by prevailing upon them to bind themselves for such a term of years, as shall compensate their masters for the expense and trouble of instruction, and maintenance. The commit- tee may attempt the institution of some useful and simple manufactures, which require but little skill, and also may assist, in commencing business, such as appear to be quali- fied for it. The expense, incurred by the promotion of this plan, shall be defrayed by a fund to be formed by donations, or sub- scriptions, for these particular purposes, and to be kept sep- arate from the other funds of this society. 40. Economic and Social Conditions in America, 1788 Jean Pierre Brissot de Warville, who was one of the leaders in bringing on the French Revolution, visited America during the year 1788 for the purpose of observing the influence of liberty on man in society. His description of the country and portrayal of political and social conditions were prepared as letters and later were published in book form. The author stated in the preface: "I should even myself regret the time I spent in reducing this work to order, if I did not think that it might be useful and necessary in- supporting our Revolution." — (J. P. Brissot de Warville, New Trav- els in the United States of America, 42, 51 passim. Boston, 1797.) With what pleasure did I contemplate this town, which Descrip- first shook off the English yoke! which, for a long time, re- sisted all the seductions, all the menaces, all the horrors of a civil war! How 1 delighted to wander up and down that long street whose simple houses of wood border the magnif- icent channel of Boston, and whose stores offer me all the productions of the continent which I had quitted! How I enjoyed the activity of the merchants, the artisans, and the sailors! It was not the noisy vortex of Paris; it was not the tion of Boston. 184 Readings in American History unquiet, eager mien of my countrymen; it was the simple, dignified air of men who are conscious of Uberty, and who see in all men their brothers and their equals. E\erything in this street bears the marks of a town still in its infancy, but which, even in its infancy, enjoys a great prosperity. I thought myself in that Salentum, of which the lively pencil of Fenelon has left us so charming an image. But the prosperity of this new Salentum was not the work of one man, of a king or a minister; it is the fruit of liberty, that parent of industry. Everything is rapid, everything great, everything durable with her. A royal or ministerial prosperity, like a king or a minister, has only the duration of a moment. Boston is just rising from the devastations of war, and its commerce is flourishing; its manufactures, pro- ductions, arts, and sciences, offer a number of curious and interesting observations. People of The manners of the people are not exactly the same as described by M. de Crevecceur. You no longer meet here that Presbyterian austerity, which interdicted all pleasures, even that of walking; which forbade travelling on Sunday, which persecuted men whose opinions were different from their own. The Bostonians unite simplicity of morals with that French politeness and delicacy of manners which render virtue more amiable. They are hospitable to strangers, and obliging to friends; they are tender husbands and almost idolatrous parents and kind masters. Music which their teachers formerly proscribed as a diabolical art, begins to make part of their education. In some homes you hear the forte-piano. This art, it is true is still in its infancy; but the young novices who exercise it, are so gentle, so complai- sant, and so modest, that the proud perfection of art gi\'es no pleasure equal to what they afford. God grant that the Bostonian women may never, like those of France, acquire the malady of perfection in this art! It is never attained, but at the expense of domestic virtues. Neatness without luxury, is a characteristic feature of this purity of manners; and this neatness is seen everywhere at Boston. Fonnation of the Federal Coihstitution 185 Boston, in their dress, In their houses, and in their churches. Nothing is more charming than an inside view of the church on Sunday. The good cloth coat covers the man; calHcoes and chintzes dress the women and children, without being spoiled by those gewgaws which whim and caprice have added to them among our women. Powder and pomatum ne\er sully the heads of infants and children: I see them with pain, howe\'er, on the heads of men: they invoke the art of the hair-dresser; for, unhappily, this art has already crossed the seas. But to crown my happiness, I saw none of those livid wretches, covered with rags, who in Europe soliciting our compassion at the foot of the altar, seem to bear testimony against Providence, our humanity, and the order of society. The discourse, the prayer, the worship, everything, bore the same simplicity. The sermon breathed the best morality, and it was heard with attention. It is remarked, that, in countries chiefly devoted to com- commer- merce the sciences are not carried to any high degree. This '^'^l '5''^^'^', remark applies to Boston. The university certainly con- nant. tains men of worth and learning; but science is not diffused among the inhabitants of the town. Commerce occupies all their ideas, turns all their heads, and absorbs all their specu- lations. Thus you find few estimable works, and few au- thors. The expense of the first volume of the Memoirs of the Academy of this town, is not yet covered ; it is two years since it appeared. Sometime since was published, the his- tory of the late troubles in Massachusetts; it is very well written. The author has found much difficulty to indem- nify himself for the expense of printing it. Never has the whole of the precious history of New Hampshire, by Bel- knap, appeared, for want of encouragement. They pul)lish a magazine here, though the number of Ga- News- zettes is considerable. The nuiltiplicity of (lazettes proves p^p®'^- the activity of conuuerce, and the taste for politics and news; the merits and nmltiplicity of Literary and Political Magazines are signs of the culture of the sciences. ISO Readings in American History Houses and streets. Social New York. Stage- coach travel. Let us not blame the Bostonians ; they think of the useful! before procuring to themselves the agreeable. They have no brilliant monuments; but they have neat and commodious churches, but they have good houses, but they have superb bridges, and excellent ships. Their streets are well illumi- nated at night while many ancient cities of Europe contain- ing proud monuments of art, have never yet thought of pre- venting the fatal effects of nocturnal darkness. . . . If there is a town on the American continent where the English luxury displays its follies, it is New-York. You will find here the English fashions. In the dress of the women you will see the most brilliant silks, gauzes, hats, and bor- rowed hair. Equipages are rare ; but they are elegant. The men have more simplicity in their dress; they disdain gew- gaws, but they take their revenge in the luxury of the table. Luxury forms already, in this town, a class of men very dangerous in society — I mean bachelors. The expence of women causes matrimony to be dreaded by men. I went from New- York the 25th of August, at six o-clock in the morning; and bad to pass the North River before arriving to the stage. We passed the ferry in an open boat, and landed at Paulus Hook; they reckon two miles for this ferry, for which we pay sixpence, money of New-York. The carriage is a kind of open waggon, hung with double curtains of leather and woolen, which you raise or let fall at pleasure: it is not well suspended. But the road was so fine, being sand and gravel, that we felt no inconvenience from that circumstance. The horses are good and go with rapidity. These carriages have four Ijenches, and may contain twelve persons. The liglit baggage is put under the benches, and the trunks fixed on behind. A traveller who does not choose to take the stage, has a one-horse carriage by himself. Let the Frenchmen who have travelled in these carriages, compare them to those used in France; to those heavy dili- gences, where eight or ten persons are stuffed in together; to those cabriolets in the environs of Paris, where two persons are closely confined, and deprived of air, driven by a dirty Formation of the Federal Constitution 187 driver who torments his miserable jades: and those carriages have to run over the finest roads, and yet make but one league an hour. If the Americans had such roads, with what rapidity would they travel? Since notwithstanding the incon- venience of the roads, they now run ninety -six miles in a day. Thus, with only a century and a half of existence, and opposed by a thousand obstacles, they are already superior to people who have been undisturbed in their progress for fifteen centuries. You find in these stages, men of all professions. They succeed each other with rapidity. One who goes but twenty miles, yields his place to one who goes farther. The mother and daughter mount the stage to go ten miles to dine; another stage brings them back. At every instant, then, you are making new acquaintances. The frequency of the carriages, the facility of finding places in them, and the low and fixed price, invite the Americans to travel. These carriages have another advantage, they keep up the idea of equality. The member of Congress is placed by the side of the shoe maker who elected him: they fraternize together and converse with familiarity. You see no person here taking upon himself those important airs, which you too often meet with in France. . . . This is the hospital so justly celebrated by M. de Creve- Hospital coeur, and which the humane Mr. Mazzei regards only as a s°ne*V° curiosity scarcely worth seeing. Phiiadei- The building is fine, elegant, and well kept. I was charmed ^ with the cleanliness in the halls of the sick, as well as in the particular chambers. I observed the bust of Franklin in the Library, and was told that this honor was rendered him as one of the principal founders of this institution. The library is not numerous; but well chosen. The hall on the first floor, is appropriated to sick men : there were six in it. About the same number of sick women were in a like hall on the second floor. These persons appeared by no means miserable; they seemed to be at home. I went below to see the lunatics ; there were about fifteen. 188 Readings in American History male and female. Each one has his cell, with a bed, a table, and a convenient window with grates. Stoves are fixed in the walls, to warm the cell in winter. There were no mad persons among them. Most of the patients are the victims of religious melancholy, or of dis- appointed love. These unhappy persons are treated with the greatest tenderness; they are allowed to walk in the court; are constantly visited by two physicians. Dr. Rush has invented a kind of swing chair for their exercise. What a difference between this treatment and the atrocious regulations to which we condemn such wretches in France I where they are rigorously confined, and their disorders scarcely ever fail to increase upon them. The Turks, on the contrary, manifest a singular respect to persons insane: they are eager to administer food to them, to load them with caresses. Fools in that country are ne\er known to be injurious; whereas, with us, they are dangerous, because they are unhappy. The view of these persons affected me more than that of the sick. The last of human miseries, in my opinion, is con- finement; and I cannot concei\e how a sick person can be cured in prison, for confinement itself is a continual malady. The exercise of walking abroad, the view of the field, the mur- mur of the rivulets, and the singing of the birds, with the aid of vegetable diet, appear to me the best means of curing in- sanity. It is true, that this method requires too many attend- ants; and the impossibility of following it for the hospital of Philadelphia, makes it necessary to recur to locks and bars. But why do they place these cells beneath the ground floor, exposed to the unwholesome humidity of the earth? The enlightened and humane Dr. Rush told me, that he had en- deavored for a long time in vain, to introduce a change in this particular; and that this hospital was founded at a time when little attention was thought necessary for the accommodation of fools. . . . Fitch's (),^ leaving him, I went to see an experiment, near the boat. Delaware, on a boat, the object of which is to ascend ri\ers Formation of the Federal Constitution 189 against the current. The inventor was Mr. Fitch who had found a company to support the expehce. One of the most zealous associates is Mr. Thornton of whom I have spoken. This invention was disputed between Mr. Fitch and Mr. Rumsey of Virginia. However it be, the machine I saw, ap- pears well executed, and well adapted to the design. The steam engine gives motion to three large oars of considerable force which were to give fifty strokes per minute. I doubt not but, physically speaking, this machine may produce part of the effects which are expected from it: but I doubt its utility in commerce; for, notwithstanding the as- surances of the undertakers, it must require man}- men to manage it, and much expence in repairing the damages occa- sioned by the violence and multiplicity of the friction. . . . Philadelphia may be considered as the metropolis of the Phiiadei- United States. It is certainly the finest town, and best built, metropolis It is the most wealthy, though not the most luxurious. You find here more men of information, more political and literary knowledge, and more learned societies. Many towns in America are more ancient; but Philadelphia has surpassed her elders. At ten-o-clock in the evening all is tranquil in the streets; the profound silence which reigns there, is only interrupted by the voice of the watchmen, who are in small numbers and who form the only patrole. The streets are lighted by lamps, placed like those of London. . . . 