Dfl 18 .B64 Copy 1 I BRITISH VERSUS GERMAN IMPERIALISM A CONTRAST PRICE, FIVE CENTS Neutral Publishing Company 280 Broadway, New York ?& Foreword QINCE the commencement of the Great European ^ War, many people have found themselves at a loss, on account of their lack of knowledge of Euro- pean governments, particularly those of the British and German Empires, to form an honest opinion on the great European conflict. Charges of Prussian militarism against Germany and counter charges of a similar nature against Great Britain have been made by partisans of both sides. The purpose of this pamphlet is to lay before Americans the two systems of Imperialism, representing, on the one hand, the German Empire, and on the other, the British Empire, and let the readers judge for them- selves. P. J. R. British vs. German Imperialism RUSSIA has violated the neutrality of Persia — Persia has protested. She is a "small nation- ality," and the Allies, we are told, are fighting the battle of the small nationalities. Also for the sanctity of treaty obligations. England is the pledged defender of Persian neutrality. She has acquiesced in Eussia's action. Egypt is a "small nationality" — her Khedive is fighting England be- cause England has violated her pledge to evacuate his country. It was the Great Napoleon who declared that the falsification of official documents is more frequent among the English than among any other people. Our readers will remember how the official White Paper on the Curragh Mutiny a few months ago was falsified. But even from the British official correspondence on the war we have shown how the plea of England that she engaged in war with Ger- many because of the violation of Belgian neutrality was untrue — we have shown her story that she is fighting against militarism is untrue. We shall now show why she is fighting. The Origin of the British Empire Idea. When France, led by Joan of Arc, defeated definitively the design of the Norman conquerors of England to seize the throne of France and create an empire governed from Paris, of which England would be a province, the idea of an island-empire was first conceived by the rulers of England. It did not take definite shape until the reign of Eliza- beth — when the lucky accident for Britain of the storm that scattered the Spanish Armada made England a strong Power, and filled her with the dream of the empire of the sea. From that time main British policy was directed to that end. There were three essential factors. Ireland must be re- duced to impotence, the Low Countries must cease to be in the possession of a Great Power or to themselves become a Great Power, and no one Power on the Continent must be allowed to grow to such strength that it could endanger England's supremacy. British and German Empire. Some years ago in these columns — in our articles on Pitt's Policy — we pointed all this out. When John Mitchel, in his "Apology for the British Gov- ernment in Ireland," wrote that assuming it was essential to the world for what is termed the British Empire to exist, then the policy the English fol- lowed in Ireland was the only policy they could follow, his fierce irony enshrined an absolute truth. There is not, and never has been, a British Empire in the sense that there is a German Empire. There is a supreme and absolute England to which Ire- land, India and Scotland are subject, and which has dependencies throughout the world, none of whom are permitted a voice in Imperial policy. This is the direct antithesis of the German Empire, which is founded on racial unity, State self-govern- ment, and common control of Imperial policy by the constituent States. It is repugnant to the Austro-Hungarian Empire, which is based on the joint control by the two chief States of Imperial affairs, and the local freedom and self-government of the other States. It has points of resemblance to the French and Russian Empires, though it dif- fers materially from them. It has also resem- blances to Rome and much more to Carthage, but in itself it is unique. There has been no parallel to it in the history of civilization. If the German Empire were to assimilate itself to the British model, all the kingdoms, principali- ties, grand-dukedoms, and republics of Germany 2 would be abolished, their Parliaments taken away, and a Parliament set up in Berlin in which Prussia would control both Houses by enormous majorities. The German colonies beyond the seas would be allowed local Parliaments, but denied any voice in Imperial policy, which would be dictated by Prus- sia, and the revenues of the Empire would go to swell the pride and power of Prussia. Here would be a revolution such as no German has ever dreamed of and such as Germans would fight to the death against. But if the British Empire were to be modelled on Germany, it would be a revolution that no man within the Empire, except possibly the majority of the English themselves, would fight, against. It would involve England taking the same place with- in the British Empire that Prussia occupies in the German Empire— it would involve the re- appearance of Ireland and Scotland as separate kingdoms within the Empire, exactly as Bavaria and Saxony are kingdoms within the German Em- pire. It would involve the erection of Wales, in fact into what it is in name — a principality, the grant of self-government to India, and the assembly of representatives