m M m ': 'I! i^', * » pl|||.!lj.;:i|:ii!|f.(tliji^!^ li If ! iimmw >v>'tm? '''?5«l!l|i!!Fi !i < fill til m.\\\ . imii}^ m ill s^'ii;' I ! ill. |.,;i»l 1< iiiii ii it! I Hi Class _i:n2l Book J GoKiiglitN'Ji^?!^ COFnUGHT DEPOSIT. ABKAHAM LlNCOIiN IN Itl^O. ESSENTIALS IN HISTORY ESSENTIALS IN AMERICAN HISTORY (FROM THE DISCOVERY TO THE PRESENT DAY) BY ALBERT BUSHNELL HART, LL.D. M PKOFESSOK OF GOVERNMENT, HARVARD UNIVEESITT NEW YORK;:. CINCINNATI.:. CHIC AGO AMERICAN BOOK COMPANY ESSENTIALS IN HISTORY A SERIES PRErAKKI) UNDER THE SUPERVISION OF ALBERT BUSH NELL HART. LL.D. PROFESSOR OF GOVERNMENT, HARVARD UNIVERSITY ESSENTIALS IN ANCIENT HISTORY Bv ARTHUR MAVER WOLFSON, Pii.D. ESSENTIALS IN ENGLISH HISTORY By albert perry WALKER, A.M. ESSENTIALS IN AMERICAN HISTORY By ALBERT I'.USIINIil.L HART, LL.D. NEW MEDIEVAL AND MODERN HISTORY By SAMUEL BANNISTER HAKDINC. I'h.D. NEW AMERICAN HISTORY Bv ALBERT BUSH NELL HART, LL.D. CopvRioiiT, l'.ni5, 1919, IIY ALBERT BUSH NELL HART. Enterfk at Stationf.r-*" Ha!.i.. London, essen. amek. mist. W P. 25 a)CI.A5«0072 JUL -2 1919 THE AUTHOR TO THE TEACHER The simple system of study and teaching, which this book is intended to make easy, may be summarized as follows : — (1) The text-book should be carefully read and studied by the pupils, so that they may have a sense of the movement and propoi'- tion of the history of their country and may know a body of useful facts. The names, events, and dates which seem to the author essential go directly into the text ; dates in parentheses are of less importance and are inserted merely to show the progress of events. (2) Class exercises will necessarily be based upon the text-book, with such methods of question, "quiz," "fluents," "cards," and the like as the teacher may feel inclined to use; but he should always aim to recall previous lessons which have a bearing on the day's subject and to enlarge on the text when possible. (3) Reading outside of the text-book is requisite for any good course in history. The whole story of the nation's development can not be told in five hundred pages. The rules of arithmetic are true, but they need practical illustration ; in like manner history is apt to seem dry without the additional interest of reading about some things in more detail than can be included in one brief book. The number of reference books necessary for a school to provide is not large. The reading references at the end of each chapter are intended to serve both teacher and pupil, by sending them to a few selected and brief readings. Exact titles of most of the books mentioned will be found in Appendix B. Besides formal histories, the bibliographies include " Illustrative works," that is, narratives, novels, poems, and like literary illuminations of the subject. (4) Written work has become one of the effective adjuncts of his- torical study in secondary schools : it may take the form of essays, based on secondary authorities ; of reports, based in whole or in part on sources ; of brief " judgment questions," set during class ; of " written recitations ; " or one of many other forms. The list of books at the end of each chapter will facilitate such work. The " Sugges- tive topics" can all be prepared from the textrbook, plus a few gen- eral histories, biographies, encyclopedias, and like accessible books. 5 6 THE AUTHOR TO THE TEACHER The "Search topics" are more specific, and require the use of a larger range of secondary writers, and in many cases of sources. Of course a school pupil's use of sources is a very different thing from the long accunmlation of material and the weighing of all available evidence which characterize the historian's research; but "sources" are simply records made at or near the time of events by people in a position to know what was going on. Well-selected sources are valuable to pupils because they bring home to the mind the realities of history, they emphasize the human element, they vitalize. Such books as Bradford's Piimoth Plantation, Franklin's Auiohiographij, Lincoln's Works, reveal great men and also charac- terize great times. Besides the separate sources and collections of sources in the lists, the marginal references in the text are in all cases to the source of some quotation there printed. (5) Geography and map work, oral and written, are aided by the abundant maps in the text, and by references at the end of the chap- ters to a few authorities on the historical geograpliy of tlie United States. In using this book, then, the author hopes that the text will be found interesting enough to carry students along from week to week ; that it will be the background of class exercises; that through the lists of references, and still more through the expert direction of the teacher, the pupil will add intelligent collateral readings ; that some written topics will be prepared on subjects suggested at the ends of the chapters or provided by the teachers, including the use of sources; and that the book will be a basis of geographical study. The point of view of the volume is that a complete history of the United States must include all things memorable in the upbuilding of the country, and that a text-book must so fully describe several different classes of memorable things, as to be serviceable where there is no opportunity for additional reading or written work : (1) Political geography is, of course, the background of all liistorical knowledge ; it is a special topic throughout this book, and should be the basis of the teaciier's work. (2) While trying to make perfectly clear what were the aims and the main incidents in our various wars, the treatment includes only the most significant battles, sieges, cam- paigns, and military and naval movements. (3) The development of government has been treated as evidence of the purpose and spirit of our ancestors and also to connect the study of history and of civil government. (4) Foreign relations and the diplomatic adjustment of controversies have received special attentiou. (5) Social condi- THK AUTHOR TO THE TEACHER 7 tions and events have been freely described, because they are among the most important causes in national development. (6) Much atten- tion has been given to economic data, as, for example, the discovery of gold in California, the invention of the reaper, the perfection of the trolley car. (7) All sections of the Union have helped to make the Union ; and all sections. North, South, West, and far West, have been included in the plan of this volume. (8) Since what makes a nation great is the greatness of its people, this book aims to make distinct the character and public services of some great Americans, the details of whose lives are briefly set forth in special sections of the text. (9) Toward the end, a chapter sums up the services of America to mankind. The illustrative material has been gathered from many places, and includes no map or picture which does not add to an understanding of the subject. With the exception of reproductions of a few famous paintings, to show an artist's conception, the pictures are all realities, intended to put before the pupil in visible form the faces of public men, the surroundings of famous events, and some of the great statues and buildings. Additional pictures are suggested in the lists of books at the ends of the chapters. Besides a series of general maps, show- ing the progress of discovery and settlements, the territorial claims of European powers, and the creation and subdivisions of the United States, there are many special maps illustrating boundary controver- sies, campaigns, etc. For the teacher's use and as a guide to the pupil's reading and written work, the Brief List of authorities noted in Appendix A is especially commended ; and the work of teaching and studying will be made easier and pleasanter by the purchase of the twenty-five- dollar library there described. A school library ought also to have a judicious selection out of the long list in Appendix B. The dates and statements of fact throughout the volume have been verified by Mr. David M. Matteson. Whatever the lack of skill in combining into a unity the broad and manifold phases of a great nation's life, I have at least tried to write about things that count, to describe events which give us pride in being Americans, to set before my young countrymen ideals that have made for national greatness. ALBERT BUSHNELL HART. CONTENTS BEGINNINGS PAce I. Foundations of American History 13 II. The Century of Discovery (1492-1605) .... 31 COLONIAL ENGLISHMEN III. The English in America, 1607-1660 .... 45 IV. Rivals of England, and the Great West (160;i-1689) . 65 V. Expansion of the English Colonies, 1660-1689 . . 77 COLONIAL AMERICANS VI. Colonial Life (1700-1750) 91 VIL Internal Development, 1689-1740 107 VIII. Wars with the French (1689-1763) 122 REVOLUTION IX. Quarrel with the Mother Country (1763-1774) . . 135 X. Birth of a New Nation (1774-1776) 149 XI. The War for Independence (1776-1783) . . . .166 FEDERATION XIL The Confederation (1781-1789) 189 XIII. Making the Federal Constitution (1787-1789) ... 206 ORGANIZATION AND EXPANSION XIV. The American People from 1780 to 1800 XV. Organizing the Government (1789^1793) XVL Federalist Policy (1793-1801) . XVII. E-vpansion of the Republic (1801-1809) XVIII. War with (ircat Hriluin (1809-1815) 8 220 236 249 261 277 CONTENTS NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT XIX. Settling tlie West (1800-1820) XX. The New National Spirit (1815-1829) XXL New Political Issues (182'J-1841) . PAGK 289 :^03 316 SECTIONALISM XXII. Social and Sectional Conditions (1831-1841) XXIII. Renewed Expansion (1841-1847) . XXIV. Results of the Mexican War (1848-185.3) XXV. Foreshadowing of Civil War (1853-1859) 338 353 369 383 CIVIL WAR XXVI. The Crisis (1859-1861) 401 XXVII. North and South in 1861 419 XXVIII. Period of Uncertainties (April, 1861-December, 1802) . 433 XXIX. Emancipation and Military Advance (1862-1863) . . 455 XXX. End of the War (1864-1865) 470 REORGANIZATION XXXI. Reconstruction of the Union (1865-1875) XXXII. New Foundations (1875-1885) XXXIIL Economic and Social Issues (1885-1897). 491 511 525 THE NEW REPUBLIC XXXIV. The Spanish War and its Results (1897-1903) XXXV. What America has done for the World . XXXVI. The Twentieth Century XXXVIL The Great War (1914-1918) ..... 551 565 579 592 APPENDICES A. Brief List of Books .... B. General Bibliography C. Declaration of Independence, 1776 . D. Constitution of the United States, 1787 E. Proclamation of Emancipation, 1863 F. States of the Union .... ni xi . xiv xxviii . XXX Index f\ 4 fe^ PHfflv/x,, ^ VV T912 ?Af N Bwfmv / < ^=^ /^ / i9'2 i (-j-'i 7i 111 1 \ >■ — v~ V *J > r*" ■ ■ J ^^ i ^r — f TVn V^ i 1 B4 5\ AUST I "Iff '*' I«ngilu(le 10 sc Padiso l(a46 \ CO (St-.Joseph. !S3 4^ ^^^^-^ stV^f JNOIftil^OU , LANSING m -(A w" REFERENCE MAPS PAOIM The States of the Union (at present) 10, 11 Physical Map of the United States 18, lU Early Voyages to America 34 French and Indian War, showing Chain of French Fojts, 1754, 1689, and 1763 120, 121 British Colonies in 1765 131 Revolutionary War in the North 168 Revolutionary War in the South 176 The United States, 1783 ; State Claims to Western Lands . 190 Part of Central North America in 1789 198 The United States in 1803 264 Roads and Waterways to the West in 1825 291 The United States in 1825 300 Railroads and Waterways of the United States in 1850 . . 324, 326 The United States in 1850 376 The United States in 1861 390 Theater of the Civil War 434, 435 Principal Railroads of the United States, 1885 .... 516 Territorial Development of the Continental United States, 1776-1866 567 12 ESSENTIALS IN AMEKICAN HISTOET CHAPTER I. FOUNDATIONS OF AMERICAN HISTORY Where does American History begin ? The true fathers of America are the men of various European countries, espe- cially of England, who, three centuries ago, had the . , courage to voyage unknown seas, and the persistence American to plant colonies across the ocean. They brought with ^^ °^ them the religion, language, laws, and methods of government to which their ancestors were accustomed ; and hence the early history of America was really a part of European history ; the first American colonists were simply Spaniards, Portu- guese, or Frenchmen in America ; and the English settlers who, to better their condition, removed over seas, looked upon themselves as still a part of the English people. When that bond was broken by the Revolution of 1775, the United States became at once one of the family of civilized nations ; and by commerce, by the immigration of foreigners, by the sharing of the world's literatures, by interchange of inventions and principles of government, our history has always been inextri- cably connected with that of Europe. The discovery of America was a result in great part of that new spirit of interest in the past, and curiosity about the world, which we call the Renaissance. When, about „ - . .^ , ' '2. Spirit of the year 1300, men began to go back to the beauty and enlarge- power of ancient writers and the ancient works of art, ™*'^ interest in nature and the desire to know her secrets sprang up again with passionate force. Hence, when a new commer- cial route to India was needed, men were willing to take great 13 14 BEGINNINGS risks, to penetrate into the unknown western ocean, and to explore a land as yet undreamed of, A new spirit speedily showed itself in improvements in navigation, and especially in two inventions (both previously known in China) which helped discovery and exploration : (1) gunpowder, perhaps discovered in Europe by Roger Bacon, and first used in war about 1350, enabled the invaders of America to beat the savages; (2) printing with movable types, probably first used by Gutenberg in 1450, served to spread the fame of the new world. The art of navigation was steadily advancing. Sea-going ships had keels and single rudders, were fitted with heavy 3. Seafar- spars and square sails, and for defense from the seas and ^S from enemies were provided with high bulwarks, fore- castles, and aftercastles. There was little distinction between merchantmen and war ships : in time of war the trader took on a few more guns and men and became a fighting cruiser. Naval science was immensely aided by four inventions, which by 1450 were widely used : (1) The wondrous art of sailing on the wind, discovered by the Norsemen, gave confi- dence to men on long voyages. (2) The magnetic compass was a guide far out of sight of land, and when the stars were not visible. (3) The astrolabe en- abled the mariner roughly to estimate his distance from the equator. (4) The portolano, or sea chart, assembled what was known about the seas and coasts. The prelude to American liistory was the attempt to estab- lish new relations between Eui«ope and Asia. In 1450 Europe Ship oi' m'.iht NTiii. From a drawing ascribed to Coliiinbus. FOUNDATIONS OF AMERICAN HISTORY 15 Medieval Trade Routes. had no direct intercourse by sea with India, China, and Japan ; eastern products found their way westward only by trans- ^ "^ "^ •' 4. Europe f er across the Isthmus of Suez, or by a slow and expen- and the sive caravan journey across Asia, over routes which ^aaX were broken in two by the fierce Turks when they took Con- stantinople in 1453. Where were Europe- ans thenceforward to get the carpets and the silks, the pearls and the cotton goods, the sweet white powder that men called sugar, the gums, and the pep- per that sometimes sold for its weight in gold dust ? One European, „_ _- , ,11 Battle of Japanese and Chinese in Marco Polo, actually Marco Polo's Time. crossed Asia and From an ancient Japanese drawing. 16 BEGINNINGS reached the Chinese coast about 1202, and thus reported: "And I tell you with regard to tliat Eastern Sea of Chin, Yule Polo a,ccording to what is said by the experienced pilots and //. 240 mariners of those parts, there be 7459 Islands in the waters frequented by the said mariners. . . . And there is not one of those Islands but produces valuable and odorous woods . . . and they produce also a great variety of spices." In course of time the question began to be asked, Why might not the Spice Islands and Japan be reached by sea from western Europe? — hence attempts were made to find a water passage around Europe by the Arctic Ocean, and around Africa by the Atlantic Ocean. Moreover the learned men of the Renaissance discovered that the ancients believed that the world is round. A strange book of wonders, called the Travels of Sir John Man- deville, which is dated 1322, says, " For when the sun is east p in those parts towards paradise terrestrial, it is then Mandevilie, midnight in our parts of this half, for the roundness of the earth. For our Lord God made the earth all round in the midplace of the firmament." By 1470 the Florentine astronomer Toscanelli actually figured out the circumference of the earth at almost exactly its true length. If the world was really round, why might not India be reached by sailing westward instead of eastward ? Such a question could best be solved by the maritime nations of western Europe — by Spain, France, England, and Portugal, g _,, . _ The adventurous Portuguese by 1450 had already dis- nizing covered the four groups of the Canary, Madeira, Cape na ions Verde, and Azores or Western Islands. Under the direc- tion of Prince Henry the Navigator, they pushed down the west coast of Africa ; but on his death (1460) they had reached no farther south than Sierra Leone. The neighbor and great rival of Portugal was Spain ; in 1469 the marriage of Ferdinand of Aragon with Isabella of FOUNDATIONS OF AMERICAN HISTORY 17 Castile brought under one sovereignty the Christian parts of that land. In 1492, by the conquest of the Moorish kingdom of Granada, the way was opened for a great Spanish kingdom. Twenty -seven yeai's later Charles V., king of Spain and ruler of the Netherlands (grandson of Ferdinand and Isabella), by his election as German Emperor, brought Spain into the heart of European politics. Spain built a powerful navy, and organ- ized an infantry which could defeat knights in armor, and was almost invincible by other footmen ; for many years Spain re- mained the strongest state in Europe. The immediate theater of American history lay unknown beyond the Atlantic. The Europeans of the fifteenth century thought of the world as consisting of only three parts — . . Europe, Asia, and Africa. It required a generation ' of the Atlantic explorers after 1492 to evolve the idea that North ^ °^® America is not part of Asia; more than a century elapsed before men generally began to think of it in its true propor- tions, and its true relations to the rest of the world. Never- theless the physical character of the land constantly had a controlling effect on the course of discovery and colonization ; and therefore it must be considered among the essentials of American history. The Atlantic coast of North America abounds in deep and sheltered bays and estuaries which make fine harborage, and helped the early settlers in their seafaring. The coast is bold and rugged as far south as Cape Ann ; and the country inland, as far south as the Hudson, is hilly and stony and abounds in waterfalls. Farther south lies a low coast plain which gradually widens till it reaches Georgia, and thence stretches westward along the Gulf of Mexico to Texas. Its sandy coast is fringed with shallow lagoons, partly inclosed by long, narrow islands. Up to the foothills of the Appalachians the south country is fiat and fertile, and well adapted to agriculture. The water powers at the head of navigation on the sluggish rivers afford 16 20 BEGINNINGS natural advantages which determined the location of a line of towns and cities, such as Trenton, Richmond, Petersburg, Raleigh, Columbia, Augusta, and Macon. The very flatness of the Atlantic coast gave rise to one disadvantage : innumer- able swamps and fresh-water ponds bred mosquitoes; when our forefathers sickened with fevers, they little guessed that it was this insignificant enemy which brought disease, death, and often the ruin of a colony. Inland the Atlantic coast plain terminates in the Appalachian Mountain system, which extends in a belt about a hundred miles wide from Gaspe Peninsula in the Gulf of St. Lawrence 1600 miles southwestward to northern Alabama. The average elevation is about 2000 feet, the passes from 1500 to 3000 feet ; though Mt. Washington and the North Carolina ranges rise above 6000 feet. The eastern half of the system consists of long, parallel, and steep-sided mountain ridges ; the western half is an upland plateau which declines gradually to the west and is deeply trenched by the steep-sided valleys of the streams. Like the lower coast lands, this whole highland region was originally clothed with forests which concealed the lurking savage. The west slope of the Appalachian plateau merges into a vast low plain, which is drained partly northeastward to „ , ^ . Hudson Bay and the Gulf of St. Lawrence, but chiefly 7. Interior "^ ' '' of North southward through the Mississippi River system to the America (julf of Mexico. The whole region is characterized by a smooth surface and gentle slopes, a little broken by the bluffs along the streams. The northern belt, and the southern as far west as the Ozark Mountains, were originally forest-covered ; but the central part from Indiana westward abounded in tree- less, grassy prairies, which expanded westward until they covered all the land excepting fringes of timber along the water courses. This St. Lawrence and Mississippi valley is the most exten- FOUNDATIONS OF AMERICAN HISTORY 21 sive tract of highly fertile land in the world. Most of it has abundant rainfall, and the climate ranges from the severe winters of the Dakotas to a subtropical belt ou the Gulf coast. " When tickled with a hoe, it laughs with a harvest " ; and it has almost every variety of soil and product. The numerous streams furnish alluvial "bottom land"; north of the Mis- souri and Ohio rivers most of the country is covered with glacial deposits — Nature's wheat fields; the vast prairies grow all kinds of crops, especially corn. Yet nearly all of this interior was a lonely wilderness till after the close of the Revolution. Beyond the Mississippi River the land rises imperceptibly into a treeless plateau, which, west of the 100th meridian, is called the Great Plains and is so dry that farming is almost impossible without irrigation. The bunch grass of these plains once supported countless herds of wild bison, and now is the pasturage for beef cattle. The Great Plains form the eastern part of the Rocky Moun- tain Highland, which extends to within 150 miles of the Pacific coast, with a general elevation of 5000 feet ; from it rise the Rocky Mountain chain in the eastern part, and the Sierra Nevada and Cascade chains on its western margin. The high region between these chains, which may be called the Interior Highland, has been settled chiefly since the Civil War. The lofty and complicated ranges of the Rocky Mountains occupy a belt of country from 200 to 300 miles wide, made up of mountains extremely rough and rugged. ■ Their sum- mits reach to nearly 15,000 feet, though the chain may be crossed at elevations not greater than from 6000 to 8000 feet. Among these mountains the Indians found large game for food, and small fur-bearing animals. From the sheep which now range the region the white man still draws material for cloth- ing; while in the upheaved and dislocated strata he finds our richest stores of gold, silver, copper, and lead. 22 BEGINNINGS Rough and broken surfaces characterize the Interior High- land : the region is very dry, some places having no rain for 8. Great months or even years. The triangular region between Basin and gnake and Colorado rivers and the Sierra Nevada is Pacific slope called the Great Basin, because its meager rainfall col- lects in pools and salt lakes and then evaporates without reaching the sea. Grand Canyon of the Golokauo. Showing erosion in a region of little rain. West of the Interior Highland rises the precipitous escarp- ment of the' Sierra Nevada and Cascade chains, which sink away again in a long western slope, abundantly watered in winter by moist winds from the Pacific, which clothe it with thick forests of valuable trees. These chains are scarcely more than seventy-five miles wide, but they rival the Rocky Moun- tains in iKught and ruggt'duoss. West of the crest of the Sierra Nevada and ('asc:id<^ cluiiiis, and beyond a seritis of long low- land valleys, is the crest of the low Coast Ranges, which rise FOUNDATIONS OF AMERICAN HISTORY 23 steeply from the Pacific Ocean. These ranges arc broken down to the sea at three places only — the Bay of San Fran- cisco, the Columbia River, and the Strait of Juan de Fuca, which leads to Puget Sound. The climate is much the same all along the western coast — hot and dry summers, and mild winters which make it a resort for travelers and health-seekers. Through the forests and across the mountains were two sys- tems of primeval routes of travel, footpaths and waterways : (1) Throughout the continent, buffalo paths and Indian a -o * 9. Rout6| trails, sometimes only six inches wide, led through prairie of trade am and forest ; they often followed the divides between the trav^ streams, as being free from fords. (2) Rivers and lakes made a network of water routes, on which plied the dugout and in the north the Indian birch-bark canoe, one of the best inventions of any savage race ; easy to make, swift to paddle, and light to "tote" over a carry from one system of rivers to another. For long east and west journeys the At- lantic streams could be followed up to the divides separating them from the tribu- taries of the Great Lakes or of the Ohio River. The routes across tlie Appalachian chain ran for the most part on the same lines as the present trunk-line railroads, especially the gaps at the heads of the Mohawk, Susquehanna, Potomac, and James rivers. By carries or portages known to the Indians, one could also pass from the Great Lakes to Hudson Bay, or to the upper Mississippi, or to the Ohio. Examples of such transfer points are Ravenna, Ohio, between the Cuyahoga and Indian Birch-bark Canoe Race. Sketched by an eyewitness about 1830. 