41. The Temperance Movement, 1789 (The American Museum, VI, 379-381.) If temperance in all things be ornamental, and necessary Argu- for the support of our dignity and the advancement of human ^^l^J^'^ felicity — how emphatically important must it be in the use ance. of intoxicating spirits? Here intemperance is fatal ! An im- moderate draught at once drowns the reason of man, and sinks him in the deplorable gulph of ignominy and contempt. 190 Readings in American Hutory Influence of the Rev- olution on intemper- ance. Use of in- toxicants general among la- borers. Those, who (notwithstanding they may be too lavish in the use of spirituous liquors) are not lost to every idea of decency and decorum, and sunk beneath the pride of man, the specu- lator conceives are open to conviction, and will cheerfully embrace those habits which shall appear to be the most con- ducive to their own and the community's prosperity. Times of public tumult and relaxation of government are most com- monly times of dissipation. It proved so with America, in her late war with Great Britain. Before that commotion took place, the use of spirituous liquors was comparatively small to what it has been since. During the suspension of law, money being plenty, and debtors not being compelled to pay their debts, it became a too predominant practice, to waste large sums in the purchase and expenditure of rum and other spirits. Idleness and a too free use of the cup and can, those sister habits, infected the community at large. At the close of the war, when the circumstances of our coun- try demanded industry and economy, it was difficult to re- turn to our pristine simplicity of manners, and temperance of life, in the pursuit of our private or domestic affairs. The husbandman could not hire labourers to cultivate his lands, without supplying them with a quantity of inflammatory liquors, almost equal in value to the amount of their serv- ices. So general was the custom, and so fashionable the practice, that the labourer claimed it as his right; and if he could not receive so much rum or toddy as would almost disable him from service, he would quit the field of his em- ployer, and leave his harvest to be wasted on the ground. This pernicious fashion was not confined to the labourers in the field ; the mechanics, if possible, exceeded them in extrav- agance of these kinds of demands. Business was conse- quently ill performed and extravagantly paid for. Our tav- erns were daily thronged with swarms of our citizens, who there wasted their property, injured their constitutions and corrupted their morals. In addition to all this, every man was obliged to keep a kind of grog shop in his own house, for his neighbours, acquaintances and hangers on, or be es- Formation of the Federal Constitution 191 teemed a niggard. Even among the most indigent, those who could but scantily provide bread for their children, it was thought ill usage, if they did not hand out their bottles to their thirsty visitors. A barrel of rum at that time would in many families last but little longer than a gallon would have done before the war. These extravagant habits so far exceeded the ability of the people, that many fell a sacrifice to their folly, and involved themselves and families in ruin and wretchedness. Private debts could not be discharged, nor could public requisitions be complied with. The conse- quence was natural — an universal complaint of hard times — of cruel creditors — or of oppression in rulers. The times were truly hard, and so will they ever be when intemperance pre- vails — when the people prefer the dissipation of a tavern to the cultivation of their fields. But happily for the commu- . nity, these habits seem now to be fast growing into disrepute; and temperance, economy, and industry seem to be esteemed objects of importance: and experience will probably soon convince us, that we can labour as well, and enjoy our health better, without inflammatory spirits than with them. Prob- ably not a quarter part so much rum has been drank in this part of the country the last year, as was done in the space of a year, at the close of the war. Some of our principal improved retailers have not, if we can believe their assertions, sold so ^°° ' *°°^' many pints of rum the last year as they did gallons the year before; and then the quantity was much diminished from that which was sold a few years earlier. Our taverns, too, are generally still and quiet, and rarely do we find people of the vicinity resorting to them, but on business, or some pub- lic occasion. Many of our principal farmers, in different parts of the country, have nobly broke through the perni- cious custom of treating their labourers with rum; and will not employ those who will not serve them without spirituous liquors. And they have found their account in it the present year — for it has been very observable in the course of the past summer, that those who have hired without supplying with spirits, ha\e had the best workmen and plenty of them, 192 Readings in American History and that their work has been done the most neatly and with the greatest dispatch. The mechanics, also, in many places and especially the most reputable of them, have almost forsaken their cups. And men of business of all kinds, appear to be convinced that they can conduct their affairs better without spirituous liquors than with them. In this way, a great sa\ing has been made the last year by the citizens in general: and let any one judge if any inconveniences have resulted from these savings. Have not people been as healthy, strong and robust as when the;y drank ten times as much as they have done this year? Were our lands better cultivated then, than they are now? It was a common observation, a few years ago, that a man lost nothing by giving rum to his la- bourers, for they would do as much more labour as to pay for it. But if a man is not able to carry on business of any kind, whatever, without rum, he is unfit to be employed. When one has contracted a habit of any kind, it is difficult to quit it. Hence we frequently hear workmen say, they cannot work without rum. Why? because they have become habituated to the destructive and pernicious use of it. It is no symptom that a man ought not to live without spiritu- ous liquors, because he says that he cannot ; but the reverse. His hankering after them is conclusive evidence that he has used them too freely already. And it is quite time for such a one, to reflect seriously on the importance of his breaking the habit: he would do well to consider whether he be not on the road to intemperance — and if he is not foolishly wast- ing his earnings; now is the only time for such a one to de- liberate; for if a habit of this kind is ever to be checked, it must be done before it be deeply rooted; failure of the prin- cipal crops of the earth, we think it peculiarly the duty of every good citizen, to unite his efforts, to reform a practice which leads so many to poverty, distress and ruin. Whereupon we do hereby associate, and mutually agree, that hereafter we will carry on our business without the. use Formation of the Federal Constitution 193 of distilled spirits, as an article of refreshment, either for our- selves or those whom we employ; and that instead thereof, w^e will serve our workmen with wholesome food, and the common simple drinks of our own production. — It will not answer for him to wait until he is sensible that he is actually injured ; for many a man has become a complete sot, before he has thought himself in any degree intemperate. Association of the principal i)ihabitauts of Litchfield, in Connecticut, for discoura(}ing the use of spirituous liquors. June, 1789. " • So many are the avenues leading to human misery, that it is impossible to guard them all. Such evils, as are pro- duced by our own folly and weakness, are within our power to avoid. The innnoderate use, which the people of this state make of distilled spirits, is undoubtedly an evil of this kind. It is obvious to every person of the smallest observa- tion, that, from this pernicious practice, follows a train of evils, difficult to be enumerated. The morals are corrupted, property is exhausted, and health destroyed. And it is most sincerely to be regretted, that, from a mistaken idea, that distilled spirits are necessary to labouring men, to counter- act the influence of heat and give relief from severe fatigue, a most valuable class of citizens have been led to contract a habit of such dangerous tendency. Hence arises the in- ability to pay public taxes, to discharge private debts, and to support and educate families. . . . 194 Readings in American History Admission to Prince- ton. Rules for students. 42. Life at Princeton and on a Virginia Plantation, 1767-1774 Philip Vickers Fithian was a student at Princeton College, 1770-2 and at the school of theology 1772-3. He then went to Virginia for a year as tutor in the family of Robert Carter. His letters give an excellent portrayal of the life of that time. — (Philip Vickers Fithian, Journal and Letters, 1767-74. Princeton, N. J., 1900. With per- mission of Princeton University Library.) Princeton, Novem: 30th Anno 1770. Very Dear Father, Altho' I am very busy seeing I begun to study three weeks later than the rest of our Class, yet I think it my Duty to give you Notice of my Admission to this flourishing Semi- nary of Learning, which is another grand Step towards the Summit of my Wishes. . . . Mr. Hunter and myself, were admitted into the junior- Class on the twenty second day of November, after a pre- vious Examination by the President, Tutors, and some re- siding Graduates; which was about three Weeks after the College-Orders began. ... Every Student must rise in the morning, at farthest by half an hour after five; the grammar SchoUars being most of them small, and lodging also in Town at some Distance from the College, are, in Winter, excused from attending morning Prayrs. The Bell rings at five, after which there is an Intermission of half an hour, that everyone may have time to dress, at the end of which it rings again, and Prayrs begin; And lest any should plead that he did not hear the Bell, the Servant who rings, goes to every Door and beats till he wakens the Boys, which leaves them without Excuse. . . . After morning Prayrs, we can, now in the Winter, study an hour by candle Light every morning. We breakfast at eight; from Eight to nine, is time of our own, to play or exercise. Formation of the Federal Constitution 195 At nine the Bell rings for Recitation, after which we study till one when the Bell rings for Dinner — . . . After dinner till three we have Liberty to go out at Pleas- ure. From three til' five we study, when the Bell rings for evening Prayrs. We sup at seven; At nine the Bell rings for study; And a Tutor goes through College, to see that every Student is in his own room ; if he finds that any are absent, or more in any Room than belong there, he notes them down and the day following calls them to an Account. After nine any may go to bed, but to go before is reproach- ful. No Student is allowed, on any pretence, Sickness only ex- cepted, to be absent on Sunday, from public Worship: We have two Sermons every Sabbath: One at eleven in the morning, in the Church; and the other at three in the After- noon, in the College Hall. I am indeed much pleased with Dr. Witherspoon and think his Sermons almost inimitable. We rise on Sabbath mornings and have Prayrs as usual, . . . Number of There are upwards of an hundred now in College including the grammar Scholars: The present Senior Class consists of ten: the Junior of twenty-eight: the Sophimore of twenty- five: And the Freshman of eighteen : In the School there are about twenty-five. I am, through divine goodness, very well, and more recon- ciled to rising in the Morning so early than at first. . . . From, Sir, your dutiful Son. P. FiTHIAN. Written at Princeton Jan. 13. Anno 1772. Very Dear, and Much Respected Father, Through the distinguished Kindness of Heaven, I am in good Health, and have much Cause to be delighted with my Lot. I would not change my condition, nor give up the Prospect I have before me, on any Terms almost whatever. I am not much hurried this Winter with my Studies; but students. 196 Readings in American History College discipline. I am trying to advance myself in an acquaintance with my fellow-Creatures; and with the Labours of the '"Mighty Dead." I am sorry that 1 may inform you, that two of our Members were expelled from the College yesterday; not from Drunk- enness, nor Fighting, not for Swearing, nor Sabbath-Breaking; But, they were sent from this Seminary, where the greatest Pains and Care are taken to cultivate and encourage Decency, and Honesty, and Honour, for stealing Hens! Shameful, mean, unmanly Conduct! If a Person were to judge of the generality of Students by the Conduct of such earthborn insatiate Helluo's; or by the detested Character of wicked Individuals, (which is generally soonest and most extensively propagated, and known abroad) how terrible an Idea must he have! . . . P. FiTHIAN. A Virginia tutor. Decemr. 