of England, Ireland, Scotland, Wales, India, and perhaps the colonies in an Im- perial Council (Bundesrath), with the power of peace and war in its hands. Obviously in such a new-modelled Empire, Eng- land would be the strongest single State, as Prussia is the strongest single State in Germany. Obvious- ly her vote would be the largest single vote in Im- perial affairs, and her influence the strongest single "influence, but as in the German Empire the com- bined vote and influence of Bavaria, Saxony, Wur- temburg, and the smaller States can always out- weigh Prussia, so in this new-modelled Empire the ^ote and influence of Ireland, Scotland, Wales and the other States would always outweigh England if the necessity arose. As there can be no Prussia 3 over all in Germany, there could be no England over- all in such an Empire. Imperial Unity. But there are obstacles to the creation of such an Empire which did not exist in Germany's case — obstacles other than the resistance of England her- self. Germany is a geographical unity, and almost a racial entity. Except for a fair proportion of Slavs (Poles) in the east and a small number of Latins (French) in the west, Germany is racially one. There is no racial as there is no national unity and no true political unity in what is with conscious or unconscious irony officially entitled the United Kingdom ; there is no geographical unity of what is termed the British Empire. To an extent, a similar obstacle existed in the case of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Geograph- ically united, the Empire was diverse in its nation- alities, languages, and peoples. Austria solved its riddle of Empire by halving the supreme control of policy with Hungary, and by granting local self- government to the smaller States, From this it will be seen that "Empire" as understood in Lon- don on the one hand, and in Berlin and Vienna on the other is fundamentally different. In the British Empire, Imperialism means, and has never meant anything else, but the Absolutism of England. When a Bavarian stands for the Empire he stands for Bavaria. When an Hungarian stands for the Empire he stands for Hungary. When an Irish- man stands for the Empire he stands for England. The German Empire is built on patriotism — the British Empire is built on trade. "Fatherland," which dissolves the little jealousies of Prussian and Bavarian and Saxon and Wurtemburger has no answering echo in the Englishman's heart. The national life of England is dead — choked by com- mercialism, and where the German marches to bat- tle singing — 4 "German troth and German women, German wine and German song, Shall inspire us in the battle, Shall preserve us pure and strong. "German brotherhood and freedom E'er shall nourish though we fall. In its beauty — in its duty, Deutschland ! Deutschland ! over all !" The soldiers of England are sought to be inspired by leering jingles from the music-hall and exhorta- tions to them to smite the "Huns" that German trade may be captured for England. The Father of the British Empire. To rise upon the decay of Spain to world-Empire, Elizabeth planned, James pursued, Charles failed to follow, and Cromwell, striking down the mon- arch's sceptre, took up the game and played with the boldest hand. To establish one of two ad- joining islands as world-master involved the crush- ing of the other. England alone could not rise to Empire with Ireland hostile. She must either take Ireland as an equal partner or destroy Ireland. She made up her mind to bear no sister near her throne, and therefore to destroy Ireland, Eliza- beth's and James' wars, confiscations and planta- tions in Ireland had behind them as the prime motive the reduction of Ireland to a position of such weakness that she must lose her individuality, and feel herself and become a helot-State to her neigh- bor. It was Cromwell who carried out this policy towards Ireland with thoroughness. Spain had ceased to be the real enemy to England's rise to world-power when he came upon the scene. Hol- land and France were the powers to be overcome. Ireland was the nation to be destroyed. With a ruthlessness greater than that of his predecessors he reduced Ireland, and then turned to set Holland and France at each other's throats. No other man so unscrupulously bold has appeared in English 5 history. Without him the British Empire of to-day would be impossible. He did not order the Irish Catholics to Hell or Connacht because he hated the Irish or detested Catholicism — he did not slaughter Irish men, Irish women and Irish children for mere lust of cruelty — nor did he order the capture and sale to Barbarian slavery of Irish youths and maid- ens because he loathed children. He did not loathe children. He did these things because to create a new world with England absolute was impossible unless they were done. The Editor of the organ of the British Non-comformist conscience — Sir Wil- liam Robertson Mcholl — who adjures men "by the memory of Cromwell" to fight against Germany, is a lucid and learned Englishman. The British Empire as it exists to-day was created by Oliver Cromwell. If it is not a monstrosity he was no monster. If it has been a blessing to the world, the deeds which Cromwell committed in Ireland were excusable, because without them the British Em- pire as vtf .know it could nt ver have been born. Whether he was a blessing