24 BEGINNINGS Mahoning rivers; Fort Wayne, Indiana, between the Manmee and the W^abash; and Chicago, between Lake Michigan and the Des Plaines branch of the Illinois. At such places in many instances a white man's town eventually grew up. 60 100 160 200 '^ • lodiaji Portages Important Indian Poktages. UCtB The whole land originally abounded in wild animals. The deer and the bison, commonly called buffalo, furnished meat for the hungry, clothing for the cold, and a roof for the can prod- family ; the game birds, of which the turkey and the pigeon were the most plentiful, increased the food sup- ply; and the coast waters and streams abounded in fish and in fur-bearing animals. The earth furnished to the savage fruits and berries, corn, pumpkins, squashes, and maple sugar for his diet, tobacco for his luxury, herbs and simples for diseases and wounds, wood for his fires and even for houses. FOUNDATIONS OF AMERICAN HISTORY 25 Later colonists found valuable resources in the timber and the iron ores ; their descendants discovered coal and oil, and lead, zinc, copper, and the precious metals; but almost the only things the Indian had to sell that the white man coveted were deerskins and furs, especially that of the beaver. Still America yielded three products not then known to the old world : (1) Corn was the plant most widely sown and harvested by the Indians, "a grain of general use to man and beast." (2) The potato, native of South America, in the course of time became the chief food of millions of Europeans. (3) Tobacco, everywhere much prized by the Indians, grew wild or was negligently cultivated. The native inhabitants of America, called. Indians by Colum- bus because he supposed he had reached the Indies, were throughout of one race, though their origin is a puzzle . . „ . for ethnologists. To be sure, throughout central North civilization America exist a great number of mounds, some sepul- chral, some village sites, some defensive, some built in the outline of animals ; but there is no reason to suppose that the " mound builders " were different from the ordinary Indians. in America mm ■i ^^^^"^B ^p ^Sm ^m S ^^ Indian Cliff Dwellings. (Near southwest corner of Colorado.) From Georgia to Arizona most tribes raised plenty of food and lived in fixed towns, some southwestern peoples in cliff dwellings. The descendants of some of these tribes, as for instance the Zunis, still live in the same communal villages hakt's amek. hist. — 2 26 BEGINNINGS Interior of Zuni Pukblo. About the same as in 1492. or pueblos, and carry on much the same life as their fore- fathers. Farther south, in the communal city of Mexico, were the Aztecs, men of war who lived on tribute or plunder from neighboring tribes, and reveled in human sacrifice ; they had the arts of making pottery, of Avorking in soft metals, of weav- ing and of feather work, and even of a kind of picture writing. In Mexico and Central America ruined stone cities mark a higher civilization, already decaying when the white man came. These abound in elaborately carved stone walls, stair- ways, and monoliths, extraordinarily like certain temples and idols in eastern Asia. In South America native civilization reached its highest point in the empire of the Incas in Peru, who had an organization far above that of the ordinary In- dians; for they built roads and stone towns, used llamas for beasts of burden, and had a system of records made by knotted cords. FOUNDATIONS OF AMERICAN HISTORY 27 The Indians who most disturbed the English colonists were three groups : (1) along the northern Atlantic coast the Algon- quin family ; (2) inland, between Lake Erie and the 12. Indian Hudson, the "Eive Nations" of Iroquois ; (3) between the ^^^® Mississippi and the southeast coast the powerful Cherokees, kin to the Iroquois, and the Muskogee family, including the intelli- gent, numerous, and warlike tribes of Choctaws, Ci-eeks, and Chickasaws. All these Indians were vigorous and hardy people, well built, tall, and handsome. Their clothing was chiefly- of deerskins, supplemented after the whites came by the *' niatch- ooat," or blanket. They gathered into villages, living for the most part in wigwams of bark or skins ; though some tribes had ''long houses" — rows of continuous wooden dwellings. The main occupations of the Indians were fishing and hunt- ing and fighting, but nearly all the tribes had cornfields, and some of them plots of tobacco and vegetables, all tilled by the women. The Indians were fond of gayety, lively conversation, dancing, and open-air games. Real religion they had none ; the early discoverers said that they worshiped stones and the devil. Their priests were medicine men who sang, shook their rattles, and circled about the fire ten or twelve hours together, " with most impetuous and interminate clamours and howling." In many ways the Indians showed remarkable inventive skill. They strung bows, fashioned stone arrowheads, clubs, and hatchets, contrived snowshoes, made rude pottery, tanned skins, executed beautiful designs in beads and porcupine quills, manufactured maple sugar, plaited nets, carved pipes, had a currency of wampum made from seashells, and, above all, invented the graceful and serviceable bark canoe. In war the Indians were among the greatest fighting men of all history. Their weapons were the bow and arrow, 13. Indian club, tomahawk, and stone knife; and they quickly took ^^ ^^^ over the white man's musket and steel axes and knives. emment Swift and silent in movement, their favorite attack was sur- 28 BEGINNINGS prise; if once beaten back, they were likely to },Mve up and go home for the time, rather than lose many men. Their custom of killing or enslaving men, women, and children alike, was too often imitated by their white enemies, who also learned how to seize the scalp locks of their savage adversaries. The narratives of white captives are full of fearful tortures. Fortunately for the whites, the Indians were broken up into small political fragments. The so-called "tribes," often in- cluding many villages, were united by the loosest of ties ; they fought"" among themselves, and the fundamental idea of the Indian was that every member of every other tribe (unless bound by friendlj'' treaty) was his enemy ; and he looked on all Englishmen as members of one hostile tribe. Indeed, the whole Indian conception of government and society was dif- ferent from the English. The tribes were subdivided into clans, or " totems," and families, and the tribal councils were mere "powwows," for the decision bound nobody; yet discussion and decision were backed up by a powerful public opinion. The tribal lands were usually only the territory over which the tribe habitually ranged ; nobody " owned " land in the English sense. The Indians were often friendly, gave food, furnished guides, and fought on the white men's side against other tribes; but their chiefs had no recognized power to compel obedience, and hence treaties with the English were always hard to enforce. Few Indians have come down in history as leaders of their people. Wahunsonacock, commonly called Powhatan by the Virginians, George Guess who invented an alphabet, King Philip in New England, Pontiac and Corn Planter in the West, and later Tecumthe, Chief Joseph, and G«ronimo are almost the only great names. From about I ir)0 to 1500 the conditions in Euroi)e were especially favorable for discovery and commercial adventure. FOUNDATIONS OF AMERICAN HISTORY 29 Europe was ready for new fields of activity ; and by 1500 each of the four nations on the western sea front — England, France, Spain, and Portugal — had a consolidated royal power, 14. sum- capable of directing new enterprises. Each had also an mary eager, seafaring people, acquainted with new arts of navigation. The closing of the overland route to Asia by the Turks aroused the people to the necessity of a route by sea ; and a belief that the world is round suggested a western voyage to India. But between Europe and India, all unknown and undevel- oped, lay the two Americas, occupied by savage tribes, who were skilled in the warfare of the woods, and ready to contest with all their might any attempt to set foot upon their terri- tory. Yet the central belt of this broad land that stretched from the 25th parallel to the 49th, and through fifty degrees of longitude, had the soil and climate which have later made pos- sible the cotton of Texas, the wheat of Minnesota, the corn of Indiana, the Maine potato, and the olive groves of California. TOPICS (I) What made Spain a great nation ? (2) When and how did Suggestive the Renaissance reach England ? (3) When and where was gun- *°Pics powder first used in European warfare ? (4) What are some of the earliest printed travels ? (5) How did the mariners' compass come into use ? (6) What are the best waterways (with por- tages) from the Atlantic to the Pacific ? (7) Name the principal peaks of the Appalachians. (8) What are the easiest passes across the Appalachians ? across the Rocky Mountains ? (9) The prin- cipal "carries" from the Great Lakes to the tributaries of the Mississippi. (10) Indian remains in your neighborhood. (II) Life in a present-day pueblo. (12) Adventures of Marco Search Polo. (13) Who wrote the Travels of Sir John Mandeville ? ^°^^^^ (14) Career of Prince Henry the Navigator. (15) First Euro- pean visitors to Niagara Falls. (16) First European explorations in the Appalachian Mountains. (17) How to make a birch-bark canoe. (18) Introduction of tobacco into Europe. (19) The Ser- pent Mound. (20) Ancient stone buildings and monuments in Mexico and Central America. (21) Peruvian roads and buildings. (22) Modern cities on the sites of Indian villages. 30 BEGINNINGS REFERENCES Oeogrraphy Secondary- authorities Sources Illustrative works Pictures See maps, pp. 10, 11, 15, 18, 19, 24 ; Brigham, Geographic Influ- ences ; Epoch diaps, no. 1 ; Clieyney, European Background ; Farrand, Basis of American History. Thwaites, Colonies, §§ 2-5; Fisher, Colonial Era, 1-11 ; Fiske, Discovery of America, I. 1-147, II. 294-3G4 ; Doyle, English in America, I. 5-17; Winsor, America, IV. i-xxx ; Farrand, Basis of American History ; Shaler, Nature and Man in America, 106-283, — United States, I. 1-272, 417-517 ; Cheyney, European Background ; Higgiiison, Larger History, 1-26 ; Hinsdale, Hoic to Study and Teach History, 174-20;3; Morgan, American Aborigines. Hart, Soxirce Book, § 9, — Source Headers, I. §§ 8, 19-33, 37- 44, III. §§ 57-69 ; Old South Leaflets, nos. 30, 32. See Channing and Hart, Guide, §§ 21-216, 77-80 ; New England History Teachers' Association, Syllabus, 167, 168, 293, — Historical Sources, §65. Longfellow, Hiawatha ; Whittier, Bridal of Pennacock ; C. G. Leland, Algonquin Legends of New England ; C. F. Lummis, Strange Corners of our Country. McKenney and Hall, History and Biography of the Indian Tribes ; Catlin, North American Indians ; Winsor, America, I. Anciknt Pkkuvian Jar. Perhaps a portrait. CHAPTER II. THE CENTURY OF DISCOVERY (1492-1605) The existence of a Western Continent was till about 1500 un- dreamed of in Europe, although there was in far-off Iceland a "saga," or document based onmemorized tradition, showing 15. Fore- how, in the year 1000, Leif Erikson — " Leif the Lucky " '""^gcofery — reached the mainland of North America; and how in (1000-1492) 1007 one Karlsefni landed there in a fine country (which has never been identified) abounding in flat stones and grapes, and fierce natives. No evidence has ever been found to show that Leif's discovery was known to Italian or Spanish navigators. Their incentive to western voyages was the hope of finding a direct western route to India, especially after Bartholomew Diaz of Portugal reached the Cape of Good Hope (1487) and saw a broad sea beyond, promising a practicable indirect route. To Christopher Columbus, born (about 1446) in the Italian city of Genoa, is due the credit of applying the science of his time to the problem of reaching India. Before he was thirty years old he formed a plan of sailing westward to Asia, which he calculated to be twenty-five hundred miles distant from Europe. Directly, or through his brother Bartholomew, he appealed to the kings of Portugal, Spain, England, and France to fit him out; and all declined the splendid opportunity. Finally, he turned again to Spain and appealed to the mission- ary zeal of Queen Isabella in behalf of the distant heathen, and held out to her counselors the rich results of conquest and power. In behalf of her kingdom of Castile, Isabella at last agreed to fit out an expedition. 31 32 BKGINNINGS Furnished with the queen's money and armed with her authority, Cohimbus got together three little vessels, the Santa 16. Colum- Maria, Nina, and Finta, carrying 90 men in all. He coverer ^^ sailed from Palos, August 3, 1492, and from the Canary (1492-1506) Islands five weeks later; thenceforward his sole reliance was his own unconquerable will. As the crews grew muti- Departurk of Columbus. From De Bry's Voyages, 1590. nous the admiral cajoled and threatened, and even under- stated the ship's daily run. On Friday, October 12, 1492 (old style), thirty-three days after losing sight of land, and distant 3230 nautical miles from . „. Palos, the caravels came upon an island, to which, says Leaflets, Columbus, " 1 gave the name of 8au Salvadore, in com- memoration of his Divine Majesty who has wonderfully granted all this. The Indians call it (Juanahau." This land- THE CENTURY OF DISCOVERY 33 fall was probably Watling Island of the Bahama group. A few days later Columbus reached the coast of Cuba, and then Hispaniola, or Haiti. He was deeply disappointed not to find towns and civilized communities, for to the day of his death Columbus supposed that he had hit on the coast of Asia. Thus was America discovered, as an unforeseen incident in the voyage of one of the most extraordinary men in history. In September, 1493, Columbus set out a second time with 17 vessels and 1500 men, founded Isabella in Haiti, the first city of Europeans in America, set up a government there, and discovered Porto Rico, Jamaica, and some of the Lesser An- tilles. On a third voyage (1498), he reached South America, and discovered the mouth of the Orinoco. His colony in His- paniola, including the permanent city of Santo Domingo, fell into confusion, and Columbus was sent home in chains, and for a time was in disgrace. He made, however, a fourth voy- age (1502), in search of a water passage to India, which carried him to the coast of Honduras, and to the Isthmus of Panama. Four years later he died in Spain, and his bones, after wander- ings in the West Indies, now rest in the Cathedral of Seville. Meantime the Portuguese were trying to reach the gold and spice islands by sailing eastward, and they claimed a monopoly of the discoveries that they might make. In May, 1493, 17. Por- the Pope issued a bull in which he assumed the authority ™S^®s® '*^^- to divide the non-Christian world between Portugal and (1493-1500) Spain, by a north and south line through the Atlantic. A year later, in the treaty of Tordesillas, made directly between Spain and Portugal, it was agreed that the line of de- „ . , marcation should run " from pole to pole, 370 leagues west Diplomatic from the Cape Verde Islands." The rivalry foreseen by ^^(o^y> ^^ the treaty was realized in 1497 when the Portuguese Vasco da Gama passed the Cape of Good Hope, and shortly reached India; soon Portuguese trading ports were established in Asia. Then Cabral, one of the Portuguese voyagers to India, hit on I Colnnibue's First Voyage U92 Second " 118S-96 3 Cabots 1497- 4 Vespucius for Spain 1499 5 Columbus's Third Vovage 14984X) C Cabral 1500 7 Vespucius for Portugal 1501-02 8 Columbus's Eoui-tb Voyage 150S-01J U Pineda 1519 10 Magellan 1519-22 11 Verrazano 1524 12 earner's First Voyage 1534-35 13 " Second " 153M0 SOUTH ^V'T^^^ u THE CENTURY OF DJ8CUVERY 35 the coast of Brazil (1500), which he thought was an Asiatic island ; later it was found that the line of Tovdesillas ran to the west of the Brazilian coast, which was therefore left to the Portuguese to settle. The announcement that Columbus had reached Asia aroused new national rivalries, and it was followed by many western voyages. Henry VII. of England never regarded the ig. The papal bull of 1493 or the treaty of Tordesillas as bindinsr ^^^o^s and f • T • H /^.^ 1 ' Vespuciiis him; and in 1496 he gave authority to the Venetian navi- (1497-1507) gator John Cabot and his three sons "to sail to all parts, regions, and waters of the eastern, western, and southern seas, and to discover any heathen regions which up to this time have remained unknown to Christians." Though this voyage later became the basis of the English claims to North America, we know only that Cabot came back in 1497 and reported " that 700 leagues hence he discovered land, the territory of the grand Chan. He coasted for 300 leagues and landed Tpvobablv „ „ on the island of Cape Breton] and found two very large tempora- aiid fertile new islands." The next year Cabot's son ries.l.eo Sebastian is supposed to have made a voyage farther south, probably as far as the coast of Virginia ; but of his discoveries, if he made any, we have no contemporary accounts. The Venetian Ainericus Vespucius coasted large parts of South America from 1499 to 1507 in behalf of Spain and then of Portugal. He published several letters describing his dis- coveries and, apparently without his own expectation, furnished a name which gradually supplanted the term "New World" used by Columbus and others. An Alsatian geographer, realiz- ing that a new continent had been discovered, suggested in 1507 that the new fourth part of the world be called " Amerige, that is, the land of Americus, or America." This suggestion, in- tended to apply to the eastern part of South America, was gradually extended to all of South America, and then to the entire western continent. 36 BEGINNINGS By the year 1514 most of the islands of the Caribbean Sea, and the coast from Mexico to the Plata, had been visited ; 19. Spanish ^^ *^^* ^^^ Spaniards began to realize that wherever they discoveries sailed far enough west, they struck land, perhaps a con- and con- • m, quests tmuous continent. The region about Darien failed to (1513-1532) disclose a strait, and in 1513 Balboa crossed the narrow Isthmus of Panama, and looked upon the Pacific Ocean. Fail- ing to penetrate directly, westward, the Spaniards in 1519 sent Magellan with a small fleet to coast America southward; he discovered and traversed the strait to which he gave his name, entered and named the Pacific Ocean, and then sailed up the west coast of South America, and westward until he reached the Ladrones and the Philippine Islands (1521). One of Magellan's vessels got home to Spain via the Cape of Good Hope — the first circumnavigation of the globe. At last the true Indies had been reached by sailing west, and the Philip- pines speedily became a Spanish colony, regularly communi- cating with the home country across the Isthmus of Panama. An era of Spanish exploration and conquest within North America began with a fruitless expedition by Ponce de Leon in Florida (1512), and a voyage by Pineda, who skirted the north coast of the Gulf of Mexico (1519). The first permanent lodgment was the romantic occupation of Mexico by Hernando Cortez in 1519. With 450 men and 15 horses he marched up and took the stronghold of Mexico, smashed the rude political organization of the Aztecs, and set up the Catholic religion. In 1532 a Spanish force of 200 men and 60 horses, under Francisco Pizarro, penetrated and conquered Peru, and looted a large quantity of gold ; here also the native government was overthrown and a permanent Spanish viceroyalty set up. The Spaniards sent several expeditions to explore the south- ern part of what is now the United States, and thus they secured a first title to that region. (1) De Ayllon attempted to found a colony on Chesapeake Bay (1526). (2; Narvaez THE CENTURY OF DISCOVERY 37 with a party explored the land north of the Gulf coast, and passed the mouth of the Mississippi, probably the first white man to see that river (1528). (3) Ferdinando de Soto, ^ -^ ^ ^ '20. Spanish with a force of 620 men, marched inland from the coast explora- of Florida; and in 1541 penetrated to and then beyond *j°°* the Mississippi. (4) In 1540 Coronado, incited by tales north of seven rich and wonderful "cities of Cibola," went north- ^ ~ ■* ward from Mexico, but found the cities to be only Indian pueblos, of which some are standing yet ; he penetrated to the country of Quivira (Kansas) which abounded in " crook-backed cows " (buffalo). The expedition led to the founding of the town of Santa Fe in 1572. (5) From 1533 to 1592 the Pacific coast was visited by Spaniards as far north as Puget Sound. The West Indies, as the Spanish possessions in the new world were generally called, made the Spanish kingdom the richest of all European countries and enabled the Spaniards for a century to take the leading place in Europe. The gold of Mexico and Peru was 'quickly swept up and spent; but in 1545 the enormously rich silver mines of Potosi, in Peru, were opened, and later good silver mines were found in Mexico. By 1550 Spanish colonies were established in Mexico and Central America, on the west and north coasts of South America, and on the lower Plata. Meanwhile, about twenty years after Columbus's first voyage, a mighty change was begun in Europe through the Protestant Reformation. In the end, the peoples of northwestern _ _ . Europe became mostly Protestant, while those of the south discovery remained Catholic. France, however, as well as England ^ ignored the papal division of 1493 and the treaty of Torde- sillas. In 1524 King Francis I. dispatched Verrazano, a Flor- entine, with a fleet which crossed the Atlantic and explored an unknown coast including New York Harbor, a bay, he contempo- said, in "a very pleasant situation among some steep varies,!, los hills, through which a very large river, deep at its mouth, 88 BEGINNINGS forced its way to the sea." Mucli farther north tlie Freucli captain Jacques Cartier found islands, tirm land, and a river (1534), and the next year " a goodly great gulf, full of islands, passages, and entrances," which he named St. Lawrence ; thence he entered " the great river Hochelaga and ready way to China." His progress was stopped by the rapids later dubbed Lachine ("Chinese"), near a hill which he called Mount Royal, now Montreal. France