1st. 1773. Rev'd Sir. (Rev. Enoch Green). ... I set out from home the 20th. of Octr. and arrived at the Hon: Robert Carters, of Nominy, in Westmoreland County, the 2Sth. I began to teach his children the first of November. He has two sons, and one nephew; the oldest son is turned of seventeen, and is reading Salust and the Greek grammar; the others are about fourteen, and in Eng- lish grammar, and arithmetic. He has besides, five daughters which 1 am to teach english, the eldest is turned of fifteen and is reading the spectator; she is employed two days in every week in learning to play the Forte-Piano, and Harpsichord — the others are smaller and learning to read and spell. Mr. A Virginia Carter is one of the Councillors in the general coin-t at Will- iamsburg, and is possesst of as great, perhaps the clearest fortune according to the estimation of people here, of any man in Virginia. He seems to be a good scholar, even in classical learning, and is a remarkable one in English grammar; and notwithstanding his rank, which in general seems to countenance indulgence to children, both himself and Mrs. planter. Formation of the Federal Comsiitut'ion 197 Carter have a manner of instructing and dealing with chil- dren far superior, I may say it with confidence, to any I have ever seen, in any place, or in any family. They keep them in perfect subjection to themselves, and never pass over an occasion of reproof; and I blush for many of my acquaint- ances when I say that the children are more kind and com- plaisant to the servants who constantly attend them than we are to our superiors in age and condition. Mr. Carter has an overgrown library of Books of which he allows me the free use. It consists of a general collection of law books, all the Latin and Greek Classicks, vast number of books on Divinity chiefly by writers who are of the established Religion; he has the works of almost all the late famous writers, as Locke, Ad- dison, Young, Pope, Swift, Dryden etc. in Short, Sir, to speak moderately, he has more than eight times your number — His eldest Son, who seems to be a Boy of genius and appli- cation is to be sent to Cambridge University, but I believe will go through a course either in Philadelphia or Princeton College first. As to what is said concerning Virginia that it is difficult to avoid being corrupted with the manners of the people, I believe it is founded wholly in a mistaken notion that persons must, when here frequent all promiscuous as- semblies; but this is so far from truth that anyone who does practice it, tho' he is accused of no crime, loses at once his character; so that either the manners have been lately changed, or the report is false, for he seems now to me best esteemed and most applauded who attends to his business, whatever it be, with the greatest diligence. . . . Friday 18, 1774. Mr. Carter now possesses 60,000 acres of Land, and about a Virginia 600 Negroes — But his Estate is much divided, and lies in almost every county in this Colony; He has Lands in the Neighbourhood of Williamsburg, and an elegant and Spacious House in that City — He owns a great part of the well known Iron-works near Baltimore in Maryland — And he has one or jnore considerable P'arms not far from Anapolis. estate. 198 Readings in American History . . . Out of these Lands, which are situated so remote from each other in various parts of these two large Provinces, Virginia and Maryland, Mr. Carter has chosen for the place of his habitation a high spot of ground in Westmoreland County at the Head of the Navigation of the River Nomini, where he has erected a large elegant House, at a vast expence, which commonly goes by the name of Nomini-Hall. This House is built with Brick, but the bricks have been covered with strong lime mortar; so that the building is now perfectly white; it is seventy-six Feet long from East to West; and forty -four wide from North to South, two Stories high; . . . The north side I think is the most beautiful of all; In the upper Story is a Row of seven Windows with eighteen lights apiece; and below six windows, with the like number of lights; besides a large Portico in the middle, at the sides of which are two windows each with eighteen Lights. — At the west end are no Windows — The number of Lights in all is five hundred, and forty nine — ... As this House is large, and stands on a high piece of Land it may be seen a considerable distance; I have seen it at the Distance of six miles — At equal Distances from each corner of this Building stand four other considerable Houses, which I shall next a little describe. First, at the North-East corner, and at 100 yards Distance stands the School House; at the North- West corner, and at the same Distance stands the stable; at the South- West corner, and at the same Distance stands the Coach- House; and lastly, at the South-East corner, and at an equal distance stands the Work-House. These four Houses are the corner of a Square of which the Great-House is the center — . . . Due East of the Great House are two Rows of tall, flourishing, beautiful. Poplars, beginning on a Line drawn from the school to the W' ash-House; these Rows are some- thing wider than the House, and are about 300 yards long, at the Eastermost end of which is the great Road leading through Westmoreland to Richmond. These Rows of Pop- lars form an extremely pleasant avenue, and at the Road, Formation of the Federal Constitution 199 I through them, the House appears most romantic, at the same I time that it is truly elegant — The area of the Triangle made by the Wash-House, Stable, and School-House is perfectly ' levil, and designed for a bowling-green, laid out in rectangular walks which are paved with Brick, and covered over with burnt Oyster-Shells. In the other Triangle, made by the Wash-House, Stable, and Coach-House is the Kitchen, a well- built House, as large as the School-House; Bake-House; Dairy; Store-House and several other small Houses ; all which stand due West, and at a small distance from the great House, and form a little handsome Street. These Buildings stand about a quarter of a Mile from a Fork in the River Nomini, one Branch of which runs on the East of us, on which are two mills; one of them belongs to Mr. Turburville the other to Mr. Washington (John Augustine), both within a mile — another branch of the River runs on the West of us on which and at a small distance above the House stands Mr. Carters merchant mill, . . . to go to the mill from the House we descend. I imagine about an 100 feet: the Dam is so broad that two carriages may pass conveniently on it; and the pond from twelve to Eighteen Foot water— At the fork Mr. Carter has a granary, where he lands his Wheat for the Mill, Iron from the Works etc. — . . . Monday November 1st. 1773. We began School — The School consists of eight — Two of a plan- Mr. Carter's sons — One Nephew — and five Daughters — The gchooi eldest Son is reading Salust: Gramatical Exercises, and latin Grammar — The Second Son is reading english Grammar and Reading English: Writing and Cyphering in Subtraction — The Nephew is Reading and Writing as above; and Cipher- ing in Reduction — The eldest Daughter is reading the Spec- tator; Writing; and beginning to Cypher — the second is reading next out of the Spelling-Book, and beginning to write — The next is reading in the Spelling-Book — the fourth is Spelling in the beginning of the Spelling-Book — And the last is beginning her letters. . . . 2(K) Readings in American History Thursday 4. Busy in School — To da,\' the two eldest daugnters. and sec- ond son attended the Dancing School. . . . Wednesday 10. Busy in School — The eldest Daughter taken off by her teacher in Music: Mr. Stadley who is learning her to play the Forte-piano. Thursday 25. Rode this morning to Richmond Court-House, where two Horses run for a purse of 500 Pounds: besides small Betts almost inumerable. . . . Thursday 7. Mr. Stadley Miss Priscilla's music master arrived this morning — He performed several pieces on the Violin. . . . Fryday 10. Miss Nancy is beginning on the Guitar. Ben finished reading Salusts Catiline Conspiracy. Sunday 12, Rode to Nominy-Church, parson Smith preached 15 min- utes — Advertisement at tlie church door dated Sunday De- cember 12th. Pork to be sold to-morrow at 20, per Hun- dred. — Monday 13. . . . Mr. Carter is practising this evening on the Guittar. He begins witii the Trumpet Minuet. He has a good Ear for Music; a vastly delicate Taste: and keeps good Instru- ments, he has here at Home a Harpischord, Forte-Piano, Harmonica, Guittar and German Flutes, and at Williams- burg, has a good organ, he himself also is indefatigable in the Practice. . . . Forination of the Federal Cuiistitution 201 Virginia hospital- ity. Fruit- growing. Sunday 3. . . . This being Easter-Sunday, all the Parish seemed to meet together High, Low, black, white all come out — . . . After Sermon I rode to Mr. Turburville's. There dined with him, Ladies Mrs. Carter, and Mrs. George Turburville: Gen- tlemen, Colonel Carter, Squire-Lee, Mr. Cunningham, and Mr. Jennings, Merchants; Mr. George Lee and Ben Carter and myself — We had an elegant dinner; Beef and greens; roast-Pig; fine boil'd Rock-fish, Pudding, Cheese etc. — Drink: good Porter-Beer, Cyder, Rum, and Brandy Toddy. The Virginians are so kind one can scarce know how to dis- pense with or indeed accept their kindness shown in such a variety of instances. — . . . The country begins to put on her Flowery Garment, and appear in gaity — The apricots are in their fullest Bloom ; Peaches also, and Plumbs, and several sorts of Cheries are blossoming; as I look from my window and see groves of Peach Trees on the Banks of Nomini (for the orchards here are very large) and other Fruit trees in Blossom. . . . After supper I had a long conversation with Mrs. Carter The siav concerning negroes in Virginia, and find that she esteems fj^^'^"'^ their value at no higher rate than I do. We both concluded, (I am pretty certain that the conclusion is just) that if in Mr. Carter's, or in any Gentlemans Estate, all the Negroes should be sold, and the money put to Interest in safe hands, and let the lands which these Negroes now work be wholly uncultivated, the bare Interest of the price of the Negroes would be a much greater yearly income than what is now re- ceived from their working the Lands, making no allowance at all for the trouble and risk of the masters as to the Crops, and Negroes. — How much greater then must be the value of an estate here if these poor enslaved Africans were all in their native desired Country, and in their Room industrious Ten- ants, who being born in freedom, by a laudable care, would not only enrich their Landlords, but would raise a hardy Off- spring to be the Strength and the honour of the Colony. . . . 202 Readings in A merican Ilisfonj 43. Treatment of Prisoners, 1785 Benjamin Harrison was governor of Virginia, 1783-6. The fol- lowing order for the treatment of prisoners was taken from his Letter Book, pp. 452, 453. State Library, Richmond, Virginia. In Council March 28, 1785. Sir: ^ You are to take under your care the prisoners Francis Wil- son, Bartholomew Taylor, Christopher Clarke, Thomas Hum- phries, and Philip Miles from the hands of William Rose, Gaoler and to cause them to labor upon such streets and ways of communication in the City of Richmond as the Direct- ors of the Public buildings shall point out to you from time to time. The said Davis for five years and all the others for three years. You are to observe such a Degree of humanity towards these people as their condition will permit in every- thing that relates to them. You will take the necessary measures to pre\'ent escapes in order to do this you are to cause them to wear such irons as are absolutely necessary for that purpose. Particular care must be taken that they have plenty of wholesome Food and that their Clothes be warm and comfortable — two Duffele Blankets must be had for each man, and they are to lodge of nights in the public Jail. You are to take care that their cloaths and lodging be kept clean and that their labor be confined to the usual hours and good weather. In case of sickness you are to apply to Doctor Fonshee for medical assistance. From the state of confinement in which the people have remained lately, it is necessary for you to be careful that they avoid such a De- , gree of exposure and labor, as may be safely practiced by persons who have not been confined. Their progress to a full share of la!)or nmst be gradual. — You are to see that they be not restrained from attending divine worship and attend them accordingly. You arc to apply to the Directors of the public buildings for food for the Laborers — Clothes will be Formation of the Federal Constitution 203 furnished by Colo. Meriwether — and as a full compensation for your services herein you are to be allowed one hundred pounds per annum to be paid quarterly out of the Contin- gent Fund. I am etc. B. H. 44. A Trip to Mt. Vernon and North Carolina During the period of the Revolution and the first third of the nineteenth century Elkanah Watson, a noted traveler in both Eu- rope and America recorded his observations on the men he had met and incidents connected with his travels. He was a careful ob- server, and was especially interested in the construction of canals and the development of agriculture. — (Elkanah Watson, Men and Times of the Revolution, 262-264 passi))i. 1856.) 