or a curse to Eng- land, it is Tor Englishmen to say — whether an Eng- land, with a national life as distinct from that Im- perial vision which sees in money-making the aim " and object of human existence, would be a better *4 '* #nd^hobler England it is for Englishmen to con- '&' \j$flL$f? To Ireland Cromwell was a curse, not be- cause he ravaged and slew more ruthlessly than his predecessors, but because he stretched Ireland on the rack of British Empire. England's Unwavering Policy. Except for the brief interregnum of the Stuarts, who with all their vices and feebleness, had Celtic instinct enough to dislike and fear that vision of universal Empire in which the soul and body of Carthage and Rome had been destroyed and the soul and body of Spain had fallen sick — except for the brief Stuart period, from Cromwell's death to the fall of Limerick — English policy has been un- 6 waveringly Cromwell's policy — applied with dif- ferent degrees of courage and insight according to the character of English statesmen at different periods. Walpole, Chatham, North, Rockingham, Pitt, Canning, Melbourne, Palmerston, Disraeli, Gladstone, Balfour, and Asquith, all have lived and live in the acceptance of Cromwell's concept of Empire, all accepted or accept in principle his methods. 1782 and Pitt. Ireland, though to outward appearances, dead, survived Cromwell to fall again at Aughrim — this time it would appear finally. Yet though alien laws were nominally aimed at the religion and prop- erty of the ancient race in the country, these were so truly directed against the revival of any eco- nomic or political power in Ireland that within a generation they began to weigh with the oppressor's hand upon the resident minority whom England had placed as her jailors over the fallen nation. The re-birth of resistance to English dominion in Ireland began among the descendants of England's settlers, and culminated in the Volunteer movement of 1782, when they led the whole people to a blood- less victory over England, which had it endured would have reared what is now called the British Empire on a basis akin to that of Austro-Hungary. In 1782, the arms of the Volunteers compelled the recognition of Ireland as a sovereign State, the express admission by England that her claim to rule Ireland was and had been an usurped claim, and that henceforth and forever she adjured it, recognizing in Ireland a kingdom with equal sov- ereign powers to her own. Thenceforward Ireland could fly her own flag, raise and maintain her own army and navy, appoint her own representatives abroad, make war and peace on her own account, and share or refuse to share in England's wars as she deemed best. The Crown of Ireland and the Crown of England were worn by the same per- sonage, as the Crown of Hanover and the Crown of 7 England were at the time worn by the same per- sonage. This was the constitutional limit of any connection between the two countries. Unfor- tunately, Ireland did not do what she might have done. She did not proceed to raise a regular army and build a fleet and send her representatives to other Powers. She believed England's written and attested pledge, and where she should have armed she disarmed. England then tore the Treaty of 1783 to shreds, and in blood and rapine struck down the Irish nation to the earth. "It was Pitt did it," said Mr. Gladstone, when he became an advocate of Home Rule. It was the English policy of Elizabeth and of Cromwell — administered by Pitt — that did this thing. In 1782 England stood at the most critical point in her history from the day the Armada menaced her shores until to-day. She had lost her American colonies, and Ireland had sprung up again an armed nation beyond her power to overcome. England had two choices : she could accept the position and re-make an Empire in which she would be what Prussia is in Germany to-day or what Austria is in Austro-Hungary. She pretended to do so, but while she pretended she plotted to recover her old place — to make the Empire a name — herself the Empire. She plotted to destroy Ireland utterly and to regain the American colonies. Her plot ap- peared to succeed with the Act of Union in Ire- land's case. Her policy has never since ceased to work to the end of drawing back the United States into her grasp. There can be no two suns in one firmament, and if the world is to be dominated by the English, there can be no two English-speaking Empires. London must control Washington or Washington will control London. There can be no strong or prosperous Ireland consistent with English Absolutism in the so-called Empire. There- fore, Irish Nationalism is de facto a crime, Irish education is distorted to maim the minds and spirit of the people, Irish individuality is repressed, Irish 8 trade and commerce have been undermined and ruined, the Irish population has been reduced by half, and the Irish name has been defamed through- out the world. Methods of England. All this it was essential to England to do if she were to suck the marrow of the world for herself. She no more hated Catholicity than she hated Mohammedanism, and as to the people of Ireland she was equally indifferent when it was needful to her to repress them as to whether they were of Saxon or of Celtic blood. She used the Protestant to keep the Catholic in check when the Catholic endangered her — she used the Catholic to aid her