had a Catholic king, but a body of French " Hugue- nots," or Protestants, with the consent of the king planted an unsuccessful colony under Jean Ribault at Port Royal, now in South Carolina (1562). Two years later, under Laudon- ni^re, the French returned and built a second Port Royal on the " River May " (St. Johns) in Florida. This was a flat defiance of the Spaniards, who founded (1565) the frontier town of St. Augustine to confront the French ; this town, still in existence, is the oldest within the mainland boundaries of the United States. Mencndez, the Spanish governor, then uprooted the French colony ; and the French never regained the opportunity of settling the southern Atlantic coast. The monopoly of American trade and colonization by Spain aroused the spirit of the English, especially when under Philip 22. English H- (1556-1598) Spain became the great Catholic power of traders and Europe. The internal troubles arising out of the Prot- freebooters (1566 1580) estant Reformation in England diminished in the reign of Elizabeth ; and energy was set free for voyages and colonies both in the East and in the West. The feeling of rivalry with Spain was expressed in a charter granted in 15G6 to Sir Hum- phrey Gilbert to open a northwest passage around America to India, and to discover new lands, which were to be an English colony. Ten years later Sir Martin Frobisher made three voyages on the same quest, penetrating as far as Hudson Strait. For nearly three centuries the English never quite abandoned the idea of a short water route to Asia. THE CENTURY OF DISCOVERY 39 One of the boldest adventurers and bravest fighters was Sir John Hawkins, who made several profitable voyages to the Spanish colonies with African slaves. His five ships were caught in the Mexican port of San Juan de Ulloa by thir- teen Spanish ships; he fought them all and escaped with two vessels (1568). One of Hawkins's captains was Francis Drake, who in 1572 sailed off again to prey on Spanish com- merce. Pirate-like he harried the Spanish mainland, cap- tured Spanish vessels and mule trains, and carried off gold, silver, and merchandise. Nevertheless, on his return to England Drake was pardoned by Queen Elizabeth and held in favor. The slow downfall of Spain may be said to have begun when the Netherlands revolted and formed a union of the provinces against the Spanish (1576). The English government sym- pathized and aided ; then individual Englishmen took an active part in the pulling down of Spain. In 1577 with the queen's approval, though without a royal commission, Drake set off with a little fleet; he rounded South America, passed through the Strait of Magellan with his one remaining ship, and was the first to see Cape Horn, and to find the open sea to the south of it. The story of Drake's next exploits sounds like the Arabian Nights, and is gemmed with such phrases as " thirteene ^, „ * ' ° '■ Hart, Con- chests full of royals of plate, foure score pound weight tempora- of golde, and sixe and twentie tunne of siluer." He sailed ''*''*' ^' ^^ up the unfortified west coast of South America, capturing coasters, terrifying towns, taking one prize worth a million dollars on its voyage from the Philippines, and throwing the Spaniards into a panic. Running far to the north, in hope of finding a passage through or around America to England, he put into a bay just north of the harbor of San Francisco to repair his ships, and called the country New Albion. Thence lie struck boldly westward across the Pacific, sailed through the Philippines and the Spice 40 BEGINNINGS Poore, Charters and Consti Islands, and then home again (1580) around the Cape of Good Hope, the first Englishman to circumnavigate the globe. Queen Elizabeth formally knighted him, and thus proclaimed him an English hero fighting for his sovereign. The next step towards colonization was a vain attempt at planting an English settlement in Newfoundland under a new 23. The charter granted to Sir Humphrey Gilbert (1578). His lishcolonies half-brother, Sir Walter Kaleigh, then got from the queen (1578-1587) a new "patent," or grant of lands (1584), authorizing him to colonize "remote heathen and barbarous lands . . . not actually possessed of any Christian Prince." tution8,J379 Forthwith he sent out two vessels, under Amadas and Barlowe, to find a proper place for a colony, and they fixed on Roanoke Island. On their return and favorable re- port Queen Elizabeth coy- ly named the new land for herself, "Virginia." Thrice did Ealeigh send out actual colonists to Roanoke. A settlement of 1585 with 100 men failed and the settlers came back; a smaller settle- ment of 1586 disappeared ; in 1587 he sent out a col- ony commanded by John White, with 150 people, Sir Wai.ikk Kalkich, ahoit l.^iio. Type of the English gentleniiiii of liis time. including seventeen women, one of whom gave birth to Vir- ginia Dare, the first English child born on American soil. All the members of this colony who remained in America dis- appeared in 1588, and their fate to this day is uncertain. The harrying *of thp coiiiiiierfe of Spain inevitably led to war, and the crisis came in 1587 when Philip II. resolved to •I'HE CENTURY OF DISCOVERY 41 invade England and destroy the plague of English sea rovers at its source. The proposed invasion took the form of a religious crusade by a mighty Spanish fleet called the Invincible _ Armada. The Armada sailed from Corunna in 1588, — with Spain 149 vessels, carrying 30,000 men, — and made its way ^^^^'' °" ' in half-moon formation up the English Channel. It was beset by an enemy as brave as the Spaniards and much more nim- ble ; for the English received their guests with 197 ships and 16,000 men, mostly trained seamen. The English finally sent fire ships among the Spaniards, and drove them out into the North Sea, where many of the fleet were burned, taken, or sunk. The de- moralized remnant made off to the northward in order to return to Spain around Scotland. Fear- ful tempests drove many vessels on the coasts, where the wild inhabitants massacred most of the survivors. The commander in chief arrived in Spain at last ; and gradually 67 ships out of the fleet crept into port. The war meanwhile had extended to the colonies, and it lasted for seventeen years. Drake took and plundered the city of Santo Domingo, the richest in the new world, and also the city of Carthagena, the capital of the Spanish West Indies. The new king of Spain, Philip III., and the new king of England, James I. (1603), both desired peace ; but the Span- iards long insisted that the English should agree to keep English War Ship of 1588. From tapestries in the old House of Lords. 42 BEGINNINGS EnglisliiiiPii from t ravelin,!,' to (lie Si>aiiish colonies, or settlinp; in territory claimed by Spain. On both i)oints the English stood firm ; and in 1604 a treaty of peace was made without either of the desired pledges. Thus the way was opened for the foundation of the later United States in territory then claimed by Spain. By the year 1600 the geography and conditions of North America became clearer, especially through the diligence of 25. Rival Richard Hakluyt, an English gentleman who published claims to ^ famous collection of narratives of voyages : and the America ^ o j U584 1605) various nations began to bring forward arguments for their claims to America. France talked about the effect of the voyages of Verrazano and Cartier ; Spain urged the Pope's bull of 1493 and her early explorations, assuming that coasts once skirted by Spanish ships remained Spanish, and that the territories inland from such, coasts were Spanish to eter- nity. Against these sweeping claims Hakluyt in 1584 asserted that " one Cabot and the English did first discover the shores about the Chesapeake"; and a contemporary writer set forth the English title to Virginia as follows: (1) first discovery by the subjects of Henry VII. (1497) ; (2) voyages under Elizabeth "to the mainland and infinite islands of the West Indies " ; (3) the voyage of Amadas and Barlowe (1584) ; (4) the actual settlement of the White colony (1587) ; (5) a broad claim that the coast and the ports of Virginia had Ptscoursp ^ ° of Western been long discovered, peojjled, and possessed by many Plaiumg English. On the Pope's bull the writer said, " if there be a law that the Pope may do what he list, let them that list obey him." As assertions of the English claims, three more attempts were made by individuals to plant colonies in America: (1) Bartholomew Gosnold in 1602 spent a little time on the island of Cuttyhunk; (2) Martin Pring in 1603 entered the THE CENTURY OF DISCOVERY 43 Penobscot; (o) in 1605 George Weymouth visited the coast of Maine. All these efforts failed; the country was too cold for comfort, and the English as yet had too little experience of colonizing. The discovery of America by Columbus in 1492 was an accident brought about by attempting to reach the known lands of eastern Asia by sailing west, in the belief that 26. Sum- the earth is a globe. But to Columbus is due the credit ^^^ of acting on his belief. The discovery of an eastern route by the Portuguese Vasco da Gama was a stimulus to further at- tempts to reach the Spice Islands by sailing westward; and led to voyage after voyage of Spaniards, English, Portuguese, and Frenchmen, each successful explorer enlarging the knowl- edge of the American coast line and the islands. Geographers took up the course of discovery and registered it on rude maps. Before 1600 Spain alone established perma- nent colonies, which chanced to be rich in precious metals. The wealth of the West Indies made Spain great and yet prepared the way for her downfall ; for the English attacked, first Spanish commerce, then the colonies, then the home country ; and in 1688 established the naval supremacy of England. Thence- forth the sea was free as far as an English ship could ride, and the way was prepared for English colonization. TOPICS (1) What do the Icelandic sagas say of America? (2) Why did Suggestive not Henry VII. of England send out Columbus? (3) How did ^opi^s Columbus raise men for his expedition ? (4) How did Balboa discover the Pacific ? (5) How did the Philippine Islands become Spanish ? (6) Cortez's capture of the city of Mexico. (7) Pizar- ro's treatment of Atahualpa. (8) Capture of Port Royal by the Spanish. (9) Were the Spaniards justified in fighting Sir John Hawkins at San Juan de Ulloa? (10) Why did the Invincible Armada fail ? uabt's amek. hist. — 3 44 BEGINNINGS Search topics (11) Where did Leif Erikson land? (12) Columbus's own accounts of his discoveries. (13) Was Americus Vespucius truth- ful ? (14) What kind of people were the Mexicans ? (15) Where did De Soto cross the Mississippi? (16) Present state of the "Seven Cities of Cibola." (17) The Spanish silver mines. (18) Early descriptions of New York Harbor. (19) Drake's quarrel with Fletcher. (20) Profits of Drake's voyages around the globe. (21) Accounts of the Armada by eyewitnesses. (22) Did Sebastian Cabot discover the coast of Virginia ? Geography Secondary authorities Sources Illustrative works Pictures REFERENCES See maps, pp. 34, 45 ; Semple, Geographic Conditions, 1-18 ; Epoch Maps, no. 2 ; Bourne, Spain in America. Thwaites, Colonies, §§ 7-12, 14-10 ; Fisher, Colonial Era, 12- 29 ; Bourne, Spain in America ; Wilson, American People, I. 1-33 ; Larned, History for Ready Reference, I. 47 ; Sparks, Expansion, 17-35 ; Eggleston, Beginners of a Nation, 1-24 ; Winsor, America, II. III. 1-126, IV. 1-103, — Columbus,— Cartier to Frontenac, 1- 76 ; Fiske, Discovery of America, I. 147-516, II. 1-293, 365-569, — Old Virginia, I. 1-40; Doyle, English in America, I. 18-100; Parkiuan, Pioneers of France, 9-228 ; Higginson, Larger History, 26-120 ; Beeves, Finding of Wineland ; Markham, Christopher Columbus ; Major, Prince Henry the Navigator , Corbett, Sir P)-ancis Drake; Creighton, Sir Walter Ralegh. Hart, Source Book, §§ 1-4, 7, — Contemporaries, I. §§16-36, 44- 48, — Source Readers, I. §§ 1-9, 55, 56 ; American History Leaflets, nos. 1, 3, 9, 13 ; Old South Leaflets, nos. 17, 20, 29, 31, 33-37, 39, 71, 90, 92, 102, 115-120, 122; Higginson, American Explorers, 1- 228 ; Payne, Elizabethan Seamen. See N. Eng. Hist. Teachers' Ass'n, Syllabus, 293-2m, — Historical Sources, §§ 66, 67. Longfellow, Skeleton in Armor, — Sir Humphrey Gilbert; Ten- nyson, Columbus ; Lowell, Columbus, — Voyage to Vinland ; R. M. Ballantyne, Erling the Bold (Iceland), — Norsemen in the West; S. Baring-Gould, Grettir the Outlaw (Iceland) ; Lewis Wallace, Fair God (Mexico) ; Cooper, Mercedes of Castile ; Gordon Stables, Westward tcith Columbus ; Simms, Vasconselos (De Soto) ; Kings- ley, Westward Ho ! (English and Spaniards) ; Jaines Barnes, Drake and his Yeomen ; Kirk Munroe, Flamingo Feather (Hugue- nots in Florida). Winsor, America, II.-IV. ; Wilson, American People, L CHAPTER III. THE ENGLISH IN AMERICA, 1607-1660 The unsuccessful experience of forty years showed that no individual was powerful enough to found English colonies in ^ ,^.^ London Company*! 606 "V •••••»• Plymouth Company 1606 ^ ^ i Vii^inia Charter of 1609: C.Cod K. UneB probably intended by mouth "West and Northwest" M^^ Later Virginia Claim under Charter of 1609 4t4r^4.+ New England Charter 1620 SCALE OF MrtES royal tions English Territorial (trants. America. The next device was a system of colonizing companies, chartered by 27. TheVir- the king and receiving gfante from him large grants (1606) of wild lands, which were treated as his personal prop- erty. The first grant was a charter, April 10, 1606; which created two such corpora- te settle the region indefinitely called Virginia: (1) the 45 46 COLONIAL ENGLISHMKN riyuiouth Company, to make a settleraeut .somewhere between the 38th and 45th degrees of north latitude; (2) the London Company, to colonize somewhere between the 34th and 41st degrees. For the government of either settlement, under this charter, it was provitled that there* should be a royal council in England and a local council to sit in the colony. This charter at once involved England in a controversy with Spain, which claimed the Atlantic coast indefinitely north- ward, and which, with some reason, looked upon the scheme as an attempt to plant a naval station for the vexation of Span- ish commerce. The Span- ish ambassador at London suggested to his master, " It will be serving Brown, Oeiiesisof God and Your Maj- ^* ^' esty to drive these villains out from there and hang them," but sloth, pov- erty, and hesitation to re- new the war held back the Spaniards from anything stronger than protest. The Plymouth Com- pany sent out a colony 28 Settle- under the auspices ViT^n/a ^'^ cndef-Justice Popham (May, 1607) which settled on (1607-1681) the Kennebec in Maine; but one severe winter broke it up, and the company never sent another. The London Com- pany, in which Bartholomew Gosnold appeal's as an active promoter, in December, 1606, sent 120 emigrants, who arrived at Chesapeake Bay, and on May o, 1607, selected a peninsula ('avtain John Smith in 1K24. From title-pago of his Grnerall Historic. THE ENGLISH IN AMERICA, 1G07-1GC0 47 on the Jamos River for their settleinciit, whicli they called Jamestown. It was low and marshy, mosquito-cursed, un- healthful, and hard to defend from the Indians, who attacked it within two weeks. The colonists were not accustomed to hard labor, and for some years they had to be supported from England. The most picturesque figure in these early days is Captain John Smith, who wrote two accounts of the colony : the True Relation in 1608, and the Generall Historie in 1624. In the latter he relates what was en- tirely omitted in the earlier story, how when he was a prisoner the Indians were about to beat out his brains ; how Pocahontas (then a child of ten or twelve years), daughter of the great " Weroance " Powhatan, sprang be- tween him and the club and saved his life. Whether this story be true or imagined, the courage and spirit of Smith are undeniable. He alternately pacified and fought the Indians ; he found supplies, explored the country, and was the principal man in the little government. The beginnings of Virginia are a terrible tragedy of famine, desperation, and death ; of 630 early colonists 570 died in the first two and a half years. Yet its founders did not lose courage ; and the company reorganized in 1609, and secured a Powhatan's Lodgk, WYl. From Smith's Generall Historie,l62i. 48 COLONIAL ENGLISHMEN second charter, granting a distinct territory, two hundred miles each way along the coast from Old Point Comfort and "all that Space and Circuit of Land, lying from the Sea Coast of the Precinct aforesaid, up into the Land throughout from Sea to Sea, West and Northwest." The local government, how- ever, was a mere tyranny — under the fierce Governor Dale the colonists were little better than slaves. In 1612, by a third and last charter, the company was reorganized and received larger powers of control of its own affairs. The turn of the tide came in 1616, when Dale departed and when the company began to assign definite tracts of land to the settlers, in strips fronting on the tide rivers, so that they had water communication with one another and with the rest of the Avorld. Sassafras was a valued export; and in 1615 began the export of tobacco, then sold for three shillings a pound. Yet in 1619, after at least £100,000 had been spent, there were only 400 colonists in Virginia. When the London Com- 29. Vir- pany (then often called the Virginia Company) came toth^^ro^ under the control of liberal and public-spirited men, (1619-1650) headed by Sir Edwin Sandys, they instructed their gov- ernor in Virginia to summon a popular assembly — the first free representative government iipon the western continent. Accordingly twenty -two " burgesses," elected from the various settlements of Virginia, met in the church at Jamestown in July, 1619, and drew up numerous laws for the colony. In 1621, by the so-called " Sandys constitution," this assembly was formally recognized. The year 1619 also marks the be- ginning of colonial slavery. A Dutch man-of-war in Virginia exchanged twenty negro slaves for provisions; and thus began a new source of labor for the cultivation of tobacco, which quickly became almost the sole industry of Virginia. In 1623 the Indians rose and killed nearly 350 settlers ; and the tragedy gave point to enemies of the colony in England, who THE ENGLISH IN AMERICA, 1607-1660 i^ assailed it as a swampy, pestilential, ill-housed, and dreary place, where " tobacco only was the business," where of 10,000 colonists only 2000 were left alive. In vain did the company defend its management, which was manfully working to over- come the disadvantages. King James I. disliked the company, and in 1624, by the judgment of the Court of the King's Bench, the Virginia charters were held null and void. As for land titles, all grants already made to individuals were held good ; and the right to make new grants within the boundaries of the old charter practically passed to the royal governor. Under Charles I., who became king in 1625, nominally the only government left to Virginia was the will of the king; but practically the administration went on under royal governors acting under instructions, with meetings of elected assemblies. By 1650 Virginia numbered about 15,000 people. The second English colony in America was made by exiles cast off by their own country. During the reign of Elizabeth there grew up within the established Church of England 30. Puri- a body of so-called Puritans, who felt that the Reforma- xff^ ^ •J ' Pilgrims tion had not gone far enough; and out of the Puritans (1604-1620) arose a body of " Separatists," later called Independents, who would not remain in that church. Soon after James I. came to the throne in 1603, he declared, " I shall make them -con- forme themselves, or I will harrie them out of the land, or else do worse." Thereupon many Puritan ministers were deprived of their right to hold services ; congregations of Separatists at Scrooby and Austerfield in the east of England were broken up; and by 1608 about three hundred of these people took refuge in Holland, mostly in Leyden. A God-fearing and industrious folk, the exiles (by this time often called Pilgrims) found themselves strangers in Holland, and feared that their children would not hold to their faith. Under the advice of their pastor. Rev. John Robinson, about two hundred of the Pilgrims made up their minds to 50 COLONIAL ENGLISHMEN seek a place of settlement in America. Their friends in Eng- land lent them about £5000, and they got from the London Company a patent for lands to be located somewhere within the general bounds of the second charter of that company. The Ship Mayflower. From a model in the National Museum, Washington. The transfer to the new world was long and tedious. In July, 1620, a part of the Leyden congregation set sail from 31. Settle- Delfshaven to Southampton; and of these about a hun- Piymouth ^^^^ ^^^^ *^^® harbor of Plymouth (September G, 1620) on (1620-1640) the ship Mayflower, bound for the Hudson River country. After three months of stormy voyage they found themselves, perhaps by the bad faith of the shiit's ca]>taiu, hundreds of miles east of their desired harbor, just oif Cape (Jod, which was part of the territory of the old I'lymouth Company, and THE ENGLISH IN AMERICA, 1607-1660 51 in a region already named New England. Inasmuch, as they had no patent from the Plymouth Company, the Pilgrims were under no fixed government ; therefore, on board the May- flower (November 11, 1620), they drew up a brief "combination," or "compact," by which they agreed to organize as a "civil body politic" for their government after they should land; and they chose John Carver to be governor. After exploring the coast the Pilgrims decided to settle on the bay already called Plymouth Harbor, and landed December 11, 1620 (December 21, new style), near a great bowlder Bradford, now called Plymouth Rock, "among diverse cornfeilds, „, P^"'^!^ & litle Tuning brooks." The season was cruelly hard, loe and during the first winter half the number died from cold, poor food, and other hardships. Their pluck was decisive ; the next season others came out, and thenceforward the little colony prospered. The Indians in the neighborhood were few, and the colony's military chieftain, Miles Standish, defended it well. Plymouth remained almost an independent little republic. The people secured a patent for their land in 1621, and in twelve years paid their debt due in England, out of their fishery and Indian trading business. Under the prudent administra- tion of William Bradford, governor for thirty years, they set up the first town meetings in America, and later organized a representative assembly (1639). To the end of its existence in 1691, the colony never had a charter or a royal governor. Yet it hardly knew internal strife; it was at peace with its neighbors; it showed that Englishmen could prosper in the cold climate of the northeastern coast; it established in the new world the great principle of a church free from govern- mental interference, and founded on the will of the members. Above all, the Pilgrim Fathers handed down to later gen- erations priceless traditions of strength, manliness, patience, uprightness, and confidence in God. 52 COLONIAL ENGLISHMEN The Plymouth Company of 1606 in England was reorgan- ized in 1620 by a new charter, under the name of the Council 32 Settle- ^^r New England, and adopted the policy of dividing its lands (map, p. 45) among its own members; and ment of setts under some of these grants little fishing settlements were (1620-1635) jnade at Cape Ann, at ISTaumkeag (Salem), at Noddles Island (East Boston), and at Shawmut (Boston). New conditions in Eng- land now led to a third permanent North American colony. The new king, Charles I., plunged into bitter quarrels with the Puritans and with Farlia- Early New England Settlements. ment. Some merchants and country gentlemen, most of them Puritans who still accepted the service and authority of the Church of England, got a land patei^t from the New England THE ENGLISH IN AMERICA, 1G07-1G60 53 Council. Then in 1629 they seenred a royal charter, issued to the " Governor and Company of the Massachusetts Bay in New England," covering the tract between a line three miles north of the Merriraac, and a line three miles south of Massa- chusetts Bay and the Charles River, and reaching westward to the South Sea (Pacific Ocean). Within the company the assistants (directors) and freemen (stockholders) could create ofiicers and make laws not contrary to the laws of England. The royal charter did not require the company to have its headquarters in England, and by an "Agreement" made at Cambridge, England (August 26, 1629), fifteen members under took to go to Massachusetts. The company then voted "to transfer the government of the Plantation [colony] to those that shall inhabit it" — that is, they carried the parchment charter to Massachusetts, and exercised its privileges thousands of miles away from the too inquisitive English government. In 1630 a thousand people crossed to Massachusetts ; among them a dozen or so " freemen," or stockholders of the company, who set the government of the colony in motion by electing John Winthrop governor. The colonial government thus formed found already in existence the little towns of Roxbury, Dorchester, Charlestown, Boston, and Watertown, each of which had established a town government and begun to legis- late for itself. These little undeveloped republics easily yielded to the superior authority of the colony in general measures, and accepted its right to create or alter forms of town government. Although the royal government was furi- ous at the transfer of the charter, the colony grew rapidly, and in ten years increased to nearly fifteen thousand people. In 1635 the New England Council of 1620 gave up its charter, and the royal government made an unsuccessful effort to cancel the Massachusetts charter also. With a strong backing in money, colonists, and protection through the Parliamentary leaders in England, Massachusetts r>4 COLONIAL ENGLLSH.MEX had au opportunity to work out several important experiments in government. 