1 had feasted my imagination foi several days in the near Meeting prospect of a visit to Mount \'ernon, the seat of Washing- Washing- ton. No pilgrim ever approached Mecca with greater enthu- ton. siasm. I arrived there in the afternoon of January 23d, '85. I was the bearer of the letter from Gen. Green, with another from Col. Fitzgerald, one of the former aids of Washington, and also the books from Granville Sharp. Although assured that these credentials would secure me a respectful reception, I trembled with awe as I came into the presence of this great man. I found hira at table with Mrs. Washington and his private family, and was received in the native dignity and with that urbanity so peculiarly combined in the character of a soldier and eminent private gentleman. He soon put me at ease by unbending in a free and affable conversation. The cautious reserve which wnsdom and policy dictated whilst engaged in rearing the glorious fabric of our indepen- dance, was evidently the result of consummate prudence, and not characteristic of his nature. Although I had frecjuently seen him in the progress of the revolution and had corre- sponded with him from France in '81, and '82, this was the first occasion on which I had contemplated him in his pri- vate relations. I observed a peculiarity in his smile, which 204 Readings in American History seemed to illuminate his eye; his whole countenance beamed with intelligence, while it commanded confidence and re- spect. The gentleman who had accompanied me from Alex- andria, left in the evening, and I remained alone in the en- joyment of the society of Washington, for two of the richest days of my life. I saw him reaping the reward of his illus- trious deeds, in the quiet shade of his beloved retirement. He was at the matured age of fifty-three. Alexander and Caesar both died before they had reached that period of life, and both had immortalized their names. How much stronger and nobler the claims of Washington to immortality! In the impulses of mad and selfish ambition, they acquired fame by wading to the conquest of the world through seas of blood. Washington, on the contrary, was parsimonious of the blood of his countrymen, and stood forth, the pure and virtuous champion of their rights, and formed for them (not himself) a mighty empire. Personal- To have communed with such a man in the bosom of his WashinK- fs^'iii^y* I shall always regard as one of the highest privileges ton. of my life. 1 foimd him kind, and benignant in the domestic circle, beloved and re\ered by all around him; agreeably so- cial without ostentation; delighting in anecdote and adven- tures without assumption; his domestic arrangements har- monious and systematic. His servants seemed to watch his eye, and to anticipate his every wish; hence a look was equiv- alent to a command. His .servant Billy, the faithful com- panion of his military career, was always at his side. Smil- ing content animated and beamed on every countenance in his presence. The first evening I spent under the wing of his hospitality, we sat a full hour at table by ourselves without the least in- terruption, after the family had retired. 1 was extrenily op- pressed by a severe cold and excessive coughing, contracted by the exposure of a harsh winter joiu'ney. He pre.ssed me to use .some reinedi(>s, ))ut I declined doing so. As usual after retiring, my coughing increa.sed. When some time had elapsed, the door of my room was gently opened, and on Formation of the Federal Constitution 205 drawing my bed curtains, to my utter astonishment, I be- held Washington himself standing at my bedside, with a bowl of hot tea in his hand. I was mortified and distressed beyond measure. This little incident occurring in common life with an ordinary man, would not have been noticed; ))ut as a trait of the benevolence and private virtue of Washing- ton deserves to be recorded. He modestly waived all allusions to the events, in which Washing- he had acted so glorious and conspicuous a part. Much of [""gstTn his conversation had reference to the interior country, and internal to the opening of the navigation of the Potomac, by canals n,ents. and locks, at the Seneca, the Great and Little Falls. His mind seemed to be deeply absorbed by that object, then in earnest contemplation. He allowed me to take minutes from his former journals on this subject, of which the foUow- lowing is a partial summary. "The stock of the company is divided into five hundred shares at £50 sterling each. The canal company has been incorporated by both Maryland and Virginia." (Washington had accepted the Presidency). "The preliminary prepa- rations are in full train, to commence operations in the ensuing Spring, not only to remove the obstacles in the Potomac to a boat navigation from Georgetown to Fort Cumberland a distance of one hundred and ninety miles, but to the ultimate construction of a canal to Lake Erie, which is intended not only to give a direction of the fur trade from Detroit to Alexandria, but to attract the eventual trade of the country north of the Ohio which now slumbers in a state of nature." This scheme was worthy the compre- hensive mind of Washington. To demonstrate the practicability and the policy of divert- ing the trade of the immence interior world yet unexplored to Atlantic cities, especially in view of the idea that the Mississippi would be opened by Spain was his constant and favorite theme. . . . Since my travels in 1779, I had been deeply and con- stantly impressed with the importance of constructing canals 206 Readings in American History to connect the various waters of America. This con\iction was confirmed by the examination of numerous canals in Europe, and travelling extensively on several of them. Hear- ing little else for two days from the persuasi\e tongue of this great man, I confess completely infected me with the canal mania, and enkindled all my enthusiasm. . . . During this period of my residence in North Carolina, the state was strongly convulsed by the agitation of the ques- tion of adopting the federal constitution. I embarked with great zeal and ardor, in advocating its adoption, personally and by numerous contributions to the press, in \'irginia and North Carolina. A baptist preacher named B , was a candidate for the State con\'ention, which was to decide, in that State, the great question of acceding to or rejecting the proposed Constitution. B was a prominent leader of the opposition, and with him I had been engaged in many warm personal discussions and in public correspondence. The week previous to the election, I was riding in com- pany with Major Murfee, who has been already introduced to the reader, and a Dr. Garvey, a warm hearted and energetic Irishman, several miles in the interior from Winton, where we noticed a paper pasted upon a tree, which read as follows: "Notice! — On Wednesday next, at three o'clock, all persons desirous of hearing the new Constitution explained, by Elder B 1, are requested to attend his church in the Woodlands, 17th March 1788." The time appointed was only two days previous to the election. We felt indignant, at what we deemed an insidious attempt to deceive the community; and determined to be present in order to counteract his movement. On our arrival we found a horse hitched to every tree about the church, and the in- terior of the building crowded. We pressed our way into seats a little distance from the pulpit. B — r—t had been some time at his nefarious work, explaining the Constitution to suit his unhallowed purposes. He frequently cast a sus- picious and disconcerted eye upon our pew. He then began to explain the object of the ten miles square, as the con- Formation of the Federal Constitution 207 templated seat of the government. "This, my friends," said the preacher, "will be walled in or fortified. Here an army of 50,000, or, perhaps 100,000, will be finally embodied, and will sally forth, and enslave the people, who will be gradually disarmed." This absurd assumption set our blood in fermentation, strongly excited already in party feeling. We consulted a moment, and agreed to possess ourselves of the seat directly under the pulpit, and make an effort to dis- cuss the subject, or break up the meeting. We arose to- gether, Garvey with the Constitution in his hand, supported by Murfee on his right, and myself on his left. Garvey turned towards B 1, and said, in a loud voice: — "Sir, as to the ten miles square, you are" — here he was interrupted by a general movement and buzz, which in- stantly swelled into a perfect uproar. At this crisis we were in a most critical situation, and only saved from violence by the personal popularity of Murfee, who was universally be- loved. We were glad to pass out with the torrent, gain our horses, and be off. We however attained our object — the meeting was dissolved. The next day Garvey and myself planned and executed a caricature; and as it was a new exhibition among the people, we hoped it would ha\e a good effect at the polls. A clergy- man was represented in a pulpit, dressed in his bands, with a label proceeding from his mouth having this inscription: — "And lo, he brayeth!" This we commited to some resolute fellows, with instructions to post it up at the door of the courthouse, on the opening of the polls; they engaged to defend and protect it. Some of B t's friends stung to the quick by the sarcasm, attempted to pull it down. A gen- eral battle ensued. This obstructed as we desired, the voting. Candles were lighted in the courthouse; these were extin- guished in the melee and both parties in great confusion were left in the dark, literally as well as politically. I embraced the oportunity of taking French leave. B 1 gained the election, to our great annoyance, and the Constitution was rejected for that year by North-Carolina. CHAPTER XIV ORGANIZATION OF THE NEW GOVERNMENT 45. Inaugur\tion of President Washington (David Ramsay, The History of the American Revolution, 344, 346 passim. London, 1793.) Though great diversity of opinions had prexailed about the new constitution, there was but one opinion aliout the person who should be appointed its supreme executive officer. The people, as well anti-federalists as federalists, (for by these names the parties for and against the new constitution were called) unanimously turned their eyes on the late com- mander of their armies, as the most proper person to be their first President. Perhaps there was not a well-informed individual in the United States, (Mr. Washington himself only excepted) who was not anxious that he should be called to the executive administration of the proposed new plan of government. Unambitious of further honors, he had re- tired to his farm in Virginia, and hoped to be excused from all further public service; but his country called him by an unanimous vote to fill the highest station in its gift. That honest zeal for the public good, which had uniformly influ- enced him to devote both his time and talents to the serv- ice of his country, got the better of his love of retirement, and induced him once more to engage in the great business of making a nation happy. The intelligence of his election being communicated to him, while on his farm in Virginia, he set out soon after for New York. On his way thither, the road was crowded with numbers anxious to see the Man of the people. Escorts of militia, and of gentlemen of the first 208 Organization of the New Government 209 character and station, attended him from State to State, and he was everywhere received with the highest honors which a grateful and admiring people could confer. Addresses of congratulation were presented to him by the inhabitants of almost every place of consequence through which he passed, to all of which he returned such modest, unassuming answers as were in every respect suitable to his situation. So great were the honors with which he was loaded, that they could scarcely have failed to produce haughtiness in the mind of any ordinary man; but nothing of the kind was ever dis- covered in this extraordinary personage. On all occasions he behaved to all men with the affability of one citizen to an- other. He was truly great in deserving the plaudits of his country, but much greater in not being elated with them. Of the numerous addresses which' were presented on this occasion, one subscribed by Dennis Ramsay, the mayor of Alexandria, in the name of the people of that city, who were the neighbors of Mr. Washington, was particularly and uni- versally admired. It was in the following words: ** To George W ashington , Esq., President of the United States, etc. " Again your country commands your care. Obedient to its wishes, unmindful of your ease, we see you again relin- quishing the bliss of retirement; and this too, at a period of life, when nature itself seems to authorize a preference of repose ! "Not to extol your glory as a soldier; not to pour forth our gratitude for past services; not to acknowledge the jus- tice of the unexampled honor which