against the Protestant when the Protestant began to feel himself an Irishman, not an English col- onist. Whenever one creed or section in Ireland attempts to thwart her policy, then she will seek to influence and cunningly bribe another creed or another section to cut its throat for her. She has done it, she must do it, and she will do it so long as Cromwell and Pitt's policy persists — the policy that has decreed the Empire exists for the sole benefit of England. A thousand subtle weapons England has to main- main this policy in Ireland. In the ear of the Protestant she whispers that his Catholic country- men seeks his property, if not his life. In the ear of the Catholic she whispers that she is the shield between him and the revival of that "Protestant Ascendancy" which she herself created. Her Lib- eral papers grow indignant over Orange outrages on Nationalists, her Tory papers declaim of Na- tionalist outrages on Orangemen. Her Liberal Government gives Catholics J. P.-ships and small Government situations — her Tory Governments confers these favors on Protestants — and both ac- tions have the one aim — to keep Ireland perpetually divided against itself. When the English Tory rules, the Irish Unionist will be his Sepoy. When 9 the English Liberal rules, the Irish Home Ruler will be his janissary; both too ignorant of their country's history and position to realize what they are — nay, often believing themselves to be wise and patriotic men. Commerce Before the War. Before this war broke out the commerce of England represented annually in round figures 1,400 millions sterling, against 1,050 millions for Germany, 860 millions for the United States, 600 millions for France, 520 millions for Holland, and 350 millions for Belgium. Germany had surpassed the United States as a trade competitor of Eng- land, and was steadily approaching a position of equality. English Trade, therefore, called in mute eloquence for her suppression. German's mercan- tile marine, far inferior to England's in tonnage, was still the next in strength to her own. English commerce saw it would be prudent to stop its de- velopment. Germany's navy laid down last year only 480,000 tons against England's 2,000,000 tons, but still Germany's navy was nearest to her own in strength. Therefore, it must be destroyed. And so England ringed Germany around and when Rus- sia, reluctant France, and duped Belgium had been committed to arms against England's rival, Eng- land stepped in as the fourth ally, cut the cables, swept the rival commerce from the sea, and adjured the world to behold her fighting for Belgium — whom she left to bear the shock of battle unaided — for the "cause of the small nationalities," for the sanctity of treaties, for Civilization, for religion, against militarism, and against war ! England, said Bismarck a generation ago, has made all Europe an armed camp. England com- pelled every Great Power with a considerable com- merce to build a large navy to defend it when she refused to regard private property at sea equally as free from confiscation as private property on land. England, which spends more annually on militar- 10 ism than any other country in the world, save France, in the insolence of what her journals would call "junkerdum," challenged the world when she decreed that none should dare to build a navy more than 50 per cent, as strong as her own. Germany was the William Tell who refused to salute the English Gessler's hat, and so Germany was doomed to die. Her fleet — have not the journals of unctuous and pacific England declared it — was to be sunk in the waves, her ordnance factories reduced to smoking ruins, her trade taken from her, her mer- cantile marine seized for the British merchant, her Empire torn asunder, and her people forbidden ever again to compete against England — taught the con- vincing lesson that England taught the weavers of the Deacan. That was the programme. It is what Irishmen have died for and are being asked to die for under pretence that this base war to capture German trade and restore England that mastery of the sea she once wielded unfettered and unchallenged, is a war of defence, and not of aggression. Her war- ships range the seas to protect and extend the com- merce of the "United Kingdom" — and Ireland pays for "the protection of her trade" by that fleet, while her trade is non-existent. England takes 91 per cent, of the trade, Scotland 8, and Ireland 1 per cent. Of such is the "Empire." The Place for Irishmen. Were Germany to disappear to-morrow, England would become absolute ruler of the seas, as she was a hundred years ago. There would be no two naval or three naval Powers equal to her victorious fleet. Enriched with the spoils of German trade, a new lease of life as dictator of Europe would be open to her. Is it in such an hour this pseudo-champion of small nationalities would release her grip on Ireland, and help to raise it up to rival her in strength and prosperity — in such an hour that the Parliament which has publicly proclaimed that it "will not coerce Ulster" would enact Home Rule 11 for Ireland? Probably this war will end neither in a crushing victory for England nor for Ger- many, merely in a partial victory for one or the other. The amount of strength and influence Ire- land can exert will be determined in the last analy- sis by the number of robust men she has in the country. An