33. Ex- 0-) "^^^^ colony was based on a written charter, which ample of formed a constitution suited to government on the spot, Massacbu- Betts in '^'1^1 was supplemented by a little code of laws called the government u j^^jy ^f Liberties," enacted by the General Court in 1641. (2) A popular government was built up. The governor was elected every year by the freemen of the company, and so were the assistants (originally a board of directors of the company). In 1634 the towns began to send " committees," or delegates, to the General Court (originally the stockholders' meeting) and thus established a representative government, in which the assistants remained as an upper house. In practice this was not a very democratic system, since freemen had to be church members, and hardly one adult male immigrant in eight was admitted as a freeman. (3) Government and religion were closely united. In their political thought the colonists were much influenced by John Calvin, the great Genevan divine and statesman. The Puri- tans very speedily abandoned the prayer book and the episco- pal authority of the Church of England, and set up independent churches which called themselves "Congregational"; and the ministers, who were supported by public taxation, had remark- able influence in public affairs. One of them said that the proper government is that "in which men of God are consulted in all hard cases and in matters of religion." Massachusetts developed statesmen of whom the best ex- ample was John Winthrop, an English country squire by birth, 34. Win- imbued with a strong sense of duty, living like a gentle- ^^°F ^^^ "^''^^ ^^ ^ S^*^^^ house, with plenty of servants. Winthrop nomians gave form to the commonwealth, regulated legislation, 11636-1637) and stood as long as he could for aristocratic government; but in the end he yielded graciously to the democracy. He was thirteen times elected governor of Massachusetts Bay. THE ENGLISH IN AMERICA, 1607-1660 >5 The colony, led by men like "Winthrop, sternly repressed people who differed from the established religion, or too much criticised the clergy. In 1636 Mrs. Anne Hutchinson of Bos- ton, and others, who were called " Antinomians " (i.e. people not living by the letter of the law of God), set up the doctrine of the "covenant of grace," or special pos- session of the inspiration of God ; and they as- serted that most of the Boston ministers were under a "covenant of works," that is, were trying to be saved by religious observances. Then Mrs. Hutchinson began to hold women's meetings to discuss and to criticise the latest sermon — perhaps the first woman's club in America. She was tried for heresy, dismissed from the church, and ordered to leave the colony (1637). This act of religious intolerance can not be denied or de- fended, and is in marked contrast with the gentler spirit of the people of Plymouth. Hardly had Massachusetts been settled, when a southern colony was chartered under Catholic influence. In 1632 King Charles granted to George Calvert, Lord Baltimore (soon 35. Settle- succeeded by his son Cecil, the second Lord Baltimore), a MS'vland charter for a colony called Maryland after Queen Henrietta (1632-1660) Maria. It was bounded on the north by the " 40th degree," on the east by Delaware Bay and the ocean, on the south by the John Winthrop, about 1628. Ascribed to Van Dyck. Dress of the Puritan gentleman. 56 COLONIAL ENGLISHMEN Potomac, and on the west by a meridian line drawn through the source of the Potomac. This charter was of a new type, for both the land and the powers of government were transferred to Calvert as a "pro- prietary " : he had author- Orioinal Extknt of Maryland. Dotted lines are present state boundaries. ity to make laws for the colony, provided the free- men of the colony as- sented. Although not distinctly so stated in the charter, it was understood that Catholics would be allowed in the province; and in 1634 a body of col- onists, both Catholic and Protestant, settled first at St. Marys and then else- where. The Baltimore family was rich and powerful, and sent out many emigrants ; the soil was fertile, tobacco soon became the main industry, and slaves were introduced. The first excitement of early Maryland history was a contro- versy over Kent Island in Chesapeake Bay, with William (^lay- bourne, who had settled it under a grant from Virginia; and a little civil war was necessary to displace him. In an early contest with tlic pnijuiptoi' tlie assoiiii)ly successfully asserted its right to initiate laws. The most significant statute was the Toleration Act of 1640, which distinctly declared that "no person . . . professing to believe in Jesus Christ, shall from henceforth be any waiea molested, or discountenanced . . . for his religion nor in tlio free exercise thereof." Under this act, neither Catholics nor Protestants could be persecuted for their faith; but Protestant settlers already outnumbered the Catholics, and with the arrival of new settlers the colony speedily became distinctly Protestant in feeling. THE ENGLISH IN AMERICA, 1607-1660 57 The next impulse of colonization was on the Connecticut River, where several currents of settlement ran together. (1) The Dutch built a fort, called " Good Hope," on the . . 36. Settle- Connecticut in 1623, and continued to hold it thirty years. ment of (2) The Plymouth people established a post at Windsor °°°an?N^w in 1633. (3) In 1631 the Council for New England Haven granted to Lord Say and Seal and others a tract on Long Island Sound, under which a settlement was made at Say- brook in 1635. (4) The principal settlements were made by some of the people of Roxbury and Newtown, now Cambridge, Massachusetts, headed by Rev. Thomas Hooker. In 1635 and 1636 they made their way across country and founded on tha. Connecticut River the towns of Hartford (alongside the Dutch fort), Windsor (unceremoniously annexed from Plymouth), and Wethersfield. Soon they cut loose from Massachusetts; and in January, 1639, feeling the need of a common government, representatives of these three little towns met at Hartford and drew up the "Fundamental Orders of Connecticut," the first detailed constitution made by a self-governing American community for itself. Meantime the colony of New Haven was forming in like manner out of separate communities : Southold and other towns on Long Island ; Milford, Guilford, and Stamford ; and espe- cially the town of New Haven, founded in 1638, by Theophilus Eaton and Rev. John Davenport. In 1643 these little towns united in a common colonial assembly. The settlement of the Connecticut valley was interrupted by an Indian war in 1637. The Pequots, a large and warlike tribe, grew threatening as they saw their hunting grounds in- vaded by the English. Captain John Mason, of Connecticut, with 90 armed white men and 400 Narragansetts, attacked the Pequots not far from the present Stonington, Connecticut; and stormed their fort. As the chronicler puts it, " Downe Contempo- fell men, women, and children, those that scaped us, fell Taries,1.444 58 COLONIAL ENGLISHMEN into the hands of the Indians, that were in the reere of ns . . . not above five of them escaped out of our hands." This cruel and merciless massacre terrified the remnants of the tribe, and gave peace for nearly forty years. Pequot Fort, destroyed in 1637. Contemporary plan of the attack by whites and Indians. Just outside the charter limits of Massachusetts another new colony was founded in 1636. The leading spirit was 37 Settle- Roger Williams, a graduate of Oxford, who for two ment of years was minister at Plymouth, and then became a iBland minister at Salem. Williams laid down what seems (1636-1660) now the obvious doctrine that the civil government has nothing to do with religious acts, and that every one should have liberty to worship God in the light of his own conscience. For his denial of the right of any government to prescribe religious beliefs for its citizens, Williams was banished from THE ENGLISH IN AMERICA, 1607-1G60 59 Massachusetts (January, 1636). He betook himself to what was then the wilderness of Narragansett Bay, where he secured a tract of land from the Indians, by friendly agree- ment, and founded the town of Providence. Two years later he alarmed and grieved his neighbors in Massachusetts by formally going over to the Baptist Church, which was bitterly persecuted both in England and in the colonies. Around Narragansett Bay other exiles from Massachusetts made little settlements in 1638 : the town of Warwick on the mainland, Portsmouth (founded by Mrs. Anne Hutchinson) and Newport on the island of Rhode Island. In 1644 the Earl of Warwick, in behalf of Parliament, gave a patent to the "Providence Plantations in the Narragansett Bay in New England," under which, in 1647, were loosely united under one government the four little settlements of Provi- dence, Newport, Portsmouth, and Warwick. The little group of settlements attracted immigrants by its favorable situation; it even tolerated the Church of England ; it had a prosperous commerce, a tumultuous assembly, elected its own governor, and was heartily disliked by its neighbors. The settlements north of Massachusetts were obstructed by rival French claims, and hampered by a succession of con- fused and conflicting grants made by the Plymouth Com- 38. New pany and its successor the Council for New England. Ha,nipshire r J & and Maine John Wheelwright, a Boston minister, adopted the (1620-1650) "Antinomian" doctrines, and was disfranchised and banished; a little company of Massachusetts people, who had already set- tled north of the Merrimac at Exeter without a grant, begged him to come and be their minister (1638). Other little towns were speedily settled in what is now New Hampshire, and formed a sort of confederation, not unlike the governments of Rhode Island and New Haven. Massachusetts claimed the territory; and within five years the people accepted her jurisdiction, and remained a part of that colony most of the time to 1691. hart's amer. hist. — 4 60 COLONIAL ENGLISHMEN One of the members of the Plymouth Company, Ferdinando Gorges, made several efforts to build up a colony in Maine, and in 1G31 founded the " City of Againenticus " (York) ; but Massachusetts annexed this and other little settlements on the northern coast in 1G52. Immigration into the colonies and especially into New Eng- land was suddenly checked by alarming difficulties in England. After fifteen years of struggle with the king, the Puritans nial gov- and Separatists at last got the upper hand in the " Long ernment Parliament," which met in 1640. In 1642 a civil war under Par- ' liameu* oroke out, the result of which was that, in 1649, the army (1643-1656) ^j^^jgj. Oliver Cromwell became the virtual government of England, and Charles I. was executed. The Independents (substantially the same as the New England Congregation- alists or Separatists) now became the controlling power ; and the army, which was strongly Independent, supported Cromwell as "Lord Protector of the Commonwealth of England, Scot- land, and Ireland " from 1653 to his death in 1658. The colonists were left mostly to themselves during the early part of this period of confusion. Cromwell, however, de- veloped a strong and consistent colonial policy. (1) In 1651 he secured the first navigation act for protecting English colo- nial trade by excluding foreign shipping — a measure directed against the Dutch. (2) He sent out a fleet in 1652, which compelled Maryland and Virginia to submit to the authority of Parliament. Hostilities broke out in Maryland between the Puritans and the Catholics, but the Puritans triumphed. (3) Cromwell attacked the colonies of Holland and Spain, com- pelling the Dutch at last to withdraw from Hartford, and thereby practically to give up all claims to the Connecticut valley ; and in 1655 Jamaica was taken from Spain and added to the previous group of English West India islands. The pressure of the Indians and the Dutch, and the confu- dion in England, led Massachusetts, Plymouth, Connecticut, THE ENGLISH IN AMERICA, 1607-1660 61 and Xew Haven, in 1643, to unite in a colonial union called the United Colonies of New England — the first of its kind and the prototype of our present federal union. The .^ „ " Articles of Confederation," under which the union England was formed, was a little constitution, creating a govern- ^j^j^ (i643- ment of two commissioners from each colony, " being all 1655) in Church fellowship with us," and any six of the eight agree- ing could bind all the colonies, although Massachusetts had more people than the other three colonies together. The Articles provided for common meetings and for common action " in generall cases of a civill nature " ; and provided for the return of fugitives, servants, and prisoners. This confederation stood for more than forty years, and by its united front rendered large service to the colonies ; it con- cerned itself with the general improvement of the people ; it made boundary settlements with the Dutch ; it repeatedly checked the Narragansett Indians ; it even corresponded with, the French governor of Acadia. Once Massachusetts flatly denied the right of the six commissioners from the other colonies to control it (1653), and threatened secession ; but peace and concord were restored. Among the new sects which sprang up in England was that of the Friends (commonly called Quakers), founded in 1648 by George Fox as a protest against all religious forms, 41. The ceremonies, and government. They used plain speech, episode were rigid in their costumes, had no regular ministers, (1648-1660) and would not take oaths nor use force, even in defense of their country. Though a folk of singularly blameless lives, they were harassed in England. When two modest and God- fearing Quaker women reached Boston, their doctrines were officially declared to be " heretical, blasphemous, and devilish." Massachusetts, Connecticut, and Plymouth, as well as Mary- land and Virginia, hastened to pass laws for the severe punish- ment of Quakers and " ranters," and prohibited the circulation 62 COLONIAL ENGLISHMEN of their books; but mild punishments did not keep them out, nor even condemnations to be sold as slaves. In 1660 four of them were executed in Boston ; and this rigor so shocked the sense of the community that a new law was passed abolishing the death penalty against the Quakers, but still banishing them. The Quaker episode is a proof that the good and pure principles of the Puritans did not keep the community from tyranny and stupid cruelty. The Quakers neither harmed nor seriously threatened the good order of the colonists; they were persecuted because they ventured to differ from the usual religious and political practices. The English settlements in America in the first half of the seventeenth century are the foimdation of the present United 42. Sum- States, and were made under circumstances favorable to mary ^jg]-, civic spirit. By the theory of English law the lands in America were the personal possessions of the crown, to be granted and to be governed according to the king's will ; and both James I. and Charles I. had no larger thought than to please their favorites with immense grants of territory ; and they put out of their own hands all direct colonial government, except in Virginia after 1624. The original plan was to colonize through great companies, which were to find their profit in disposing of the lands and in trade ; but the early corporations broke down. The London Company's Virginia charters were annulled in 1624. The Plymouth Company in its two forms of 1606 and 1620 practi- cally did nothing but make land grants. The Massachusetts charter of 1629, however, was transferred to the actual settlers, and became the constitution of a nearly independent common- wealth. In Maryland there was a new form of proprietary colonial grant in 1632 ; but the people obtained a share in their own government. In Maine, New Hampshire, Plymouth, Rhode Island, Connecticut, and New Haven, colonies were THE ENGLISH IN AMERICA, 1007-1(5(30 63 founded without royal charters, and almost without royal con- trol. This growth of self-governing colonies was in striking contrast to the policy of Spain and France. Both those powers looked on their colonies as existing for the benefit of the home country ; and the Spanish and French colonies were governed by laws sent out for them from Europe, or made by people sent to America to carry out the will of the authorities at home. The great lesson of this early English colonization is that men of the English race were able 'to adapt themselves to new and unforeseen conditions. The colonists made local govern- ments for themselves, founded representative colonial govern- ments, and even set up a remarkable federation, during the confusion caused by the civil war in England. TOPICS (1) Compile a list of American colonizing companies chartered by Suggestive the crown. (2) Why did the Popham colony fail ? (3) Give a topics description of the weroance Powhatan. (4) Did the Indians check the growth of Virginia ? (5) Was the court justified in annulling the charters of Virginia in 1624? (6) What were the religious principles of the Independents ? (7) Why did Charles I. so readily grant a charter for Massachusetts Bay ? (8) Why were the Plymouth Company and the Council for New England failures ? (9) Were the ministers wise guides in Massachusetts ? (10) Was Roger Williams dangerous to the peace of Massachusetts ? (11) Why did not Spain uproot the colony of Virginia ? (12) What did " West and Northwest" mean in the Virginia charter of 1609? (13) Tobacco culture. (14) Doctrines of the Quakers offensive to the Puritans. (15) Life in Jamestown. (16) Did Pocahontas save John Search Smith's life? (17) The first Virginia assembly. (18) The voyage topics of the Mayflower. (19) The Pilgrims and the Indians. (20) Trial of Anne Hutchinson. (21) Banishment of Rev. John Wheelwright. (22) The interest of the New England Confederation in education. (23) Was Claybourne entitled to Kent Island ? (24) Cromwell's interest in the American colonies. (25) Precise date of the land- ing of the Pilgrims. G4 COLONIAL ENGLISHMEN Geography Secondary authorities Sources Illustrative works Pictures REFERENCES See maps, pp. 45, 52, 50 ; St luple, Geographic Conditions, 19-35 ; Tyler, England in America ; Epoch Maps, no. 3. Thwaites, Colonies, §§ 28-34, 48-08 ; Fi.sher, Colonial Era, 30- 49, 02-71, 82-140, 177-187 ; Lodge, English Colonies, chs. i. ill. xviii.-xxi. passim ; Tyler, England in America ; Fiske, Old Vir- ginia, I. 41-318, — Beginnings of Neio England, 50-198; Doyle, English in America, I. 101-229, 275-313, II. 11-319, III. 98-114 ; Wilson, American People, I. 34-08, 74-218 ; Gay, Bryant's His- tory, I. 202-338, 370-428,470-558, II. 1-114, 105-228,373-379; Adams, Three Episodes ; Eggleston, Beginners of a Natioii, 25- 349 ; Bruce, Virginia, I. 1-188 ; VVeeden, New England, I. 23-46 ; Mereness, Maryland ; Warner, Captain John Smith ; Browne, George Calvert and Cecilius Calvert ; Twichell, John Winthrop ; Walker, Thomas Hooker ; Straus, Roger Williams. Hart, Source Book, §§ 5, 8, 10, 13-21, — Contemporaries, I. §§ 49-142 passim, — -Source Readers, I. §§ 10-12, 20, 34-^0, 45-48, 57-00 ; MacDonald, Select Charters, nos. 1-21 ; American History Leaflets, nos. 7, 10, 25, 27, 29, 31 ; Old South Leaflets, nos. 7, 8, 48-51, 53-55, 66, 77, 87, 93, 121 ; Caldwell, Survey, 13, 29-32 ; Arber, Pilgrim Fathers; Bradford, Plimoth Plantation; Win- throp, New England. See N. Eng. Hist. Teachers' Ass'n, Syllabus, 297-SO^, — Historical Sources, §§ 69-71. Longfellow, Courtship of Miles Staudish, — John Endicott; Wbittier, John Underhill, — The Exiles, — Banished from Massa- chusetts, — King''s 3Iissive ; Mary Johnston, T"') Have and to Hold (Va.) ; J. E. Cooke, 3Iy Lady Pokahontas, — Stories of the Old Dominion, 1-04; J. G. Austin, Standish of Standish, — Betty Alden (Plymouth) ; L. M. Child, Hobomok (Plymouth) ; Motley, Merry Mount ; Hawthorne, Maypole of Merry Mount, — Endicott and the Bed Cross, — The Gentle Boy (Quakers), — Grandfather's Chair, pt. i. chs. i.-vii. ; F. J. Stimson, King Noanett (Mass. and Va.) ; J. G. Holland, Bay Path (Connecticut valley) ; B. M. Dix, Making of Christopher Ferringham (Quaker) ; L. M. Thurston, Mistress Brent (.Md.) ; M. V/. Goodwin, Sir Christopher (Md.). Winsor, America, III. ; Wilson, American People, I. CHAPTER IV. RIVALS OF ENGLAND, AND THE GREAT WEST (1603-1689) Side by side with the English colonies grew up French settlements on the north, and Dutch posts in the center, which New France and New Netherland. contested with the English the control of the seaboard and the best routes into the interior. Under their brilliant ^g French king Henry IV. the French revived their American settlements claims (§ 21), and in 1603 he issued a royal patent, with a aiouopoly of the fur ti'ade, to the Sieur de Monts for the territory 66 (1603-1632) 66 COLONIAL ENGLISHMEN between the 40th and 4Gth degrees of latitude, under the name of Acadie. De Monts made temporary settlements at the island of St. Croix, in Passamaquoddy Bay (1604), and at Port Royal, later Annapolis; his agent Samuel de Champlain established the first permanent French settlement in North America at Quebec (1608). Champlain was the most brilliant and most successful of French explorers and colonists. Soon after his arrival he and a body of Algon- quin Indians went to the lake now called by his name, where they fell in with a party of fierce and hostile Iroquois. Cham plain's fire- arms quickly dis- persed the stran- Champlain defeating the luoguois, 1609. From Champlain's Voyages, 1613. gers in a panic, and he thus laid the foundations of hatred and dreadful warfare between the French and the Five Nations. In 1611 he founded Montreal, and a few years later was the first European to reach the shores of Lake Huron and Lake Ontario. A settlement made by Jesuits on the island of Mount Desert in 1613 was forthwith the scene of the first armed conflict be- tween the French and the English on American soil, for Cap- tain Argall of Virginia descended upon it and carried away the settlers. A few years later England went so far, during a war between England and France, as to capture Port Royal and Quebec. Nevertheless, in 1632, by the treaty of St. Germain, the first European agreement as to American boundaries, the English formally acknowledged the rightful title of France to "New France, Acadia (Acadie), and Canada" (that is, to the RIVALS OF p:ngland 67 present Nova Scotia and the lower St. Lawrence valley, with the country between) ; in return they were to be undisturbed in their Plymouth and Massachusetts settlements. Another competitor for the best part of North America appeared on the middle Atlantic coast. The Dutch republic had now become one of the principal naval and commer- ^^ Dutch cial powers of Europe: and a truce with Spain (1609) settlements ., . ■. f • xj TT J (1609-1630) gave it an opportunity for new expansion. Henry Hud- son, an Englishman in the Dutch service, in 1609 rediscovered New York Harbor, followed the East River to the entrance of Long Island Sound, and explored the Hudson River, thus giv- ing to the Dutch a presumptive right to the neighboring region. Accordingly the United New Netherland Company of traders built the trading post of New Amsterdam on the site of the present city of New York in 1614. The principal source of profit was the fur trade, which came chiefly through the usually friendly Iroquois. The first permanent town on Manhattan Island was Fort Amsterdam, enlarged from the earlier post by Governor Peter Minuit in 1626. The new Dutch West India Company, which received a monopoly of the Dutch trade in America in 1621, ■V'a-ir-y.