has been conferred upon you by the spontaneous and unanimous suffrage of three millions of freemen, in your election to the supreme magis- tracy; nor to admire the patriotism which directs your con- duct, do your neighbors and friends now address you ; themes less splendid, but more endearing, impress our minds. The first and best of citizens must leave us; our aged must lose their ornament; our youth their model; our agriculture its improver; our commerce its friend; our infant academy its 210 Readings in American Hutory protector; our poor their benefactor; and the interior navi- gation of the Potomac (an event replete with the most ex- tensive utihty, already, hy your unremitted exertions, brought into partial use) its institutor and promoter, "Farewell! "Farewell! . . . Go! and make a grateful people happy; a people, who will be doubly grateful, when they contemplate this recent sacrifice for their interest. "To that Being, who maketh and unmaketh at his will, we commend you; and after the accomplishment of the arduous business to which you are called, may he restore you to us again, the best of men, and the most beloved fellow citizen!" To this Mr. Washington returned the following answer: "Gentlemen, " Although I ought not to conceal, yet I cannot describe the painful emotions which I felt in being called upon to de- termine whether I would accept or refuse the Presidency of the United States. The unanimity in the choice; the opinion of my friends; communicated from different parts of Europe, as well as from America ; the apparent wish of those who were not entirely satisfied with the constitution in its present form; and an ardent desire on my own part to be instrumental in connecting the good will of my countrymen towards each other; have induced an acceptance. Those who knew me best (and you, my fellow citizens, are from your situation in that number) know better than any others, my love of re- tirement is so great, that no earthly consideration, short of a conviction of duty, could have prevailed upon me to depart from my resolution, 'never more to take any share in trans- actions of a public nature.' For, at my age, and in my cir- cumstances, what prospects or advantages could I propose to myself, from eml)arking again on the tempestuous and un- certain ocean of public life? " I do not feel myself under the necessity of making public Organization of the New Government 211 declarations, in order to convince you, Gentlemen, of my at- tachment to yourselves, and regard for your interests; the whole tenor of my life has been open to your inspection; and my past actions, rather than my present declarations, must be the pledge of my future conduct. " In the mean time, I thank you most sincerely for the ex- pressions of kindness contained in your valedictory address. It is true, just after having bid adieu to my domestic con- nections, this tender proof of your friendships is but too well calculated still farther to awaken my sensibility, and increase my regret at parting from the enjoyment of private life. " All that now remains for me, is to commit m3self and you to the protection of that beneficent Being, who on a former occasion hath happily brought us together, after a long and distressing separation ; perhaps the same gracious Providence will again indulge me. Unutterable sensations must then be left to more expressive silence; while from an aching heart, I bid you all, my affectionate friends, and kind neighbors, farewell I" Gray's-Bridge over the Schuylkill, which Mr. Washington Journey had to pass, was highly decorated with laurels and evergreens, deiphla!" At each end of it were erected magnificent arches composed of laurels, emblematical of the ancient Roman triumphal arches; and on each side of the bridge was a laurel shrubbery. As Mr. Washington passed the bridge, a youth ornamented with sprigs of laurel, assisted by machinery, let drop above his head, though unperceived by him, a civic crown of laurel. Upwards of 20,000 citizens lined the fences, fields, and ave- nues, between the Schuylkill and Philadelphia. Through these he was conducted to the city, by a numerous and re- spectable body of the citizens, where he partook of an elegant entertainment provided for him. The pleasures of the day were succeeded by a handsome display of fireworks in the evening. When Mr. Washington crossed the Delaware, and landed on the Jersey shore, he was saluted with three cheers by the 212 Readings in American History inhabitants of tlie vicinity. When he came to the brow of the hill, on his way to Trenton, a triumphal arch was erected on the bridge, by the direction of the ladies of the place. The crown of the arch was hif:;hly ornamented with imperial laiu'cls ami Howers, and on it was displayed in large figures, December 2()th, 177(3. On the sweep of the arch beneath was this inscription, "The defender of the Mothers will also protect their Daughters." On the north side were ranged a number of young girls dressed in white, with garlands of flowers on their heads, and baskets of flowers on their arms; in the second row stood the young ladies, and behind them the married ladies of the town. The instant he passed the arch, the young girls began to sing the following ode: "Welcome, mighty chief, once more, Welcome to this grateful shore: Now no mercenary foe . Aims again the fatal blow, Aims at thee the fatal blow. Virgins fair, and matrons grave, These thy conquering arm did save, Build for thee trium{)hal bowers; Strew, ye fair, his way with flowers, Strew your Hero's way with flowers." As they sung the last lines, they strewed their flowers on the road before their beloved deliverer. His situation on this occasion, contrasted with what he had in Dec. 177(5 felt on the same spot, when the affairs of America were at the lowest ebb of depression, filled him with sensations that cannot be described. He was rowed across the bay from Elizabeth- Town to New-York in an elegant barge by thirteen pilots. All the vessels in the harbour hoisted their flags. Stairs were erected and decorated for his reception. On his landing, universal joy diffused itself through every order of the people, and he was received and congratulated by the governor of the State, and officers of the corporation. He was conductefl from the landing-place to the house which had been fitted up for his reception, and was followed by an elegant proces- Organization of the New Government 213 sion of militia in their uniforms, and by great numbers of citizens. In the evening, the houses of the inhabitants were brilliantly illuminated. A day was fixed, soon after his ar- The inau- rival, for his taking the oath of office, which was in the follow- gyration, ing words: " I do solemnly swear that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States, and will, to the l)est of my ability, preserve, protect, and defend, the consti- tution of the United States." On this occasion he was wholly clothed in American manufactures. In the morning of the day appointed for this purpose, the clergy of different de- nominations assembled their congregations in their respective places of worship, and offered up public prayers for the Presi- dent and people of the United States. About noon, a proces- sion, followed by a multitude of citizens, moved from the President's house to Federal Hall. When they came within a short distance from the Hall, the troops formed a line on both sides of the way, through which Mr. Washington, accom- panied by the Vice-President, Mr. John Adams, passed into the Senate Chamber. Immediately after, accompanied by both houses, he went into the gallery fronting Broad-Street, and before them, and an immense concourse of citizens, took the oath prescribed by the constitution, which was adminis- tered by R. R. Livingston, the Chancellor of the State of New- York. An awful silence prevailed among the spectators during this part of the ceremony. It was a minute of the most sublime political joy. The Chancellor then proclaimed him President of the United States. This was answered by the discharge of 13 guns, and by the effusions of shouts, from near 10,000 grateful and affectionate hearts. The President bowed most respectfully to the people, and the air resounded again with their acclamations. He then retired to the Senate Chamber, where he made the following speech to both houses: " Felloiv Citizens of the Senate, and of the House of Repre- inaugural sentatives. ' ' ' ^^^'■^^^• "Among the vicissitudes incident to life, no event could have filled me with greater anxieties, than that of which the 214 Readings in .imerican History notification was transmitted by your order, and received on the 14th day of the present month. On the one hand, I was summoned by my country, whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I had chosen with the fondest predilection, and in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylum of my declining years; a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me, by the addition of habit to inclina- tion, and of frequent interruptions in my health, to the gradual waste committed on it by time. . . . On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens, a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence, one, who, inheriting inferior endowments from nature, and unpractised in the duties of civil administra- tion, ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies. In this conflict of emotions, all I dare aver, is, that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected. All I dare hope, is, that, if in executing this task, I have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by an affectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of my fellow-citizens; and have thence too little consulted my incapacity as well as disinclination, for the weighty and untried cares before me; my error will be palliated by the motives which misled me, and its conse- quences be judged by my country, with some share of the partiality in which they originated. . . . "To the preceeding observations I have one to add, which will be most properly addressed to the House of Representa- tives; it concerns my.self, and will, therefore, be as brief as possible. "When I was first honoured with a call into the service of my country, then on the eve of an arduous struggle for its liberties, the light in which I contemplated my duty, required, that I should renounce every pecuniary compensation. From Organization of the New Government 215 this resolution I have in no instance departed. And being still under the impressions which produced it, I must decline as inapplical)le to myself, any share in tiie personal emolu- ments, which may be indispensably included in a permanent provision for the executive department; and must accordingly pray, that the pecuniary estimates for the station in which I am placed, may, during my continuance in it, be limited to such actual expenditures as the public good may be thought to require. "Having thus imparted to you my sentiments, as they have been awakened by the occasion which brings us together — I shall take my present leave; but not without resorting once more to the benign Parent of the human race, in hum- ble supplication, that since he has been pleased to favour the American people with opportunities for deliberating in perfect tranquillity, and dispositions for deciding with unpar- alleled unanimity on a form of government, for the security of their union, and the advancement of their happiness; so his Divine blessing may be equally conspicuous in the en- larged views, the temperate consultations, and the wise meas- ures on which the success of this government must depend." The President and Congress then attended on divine service. In the evening a very ingenious and splendid shew of fire- other fea- works was exhibited. Betwixt the fort and the bowling ^^e^nau- green stood conspicuous, a superb and brilliant transparent giiration. painting, in the center of which was the portrait of the Presi- dent, represented under the emblem of fortitude; on his right hand was Justice, representing the Senate of the United States; and on his left. Wisdom, representing the House of Representatives. v^. This memorable day completed the organization of the new constitution. By this establishment the rising genera- tion will have an opportunity of observing the result of an experiment in politics, which before has never been fairly made. The experience of former ages has given many mel- ^16 Headings in American History ancholy proofs, that the popular governments have seldom answered in practice to the theories and warm wishes of their admirers. The present inhabitants of independent America now have an opportunity to wipe off this aspersion, to assert the dignity of human nature, and the capacity of mankind for self-government. . . . 46. Forms and Ceremonies Connected with the In- auguration OF THE Government .Senator William Maclay, of Pennsylvania, was an ardent Anti- Federalist. During the two years he was in the Senate, 1789-91, he kept a journal, which was not intended for publication. At times he was unduly severe in his criticisms of political opponents. De- scriptions of debates in the Senate and of the forms and ceremonies of that period are given in a most graphic manner. — (William Mac- laj', Journal (edited by Edgar S. Maclay), 7, 69, 208 passim. With permission of D. Appleton & Co., New York, 1890.) 