Ireland denuded of men will be ig- nored in the final reckoning. Therefore the men of Ireland must be kept in Ireland. There are in Ire- land a considerable percentage — some 20 per cent, of the people — who have been taught they were not born of a nation, but of an "Empire." They speak in the one breath of "Empire" and "loyalty to England/' We observe that despite all the parade of "Empire" in which these people indulge, 85 per cent, of the young and strong among them remain in Ireland, while their fathers, uncles, and aunts write letters to the "Irish Times" about "seditious newspapers" which oppose recruiting. This hum- bug we have had always with us. The humbug that brazenly tells the traditional Nationalists of this country that it is their duty to immolate them- selves for England's sake is new in the public eye. Posterity will pass a judgment more terrible upon the men who in this crisis attempted to drain away the life-blood of Ireland for the strengthening of the Power that trampled her into the dust, than any judgment men may pass to-day. In that re- spect they may be left to posterity. The place for Irishmen to-day is in Ireland — the cause for Irish- men is Ireland, and the one concern of every honest and intelligent Irishman in regard to the war is that Ireland at the end of it shall be strong to regain what England, perjured to the lips, wrested from her in 1801 — her place amongst the nations of the world. Home Rule. Home Rule will not solve the Irish question. Whether it be good or bad, England could permit no serious development of Ireland under what is called Home Rule unless she abandoned the policy 12 of English Absolutism in the Empire. Between the utter destruction of Ireland and the permanent separation of the two countries, there is only one via media— the reconstruction of the British Em- pire on the model of Germany or Austro-Hungary, a reconstruction which would mean the end of England as the world has known it for the past 200 years, and the appearance of a new England whose relationship to Ireland would be the relationship of Austria to Hungary or Prussia to Bavaria. That via media England will always voluntarily refuse to tread. We have in Ireland men who talk about the Empire, while they call themselves National- ists. Let them not deceive anybody. The Empire to-day is England— only England— and if Germany went down completely in this war, England would be freer and stronger to choke the Irish nation to death than she is to-day. What Has England Lost? No man who lives will see France, whatever the event of this war, recover her strength. Her dwin- dling manhood has been slaughtered by the hun- dred thousand, and her industry and commerce ruined by the hundred million. Thirty years will pass before Belgium again may become what she was twelve months ago. But what has England lost— a hundred thousand Irish, Scots, Indians, Canadians, mixed with her own, who are drawn from a population of eight million men, and a few hundred million pounds that in the event of de- cisive victory she will recover from Germany. Her soil is free, her trade and industry and commerce, however diminished, run along the appointed chan- nels. France and Belgium are devastated and decimated. England is still intact. Her news- papers make it appear that her— in this stupendous war— negligible army of 150,000 men is doing the real fighting in a war in which two and a half million French and Belgians are in the fighting line. Her fleet has cleared the seas of German commerce, 13 and affords protection to her own and to her coasts. Her manhood remains at home to "capture German trade," and her statesmen see in triumph for her a greater triumph than when she destroyed the mari- time power of Holland and of France to the end that she might dominate the seas and the world's commerce. For whatever power grows strong in ships that power England will essay to destroy by leaguing Europe against it, as she has leagued Europe against Germany. What Ireland Is. That Ireland is a very small country with very small resources and that this two-fold littleness would effectually prevent her standing by herself, even were it not that her geographical proximity to England must always render her dependent, is a teaching explicitly and implicitly drilled into the heads of the people of Ireland from the primary school-room to the university. "Education" in this country has been subtly but ably directed to de- stroy national self-reliance and efface national tra- dition. From Ireland and from the English press the same idea has been spread abroad in the world. For fifty years there has been practically no direct communication between Ireland and the Continent. England, as a brilliant Irish priest has phrased it, has built around Ireland a wall of paper, on the inner side of which she has written what she wishes the Irish to believe of the peoples of the world outside the British flag, and on the outside of which she has inscribed what she wishes these peoples to believe of the Irish. So far as they think of Ire- land at all, foreigners of the European Continent think of it, in three cases out of four, as an in- significant country, very poor, and very turbulent. The geographical proximity of Ireland to Eng- land, adduced as a reason why England was in- tended by Providence to rule this island is a figment. Ireland is four times more distant from England than England herself is from France. 