-^^ ««ni«,..^l|»y-j-T|i< ^^ -23^ ^^^ ^^^ kL _ - - -~ —--■—^-^'^^^^'~''?^^-^^^ .-' " .{^''^ ^^^ k " '^^ -■.'/^'" ~ ^H ^^^ff^^^^^^^^^^^y^^^^^ ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ ^ ^^^3 ^^s^sf-;^^- ~" ■■--- ^ V .^, ■ ^•yv^-^ _-- " :::II...7-rr~'M ^Hi[^. r : — — ^^ wsM ' "'T^. jBgaaK!!]]^^— ^^^'f^ - .-.^— - — 1 H ^H^^--=;^=s^^=^==^^^s^^S^^fc ^^^^K=--^^^s New Amsterdam, 1656. (From a drawing by H. Block.) laid a broad foundation for this colony of New Netherland by planting little trading posts on the Connecticut, on Long Island, up the "North River" (Hudson) at Albany (Fort Orange, 1623), and on the " South River " (Delaware). A change 68 COLON I Al. ENGLISHMEN in the Dutch policy came in 1620, when, by a Charter of Privileges, great land grants were assigned to Dutch ''par troons," gentlemen who brought out their own settlers, and established a kind of feudal system. Other people came in, and before long eighteen languages were spoken in the little town, again called New Amsterdam. Meantime a rival power had acquired the Delaware region. In 1638 a Swedish royal colony of Swedes and Finns settled 45. The on the lower Delaware, near Fort Christina (Wilmington). Dutch and rjij^g colony was not well supported by the home country, U638-1655) and in 1655 it was seized by the Dutch Governor Stuy- vesant. "While this struggle was going on, in the general Eu- ropean peace of "Westphalia (1648) Spain had at last admitted the independence of the Dutch, including their American colo- nies of Guiana and New Netherland. English, French, and Dutch alike speedily learned that the way from the coast to the interior with its valuable furs was __ held by the powerful confederacy of the Five Nations of Five Iroquois — the Mohawks, Onondagas, Cayugas, Oneidas, * ^°^^ and Senecas. Their territory stretched along central New York in a succession of towns made up of log cabins called " long houses." Though they never numbered more than ten thousand people, of whom two thousand or three thousand were warriors, their war parties were a terror as far east as Boston, as far south as "Virginia, and as far Avest as Illinois. Constantly reduced by desperate fighting and disease, they kept up their numbers by adopting prisoners. Their internal or- ganization was weak, for there was only a loose confederation between the tribes; if the young men wanted to go to war, they made up a pai'ty, including members of one or all the tribes, and went their way. The worst enemies of the Iroquois were their own fierce- ness, disease, and the white man's rum. They suffered fear- fully from smallpox, which ran its course till often whole RIVALS OF ENGLAND 69 villages were depopulated. As to the effects of liquor, an eye- witness says : " They were all lustily drunk, raving, Contempo- striking, shouting, jumping, fighting each other, and raries, 1.589 foaming at the mouth like raging wild beasts. And this was caused by Christians ! " While the Dutch were pushing into the central coast, the French were steadily developing the St. Lawrence basin, but they avoided Lake Erie, which was flanked by the Five 47 open- ISTations. In 1634 Jean Nicolet followed up the Ottawa '^S of ^^^ St. Law- River, crossed to Georgian Bay, and passed through rence basin upper Lake Huron to the Sault Ste. Marie and the (1634-1669) Strait of Mackinac ; he was the first European on Lake Michi- gan. The Catholic missionaries speedily followed, and outran the traders in zeal and courage. The Iroquois followed their French enemies northward, exterminated the Hurons because they were friendly to the French, and martyred the mission- aries (1649). In 1665 Lake Superior was discovered by the missionary Father Allouez, and before long French traders discovered an overland route from Lake Superior to Hudson Bay. Missions were soon after established at Sault Ste. Marie, at Mackinac, and at St. Xavier, on Green Bay. Meanwhile the Jesuit missionaries were making heroic, though on the whole unavailing, efforts to Christianize the Iroquois. Father Isaac Jogues's account of his experience Contempo- as a prisoner gives a frightful picture of his captors, who ^"■^^^^' ■'• ^^^ seemed to him like demons ; they leaped upon him like Jesuits wild beasts, tore out his nails, and crunched his fingers with their teeth ; his attendant Hurons were tortured on a scaf- fold in the midst of the Iroquois village ; yet the heroic priest " began to instruct them separately on the articles of the faith, then on the very stage itself baptized two with raindrops gathered from the leaves of a stalk of Indian corn." Rescued by the Dutch, this brave and self-sacrificing man returned and plunged a second time into that misery, and died a martyr's death. EIVALS OF ENGLAND 71 On the upper lakes the French heard vaguely of a great south-flowing river, the " Missipi " or " Mich sipi," " Big Water," which they supposed to flow into the Gulf of 43 discov- California. The first man to form an intelligent plan eryofthe of reaching the great river was Robert Cavalier, com- sissippi monly called La Salle, a French nobleman who, in 1669, (1669-1680; went west as far as Lake Erie, which had just been traversed for the first time by. a white man, the trapper Joliet. La Salle then disappeared southward, and reached a large river, the Wabash, or perhaps the Ohio (1670) ; but returned to Montreal, unable t.o push farther west by that route. Before La Salle could gather his resources to start again, the Mississippi had been reached, under the direction of Fronte- nac, the new governor of Canada. In 1673 the missionary Father Marquette, accompanied by Joliet, passed through Green Bay, up the Fox River, across the easy portage of two miles, and down the Wisconsin, till (June 17) they entered a mighty stream, which Marquette called the River Immaculate Conception. They found very deep water, saw prairies extend- ing east and west, and discovered quantities of fish, turkeys, and buffalo. League after league they floated down the river, hoping to reach its mouth ; they passed the mouth of the Missouri, so muddy that they would not drink it. By the time they reached the mouth of the Arkansas they felt sure that they were near Spanish and hostile territory ; and there- fore turned back, and paddled up the Illinois River, which they called the Divine, and crossed over the site now occupied by Chicago to Lake Michigan. Meanwhile La Salle was made commander of Fort Frontenac on Lake Ontario, and he brooded over the possibilities of es- tablishing a trade route to the valley of the river found by Mar- quette. In 1678 Louis XIV. gave him a grant, authorizing him to make discoveries and to build forts, and a year later he built the Griffon, the first European vessel on Lake Erie, and 72 COLONIAL ENGLISHMEN navigated her through the chain of Great Lakes to Green Bay ; and thence in boats reached the river St. Joseph, near the head of Lake jNIichigan, where he built Fort Miamis. Crossing the portage to the Kankakee River, he made his way down the Illi- nois to a point near the present Peoria, where he built another fort, Cr^vecoeur, as a basis for further advance. A missionary friar, Father Hennepin, came out with La Salle and in 1680 was sent by him down the Illinois and thence np the Mississippi ; he was taken prisoner by the Sioux Indians, and carried to the falls, which Hennepin named St. Anthony, at the site of Min- neapolis. Again La Salle was obliged to return to Montreal to recruit his forces. When he went west a third time, in December, 49. Discov- 1680, he found that his Fort Crevecoeur had been de- cry of the stroyed by Iroquois and its garrison under Tonty had dis- low6r Mis- sissippi appeared. After a hasty trip to the mouth of the Illinois (1680-1&87) i^g returned eastward, and then began his final and suc- cessful journey in 1G81. His party crossed the divide of the Chicago River, and floated down the Illinois, reaching the !Mis- sissippi February 6, 1682. Then he floated down the same stretch that Marquette had traversed. Soon after passing the mouth of the Ohio he took possession of the country with great ceremony, and set up the king's arms. A few days later, at the Chickasaw Bluffs, he founded Fort Prudhomme, After a few weeks he passed Marquette's farthest point. April 6, 168w, he arrived at a [loint where the river divides into three channels. As one of the party wrote : " The water is brackish ; after advancing two leagues it became perfectly salt, and advancing on, we discovered the open sea, so that . . . the sieur de la Salle, in the name of his majesty, took posses- sion of that river, of all rivers that enter it, and of all the country watered by them." Thus was asserted the French title to the magnificent valley which La Salle named Louisiana, in honor of the French monarch, Louis XIV. RIVALS OF ENGLAND 73 On his way back La Salle founded Fort St. Louis at Starved Rock on the Illinois. His discovery made such an impression that the king sent him, in 1684, direct to the Gulf of Mexico, with a commission to plant a colony near the mouth of the Mississippi. By ill fortune he missed the river, and built another Fort St. Louis (1685) far west of the delta, some- where near Matagorda Bay. He could not find his river ; his men dwindled away ; and he was murdered by his own fol- lowers in 1687. The fort was destroyed by Indians, while the Spaniards from Mexico were trying to reach it, so as to destroy the possible germ of a French settlement. La Salle was a hot-headed, impetuous man, who planned an enterprise of colonization beyond his means and his power to command men; yet he felt more than any other Frenchman the importance of the West. He opened up a trade between the Lakes and the Mississippi, and between the upper and lower reaches of that river, and he secured for France a valid title to the Mississippi valley. The keenness of the rivalry between European nations for the possession of North America was shown also in the West Indies, where the Dutch took several islands, and estab- so. Inter- lished a footing on the north coast of South America. ^^*i°?al ^f- ° lations in On the other hand, as will be seen in the next chapter, America they lost New Netherland to the English in 1664. England, France, and Spain were thus left sole claimants for North America, and for a time the English showed less aggressive- ness. In 1667, by the peace of Breda, the English a second time admitted the rights of the French to Acadia and Canada. By the treaty of Madrid (1670) Spain for the first time ac- knowledged that the English had rightful colonies in America. A hotly disputed territory lay about Hudson Bay, discovered in 1610 by Henry Hudson for the English. This bay was a back entrance to the fur country of the northwest, and in 1670 the English Hudson's Bay Company was chartered to get a foot- 74 COLONIAL LNOLISIIMEX hold there. Tlie F'rench, who saw their iiutiiopoly of the direct trade through the upper lakes disturbed, tried to seize Hudson Bay, aiid its ownership remained for many years in dispute. By 1689 the three great colonizing powers had developed their })()licies toward the native Indians, towai'd the colonists, 51. Colo- and toward colonial trade. In all these respects Spain nialpoUcies ^^^^ ^j^g j^^^g^ illiberal. The natives of the West Indian of Euro- pean states islands were exterminated by the cruelty of their con- querors ; though on the mainland the Indians were more mildly treated. The Spanish colonists had no self-government, and were ruled by governors sent out from Spain, and their commerce was reg- ulated by the Casa de Contractacion, or House of Trade, at Seville. By a rigorous colonial sys- tem, the whole Spanish colonial trade, including that from the Philippines, was the monopoly of the merchants of the single port of Seville. It was concentrated on the Isthmus of Panama, whence year after year for more than two centuries sailed the " plate fleet " carrying to Spain gold and silver, Asiatic goods, and colonial exports. The French got on with the savage natives better than any other power, because willing to meet them halfway. They lived on terms of peace and almost of intimacy with their Indian sub- jects ; and French frontiersmen often took squaw wives. Soon arose a distinct class of coureurs de hois, white men and half- breeds who had adopted Indian dress and manner of life, (/'anada was substantially a big military camp, which existed chiefly for the fur trade: even the French permanent colonists were chiefly peasants, who had no ambition for self-government. -1 -. Ill \\ai l,s \M) (iATKWAY AT St. Auiiu.sTiNK. Probably erected in the 17th century. RIVALS OF ENGLAND 75 The English despised the Indians, and eventually exter- minated them or took their lands. The individual colonists had large opportunities for making a living, were of an intelli- gent class, and had local self-government, which in such times as the English civil war amounted almost to independence. Down to 1689 the English colonial trade was little restricted. The ordinance of 1651, intended to take the carrying trade from the Dutch, was not enforced in America, and the colonists traded constantly in the French and Spanish West Indies, in defiance of the close colonial system of those two powers. From 1603 to 1689 the relations of the five powers of North America were gradually defined as follows : (1) The Spaniards held undisputed possession of Mexico and Florida. 52. Sum- (2) The French occupied Acadia and the St. Lawrence ^^'^ valley without serious opposition from any other power, and had established a good claim to the Mississippi valley by the first systematic explorations of the river : (a) the central poi-- tion by Marquette (1673) ; (6) the upper river by Hennepin (1680) ; (c) the lower river and its mouth by La Salle (1682). (3) The Swedes for a time had a foothold on the Delaware. (4) The Dutch claimed the region from the Connecticut to the Delaware, actually colonized the Hudson, and annexed the Swedish settlement on the Delaware in 1655 ; but they were forced out in 1664. (5) The English gradually possessed them- selves of the coast from South Carolina to Maine. As soon as they were founded, the colonies of the various European powers began to take part in European wars ; and they were directly affected by clauses in the treaties of St. Germain (1632), of Breda (1654), and of Madrid (1670). The three Eui-opean powers developed different policies toward their colonies — that of Spain being harsh at most points, that of France milder, and that of England extraordinarily liberal for the times. • hart's AMER. HIST. 6 76 COLONIAL ENGLLSHMEN TOPICS Suggestive topics Search topics Greography Secondary authorities Sources Illustrative works Pictures (1) On what pretext did Aigall destroy the settlement at Mount Desert ? (2) What was Acadia ? (li) What made the Iroquois so powerful ? (4) Why did the Swedish colony fail ? (5) What did La Salle aim to accomplish ? (6) What forts did La Salle found ? (7) The various names applied to the Mississippi River. (8) Did La Salle establish a good claim to Texas ? (9) Champlain's adventures in America. (10) Hudson's voy- age on the Half-Moon. (11) The early public buildings on Man- hattan Island. (12) Washington Irving's picture of the Dutch in New "Netherland. (13) Present relics of the patroonates. (14) Methods and results of the Jesuit missions. (15) Hennepin's claim to first discovery of the Mississippi. (16) Earliest accounts of the Chicago River. (17) La Salle on the Mississippi. (18) The Spanish plate fleets. (19) Contraband trade with the Spanish colonies. REFERENCES Thwaites, France in America ; Semple, Geographic Conditions, 24-31. Thwaites, Colonies, §§ 13, 18-22, 83, 84, 108-110 , Lodge, English Colonies, 205-208, 285-294 ; Higginson, Larger History, 120-130, 180-183 ; Larned, History for Beady Reference, I. 72, 355, 654, III. 2324 ; Winsor, Cartier to Frontenac, 77-342 ; Fiske, Dutch and Quaker Colonies, I. 80-242, — New France and New England, 35-132; Parkman, Pioneers of France, 229-454, — Jesuits in North America, — La Salle, — Old Regime, — Frontenac, 1-183, — Pontiac, I. 7-28, 46-68; Gay, Bryant's History, I. 339-369, 429-475, n. 115-164, 229-240, 499-532 ; Sedgwick, Samuel de Champlain ; Thwaites, Father Marquette. Hart, Source Book, §§ 6, 36, — Contemporaries, I. §§ 37-43, 150-159, 109-171, — ^S'ojn-ce Readers, I. §§ 47, 59, 65; Old South Leaflets, nos. 46, 69, 91, 94, 96; MacDonald, Select Charters, no. 9 ; Higginson, American Explorers, 269-307. See N. Eng. Hist. Teachers' A&s'n, Syllabus, 309, 310, 315, — Historical Sources, § 68. Whittier, St. John ; Stedman, Peter StuyvesanVs New Year's Call ; E. P. Tenney, Constance of Acadia ; M. H. Catherwood, Lady of Fort St. John, — Story of Tonty, — Romance of Bollard (Canada) ; A. C. Doyle, Refugees (Canada) ; E. E. Green, Young Pioneers (La Salle) ; Irving, Knickerbocker's History of New York ; J. K. Paulding, Konigsmarke (Swedes). Winsor, America, IV. ; Wilson, American People, I. CHAPTER V. EXPANSION OF THE ENGLISH COLONIES, 1660-1689 Cromwell's death in 1658 caused the downfall of the Eng- lish Commonwealth, and King Charles II. entered London in 1660. The colonies fell back into the hands of the crown, =» -- which established a series of colonial councils, eventually Restoration called Lords of Trade. Parliament, as a part of its colonies general power to regulate the trade of the empire, in (1660-1663) 1660 and 1672 renewed, with additions, the earlier navigation ordinance (§ 39), so as to direct colonial commerce through English ports for the profit of the English merchant. Massachusetts, governing herself under her charter of 1629, had been since 1643 all but independent ; she had even estab- lished a mint and coined "pine-tree shillings." The English government rated the colony soundly for this coinage ; and required that people who were not members of .the Congre- gational Church be permitted to vote and to hold office, and that the services of the Church of England be allowed. The colony also had to repeal its anti-Quaker laws, and the public insanity on that subject gradually came to an end. The king smiled upon Connecticut, and in 1662 granted a favorable charter, — the first charter the colony ever had, — with bounds extending to the South Sea. New Haven was ' incorporated into Connecticut, as a punishment for receiving Whalley and Goffe, two of the "regicides" who had condemned Charles I. to death. Rhode Island received a charter in 1663, giving it about its present boundaries and a liberal govern- ment with an elective governor. Plymouth got no charter, hut was allowed to remain separate thirty years longer. The Baltimores were confirmed in their administration of Mary- 77 78 COLONIAL ENGLISHMEN 64. Annex ation of New Neth- erland complet'sd land. Thus in 1663 the English had in Anierica three char- tered colonies, one proprietary colony, and two royal colonies, Virginia and Plymouth, without charters. New Netherland, the Dutch colony which separated New England from Maryland and Virginia, was a feeble and ill- managed commercial community, never numbering more than ten thousand people. The Dutch West India Com- pany was chiefly interested in the Indian trade; and the Twelve Men, a local council formed in 1641, had fl 664-1689) little to do, and could not even raise money to build a schoolhouse. Ill treatment of the neighboring Indians pro- voked fierce and de- structive wars along the Hudson. In 1647 the last Dutch gov- ernor, Stuyvesant, was appointed; he was a man of vigorous char- acter, but had little means for defense and no intelligent support. Although nominally at peace with Hol- land, the king of Eng- land asserted vague English claims by granting the region occupied by the Dutch P «Ci».eopiia^nDaT Ap"' «-. :>i ii;)on!)ap Ar.-i! •'-»-• 1-04. » £-»m Htje/Tx/iW brio* uj the C-p)-«f I f.^Jnjkt jtitrmjnbiiji.ifa- . •':' |"' _ I ;» *&f»t.'r«ii» ««■'•'<•'"•,'•"• ''■ "' "^ Ettw™ .h::!.cr from /"nc, ..J gunc « I^Jn ?5/c i.1 brge Litti of them w,tJi<; <.■■"' ^ 3t « rLoiKall AiTctnbl/, to be Uid Utorc d.c WT^ 'Coincil V ■ < r lltiVv fc oJifcrvet, ihit a greit Nur.ibcr ot .)- *j*l-'*i}Bll pc^'Jiu arc come cvrr from i '•:""•, iirptttwo.ol-'^wpting Jier Mikft/* Grau-iu JncA i^ij; bowrn reality, to mcrejlc IJivitijns in IV ii lioo, »n4to entertain a Conirpjn.i*'n':c *"••» B«;< Ttax ticir il' Imcnt;onl -are evljrht .fi ->m Jfe^dilW-ns Ws. their ownink the InttKll of t^e ^!.d RiMiiJowVlII. tlicjrfctrct Cabals, ,i»|ii»"cu)i)j"up of AmJs anil Amir.uniti'jo, iUr.rf.-rthcy cpn find rhcm. r, ^Tllui hcirti.-lwht late \Vritinge;anJ.Aamgs lpC(<*^tfit:t(.iid(!ea p<:rfom, many of wh->in a.T [lofJtRcy lud ir;ttutfevcTilof thitn h.vc dc- chflh.'tliopntJtheT enSbroce Popiry thin con- ihfit for tne •it Govcmtnent ; tli.it they r.fufe fnjjjipn, antt I iecn.but ufc the iir.bii^uoiis word S>>it i^\r.r nnJnic of thvm pray in exprtlsWords^ It Biul j!cn::r^i Ro\'al Ftrailv ; and the charita-*. r'&h;.Kindn»J» Prince wh> has fl-.cw"d them" B,-not lonfis.'- 'Ha-.liicewjfe tjkes notice of f^-Vcin latL-i5»2go fninJia CvpK-r, & dircilcd ■ fa) : tlut .thouitfthltlicT fnini St. fAoj^iV.;. . Me thrmlHvf- g-catjft Jacobite: who \%-;il nor MKo no* w?b7 taking thi'.Oa:Ii3 ro Her Ma- Bifrom St. Gfo.^che Papilb arid (heir Cuiiipv ' (Hbjcitl cci*'-">'i''>!<.Ia up for rhf Lib.rt, of I m*- to iBC(#D[rjry.'to ihcjc own Principles,' but I j|thitiyp.up,.aDiyjf)on" in "ihL- Nation. He ; pir coraKv Aggravate- thofc tbi,*! go which the- 1 Wt-'0'P^^"i of, a» to £i^(reruCng-to_ al: I ^ ■■■'»- a- &e:(3om of Trade, £?f. and do alltiicy I ^.9. lijcntPivifiuns betwixt t:he;Natioiis,& to t- 4 v.^fireii offhofe things cobnphiln'd'afr • iIyOjlii.ct,.h£ lays, do all they t^n. to p.r- P»e.j."^tjon tK.it their prctcndidl^g is a JRlltfe his. Heart, cho'-hc-darcs not declare it Bidcr the Puvvcr oflfz/^nw* that lie i& ac- with-th'evMiftikss .tofiKj Father>;(5o-' ^tfl'I^^Ylll goycmutmore according to iavf? •*'Sa*|;.-nn:;f to hi; Subieiri. '" ; . ■ •-- ■ ' -- • ^gy''*ji£niHcjhe iiixi^^^ ortlicircWPartv, (^'l^}y%;!0i^v&^0^^^^l^it::: othi.T,un; ^^ ' .'4UJbKp5,iMl -hgftfcQ'^cifrUTld'.rf .itiiilT ;' B'j^i^^^rtfrlresVwt cf'^cir.^^iaj:, -.ind' into. ■'LW5^8B-icC';v;".ic;_otBi^J_htKct!;,v:i=UTpvlc. Krota a!! -his h' ir.ftr* T^i it th.-y haveK-jpci of A.. iUui-r [:3ii; 4 («i.i», oriierwifi- they woulrf nevec i>: fv) Iiupudtnt ; 4r.d he p.vfj Rcaloni for his Ap. pahflif.ru thjt the. F'Mt*' VLIng iniv fend Trvxips tnitiicrtbii Winter, t. Bccaod- the i'liHf^ k Dutcb will OCX then be ar Sea to oppfK ■ i!u m.' a. He can. then bell (pjre them, tiie Sul.m •.( ACkion beyond S-a bciiiR over. %. The K\pcU.tion given hm' ofx timfulfroblt number to jovn then.. m.ay inctjurage him tuthe uiidcnoiiri)', wiihife*cr kUnjf he can butlejid over a (iuKcimt number of Oftccn with Arms and Ammun tic:i. Hv tiidc4vdiir5 in the rvft of h's Leners to ani I'wvr the fuolilh Pretences of the Pretender's King a Protellant, and tb..t he ^■\\\ govern us according tii Law. {le lays.tli^t Ixipg bnd up in the Reli» ciuii and Politicks of f'^ire, he -is by Education % li.ited Enemy to our L'b'rty.and "llijligion. -That •h'.pbiigations which hf -..nd hij Faiiiily owe to the Jvf'iw King, mull ntcifiiflly mukehitiito be V • ,.;!ly at his D,-votluii. and to fuUow hiS Example; tii.t il he fit un ,n the Throne, the thr..c Nations v.