30th April, (1789) Thursday. — This is a great, important day. Goddess of etiquette, assist me while I describe it. The Senate stood adjourned to iialf after eleven o'clock. About ten dressed in my best clothes; went for Mr. Morris' lodgings, but met his son, who told me that his father would not be in town until Saturday. Turned into the Hall. The crowd already great. The Senate met. The Mce-President rose in the most solemn manner. . . . "Gentlemen, I wish for the direction of the Senate. The President will, I sup- pose, address the Congress. How shall I beha\e? How shall we receive it? Shall it be standing or sitting?" Here followed a considerable deal of talk from him which I could make nothing of. Mr. Lee began with the House of Commons (as is usual with him), then the House of Lords; then the King, and then back again. The result of his in- formation was, that the Lords sat, and the Commons stood, on the delivery of the King's speech. Mr. Izard got up and told how often he had been in the House of Parliament. He said a great deal of what he had seen there. (He) made. Organization of the Nea' Government -17 however, this sagacious (hscovery, that the Coininons stood because they had no seats to sit on, being arrived at the bar of the House of Lords. It was discovered after some time that the King sat, too, and had his robes and crown on. Mr. Adams got up again, and said he had been very often, indeed, at the ParUament on those occasions, but there was always such a crowd, and Uidies aU:>ng, he could not say how it was. Mr. Carrol got up to declare that he thought it of no consequence, how it was in Great Britain — they were no rule to us, etc. But all at once the Secretary, who had been out, whispered to the Chair that the Clerk from the Repre- sentatives was at the door with a communication. Gentle- men of the Senate, how shall he be received? A silly kind of resolution of the committee on that business had been laid on the table some days ago. The amount of it was, that each House should conimunicate to the other what and how they chose; it concluded, however, something in this way; that everything should be done with all the propriety that was proper. The question was. Shall this be adopted, that we may know how to receive the Clerk? It was ob- jected; this will throw no light on the subject; it will leave you where you are. Mr. Lee brought the House of Com- mons before us again. He reprobated the rule; declared that the Clerk should not come within the bar of the House; that the proper mode was for the Sergeant-at-Arms, with the mace on his shoulder, to meet the Clerk at the door and recieve his communication; we are not, however, provided for this ceremonious wa.y of doing business, having neither mace nor Sergeant, nor Masters in Chancery, who carry down bills from the English Lords. Mr. Izard got up and labored unintelligibly to show the great distinction between a communication and a delivery of a thing; but he was not minded. Mr. Ellsworth showed plainly enough that if the Clerk was not permitted to de- liver the communication, the Speaker might as well send it enclosed. Repeated accounts came (that) the Speaker and Representatives were at the door. Confusion ensued; the 218 Readings in American History members left their seats: Mr. Reed rose and called the at- tention of the Senate to the neglect that had been shown to Mr. Thomson, late Secretary. Mr. Lee rose to answer him; but I could not hear one word he said. The Speaker was introduced, followed by the Representatives. Here we sat an hour and ten minutes before the President arrived — this delay was owing to Lee, Izard, and Dalton, who had stayed with us until the Speaker came in, instead of going to attend the President. The President advanced between the Senate and Representatives, bowing to each. He was placed in the chair by the Vice-President; the Senate, with their President, on the right, the Speaker and Representa- tives on his left. The Vice-President rose, and addressed a short sentence to him. The import of it was that he should now take the oath of office as President. He seemed to have forgot half of what he was to say, for he made a dead pause and stood for some time, to appearance, in a vacant mood. He finished with a formal bow, and the President was con- ducted out of the middle window into the gallery, and the oath was administered by the Chancellor. Notice that the business was done was communicated to the crowd hy the proclamation, etc., who gave three cheers, and repeated it on the President's bowing to them. As the company returned into the Chamber, the President took the chair and the Senate and Representatives, their seats. He rose and all rose, and addressed them. This great man was agitated and embarrassed more than ever he was by the leveled cannon or pointed musket. He trembled, and several times could scarce make out to read, though it must be supposed he had often read it before. He put part of the fingers of his left hand into the side of what I think the tailors call the fall of the breeches, 'changing the paper into his left [right] hand. After some time he then did the same with some of the fingers of his right hand. When he came to the words (til the world, he made a flourish with his right hand which left rather an ungainly impression. I sincerely, for my part, wished all set ceremony in the hands of the Organization of the New Government 219 dancing masters, and that this first of men had read off his address in the plainest manner, without ever taking his eyes from the paper; for I felt hurt that he was not first in every- thing. He was dressed in deep brown, with metal buttons, with an eagle on them, white stockings, a bag, and sword. From the hall there was a grand procession to St. Paul's Church, where prayers were said by the Bishop. The pro- cession was well conducted and without accident, as far as I have heard. The militia were all under arms, lined the street near the church, made a good figure, and behaved well. The Senate returned to their chamber after service, formed, and took up the address. Our Vice-President called it his most gracious speech. I cannot approve of this. A com- mittee was appointed on it — Johnson, Carrol, Patterson. Adjourned. In the evening there were grand fireworks. The Spanish Ambassador's house was adorned with transparent paintings; the French minister's house was illuminated, and had some transparent pieces; the Hall was grandly illumi- nated, and after all this the people went to bed. May 1st. — Attended at the Hall at eleven. The prayers were over and the minutes read. When we came to the minutes of the speech it stood, His Most Gracious Speech. I looked all around the Senate. Every countenance seemed to wear a blank. The Secretary was going on : I must speak or nobody would. "Mr. President, we have lately had a hard struggle for our liberty against kingly authority. The minds of men are still heated; everything related to that species of government is odious to the people. The words prefixed to the President's speech are the same that are usu- ally placed before the speech of his Britannic Majesty. I know they will give offense. I consider them as improper. I therefore move that they be struck out, and that it stand simply address or speech, as may be judged most suitable." Mr. Adams rose in his chair and expressed the greatest surprise that anything should be objected to on account of its being taken from the practice of that government under which we had lived so long and happily formerly; that he Procession to Saint Paul's Church. Inaugural night. Opposi- tion to for- malities. 220 Rcadiitg.s in American Uislory was for a dignified and respectable government, and as far as he knew the sentiments of people they thought as he did; that for his part he was one of the first in the late contest [the Revolution], and, if he could have thought of this, he never ivould have drawn his sicord. . Painful as it was, I had to contend with the Chair. I ad- mitted that the people of the colonies (now States) had en- joyed formerly great happiness under that species of govern- ment, but the abuses of that Government under which they had to fear from that kind of government; that there had been a revolution in the sentiments of people respecting gov- ernment equally great as that which had happened in the Government itself; that even the modes of it were now ab- horred; that the enemies of the Constitution had objected to it the facility there would be of transition from it to kingly government and all the trappings and splendor of royalty; that if such a thing as this appeared on our min- utes, they would not fail to represent it as the first step of the ladder in the ascent to royalty. The Vice-President rose a second time, and declared that he had mentioned it to the Secretary; that he could not possibly conceive, that any person could take offense at it. . . . After the House adjourned the Vice-President took me to one side, declared how much he was for an efficient Govern- ment, how much he respected General Washington, and much of that kind. I told him I would yield to no person in re- spect to General Washington; that our common friends would perhaps one day inform him that I was not wanting in respect to himself [Adams]; that my wishes for an effi- cient Government were as high as any man's, and I begged him to believe that I did myself great violence when I op- posed him in the chair, and nothing but a sense of duty could force me to it. He got on the subject of checks to government and the balances of power. ... I caught at the last word, and said undoubtedly without a balance there could be no equilibrium, and so left him hanging in geometry. . . . May 18th, Monday. — Senate met. The address [to the Organisation of the Neiv Goveriimeni 221 President] was read over, and we proceeded in carriages to Reply of the President's to present it. Having no part to act but to^tiie'"^'^^ that of a mute, I had nothing to embarrass me. We were President's received in an antechamber. Had some little difficulty about seats, as there were several wanting, from whence may be inferred that the President's major-domo is not the most provident, as our numbers were well enough known. We had not been seated more than three minutes when it was signified to us to wait on the President in his levee-room. The Vice-President went foremost, and the Senators followed without any particular order. We made our bows as we entered, and the Vice-President, having made a bow, began to read an address. He was much confused. The paper trembled in his hand, though he had the aid of both by resting it on his hat, which he held in his left hand. He read very badly all that was on the front pages. The turn- ing of the page seemed to restore him, and he read the rest with more propriety. This agitation was the more remark- able, as there were but twenty-two persons present and none of them strangers. The President took his reply out of his coat-pocket. He had his spectacles in his jacket-pocket, having his hat in his left hand and the paper in his right. He had too many ob- jects for his hands. He shifted his hat between his forearm and the left side of his breast. But taking his spectacles from the case embarrassed him. He got rid of this small distress by laying the spectacle-case on the chimney-piece. Colonel Humphreys stood on his right, Mr. Lear on his left. Having adjusted his spectacles, which was not very easy, considering the engagements on his hands, he read the reply with tolerable exactness and without much emotion. I thought he should have received us with spectacles on, which would have saved the making of some uncouth motions. Yet, on the whole, he did nearly as well as anyone could have done the same motions. Could the laws of etiquette have permitted him to have been disencumbered of his hat, it would have relieved him much. 222 Readings in American History After having read his reply, he delivered the paper to the Vice-President with an easy inch'nation, bowed around to the company, and desired them to be seated. This pohte- ness seems founded on reason, for men after standing quite still for some time, want to sit, if it were for only a minute or two. The Vice-President did not comply, nor did he re- fuse, but stood so long that the President repeated the re- quest. He declined it by making a low bow, and retired. We made our bows, came out to the door, and waited till our carriages took us up. Returned [to the Hall] Senate formed. The address and reply were ordered on the minutes. Had agreed with sundry of our Pennsylvania friends to go to the levee. General Muhlenberg came to me and told me they would meet in the committee-room. We did so, and went to the levee. I went foremost, and left them to follow and do as well as they could. . . . The company was large for the room. The foreign ministers were there. Van Bukel, the Dutch Minister (for the first time, I suppose), gaudy as a peacock. Our Pennsylvanians withdrew before me. The President honored me with a particular tete-a-tete. " How will this weather suit your farming?" "Poorly, Sir; the season is the most backward I have ever known. It is re- markably so here, but by letters from Pennsylvania vegeta- tion is slow in proportion there." "The fruit, it is to be expected, will be safe; backward seasons are in favor of it, but in Virginia it was lost before I left that