14 The "smallness" of Ireland is a fallacy. Ireland has a territory as large as Portugal, as large as Greece with her recent acquisitions, as large as Servia with her newly acquired province, twice as large as the Kingdom of Denmark, twice and a half as large as Holland, twice as large as Belgium, four times as large as Wurtemburg, five times as large as Saxony, and larger by many thousand square miles than the splendid Kingdom of Ba- varia, and in none of those countries, all independ- ent and with a potent voice in Europe, is the nat- ural productiveness of the soil equal to that of Ireland. The name and fame of Belgium and Hol- land are spread throughout the world, yet these two Kingdoms combined do not in their area equal 70 per cent, of the area of Ireland. Yet in population Ireland falls far below most of these countries. Bavaria, with 3,300 square miles of territory less than Ireland, has three mil- lions more people. Belgium, scarcely a third the size of Ireland, has nearly double its population. Holland, on a third of Ireland's area, sustains 40 per cent, a greater population. The explanation is simple. Sixty years ago the population of Ire- land was double what it is at present and rapidly increasing. At that time it was to England's popu- lation as 5 to 9. England for her interest forced Ireland out of tillage into cattle-raising, and by tens of thousands the Irish farmsteads, each of which supported a family, were "amalgamated" into grazing ranches, employing, where a hundred men had found occupation before, half a dozen men and boys to herd the cattle. The exodus from rural Ireland which began in 1845 under the op- eration of England's agricultural laws is still not ended. In actual numbers Ireland has lost 4,200,000 people since 1845. But allowing for the natural increase of population which should have accrued between 1845 and the present time, Ireland's loss of population may be calculated at 10,000,000. If the same proportion between the populations of 15 England and Ireland had been maintained, Ireland would have to-day 16,000,000 of people instead of four. In 1846 the Irish were 5 to 9 English. To- day they are but 5 to 40 English. The English made the laws which massacred a people. And, even still, Ireland, in population, equals or exceeds some of the most thriving States of Europe. She has a much larger population than the Repub- lic of Switzerland, the Kingdom of Norway, the Kingdom of Denmark, the Kingdom of Greece, the Kingdom of Servia, or the Grand Duchy of Fin- land. As to her supposed poverty, her annual reve- nue is greater than the revenue of a dozen European countries, including Norway, Sweden, Denmark, Greece, Roumania, Switzerland and Portugal. All those countries support armies (some in addition navies), diplomatic and consular services out of their revenues. Ireland has neither army, navy, diplomatic nor consular service. Her revenues are* received by England and used by that country in supporting an armed and unarmed garrison of of- ficialdom in this country to keep it down that Eng- land may be kept up. The fashion in which the Irish revenues are spent by England may be thus illustrated : In Ireland all the "police" — an armed and drilled force — and all the judiciary are under the direct control of England. England appoints the judges, England appoints the police. They have no responsibility to the people of Ireland; even in the capital of Ireland, where the corporation is compelled to tax the people for the support of the police force, the corporation is not permitted even one representa- tive on the Board of Control, every member of which is appointed by the English Government. The population of England is roughly eight times that of Ireland and the criminal population of England is eleven times greater than the criminal population of Ireland, yet 2,000,000 pounds of Irish revenues are allocated to pay judges and police in Ireland, while in England, with eleven times the 16 number of criminals to deal with, the imperial tax- ation is but 1,850,000 pounds. The judicial bench in Ireland is the greatest scandal in Europe. Ele- vation to it is not determined by character and ability, but by the assured readiness of the men appointed to convict whomsoever the English Gov- ernment desires to be convicted and to acquit whom- soever the English Government desires should be acquitted. A County Court Judge in Ireland works 66 days per year and receives a salary of 1,500 pounds. A High Court Judge works 600 hours per annum and receives as salary and expenses from 3,500 to 5,000 pounds per annum. As to education, the English Government allows less of the Irish revenues to be spent on educating the 800,000 children of Ireland than she expends on her armed police garrison. The salary of every British policeman in the country is the equivalent of the amount of money permitted to be spent out of Irish revenues on the education of 40 Irish children. "Ireland is not 'little,' Ireland is not poor." She is a country of extensive area and of considerable wealth, held and plundered by another country, who to shield her robbery persistently belittles and defames Ireland and the Irish to the rest of the world. 17 mi^.X 0F CONGRESS OF CONGRESS J^ ■Mil Ift III Iff 020 676 694 3 :* 't- m LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 020 676 694 3