-M*}. \>r ,,b;ic .1 I.) p.iv the D.-bt which he owes the r>c:.cu K^i^ for the Education of himlclf, and for Entertaining hi': lijppol'd "r.ther and h'S Eanvljr»- Andfincc tlie S-iny, inuil reftorc him by h:s Troops,.. if-f.\r he b. r.'llcrtd, he will. Re to (ecurc hisown D^bt, bfore thofe Troops leave i?r/f«iTi, The Pretender being a good Proficient in the f'f'c^ and >^e""jo..^hoolj, hie will never think himfej^ iljSKientiy aveng'd. bin b^' the utter Rutne of his. Protelbr.t Subj.th, b.xh aiHercticks and Traitors*'; The .late Quccu, his pretended Mother, v/ho ia.if cold Blood when fhc w..s Ouecn «f Ont/iii:, advis'(},,' to turn the VVlIV of SmlniiJ nito a hunting Field, wUl be then for doins lo by th.c greattft part of tht; I^atiori ; and, no doubt, is at Pains to Kave her prfr- ' tended.Son educated to her own Mind: ThercfoiV he fays, it werea-great Madnefs^ in-the" Nation; to-^ take a Prince brtdup in the hDrrid.-S^bool of Ingnff titude, Peffecution and pets," or dolls, and other toys ; for the gentlemen, silks and velvets, gold lace for their best suits, and pipes of Madeira wine. For many years the colonists freely sent and received car- COLONIAL LIFE 103 goes in trade with foreign countries ; but the policy of the early navigation acts was expanded by an act of Parliament (1672) laying small customs duties on the trade from 74. Re- one colony to another. This was the first act of Parlia- ^^ colon"al ment for taxing the colonies. In 1696 a more thorough- trade going navigation act was passed by Parliament and a new colonial coimcil was created by King William III. under the name of Board of Trade and Plantations, commonly called the Lords of Trade, with the duty of supervising the colonies, instructing the governors, and executing the naviga- tion acts. Under these and later " Acts of Trade," the trade of the colonies was restricted : . (1) Trade to and from England had to be in ships built and owned in England or in the colonies. (2) Importations had to come through English ports — that is, through the hands of English fiwns. (3) Exports of " enumer- ated goods" had to be sent only to English ports, even if intended ultimately for some other country ; most of the colonial prod- ucts were enumerated, but not masts, timber, or naval stores. (4) For the protection of English manufactures colonists were forbidden to make rolled iron, or to ship certain goods from one colony to another — for instance, hats. Though all these restrictions seem harsh they indirectly gave a distinct advan- tage to colonial shipping. Spain, France, and Holland had even stricter colonial sys- tems than the English ; but the English colonists, sometimes bj' stealth, often with the connivance of local officials, 75. Smug- had a very profitable trade to the Spanish, French, and cifn^£f^ ^ Dutch West Indies, especially in dried fish and lumber ; trade and they brought back sugar, tropical products, and a good surplus of hard Spanish dollars. In the same way foreign vessels often brought European cargoes into North ^^ ^^. America. Edward Randolph, the revenue detective of Mass. Bay, the English government, said in 1676 : " There is no notice 104 COLONIAL AMKKICANS taken of the acts of navigation ... all nations having full lib- erty to come into their ports and vend their commodities." A valuable trade, in which the French competed, was that with the Indian tribes of the interior. In time of peace, the traders circulated through tlie frontiers both north and south with their pack horses loaded with blankets, powder and ball, guns, red cloth, hatchets, knives, scissors, kettles, paints, look- ing-glasses, tobacco, beads, and "brandy, which the Indians value above all other goods that can be brought them.*' Several dangers hovered over the colonial seafarer. In time of maritime war, especially after 1700, the cruisers and priva- 76 Priva- teers of the enemy picked up many merchant vessels. teers and On the other hand, the colonies furnished several fleets to attack the French; and their little merchantmen were easily converted into privateers to prey on the commerce of the enemy. It was an exci4;ing kind of gambling, for the privateer was about as likely to be taken as to take; but a successful cruise brought home plenty of captured cargoes for the owner and prize money for the crew. Pirates abounded in all the seas, and especially in the West Indies, where they had several stations. The methods were very simple : peaceful merchantmen often turned pirates with or without the consent of the master of the ship; the boldest man was captain until some of his sailors killed him ; ships were impartially plundered, the crew sometimes allowed to escape, but the passengers frequently compelled "to walk the plank." A pirate ship could live for many months at sea on its captures. After all, jiiracy was a ])Oor barbarous trade of murder and rapine, leading to a bad end. In 1718 Colonel Rhett of South Carolina sailed out and overwhelmed Captain Bonnet and his force of cutthroats. In the same year Teach, or Blackbeard, a ruffian who blackened his face and colored his beard, was visited without invitation by two cruisers sent out by Governor COLONIAL LIFE ' 105 Spotswood of Virginia, "which brought home Teach's head stuck on a bowsprit. Governor Fletcher of New York gave commissions to pirates visiting the city and sold protection to individual pirates at a hundred dollars apiece ; but his pirate friend Captain Kidd was at last hanged in chains in London. The thing most important to remember about the English colonists is that down to about 1700 they looked upon them- selves simply as a body of English people living across 77. sum- the sea; but that the new conditions made their life very marj different from that of their brethren across the water. Land was cheap, and therefore there were no hard and fast distinc- tions like those in England between the aristocratic land- owner, the middle-class farmer, and the lower-class laborer. Food and material for plain clothing abounded, and therefore there was no grinding poverty like that of England. Rude labor was much needed, and therefore slaves were introduced into the colonies at the time when slavery died out in England. Population was scattered, and the colonists were distant from the intellectual and literary life of the home country, and hence their literature was limited and commonplace. Commercial life was active and eager; the colonists were good shipbuilders, bold sailors, and successful merchants. Down to 1700 the English restrictions on trade were slight, and after that time they were evaded. In general, the colo- nies were happy, progressive, and prosperous little com- munities. TOPICS (1) Growth of colonial population from 1607 to 1763. Suggestive (2) List of contemporary writers who described colonial industries and life from 1607 to 1689. (3) Colonial writers of verse. (4) Treatment of supposed witches outside of New England. (5) Introduction of slaves into New England. (6) Phips's dis- covery of treasure. (7) What goods were "enumerated"? (8) Why did the colonists smuggle ? (9) Witchcraft at Salem. topics lOG COLON I A L A M i: l{ 1 (' A NS Search topics (10) French IIuguenoLs in the English colonies. (11) Ladies' dress in the colonies. (I'i) Life in some colonial college before 1750. (13) The tithing master in church. (14) Slave life in Vir- ginia, 1619-1750. (15) A pirate's life. (16) Instances of smug- gling. (17) Schools in the South. (18) List of colonial churches built before 1700 and still standing. (19) Studies and school books in early colonial times. (20) A New England Sabbath. Oeogrraptay Secondary authorities Sources niuatrative works Pictures REFERENCES Semple, Oeographic Conditions, 114-132. Thwaites, Colonies, §§ 23, 40-45, 75-80, 91-96 ; Fisher, Colonial Era, 56-61, 74, 164-176, 207-211, 313-320 ; Lodge, English Colonies, chs. ii. iv. vi. viii. x. xiii. xvii. xxii. ; Fiske, Old Virginia, XL 1- 30, 116-130, 174-269, -308-369, — Dutch and Quaker Colonies, II. 62-98, 222-235, 258-293, 317-356 ; Doyle, English in Aincrica, I. 381-395, II. 1-10, IIL 1-8, 14-97, 323-337, 377-395 ; Bruce, Vir- ginia, I. 189-634, II. ; Weeden, New England, I. 47-314, 330-378, 387-447, II. 449-472, 492-606 ; Stockton, Buccaneers and Pirates ; McCrady, South Carolina, I. 251-263, 341-363, 564-567, 586-623, II. 376-540; Tyler, American Literature (Colonial) ; Locke, Anti- slavery, 9-45 ; Wendell, Cotton Mather, 88-307. Hart, Contemporaries, I. §§ 85-89, 137-149, 168, 172, II. §§ 16-18, 25, 28, 32, 34, 35, 45, 46, 80-87, 90-108, — Source Book, §§11, 12, 28-35, 41, 43-47, — ^owrce Readers, I. §§ 14-17, 22, 24, 39, 50-54, 66-83, II. 1-23, 55 ; MacDonald, Select Charters, nos. 22, 23, 25, 28, 34, 43, 50 ; American History Leaflets, no. 19 ; Caldwell, Sur- vey, 13-22, 1"26-132; Samuel Sewall, Diary. See N. Eng. Hi.st. Teachers' Ass'n, Syllabus, 313-;315, — Historical Sources, § 74. Longfellow, Giles Corey ; Whittier, Mabel Martin, — Prophecy of Samuel Sewall, — Witch of Wenham ; A. M. Earle, Home Life in Colonial Days, — Child Life in Colonial Days, — Colonial Dames, — Sabbath in Puritan New England, — Customs and Fashions in Old New England, — Stage-Coach and Tavern Days, — Two Centuries of Costume, — Curious Punishments ; J. de F. Shelton, Salt- Box House, 1-149 ; C. G. DuBois, Martha Corey (witchcraft) ; Hawthorne, Scarlet Letter, — Old Neics, pt. i. ; Cooper, Satanstoe (N,Y.); P. H. Meyers, Young Patroon (N.Y.); Marion Harland, His Great Self (Co\. Byrd); Stockton, Kate Bon- net (pirates); Stevenson, Treasure Island (pirates); J. H. Ingra- ham. Captain Kyd; J. E. Cooke, Youth of Jefferson (college life). Mrs. Earle's books mentioned above ; Sparks, Expansion ; Wilson, American People, I. II. ; Edward Eggleston in The Cen- tury, 1884, 1885. CHAPTER VII. INTERJ^AL DEVELOPMENT, 1689^1740 One of the tasks of King William's government was to reor- ganize the colonies. He gave Massachusetts Bay a new char- ter (October 7, 1691) by which Maine was retained, 73. Beor- Plymouth was annexed, and the governor was appointed ganization by the king: all Christian worship except the Catholic nie^ (1689- was to be tolerated ; New Hampshire, which had reunited 1729) itself to Massachusetts, was again separated. Connecticut and Rhode Island went back to their former liberal charters, and were the only colonies allowed to elect their governors. Philadelphia about 1740. (From aii old print.) In the middle colonies the proprietary charter of New York had been ^surrendered (1685) when the proprietor became king, and that of the combined Jerseys was yielded in 1702. Penn was deprived of his proprietorship of Pennsylvania for a year C1693-1694), and came near selling his patent to the crown in 1712. Delaware was separated from Pennsylvania in 1703, though the two still had the same governor appointed by the proprietor. hart's AMEK. HI3T. 7 107 108 COLONIAL AMERICANS The same policy of harassing the proprietary governments was followed in the South. Maryland in 1691 was for a time made a province, or royal colony, but the proprietorship was restored to the Baltimores later. The people of the Carolinas formed an association to oppose the proprietors, who in 1729 gave way, and sold their claims to the crown; and the British government (p. 126) thereupon organized the two separate colonies of North Carolina and South Carolina. Between South Carolina and Florida in 1732 was set up the new chartered colony of Georgia, extending from the Savannah 79. Settle- River to the Altamaha; and from the sources of those ment o rivers westward to the South Sea. The leader of the Georgia (1732-1752) enterprise was James Oglethorpe, a man of high philan- thropic spirit, whose announced purpose was to form a Chris- tian commonwealth. The first settlement was made at Savannah (1733) ; besides colonists from England, Protestant exiles came over from the principality of Salzburg in the Austrian Alps; and German Moravians, Protestant Scotch Highlanders, and Jews soon moved in. The three fundamental principles of the new colony were that slavery should not be permitted, that rum should be excluded, and that there should be complete religious tolera- tion. The trustees tried to start silk culture and wine mak- ing, but the crop which was most cultivated on the coast was rice, for which the planters insisted that they must have slaves ; and at last, in order to compete with South Carolina, the trustees gave way. Still the colony was not prosperous ; and the trustees, disappointed in both moral and pecuniary return for their investment, surrendered their proprietorship to the home government (1752). The boundaries between the colonies were in many cases in 80 Bound- controversy. Virginia and North Carolina ran their " Di- arycontro- viding Line" — the present boundary — in 1728. The question, which branch of the upper Potomac separated INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT, 1689-1740 109 Virginia from Maryland, was settled in 1746. The most trou- blesome of all these controversies was that between Pennsyl- vania and Maryland (see p. 81) : Baltimore's grant of 1632 — " unto that part of Delaware Bay on the north which lieth under the 40th degree of north latitude" — included the whole of upper Chesapeake Bay, and even the site of Philadelphia; but Penn insisted that his grant " unto the beginning of the fortieth degree of North- ern Latitude " meant the 39th parallel, and not the 40th. Baltimore had the legal advantage ; Penn had the king's favor; therefore the English gov- ernment gave a strip com- prising Philadelphia to Penn, and the two pro- prietary families agreed on a compromise line, which was finally run by the surveyors Mason, and Dixon (1763-1767). Later that line became also the boundary between free and slaveliolding states — that is, be- tween the North and " Dixie's Land." New York took advantage of the Pennsylvania plea that a degree of latitude "began" at the parallel of the next lower degree, to push the northern line of Pennsylvania one degree south. In New England, Massachusetts had controversies with every neighbor, but finally came down to substantially her pres- ent bounds. The region north of Massachusetts and west of the Connecticut River was claimed by Massachusetts, settled under grants from New Hampshire, and then was assigned to New York (1764) by the British government. Pennsylvania Boundary Controversies. 110 coLuMAi. ami:kicans The colonies pressed their claims to territory because they felt responsible for their own future. Nowhere on earth were 81 Growth *^^®^® such free commonwealths; nowhere was there so of colonial much discussion of public questions by the people at large ; nowhere was there such a " fierce spirit of liberty," as Edmund Burke called it. The foundation of this lively colonial democracy was the conviction that Americans were entitled to inborn rights, which could not be taken away by either British or colonial govern- ' ments. Among them were : (1) the personal rights of Eng- lishmen set forth in the old common law, such as speedy and open trial by jury, and freedom from arbitrary arrest; (2) rights asserted for the English by such statutes as the Petition of Right (1628), the Habeas Corpus Act (1679), and the Bill of Rights (1689) ; (3) the right to make statutes in local matters through town meetings and other local assemblies. Voting was in every colony restricted to owners of real estate, as in England, or to payers of considerable personal taxes; but the land qualification was easy to get, and tliere- fore about one half or one third of the adult free men were voters. There were no political parties in the modern sense : the usual division was between the friends of the governor and the opposition. In all the colonies the local dignitaries con- trolled their neighbors' votes ; and the public honors fell to a small number of families of social distinction. The colonial democracies were organized in one or another of three official forms: (1) under charters, in the three colo- 82. Prin- nies of Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Connecticut; of^cofonial (^) ^"^^r orders and grants of the proprietors, holders of government patents, in the three colonies of Pennsylvania, Delaware, and Maryland ; (3) under orders and instructions to governors, issued by the home government in the seven "provinces" of New Hampshire, New Jersey, New York, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and (after 1752) Georgia. INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT, 1689-1740 111 All these groups of colonies had governments divided into three departments : — (1) The governors of two of the charter colonies vi^ere elect- ive ; in the three proprietary colonies they were sent out by the proprietors ; in the eight other colonies they were appointed by the crown. They were paid under acts of the assemblies, and hence had to come to an understanding with their people. Associated with the governor was a small council appointed by the crown or governor, which was in most colonies both the highest court and the upper house of the legislature. (2) The assembly (lower house of the legislature) was elected from counties or towns, as units of representation. In conjunc- tion with the governor and council, it made laws, and had the right of voting taxes ; and it appointed certain colonial execu- tive officers and audited the accounts. (3) In the colonial courts the judges were appointed by the governor or the crown, except in Rhode Island and Connecti- cut. This was the weakest department of the colonial govern- ments; for the judges had no authority to hold that a colonial statute was invalid. But in all criminal and most civil cases juries were used, and justice was speedy and cheap. The freedom of action of the colonial governments was limited in several ways : (1) The colonists acknowledged the personal sovereignty of the king and the right of Parlia- gs. Eestric- ment to legislate for all parts of the British Empire in tio^s on co- „ . lonial fifov- matters of trade ; and in every war the enemies of Eng- emments land were the enemies of the colonies. (2) The general con- duct of the colonies was subject to the supervision of the home government, exercised by instructions sent out to the appointed governors ; these included the obligation to call assemblies, but also forbade the governor to sign certain kinds of bills. Most colonies had in London an agent to represent the colony there and watch its interests. (3) The legislature could be dissolved by the governor, and its acts (except in 112 COLONIAL AMERICANS Rhode Island and Connecticut) were subject to his veto; and the home government or proprietor could disallow a colonial act even if the governor had signed it. (4) Appeal lay from the colonial courts to the Privy Council in England. The result was that governors and assemblies were often at odds; the popular branch of the government would hold up the governor's salary until he gave in to their demands for paper money or other bills against which he was instructed. The colonial governments had the power to set up local gov- ernments of various kinds, and to alter or abolish them. (1) The county system, most distinct in the southern govern- colonies, was an attempt to reproduce the English shire, men s with a board appointed by the governor, called the court of quarter sessions, or county court, which laid local taxes, made local ordinances, and acted as a court for petty offenses. (2) In Pennsylvania and New York both counties and towns were established : in Pennsylvania, the county officials were elected as such ; in New York the " supervisor " elected by each town or township was also a member of the county board. Both these types are now common in northern states. (3) New York, Pennsylvania, and New Jersey set up a few city and borough governments. (4) The smallest unit of local government in England, at the time of colonization, was the parish, or town. Some parishes were governed by a " select vestry," filling its own vacancies ; others by a parish meeting of the taxpayers. The select vestry ' was introduced into the South (but has ceased to exist) ; while the taxpayers' meeting was adopted for New England villages (towns), and developed into the town meeting. Once a year, and at other times if necessary, all the voters of a New England town were summoned to a public meet- 85. Colo- "^ . r J nial town ing, in which most of the town business was performed, meetings Town officers were chosen for the year, especially the INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT, 1689-1740 113 " townsmen," or selectmen — a board of executive officers who sat from time to time during the year. Other officers were the town clerk, town treasurer, and a bewildering list of petty officers, such as constables, surveyors of the highway, over- seers of the poor, pound keepers, and hog reeves. The main business of the town meeting, how- ever, was to legislate for the town, and it was a place for vigorous discus- sion, and for the develop- ment of parliamentary law and political patience ; and in troubled times it was the center of protest, as when the Cambridge town meeting in the Stamp Act days instructed its repre- sentatives that "they use their utmost endeavours, that the same may be repealed ; that this vote may be recorded in the Town Book, that the children yet unborn may see the desires that their ancestors had for their freedom and happiness." Though officially quite distinct from one another, and con- nected only by common adherence to the British government, the colonies had many relations with one another. It 86. Germs was easy for an Englishman or a foreigner to become union a citizen of a colony, or to move from one to another, (1690-1750) for every colony was Protestant, every colony had the same system of laws, every colony was English-speaking. In the period from 1690 to 1750 several intercolonial meet- ings were held to discuss Indian relations and other matters of common interest. William Penn even proposed (1696) an annual meeting of deputies of all the provinces, to discuss Boston Town House, 1658. 