place." "Much depends on the exposure of the orchard. Those with a northern aspect have been found by us [in Pennsylvania] to be the most certain in producing fruit." "Yes, that is a good observation and should be attended to." Made my bow and retired. . . . June 5th, Friday. — . . , Here are the most important bills before us, and yet we shall throw all by for empty cere- mony, for attending the levee is little more. Nothing is re- garded or valued at such meetings but the qualifications that Organization of the New Government 223 flow from the tailor, barber, or dancing-master. To be clean shaved, shirted, and powdered, to make your bows with grace, and to be master of small chat on the weather, play, or newspaper anecdote of the day, are the highest qualifications necessary. Levees may be extremely useful in old countries where men of great fortune are collected, as it may keep the idle from being much worse employed. But here I think they are hurtful. They interfere with the business of the public, and, instead of employing only the idle, have a tend- ency to make men idle who should be better employed. Indeed, from these small beginnings I fear we shall follow on nor cease till we have reached the summit of court eti- cjuette, and all the frivolities, fopperies, and expense prac- ticed in European governments. I grieve to think that many individuals among us are aiming at these objects with in- creasing diligence. . . . March Sth, 1790. — This is the important week, and per- haps the important day, when the question will be put on the assumption of the State debts. I suspect this from the rendezvousing of the crew of the Hamilton galley. It seems all hands are piped to quarters. Four o'clock, — I am rather deceived, as the adoption party do not yet consider themselves strong enough to risk the putting of the question, for it seems the day has passed and nothing is done. . . . March 9th. — In the Senate Chamber this morning Butler Debate on said he heard a man say he would give Vining one thousand ^^on™/*' guineas for his vote, but added, "I question whether he would state do so in fact." So do I, too, for he might get it for a tenth part of that sum. I do not know that pecuniary influence has actually been used, but I am certain that every other kind of management has been practiced and every tool at work that could be thought of. Officers of Government, clergy, citizens, [order of] Cincinnati, and every person under the influence of the Treasury; Bland and Huger carried to debts. 224 Readings in American History the Chamber of Representatives — the one lame, the other sick. Clymer stopped from going away, though he had leave, and at length they risked the question and carried it, thirty- one votes to twenty-six. And all this after having tampered with the members since the 22nd of last month [February], and this only in committee, with many doubts that some will fly off and great fears that the North Carolina members will be in before a bill can be matured or a report gone through. . . . CHAPTER XV FOREIGN RELATIONS, 1793-1801 47. Control of the Navigation of the Mississippi by Spain, 1793 One of the most perplexing problems to be met by President Washington and his advisers grew out of the control of the mouth of the Mississippi by Spain. From the close of the Revolution men of the West were demanding the right to market their produce in New Oi'leans and to use that port for shipping. The following petition, printed in a Kentucky newspaper of the time, is one of many illustrating the general dissatisfaction in the West. TO THE INHABITANTS OF THE UNITED STATES WEST OF THE ALLEGANY AND APALACHIAN MOUNTAINS. Fellow Citizens, The Democratic Society of Kentucky, having had under consideration the measures necessary to obtain the exercise of your right to the free navigation of the Mississippi, have determined to address 3^ou upon that important topic. In so doing, they think, that they only use the undoubted right of Citizens, to consult for their common welfare. This meas- ure is not dictated by party or faction, it is the consequence of unavoidable necessity. It has become so from the neglect shewn by the General Government, to obtain for those of the citizens of the United States, who are interested therein, the navigation of that River. In the present age, when the rights of man have been Naviga- fully investigated and declared by the voice of nations, and J^^^,^^ more particularly in America, where those rights were first sippianat- developed and declared, it will not be necessary to prove, "'"^ ''^ 225 22G Readings in American History that the free navigation of the Mississippi is the natural right of the Inhabitants of the country watered by its streams. It cannot be beh"eved, that the beneficent God of nature would have blessed this country witli unparalleled fertility, and furnished it with a number of navigable streams, and that that fertility should be consumed at home, and those streams should not convey its superabundance to the climes far from it; for if we examine the wise diversity of the earth, as to climate and productions, lands, seas and rivers, we must discover the glorious plan of infinite beneficence to unite by the exchange of their surplus, various nations, and connect the ends of the earth, in the hands of commerce and mutual good offices. From the everlasting decrees of Prov- idence, then, we derive this right; and must be criminal either to surrender or suffer it to be taken from us; without the most arduous struggle. But this right is ours, not only from nature but compact. We do not mean to urge this, as if a compact could give an additional sanction to a natural right; but to shew that our claim is derived from every source which can give it validity. The Navigation of the Mississippi was solemnly given and confirmed by Great Brit- ain, to the citizens of the United States, by the provisional articles entered into at Paris, between the two nations. More than eleven years have since elapsed, during which we have been denied the exercise of a right, founded upon such irrefragible grounds. What has been done by the former or present Government, during that period, on our behalf? In the former, we have been able to learn of no attempt to pro- cure from the King of Spain, even an acknowledgment of our right. Repeated Memorials were presented to Congress upon the subject, but they were treated with a neglect bor- dering on contempt. They were laid upon the table, there to rest in endless oblivion. Once indeed, we know this sub- ject was introduced into Congress, under the former Govern- ment; but it was by an unwarrantable and disgraceful prop- osition to barter away our right. The proposition was not adopted; the attempt being rendered abortive by the spirited Foreign Relatione 227 rights. and patriotic opposition of a part of the Union. The time at length came, when the voice of the people called for a change in the General Government; and the present Consti- tution of the United States was adopted. We then flattered ourselves that our rights would be protected; for we were taught to believe, that the former loose and weak confedera- tion having been done away, the new Government would pos- sess the requisite energy. Memorials upon the subject were New gov- renewed: Six years have passed away, and our right is not neg™g°nt yet obtained. Money is to be taken from us by an odious of their and oppressive excise; but the means of procuring it, by the exercise of our just right, is denied. In the mean while, our brethren on the Eastern waters, possess every advantage which nature or compact can give them. Nay, we do not know that even one firm attempt to obtain it has been made. Alas! Is the energ}^ of our Government not to be exerted against our enemies? Is it all to be reserved for her citizens? Experience, Fellow-Citizens, has shewn that the General Government is unwilling that we should ol)tain the naviga- tion of the River Mississippi. A local policy appears to have an undue weight in the Councils of the Union. It seems to be the object of that policy to prevent the population of this country, which would draw from the Eastern States their in- dustrious Citizens. This conclusion inevitably follows from a consideration of the measures taken to prevent the purchase and settlement of the lands bordering on the Mississippi. Among those measures, the unconstitutional interference, which rescinded sales, by one of the States to private indi- viduals makes a striking object. And perhaps, the fear of a successful rivalship in every article of their exports may have its weight. But, if they are not unwilling to do us jus- tice, they are at least regardless of our rights and welfare. We have found prayers and supplications of no avail; and should we continue to load the table of Congress with memo- rials, from a part only, of the Western Country, it is too prob- able they would meet with a fate, similar to those which have formerly been presented. Let us, then, all unite our endeav- East vs. West. 228 Readings in American History ours to the common cause. Let all join in a firm and manly Remonstrance to the President aiul Congress of the United States, stating our just and undoubted right to the Naviga- tion of the Mississippi, remonstrating against the conduct of government with regard to that right, which must have been occasioned by local policy or neglect, and denumding of them speedy and effectual exertions for its attainment. We cannot doubt, that you will cordially and unanimously join in this measure. It can hardly be necessary to remind you, that considerable quantities of beef, pork, flour, hemp, tobacco, etc. the produce of this country, remain on hand for want of purchasers, or are sold at inadequate prices. Much greater quantities might be raised, if the Inhabitants were encour- aged by a certain sale, which the free Navigation of the Mis- sissippi would afford. An additional increase of those articles, and a greater variety of produce and manufactures would be supplied, by means of the encouragement, which the attain- ment of that great object would give to migration. But it is not only your own rights which you are to regard. Remem- ber that your posterity have a claim to your exertions to obtain and secure that right. Let not your memory be stig- matized with a neglect of duty. Let not history record, that the Inhabitants of this beautiful country lost a most invalu- able right and half the benefit bestowed upon it by a bounti- ful Providence, through your neglect and supineness. The present crisis is favorable. Spain is engaged in a war, which requires all her forces. If the present golden opportunity be suffered to pass without advantage, and she shall have con- cluded a peace with France, we must then contend against her undivided strength. But, what may be the event of the proposed application, is yet uncertain. We ought therefore, to be upon our guard, and watchful to seize the first favourable opportunity to gain our object. In order to do this, our union should be as perfect and lasting as possible. We propose, that societies should be formed in convenient districts, in every part of the Western country who shall preser\'e a correspondence upon Foreign Relations 229 this and every other subject of general concern. By means of these societies, we shall be enabled speedily to know what may be the result of our endeavours — to consult upon such further measures as may be necessary — to preserve union — and finally, by these means to secure success. Remember, that it is a cause which ought to unite us — that that cause is indubitably just — that ourselves and pos- terity are interested — that the Crisis is favourable — and that it is only by union, that the object can be achieved. The obstacles are great, and so ought to be our efforts. Adverse fortune may attend us, but it shall never dispirit us. We may for a while exhaust our wealth and strength in vain; but until the all-important object is procured, we pledge our- selves to you, and let us all pledge ourselves to each other, that our perseverance and our firmness will be inexhaustible. By order of the Society John Breckinridge Chairman. Teste, Thomas Todd ) ^, , rr, Ti r Clerks Thomas Bodle^ ) December 13, 1793. 48. Washington's Farewell Address In saying farewell to the American people, whom he had served so well, Washington prepared a statement which is classed as one of our leading State papers. In it he appealed for national unity, free- dom from permanent foreign alliances, the promotion of education, the preservation of public credit, and the avoidance of debt.