114 COLONIAL AMKHICANS intercolonial questions and common defense; but distance, local jealousies, and the lack of a definite common grievance, for near a century kept the colonies from uniting. Deck Plans of a Slavkr. Showing stowage of nearly 500 persons iu a 300-ton ship; from a broadside. Several new branches of trade developed after 1700, espe- cially the African slave trade. Under the treaty of Utrecht 87. Devel- (1713) an English company, in which Queen Anne was colonral° °^® °^ ^^^ partners, got the Asiento, or privilege of car- commerce rying slaves to the Spanish West Indies. The New Englanders were quick to work up a profitable slave trade for themselves. Hardly anywhere was there protest against the trade or its shocking cruelties ; and whenever the legislatures of the colonies tried to tax it for revenue, or for any other reason, the bills were vetoed in England because the trade was so profitable to the English merchant. Eventually so many slaves were brought that the people began to be frightened, and South C'arolina several times tried to lay duties on their importation. The slave traffic was con- nected with the manufacture of rum, which was carried to INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT, 1689-1740 115 Africa to be exchanged for slaves ; part of the slaves were carried to the West Indies on the so-called Middle Passage and exchanged for molasses ; and the molasses and the profits came home to New England to furnish raw material for more rum. In 1733 this business was much affected by the Molasses Act passed by Parliament to protect the product of the British West Indies, by prohibiting the colonists from using molasses or sugar from the French or Spanish West Indies. Colonial trade was always disturbed because there was no uniform or steady standard of currency. Alongside the Eng- lish sterling money was a medley of coins of all nations, 88. Cur- especially the Spanish " piece of eight," or dollar. In '*"*^\n^r Virginia and Maryland tobacco was a legal currency, money even for taxes. There and elsewhere barter was very com- mon, and people bought goods for "money" (cash), "pay" (produce), or " pay as money " (credit payable in produce). Most of the colonies followed the bad example of Massa- chusetts in putting out paper notes issued to secure a tempo- rary public loan, or lent by the colony to private individuals on the security of their lands, or lent by private " loan banks " on mortgages to the stockholders. To vote such paper issues was so easy that they ran up in amount and ran down in purchasing power. There came a time when a Rhode Island ten-pound note would not pass for more than eight shillings, or one twenty-fifth of its face, measured in gold and silver. The issue of any form of colonial paper money was discour- aged by the home government ; and in 1751 was prohibited by Parliament, except in emergencies. The experiments in paper money were an evidence of a will- ingness to try something new, which extended even to the- ology. The Puritan theocracy steadily lost ground during 89. Intel- the eighteenth century, although a new leader of thought relieious in New England, Rev. Jonathan Edwards, worked out an awakening elaborate system of theology based on the " total depravity " 116 COLONIAL AMERICANS of human nature. He taught that the blessed in Heaven would be made happier by seeing the torments of the lost; yet he was an affectionate parent, a thrifty business man, and an acute reasoner. Against this harsh theology and appeal to the fears of man- kind, came a movement of protest which began in the attempt of John and Charles Wesley, devoted clergymen of the Church of England, to restore vital religion to that church. In their sermons, doctrinal books, and hymns, they dwelt on the love of the Savior, and the great desire of God that His children should be reconciled to Him. In 1736 both brothers, followed by Rev. George Whitefield, came out for a time to Georgia, and attempted to convert the natives and to rouse the white people. The Wesley movement ended in the founding of the Wesleyan or Methodist Church in England. In 1740 Whitefield came to New England, and by his powerful preach- ing brought about " The Great Awakening," the first general revival of religion in America. The New England Congregationalists under this pressure divided into " Old Lights " and " New Lights," the latter feel- ing that genuine conversion must show itself by tears, groans, and convulsions, popularly called '' the jerks." The outcome of the movement was the establishment of the Methodist Church in America and a great strengthening of the Baptists, while the Congregational, Presbyterian, and Episcopal churches throughout the colonies were directly or indirectly influenced to make religion less a matter of observance and dogma and more a matter of personal service. A new intellectual interest was shown by the publication of several excellent local histories, and by the foundation, between 1746 and 1769, of five new colleges : New Jersey at Princeton ; Kings, now Columbia; Philadelphia, founded by Franklin, and later reorganized as the University of Pennsylvania; Rhode Island, now Brown ; and Dartmouth. INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT, 1G89-1740 117 The most distinctly intellectual man of this period, and also the greatest political leader, was Benjamin Franklin, who was born in Boston in 1706, and settled in Philadelphia in 1723. Franklin was a good printer, and the first Ameri- can journalist of any continental reputation. Through- out his life he was interested in education, and he rendered great service to science by discovering that light- ning is the same thing as the discharge of electricity produced by friction. He was also the inventor of the use- ful Franklin stove, a kind of little movable fireplace. He was ap- pointed deputy post- master-general for the colonies in 1753 and greatly improved the service. In 1757 Frank- lin was sent to England as agent of the colony of Pennsylvania, and remained there five years. Gradually other colonies noticed his influence with British statesmen and gave him a similar commission. He was a keen and caustic writer, and his satires on social and political matters, such as his How a Great Empire may become Small, had powerful effect; his Poor Richard's Almanac was an annual, abounding in shrewd common-sense observations, widely read in the colonies. The chief merit of Franklin was that his great mind saw how much the colonies could do if they would only act 90. Ben- jamin Franklin Benjamin Franklin, about 1780. From a portrait by Duplessis. 118 COLONIAL AMERICANS together ; he showed a willingness, very uncommon in the colonies, to sink local differences and interests for the common good; and in England he impressed the leading men with respect for himself and for the colonies which he represented. Franklin personified the colonist of the second half of the eighteenth century who had ceased to look upon himself as an Englishman living over seas, but was an American, with no purpose or desire but to remain a colonist. The characteristic of the half century from 1690 to 1740 is the quiet and sound development of the colonies, and their 91. Sum- experience of self-government. The colonial govern- mary ments were in a sense new creations, for there was nothing like them in England. The governors had large nom- inal powers, but were hedged about by the assemblies and by their instructions ; Rhode Island and Connecticut were in all matters except foreign trade and foreign war practically inde- pendent little republics, and the other colonies were not much behind them. By force of circumstances, the English, types of parish meetings and county courts developed in America into vigorous little local governments, which did much to edu- cate the people in the conduct of their own affairs. The colonists made money by trade and struck off a poor and depreciating currency with their printing presses. A freer spirit prevailed in religion, and it is at this time that religious toleration begins to be general throughout the colonies. Above all, such men as Franklin stood for a sense of common interest and responsibility which might accustom people to think of themselves, from north to south, as essentially one people. TOPICS Suggestive (1) How did Massachusetts get the charter of 1691 ? (2) Why topics ^^g^g j^Tg„, York transferred by the proprietor to the crown ? New Jersey ? the Carolinas? (.3) Notable Germans in America before 1750. (4) Was Penn entitled by his charter to the site of Phila- INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT, 1689-1740 119 delpbia ? (5) Describe the public services of some governor of a colony. (6) For any one colony compare its geographic extent in 1650 with its extent in 1690. (7) Make a list of meetings of colonial governors, 1640-1763. (8) How could the English colo- nists trade with the Spanish West Indies ? (9) Why was the British government opposed to paper money ? (10) Spotswood's explorations west of the mountains. (11) The Wesleys in America. (12) Whitefleld's preaching. (13) Some of Franklin's witty sayings. (14) Claims by the colonists to the rights of Englishmen, 1689-1750. (15) Origin of the "caucus." (16) A session of a colonial legislature. (17) Oddities of town meetings. (18) Conduct of the slave trade. (19) Life at Princeton College. (20) Causes of dis- putes with colonial governors. (21) Some notable colonial agents. (22) Instances of acts of colonial legislatures vetoed by governors. REFERENCES Search topics Thyv&ites, Colonies, §§24-26, 46, 81,97, 116-130; Fisher, Colo- Secondary nial Era, 216-236, 241-286, 292-312; Lodge, English Colonies, a-^t^o^'i^ies chs. i. iii. v. vii. ix. xii. xiv. xviii.-xxi. passim ; Greene, Provin- cial America, — Colonial Governor; Fiske, Old Virginia, II. 30- 44, 162-173, 289-308, 333-337, 370-400, — Z>m- olis, Nova Scotia). After eight years of what was called in America " King William's War," each ])ower agreed by the peace of lvyswi(;k, in 1097 to restore its conquests to the other. 122 WARS WITH THE FRENCH 123 Indians The French attack on the frontier led the English colonies to make friends with the ferocious Iroquois. The Five Nations were enlarged into the " Six Nations " by the coming of a 93 -Ph tribe of their blood brethren, the Tuscaroras (1713). Then border five years later the home government appointed Sir Wil- liam Johnson its agent to the Six Nations. He lived among them in a great place called Johnson Hall, where he held open house for their benefit. He was an adept at those long-drawn councils which the Indians so much loved ; he knew how to give belts of wampum " to dry up their tears," how metaphori- cally " to clear the road grown up with weeds," and to set up "the fine shady trees almost blown down by the northerly winds." This palaver, accompanied with plenty of food and rum, was very effective in preventing the French north wind from blowing down the English influence among the Iroquois. In the South, the growth of the Carolinas led to bloody wars with the Tuscarora and Yamassee Indians from 1712 to 1716. In 1730 the Cher- okees made treaties, by which they recognized the king of Great Britain (p. 126) as their Father, and thus pro- vided a point of opposition to the French in the Southwest ; and the set- tlement of Georgia soon brought the whites into close contact with the Cher- okees, Oreeks, and other strong inte- rior tribes. The colonial wars were made more terrible by the Indian allies of the French, who captured prisoners to make slaves of them, or to hold them for a ransom. Fearful was the hasty march north- ward after a raid; little children were brained against the trees, because too troublesome to carry ; the women who fainted Indian Art. Pipe, lacrosse stick, and pouch, procured from ■western Indians. 124 COLONIAL AMERICANS with fatigue were tomahawked and scalped to save the trouble of carrying theui along. In one such foray (1G91) Hannah Dustin of Haverhill, Massachusetts, was made prisoner. She had the heroism, with a nurse and a white boy, to surprise her captors, and the barbarity to kill not only two Indian men but three women and five children; by this means she escaped and reached home again to tell the tale. During the twenty -five years after La Salle's exploration of the Mississippi, the French made various permanent settlements 94. Settle- in the new country, especially St. Joseph near the head Lo^^8i°ana °^ ^^^^ Michigan (1681), Kaskaskia (1695), Cahokia (1681-1721) (1701) near the mouth of the Missouri, and Detroit on the waterway from Lake Erie to Lake Huron (1701); and later Vincennes on the Wabash Kiver (about 1732). For the lower Mississippi country three nations reached out at once: (1) Spain settled Pensacola as a basis for colonies to be plaT^ted farther west; (2) the French interrupted this plan by sending a fleet of five vessels with 130 colonists, under the Sieur d'Iberville, to take possession of the coast of Louisi- ana in 1699; (3) the English also sent out a ship, which was driven back (1699) by the French from the bend of the Mississippi just below New Orleans, still called English Turn. After stopping first at Dauphin Island, and then longer at Biloxi on tlin (xulf coast, I)'Il)orvill«! roiindofl Mobile niO'J). The purposes of this Louisiana colony were to control the in- terior Indians, to enrich the French with their furs, and to fight the English. Notwithstanding the introduction of negro slaves Louisiana grew very slowly, for like the English coast colonies it suffered from disease and Indian enemies; so that after ten years it contained only four huiulred Europeans. In 1712 a rich banker, Anthony C'rozat, got from the king of Gannett, France a grant giving him a monopoly of trade in ''all ^oun unes, ^^^ countries, territories, lakes within land, and the rivers which fall directly or indirectly into the river St. Louis WARS WITH THE FRENCH 125 heretofore called the Mississippi." Crozat did little except to build posts in what is now upper Alabama and western Georgia, and after five years gave up his privileges. To them succeeded John Law and his vigorous Company of the West. The Illinois country was annexed to Louisiana ; Fort Chartres was built on the Mississippi above the Ohio, and another fort at Natchitoches on the Red River; a new political and com- mercial center for the colony was created in the town of New Orleans, founded in 1718 on a site chosen because the water front was elevated a few feet above the river. Law brought in German emigrants as well as French, and when his company went bankrupt a few years later 7000 persons had gathered in Louisiana. While Louisiana was developing, England engaged in " Queen Anne's War" (1701-1713) to prevent a union of the French and Spanish European and colonial empires under the 95 jjg. grandson of Louis XIV. In this war the Spaniards and newal of intercolo- Carolinians attacked each other's frontier towns ; espe- niai war cially St. Augustine and Charleston. In the North (1701-1713) the French incited the Indians to attack the Connecticut River town of Deerfield (1704) ; most of the inhabitants were killed or swept away, but the affair left deep resentment at a warfare which aimed only at destruction, with no hope of conquest. The New Englanders retaliated with the same kind of warfare on the French villages. Both Frenchmen and Englishmen often scalped their defeated enemies ; and in many cases white prisoners were turned over to Indian allies to give the Indians their favorite amusement of burning them at the stake. Toward the end of the war the English colonists captured Port Royal and again attacked Quebec. By the treaty of Utrecht, which ended the war in 1713, the French gave up "all Nova Scotia formerly called Acadia," and all claims to Newfoundland and Hudson Bay. This was the first time that the English by actual conquest extended their Ameri- 126 COLONIAL AMKHICANS can boiiiiflarios at the expense of the Fiencb, and it was the beginning of the (h)\vnl'all oH the French empire in America. The period of this war was one of consolidation in England. For a century England and Scotland had been sister kingdoms, having one sovereign but two Parliaments ; but in 1707, by the Act of Union, they were united into the single kingdom of Great Britain, with a single British Parliament. Ireland, how- ever, remained a separate kingdom, with a separate Parliament, till 1801. After 1707 the Scots were on the same footing as the English in colonial trade. The union was expressed in a new British flag having the crosses of St. George and St. Andrew combined. In 1714, on the death of Queen Anne, the succession passed to the Elector of Hanover, George I. ; in 1727 to his son George II. Though the French made no proper effort to send out large bodies of colonists to Canada, they strongly fortified the town 96. Devel- s-^^d. harbor of Louisburg on the island of Cape Breton, opmentof ^^ q, center for their naval power in the north Atlantic: Canada and Louisiana they built forts at the mouth of the Niagara River, and (1721-1748) a(; Crown Point on Lake Champlain; and they began to send explorers and traders into the Ohio River country. The next step was to plan a chain of posts west of the Appa- lachian Mountains between Canada and Louisiana. This plan was postponed by a war called in American his- tory " King George's War," which broke out in 1739 between Great Britain and Spain, and in 1744 between Great Britain and France. Oglethorpe raised a force of Georgians which attacked the Spanish at St. Augustine; and thousands of English colonists were sacrificed in vain attacks on Cuba and on the Spanish stronghold of Carthagena in South America (1741). Four thousand New Englanders, however, under the command of William Pepperell, a brave but untrained militia general, joined a small British fleet, and in sixteen days' siege brought Louisburg to surrender in 1745. The WARS WITH THE FRENCH 127 war was ended in 1748 by the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, by which conquests were mutually restored in all parts of the world. The French, reoccupied Louisburg and refortified it. Against the French claim to the whole eastern valley of the Mississippi, the British government set itself definitely, in 1749, by making royal grants to the Ohio Company for 97. The land on the Ohio River, in what is now western Pennsyl- the^Ohio vania and West Virginia. To forestall a settlement there, (1749-1754) Celoron de Bienville was sent out by the French. He went down the Ohio in 1749 and near the mouths of the tributaries buried lead plates, setting forth that he had taken possession of the river. To confront the French, Virginia, which claimed the upper Ohio, founded a trading post on the Miami, about twenty miles above its mouth. The French broke it up (1752) and, reviving their plan of a chain of posts from the St. Lawrence to the Gulf of Mexico, built a fort at Presque Isle (Erie), and another. Fort Le Boeuf, twenty miles farther south. It became evident that war was at hand. Under directions from the king, Governor Dinwiddle of Virginia, in October, 1753, sent to warn the French to withdraw. His messenger, George Washington (aged 21), with one companion made his way amid threatening Indians and the dangers of the wilder- ness, and delivered his message at F'ort Le Boeuf. He all but lost his life in the icy waters of the Allegheny River, but returned to report that the French would not yield. Instead, the French drove a little force of Virginians out of the stra- tegic point at the Forks of the Ohio (now Pittsburg) and built Fort Duquesne on the coveted spot. George Washington, in command of a little Virginian force, thereupon collided with a body of threatening French near Great Meadows (May 28, 1754), and by his orders was fired the first shot in a great war. At the breaking out of this fourth intercolonial struggle, commonly called the French and Indian' War, the Lords of Trade tried to bring about an understanding between the Brit- uabt's amer. hist. — 8 128 COLONIAL AMERICANS ish colonies t.lirough a congress at Albany, assembled to make a joint treaty with the Iroquois, and representing the four !Ne^T 98. Con- England colonies, New York, Pennsylvania, and Mary- |re8B of land. When the treaty was completed, Benjamin Frank- U754) lin of Pennsylvania presented a plan for colonial union, which is a foreshadowing of our present federal constitution. A grand council sent from the colonies in proportion to their inhabitants was to have control of all Indian affairs, frontier settlements, and taxes for common purposes. This plan was approved by the congress, and sent out to the colonies for consideration, but as Franklin said, "Its fate was singular; the assemblies did not adopt it as they all thought there was too much prerogative in it, and in England it was judged to have too much of the democratic." At the beginning of the war the British colonists numbered about 1,300,000, and the Canadians were about 80,000, not 99. Three counting a few thousand savage allies. The points of fea" ° *" contact between the French and the English were : (1755-1757) (1) the north Atlantic seacoast; (2) Lake Champlain; (3) the southern shore of Lake Ontario ; (4) the headwaters of the Ohio. At all four points the British attempted at the beginning of the war to strike hard, and most of the colonies contributed freely in men and money; although the Quakers in Pennsylvania held back, for they were opposed to all wars. On the northeast there was a special danger from the 7000 French settlers who remained in Acadia (Nova Scotia) after it was ceded to Great Britain in 1713. Parkman, the best his- torian of this war, says, "The Acadians, while calling them- selves neutrals, were an enemy encamped in the heart of the province." To prevent the danger of their rising, an officer was sent, in 1755, with orders to remove them. He says that Contempora- the men first to embark " went off Praying, Singing & Ties, 11.365 Crying being Met by the women & Children all the way (which is \\ mile) with Great Lamentations upon their Knees WARS WITH THE FRENCH 129 praying &c." The Acadian families were torn from their homes, loaded on vessels, and distributed in the colonies, where many of them suffered severely before they could find a liveli- hood; and some families were forever separated. In the summer of 1755 an expedition of fifteen hundred men under the British general Braddock, sent against Fort Du- quesne, met a dramatic fate. Braddock was within seven miles of his destination, when a force of French and Indians, about one half of his strength, sallied out and totally defeated him. His regulars were brave but did not understand bush fighting, and Braddock would not allow even the militia to fight from behind trees ; hence a third of his ofl&cers and men were killed, and the remainder, regulars and provincials alike, Washington, says, " ran as sheep pursued by dogs." Braddock's defeat opened a road directly to the frontiers of Virginia and Pennsylvania, which were harried by the Indians ; but, through the exertions of Sir William Johnson, the Six Nations were held neutral. Two campaigns followed without decisive result. The English lost Fort Oswego on Lake On- tario ; and, while attempting to force the Lake Champlain route, lost Fort William Henry, where the French were unable to pre- vent their Indian allies from massacring the prisoners. In May, 1756, Great Britain declared war against France, and the general European struggle began, commonly called the Seven Years' War. It extended even to India, where Lord 100. Three Clive assured British supremacy against both French and 7^^^^ of natives at the battle of Plassey, 1757. Elsewhere Great (1758-1760) Britain suffered humiliating defeats. Then the English people insisted that William Pitt, an ardent and impulsive man, a powerful speaker, and a great administrator, be put at the head of affairs; and affairs began to mend. Fort Duquesne, and Fort Frontenac on Lake Ontario, were taken in 1758 ; and the French were so weakened at sea that they could not pre- vent the second capture of Louisburg. 130 COLONIAL AMERICANS To invade Canada, Pitt now selected General James Wolfe, a model commander, endowed with the English bulldog te- nacity, and at the same time with the soldier's skill and dar- ing. With 9000 men and a fleet Wolfe besieged the strong fortress of Quebec, defended by 14,000 men ably com- niauded by the Marquis (le Montcalm. Wolfe forced and won a battle on the Plains of Abra- ham, above the town (September 13, 1759), but was himself mortally wounded. " ' They run, see how they run,' cried a bystander. ' AVho runs I ' demanded our hero, with great earnestness. . . . The Officer answered, 'The enemy, Sir; Egad, they give way K His- everywhere.' The dying general issued his orders torical quickly; then turning on his side, he said, 'Now, God be praised, I will die in peace.'" In a few days Quebec surrendered, and the next year Montreal fell. In 1762 Manila and Havana were captured from Spain by British fleets. Hostilities were ended in all parts of the world by the peace of Paris (February 10, 17G3). Manila was not held, and Cuba Avas given up ; but the British took Spanish Florida in exchange, besides annexing Canada and Cape Breton, and the whole Mississippi valley east of the river, except the Island of Orleans. France had already transferred to Spain the part of Louisiana lying west of the Mississippi, together with New Orleans. Or all her North American pos- James Wolfe. From an old print. Journal, 69 101. Exclu- sion of the French from North America (1763) WARS WITH THE FRENCH 131 sessions, France retained only the two little islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon and some of the West Indies. SCALE OF MILES 6 Ilio 3)0 six) ^_,_BoUDjarie3 of the newprovinces ^ ^_^.