— (Paul Leicester Ford, The Writings of George Washington, XIII, 1794-8, 277 passitn.) Friends, and Fellow-Citizens, The period for a new election of a Citizen, to administer Washing- the Executive Government of the United States, being not ^^Q^^e- far distant, and the time actually arrived, when your thoughts nominar must be employed in designating the person, who is to be '°°' 230 Readings in American History clothed with that important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that I should now appraise you of the reso- lution I have formed, to decline being considered among the number of those, out of whom a choice is to be made. I beg you, at the same time, to do me the justice to be as- sured, that this resolution has not been taken, without a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the re- lation, which binds a dutiful citizen to his country — and that, in withdrawing the tender of service which silence in my situa- tion might imply, I am influenced by no diminution of zeal for your future interest, no deficiency of grateful respect for your past kindness; but act under and am supported by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both. . . . His best The impressions, with which I first undertook the arduous f^^th^ P"* trust, were explained on the proper occasion. — In the dis- charge of this trust, I will only say, that I have, with good in- tentions, contributed towards the organization and adminis- tration of the government, the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. — Not unconscious, in the outset, of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself; and every day the increasing weight of years admonishes me more and more, that the shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. — Satisfied, that, if any circumstances have given peculiar value to my services, they were temporary, I have the consolation to believe, that, while choice and pru- dence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it. . . . Value of The Unity of Government which constitutes you one peo- Union. p|g^ j^ ^^^^ j^^^ ^^^^. ^^ ^^^ — ]^ j^ justly so; — for it is a main Pillar in the Edifice of your real independence; the support of your tranquillity at home; your peace abroad; of your safety; of your prosperity in every shape; of that very Lib- erty, which you so highly prize. — But as it is easy to foresee, that, from different causes, and from difterent quarters, Foreign Relations 231 much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth; — as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment, that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national Union to your collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immoveable attachment; accustoming your- selves to think and speak of it as the Palladium of your polit- ical safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned, and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every at- tempt to alienate any portion of our Country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts. . . . While then every part of our Country thus feels an imme- diate and particular interest in Union, all the parts in the united mass of means and efforts cannot fail to find greater strength, greater resource, proportionally greater security from external danger, a less frequent interruption of their Peace by foreign nations; and, what is of inestimable value! they must derive from Union an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves, which so frequently afflict neighboring countries, not tied together by the same govern- ment; which their own rivalships alone would be sufficient to produce; but which opposite foreign alliances, attachments, and intrigues would stimulate and embitter. — Hence likewise they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown military establishments, which under any form of government, are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as par- ticularly hostile to Republican Liberty: In this sense it is, that your Union ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the preservation of the other. . . . In contemplating the causes which may disturb our Union, ooo Readings in American History it occurs as matter of serious concern, that any ground should have l)een I'lirnished for oharafterizinji; parties hy cfcof/ra/jhicul discriminations — Northern and Southern — Atlantic and West- ern; whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief, that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of Party to acquire influence, within particu- lar districts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. — You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heart burnings which spring from these misrepresentations ; — They tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affec- tion. . . . There is an opinion that parties in free countries are use- ful checks upon the Administration of the Government, and serve to keep alive the Spirit of Liberty. — This within cer- tain limits is probal)ly true — and in governments of a Mon- archical cast. Patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favour, upon the spirit of party. — But in those of the popular character, in Governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency, it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose, and there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be, by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched; it de- mands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warning, it should consume. . . . Of all the dispositions and hal)its, which lead to political prosperity, Religion and morality are indispensable supports. — In vain would that man claim the tribute of Patriotism, who should labour to subvert these great Pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of Men and Citi- zens. — The mere Politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them. — A volume could not trace all their connections with private and public felicity. — Let it simply be asked where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths, which are the instruments of investigation in Foreign Relations 233 Courts of Justice? And let us with caution indulge the supposition, that morality can be maintained without relig- ion. — Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure — reason and experi- ence both forbid us to expect, that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle. — 'Tis substantially true, that virtue or morality is a neces- sary spring of popular government. — The rule indeed extends with more or less force to every species of Free Government. — Who that is a sincere friend to it can look with indiffer- ence upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric? — Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, insti- tutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In propor- tion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be en- lightened. — As a very important source of strength and security, cher- ish public credit. — One method of preserving it is, to use it as sparingly as possible: — avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but remembering also that timely disburse- ments to prepare for danger frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it. . . . Cultivate peace and harmony with all. — Religion and Morality enjoin this conduct; and can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin it? — It will be worthy of a free, en- lightened, and, at no distant period, a great nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a People always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. — Who can doubt that in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary ad- vantages, which might be lost by a steady adherence to it? Can it be that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a Nation with its virtue? The experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. — Alas! is it rendered impossible by its vices? In the execution of such a plan nothing is more essential than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against particu- An enlight- ened pub- lic opinion. Preserve public credit. Peace with all nations. 234 Readings in American History Little po- litical con- nections lar nations and passionate attachments for others should be excluded; and that in place of them just and amicable feel- ings towards all should be cultivated. . . . The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign Na- tions, is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with with other them as little Political connection as possible. — So far as we nations. l^ave already formed engagements, let thera be fulfilled with perfect good faith. — Here let us stop. — Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation. — Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. — Hence therefore it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves, by artificial ties in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships, or enmities. . . . Conscious Though, in reviewing the incidents of my administration, of defects, j ^^^ unconscious of intentional error — I am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have committed many errors. — Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. — I shall also carry with me the hope that my country will never cease to view them with indulgence; and that after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its service, with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as my- self must soon be to the mansions of rest. . . . Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and ac- tuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natural to a man, who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations; — I anticipate with pleas- ing expectation, that retreat, in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a free Government, — the ever favourite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labours, and dangers. United States, September 19th, 1796. Foreign Relations 235 49. The X. Y. Z. Correspondence, 1797 In 1796 Washington appointed Charles Cotesworth Pinckney to Bucceed James Monroe as minister to France. The Directory, the French Executive of that time, refused to receive Pinckney, and or- dered him to leave France. This insult was thought by most Ameri- cans to be sufficient cause for war, but President Adams, determined to preserve peace, if possible, sent three commissioners to France to attempt negotiation. These three men, C. C. Pinckney, John Mar- shall, and Elbridge Gerry, were interviewed by the secret agents of Talleyrand, who was minister of foreign affairs. Refusing to accede to their demands, Pinckney and Marshall left Paris, and Gerry also returned to America shortly after. The letters giving an account of the proceedings were sent to Timothy Pickering, Secretary of State, and were later submitted to Congress. — (American State Papers, Foreign Relations, II, 157-166.) No. 1 Paris, October 22, 1797. Dear Sir: All of us having arrived at Paris on the evening of the 4th instant, on the next day we verbally, and unofficially, informed the Minister of Foreign Affairs therewith, and desired to know when he would be at leisure to receive one of our sec- retaries with the official notification. He appointed the next day at two o'clock, when Major Rutledge waited on him with the following letter : Citizen Minister: The United States of America being de- sirous of terminating all differences between them and the French republic, and of restoring that harmony and good understanding, and that commercial and friendly intercourse, which from the commencement of their political connexion until lately have so happily subsisted, the President has nom- inated, and, by and with the advice and consent of the Sen- ate, has appointed us, the undersigned, jointly and severally, envoys extraordinary and ministers plenipotentiary to the French republic, for the purpose of accomplishing these great objects. In pursuance of such nomination and appointment, Arrival in Paris. 236 Readings in American History and with such view, having come to Paris, we wish, citizen minister, to wait on you at any hour you will be pleased to appoint, to present the copy of our letters of credence; and whilst we evince our sincere and ardent desire for the speedy restoration of friendship and harmony between the two re- publics, we flatter ourselves with your concurrence in the accomplishment of this desirable event. We request you will accept the assurances of our perfect esteem and consid- eration. Charles Coteswortu Pinckney, John Marshall, Elbridge Gerry. Mission of ... In the morning of October the 18th, Mr. W., of the ■ * ■ house of , called on General Pinckney and informed him that a Mr. X., who was in Paris, and whom the General had seen, . . . was a gentleman of considerable credit and reputation, . . . and that we might place great reliance on him. In the evening of the same day, Mr. X. called on General Pinckney, and after having sat some time, . . . whispered him that he had a message from INI. Talleyrand to communi- cate when he was at leisure. General Pinckney immediately withdrew with him into another room; and, when they were alone, Mr. X. said that he was charged with a business in which he was a novice; that he had been acquainted with M. Talleyrand, . . . and that he was sure he had a ^reat regard for [America] and its citizens; and was very desirous that a reconciliation should be brought about with France; that, to effectuate that end, he was ready, if it was thought proper, to suggest a plan, confidentially, that M. Talley- rand expected would answer the purpose. General Pinck- ney .said he should be glad to hear it. Mr. X. replied that the Directory, and particularly two of the members of it, were exceedingly irritated at some passages of the President's speech, and desired that they should be softened; and tliat this step would be necessary previous to our reception. That, Foreign Relations 237 besides this, a sum of money was required for the pocket of the Bribe de- Directory and ministers, which wouhl be at the disposal of ™^°