^ Proclamation Line BAH a|m a Boundaries of the Thirteen Colonies Present state boundarleB British Colonies in 1765. The treaty left the British undisputed owners of all the territory between the Gulf of Mexico, the Mississippi River, Hudson Bay, and the Atlantic Ocean. The British govern- ment, by royal proclamation, October 7, 1763, erected three new provinces, Quebec, East Florida, and West Florida, and 132 COLONIAL AMERICANS extended Georgia to the St. Marys River. Instead of adding new area to any of the other colonies, several of which had once had charters extending west to the Pacific, the proclama- tion cut off all the old colonies from the Mississippi basin by a clause providing that " no governor, or commander in chief of our other colonies or plantations in America do . . . grant, warrant or survey or pass patents for lands beyond the heads or sources of any of the rivers which fall into the Atlantic Ocean from the west or northwest." That country was to be reserved for the occupation of the Indians. At that time the French whites and half-breeds east of the Missis- sippi were not more than 6000 in all ; and south of the Ohio the only Europeans were a few score traders and officials. The English began at once to mismanage the Indians. As Sir William Johnson said, they served out " harsh treatment, 102 Indian ^^^S^^ words, and in short, everything which can be neighbors thought of to inspire . . . dislike." When they un- ^ dertook to send out garrisons to the little French posts northwest of the Ohio River in 1763, a dangerous Indian war blazed out under the leadership of the great chief Pontiac. Several posts were taken and the garrisons massacred, but the British commander, Colonel Bouquet, soon broke down the Indian rising. By the treaty of Fort Stanwix with the Six Nations (1768), a dividing boundary line was drawn from Wood Creek, a tribu- tary of Oneida Lake, in central New York, southward and then westward to the west branch of the Susquehanna, thence across to the Allegheny River, and down the Ohio to the mouth of the Tennessee. This was an acknowledgment that the Iroquois, already in effect wards of the colony of New York, controlled territory outside the valley of the Hudson and the New York lakes. New relations were established in the South with the five tribes of Cherokees, Chickasaws, Choctaws, Creeks, and Seminoles, who had about 14,000 " guns," or fighting men. In WARS WITH THE FRENCH 133 1768 the British got their first treaty of land cession from the Cherokees, and began to establish an influence in the region between Georgia and Louisiana. From 1689 to 1763 the international history of America is the history of the downfall of the French colonial power. At the beginning France had Nova Scotia, Cape Breton, 103. Sum- Canada, and claims to Newfoundland and Hudson Bay ; mary and she colonized Louisiana and asserted title to the whole Mississippi valley, though she occupied only a narrow fringe along the Gulf coast and a few settlements on the river. The year 1713 is the great turning point, because in the treaty of Utrecht the French were obliged to cede Acadia to Great Britain. In 1754 came a trial of strength for the Ohio valley, in which for three years the French held their own. Then in 1758 came the change; one French defense after another gave way, and the capture of Quebec in 1759 broke their hold on Canada. In 1763 they were compelled to give up every square foot of their splendid empire on the mainland, and retained only the two little islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon south of Newfoundland, and their possessions in the West Indies, including part of Haiti. Thenceforward the Anglo-Saxons controlled the destinies of North America. TOPICS (1) Was William III. interested in the colonies? (2) Make a Suggestive list of wars in wliich tlie Iroquois took part. (3) Make a list *°P*<=8 of captures and conquests of French territory in North America by the English, 1603-1750. (4) Why was Port Royal so often attacked ? (5) Why did the Tuscaroras join the Five Nations ? (6) What claim had the French and the English to Hudson Bay ? (7) Why did the Spaniards allow the French to settle on the lower Mississippi ? (8) Make a list of attacks on English seacoast settlers by the French and Spanish, 1607-1750. (9) What claim had the English to the Ohio valley ? (10) Was it necessary to deport the Acadians? (11) Why was the peace of 1763 unpopular? 134 COLONIAL AMERICANS Search topics (12) What were the goncral European wars corresponding to the four intercolonial wars — and what were their causes? (13) Account of a fleet engagement between the English and the French. (14) Life on a British man-of-war about 1750. (15) Ac- count of an Indian raid on a frontier town. (16) The "casket girls" in Louisiana. (17) Germans in Louisiana. (18) English cai>- tives taken to Canada. (19) Attack on Carthagena, 1741. (20) Con- temporary accounts of Braddock's defeat ; of the capture of Quebec. (21) Early New Orleans. (22) Defeat of Pontiac. (23) British war with the French in India, 1756-1763. Geography Secondary authorities Sources Illustrative works Pictures REFERENCES See maps, pp. 121, 131 ; Thwaites, France in America ; Semple, Geographic Conditions, 36-46. Hart, Formation of the Union, §§ 12-20 ; Fisher, Colonial Era, 236-240, 286-291; Sloane, French War and Revolution, 22-115; Lodge, English Colonies, 30-36, 109-111, 223-225, 307-310, 367- 371 ; Thwaites, France in America ; Fiske, A'ew France and Neio England, 233-359; Parkman, Frontenac, 184-452, —//aZ/ Cen- tury of Conflict, — Montcalm and Wolfe, — Pontiac, I. 69-367, II. ; Wilson, American People, II. 58-61, 68-97 ; Gay, BryanVs History, III. 192-221, 254-328; Winsor, Cartier to Frontenac, 342-:566, — Mississippi Basin ; King, Sieur de Bienville; Griffis, Sir William Johnson; Lodge, George Washington, I. 1-14, 54-118; Johnson, General Washington, 1-66. See also references to ch. iv. Hart, Source Book, §§ 37-40, — Contemporaries, 11. §§ 22, 109- .29, — Source Readers, I. § 42, II. §§ 24-32, 34, 37-44 ; MacDonald, Select Charters, nos. 51, 52, 54 ; American History Leaflets, no. 14; Old South Leaflets, nos. 9, 73 ; Caldwell, Surveys, 39-43, — Teiri- torial Development, 12-23. See N. Eng. Hist. Teachers' Ass'n, Syllabus, 316, — Historical Sources, §75. Eggleston, American War Ballads, I. 14-20 ; Longfellow, Evange- line ; Whittier, Pentucket ; (Jilbcrt Parker, Trail of the Su;ord (Canada), — Seats of the Mighty (French and Indian War); William Kirby, Golden Dog (Canada) ; W. J. Gordon, English- man's Haven (Louisburg); Hawthorne, Grandfather'' s Chair, pt. ii. chs. vii.-x., — Old News, pt. ii. ; James McHenry, The Wilder- ness (Ohio country) ; B. E. Stevenson, Soldier of Virginia (Brad- dock and Washington) ; J. E. Cooke, Stories of the Old Dominion, 110-139; C. E. Craddock, Old Fort Loudon ; Cooper, Last of the Mohicans,- Pathfinder ; Kirk Munroe, At War imth Pontiac. Winsor, America, V. ; Wilson, American People, II. ; Sparks, Eri)((nsiitn. CHAPTER IX. QUARREL WITH THE MOTHER COUNTRY (1763-1774) The period from 1760 to 1765 is a turning point in the his- tory both of England and of America, for it marks the begin- ning of a feeling of hostility between these two parts of 104. New the British Empire. The first strong and positive sover- theBritish eign since William III. was the young George III., who Empire came to the throne in 1760, and said, in a public address, " Born and bred in this country, I glory in the name of Briton." His mother used to say to him, *' George, be a king"; and as soon as he could, he rid him- self of the ministry of noble Whig families who controlled both houses of Parliament, and he began systematically to build up a personal gov- ernment. Opposed to the king's policy was a group of brilliant states- men, of whom the most famous were William Pitt (later Earl of Chatham), Charles James Fox, and Ednnind Burke ; they counseled wise and moderate dealing with the colonies. Not- withstanding this opposition, for a long time the king by shrewd means, by bestowing titles here, appointments there, reproofs to a third man, and banknotes where other things 135 George III., about 1765. From a painting by Sir William Beechy. 13G REVOLUTION failed, was able to keep up in the House of Commons a major- ity, usually called "the king's friends." On the western side of the Atlantic a new spirit began to stir among the colonists when the danger of invasion by French neighbors ceased forever in -1703. As the French statesman Turgot said (1750), "Colonies are like fruits, they stick to the tree only while they are green ; as soon as they can take care of themselves they do what Carthage did and what America will do." These latent tendencies to independence were strengthened by the attempt of the home government to assert new powers of government over the colonies. The colonial officials in England resented the slowness and lack of united action shown by the colonial assemblies during the French and Indian War, and felt that it would be better for them all to pay money into one treasury, for g'?neral colonial purposes. Up to this time the principal British control over the colonies as a whole had been exercised through the navigation acts. 105. Regu- Notwithstanding the special privileges thereby given to colonial colonial ships, the acts caused friction, because they cut trade off colonial trade and profits in order to swell the trade and profits of English merchants. The home government was aware that smuggling went on, and tried to stoji it; but even the little duties laid by the home government in colonial ports, to give some control over the movements of ships, were so evaded that it cost £7000 a year to collect £2000. To prevent the rise of new manufactures the IJritish (17o0) prohibited the colonists from using rolling mills and steel furnaces ; and in 1774 stopped the coming in of machinery for making cloth. In order to detect smugglers, British customs officers in the colonies were accustomed to go to the courts and ask for 106. Claim a general writ of assistance, which authorized them to ienab^e^ search any ])rivate buildings for suspected smuggled Eights" goods; without such searches the navigatit)n acts could hardly be carried out. In a test case before tlie Massachusetts QUARREL WITH THE MOTHER COUNTRY 137 courts in 1761, a brilliant and able young lawyer, James Otis, argued against the writs on the novel ground that they were contrary to the principles of English law : " Reason and the constitution are both against this writ. . . . All precedents are under the control of the principles of law. . . . No John Acts of Parliament can establish such a writ. . . . An works 'ii act against the constitution is void." John Adams said 525 of him, " Otis was Isaiah and Ezekiel united — Otis was a flame of fire — Otis's oration against writs of assistance breathed into this nation the breath of life." Notwithstanding Otis's argument, the writs of assistance were again issued in Massachusetts ; but his speech and his later pamphlets stated three principles of great weight in the approaching Revolution : (1) that the colonists possessed certain inalienable personal rights ; (2) that there was a traditional system of colonial government, which could not be altered by Great Britain without the consent of the colonies; (3) that under that system the colonies were united to Great Britain through the same sovereign, but were not a dependent part of Great Britain, nor subject to Parliament. In accordance with the practice of a century and a half, the home government about this time disallowed a statute of Virginia which reduced the stipends of the established clergy. A test case was made (1703), commonly called " the Parson's Cause," in which Patrick Henry got his first reputation and won the jury by an argument that there was a limit to the legal control of the mother country over colonial legisla- tion. In a bold and significant phrase he declared that Contempora- " a King, by . . . disallowing acts of so salutary a na- ''*^*'' ^^- -'^'^ ture, from being the Father of his people degenerates into a Tyrant, and forfeits all right to his subjects' obedience." Another danger to the freedom of the colonies came from a new spirit in the Lords of Trade. When Charles Town- shend was chairman for a short time (February to April, 1763), 188 KEVOLLTION he worked out a comprehensive plan for controlling the colo- nies. (1) Armed vessels were to be sent to the American 107 p o coast, and the naval officers were to be commissioned as posed con- revenue officers. (2) A new system of admiralty courts ^ was to be set up, to deal more effectively with breaches nial govern' ments (1763) of the Acts of Trade. (3) A force of troops was to be stationed in America for common defense at the expense of the colonies. (4) Steps were to be taken to appoint and pay the colonial judges from England, so as to free them from control of the colonial assemblies. (5) For the necessary expenses a stamp duty was to be laid on the colonies. None of the proposed measures were car^ ried out at the time. Another danger was brought on by the activity of Lord George Grenville, when 108 Tax- ^® became prime minister in April, atio'* and 17(53. The Molasses Act of 1733, the Stamp Act essentially a measure to protect (1763-1765) t^e sugar planters of the British West Indies, was by the Sugar Act of 17G4 made more stringent and extended to coffee and other tropical products. In this act Grenville inserted the statement that it was *'just and necessary" that a tax be laid in the colonies. In 1765 he informed the agents of the colonies that he meant to lay a stamp duty unless they would suggest some other form of taxation. Without much objection, an act of Parliament was passed (March, 1765) for "certain stamp duties, and other duties, in the British colonies and plantations in America, toward further def Baying the ex- penses of defending, protecting, and securing the same." The duties were to be imposed on all sorts of legal documents, law Great-gkandmother's Dress. Abigail Bishop's dress of 1780, worn by a de- scendant. QUARREL WITH THE MOTHER COUNTRY 139 proceedings, wills, licenses and commissions, land patents, bills of sale ; and also on playing cards, newspapers, pamphlets, ad- vertisements, almanacs, and the like. The proceeds of the tax (estimated at £100,000 a year) were to go toward the expense of troops which were to be sent to America for the defense of the colonies. A few days later another cause of quarrel was provided in the Quartering Act, by which military officers were authorized to call on colonial authori- ties to provide barracks for troops. Against the Stamp Act the best writ- ers in America poured forth a flood of argument and protest. (1) On taxation, they argued that the power of laying taxes for revenue in the colonies belonged solely to the colonial governments. As for Parlia- ment, one writer said: If they "have a right to impose a stamp tax, they have a right to lay on us a poll tax, a land tax, a malt tax, a cider tax, a window tax, a smoke tax; and why not tax us for the light of the sun, the air we breathe, and the ground we are buried in ? " (2) On representation, they argued that the principle practiced by Parlia- ment itself was " no taxation without representation," and how could they be represented in a Parliament thousands of miles away ? And they scouted the British explanation that they were fairly represented by the English members of a Parlia- ment; for their principle was that members of a legislature represented not classes or landed interests, but a body of peo- ple living in some definite area. (3) On the nature of colonial government, they maintained mi. ^^ ■It'' 'H A Colonial Lady, ABOUT 1780. Portrait of Susanna Ran- dolph, by Copley. 140 KEVOLLTION that the colonists had a traditional right not to be subject in such matters to the control of Parliament. For instance, tlic John Han- Boston merchant John Hancock said, " I will never carry cock, his on Business under such great disadvantages and Burthen. * I will not be a slave, I have a right to the libertys &l Privileges of the English Constitution, and I as an English- man will enjoy them." Opposition to the tax took several serious forms. (1) Some of the colonial assemblies passed strong resolutions 109. Op- against taxation; the best known are Patrick Henry's ^Bitaonto Yix-ginia Kesolutions, which culminate in the declaration Act (1766) " That every attempt to vest such power in any other Frothing- person or persons whatever than the General Assembly vTr ^%i ^-foi'ssaid, is illegal, unconstitutional, and unjust, and has HO a manifest tendency to destroy British as well as Ameri- can liberty." (2) More quiet but effective means were the organization of "Sons of Liberty," a kind of patriotic society; and an attempt to boycott British goods. (3) In many places mobs made discussion impossible; stamp distributors were threatened and compelled to resign, or were burned in effigy before their own doors, and their property de- stroyed. Thomas Hutchinson, lieutenant governor and chief justice of Massachusetts, opposed the Stamp Act while it was pending; nevertheless his house was sacked and plundered, and his life and the lives of his family endangered because he pro- posed to execute the law. In thus forsaking an orderly govern- ment, and resorting to violence, the people who engaged in these outbreaks damaged their own cause and set a bad ex- ample for the years that followed. (4) The most effective method was the holding of a Stamp Act Congress of delegates from nine colonies, in New York, October 7, 1765. This dignified body petitioned the British government to withdraw the act, and drew up a formal state- QUARREL WITH THE MOTHER COUNTRY 141 meat of " the most, essential rights and liberties of the colo- nists, and of the grievances under which they labor."' This document set forth loyalty to the crown, but stood firm on " No taxation without representation." When November 1 came, the date for putting the act in force, it was entirely ignored, and documents were simply left without stamps. The opposition to the Stamp Act caused much perplexity in England. William Pitt warmly defended the colonists : " We may bind their trade, confine their manufactures, and exercise every power whatsoever," said he, " except that of taking their money out of their pockets without their consent." Parlia- ment repealed the Stamp Act (March 18, 1766) before any serious attempt had been made to execute it ; but eleven days earlier passed a brief act setting forth that the colonies were " subordinate unto, and dependent upon the Imperial Crown and Parliament of -Great Britain [which had] full power and authority ... to bind the Colonies and People of America, subject of the Crown of Great Britain, in all Cases whatsoever." By thus reaffirming the right to tax the colonies, the way was opened for a renewal of the trouble. Townshend again came into power, and in 1767 secured new duties on hq xown- paper, painters' colors, glass, and tea, the expected pro- shend Acts, and troops ceeds of £35,000 or £40,000 a year to be used to in Boston pay fixed salaries to royal colonial officers. When the (1767-1771) New York assembly refused to pass the necessary act to pro- vide barracks and other necessities for the British troops, Townshend took the dangerous step of practically suspending the government of New York by an act of Parliament. This distinct assertion that the colonial assemblies were subject to Parliament greatly alarmed the other colonies. Again strong protests were heard. John Dickinson of Pennsylvania, in his Letters from a Farmer, called upon his countrymen by practical and law-abiding methods to "take care of our rights, and we therein take care of our prosperity 142 • 1 n:\oLrTioN . . . slavery is ever preceded by sleep." Xoii-iiiiport;ition agreements were made in many parts of tlie colonies and signed by men like George Washington. The General Court, or legislature, of Massachusetts sent a circular letter to the other colonies, urging thera to join in remonstrance. In June, 1768, British customhouse officials were assaulted while searching the sloop Liberty, belonging to John Hancock ; and he was sued for smuggling. Soon after, two regiments of red- coats were ordered to Boston " to strengthen the hands of the government in the Province of Massachusetts Bay." As a witty Boston clergyman sajd, "Our grievances are now all red-dressed." The coming of troops, intended to overawe and not to defend, incensed all the colonies. In March, 1770, there was a fight be- tween the troops and the populace in Boston in which five per- sons were killed. Although the name " Boston Massacre " was applied to the unfortunate affair, John Adams was so far from sympathy with the populace that he defended the commander of the troops, who was acquitted. Two of the soldiers who had fired without orders, under great provocation, were con- victed of manslaughter, and eventually were lightly punished. The offensive Townshend duties were withdrawn in 1771, after producing £16,000 at a cost of about £200,000; but again the British government stupidly insisted on the principle of taxation by retaining a tea duty of threepence a pound. Just about this time another grievance much disturbed the peace of mind of many good colonists. So completely sepa- Jll. Ques- rated are church and state in America to-day that it is coloiUal^ hard to realize how much our forefathers feared that church they might be brought under the control of the Church ' of England by the designation of an American bishop, or bishops. The idea was not welcome to the Episcopalians of the southern and middle colonies, and was still more un- popular in New England, where the Congregational Church QUAEREL WITH TIJE MOTHER COUNTRY 143 was established. When the Episcopal missionary to the college town of Cambridge built himself a large and handsome house, it came to be popularly known as ''the Bishop's Palace." If the colonists had realized it, there was no cause for alarm ; for the British government was unwilling to furnish a new cause of grievance. While North and South were slowly combining to oppose Great Brit- 112 The ain, a new West " The Bishop's Palace," Cambridge, BUILT IN 1761. Type of the handsome eolonial house. Trans- was opening up, on the headwaters of the southern tribu- movement taries of the Ohio (map, p. 181). After the French and (1768-1774) Indian War, both Pennsylvania and Virginia claimed the forks of the Ohio, where in 1765 the town of Pittsburg was founded. People poured across the mountains, and part of them drifted southward into the mountain regions of Virginia and North Carolina. Then frontiersmen, chiefly Scotch-Irish and Ger- man with a few Huguenots, ignored the proclamation of 1763 (pp. 131, 132), defied their own colonial governments, braved the Indians, and plunged into the western wilderness. The pioneer in this movement was Dapiel Boone of the Yadkin district in North Carolina, who in 1769, with five com- panions, started out " in quest of the country of Kentucke." Por years he was the leading spirit in a little community of men who were frontiersmen, farmers, trappers, and Indian fighters all at the same time — the first settlers in Kentucky. A second and more continuous settlement was begun in 1769 by William Beane, on the Watauga River, a head stream of the Tennessee. Soon after, the so-called " Regulators " of North Carolina protested in arms against the tedious and expensive hart's amer. hist. — 9 144 REVOLUTION methods of the courts, and in 1771 wore defeated by Governor Tryon in the battle of the Alaniaiu^e. Some of those who escaped crossed over to the Watauga, which they supposed to be a part of Virginia, though it proved to be within the North Carolina claims. Under the leadership of John Sevier and James Robertson, they formed a little representative constitu- tion under the name of "Articles of the Watauga Association." By this time the value of the West was apparent to some capitalists, who formed the Vandalia Company, a kind of suc- cessor to the old Ohio Company, and asked for a royal charter for a colony south of the Ohio. In 1774, however, Parlia- ment showed the purpose of the British government to pre- vent the growth of any new western commonwealth, by the Quebec Act, which added the region between the Ohio and the Great Lakes to the province of Quebec. The conflicts between Boone's men and the Indians living north of the Ohio, for the unoccupied " Dark and Bloody Ground" of Kentucky, led in 1774 to "Lord Dunmore's War," which was aggravated by a brutal and unprovoked murder of the family of Logan, a well-known Indian chief. Dunmore, the governor of Virginia, pushed across the Ohio, a second army beat the Indians at Point Pleasant on the Kanawha, and the savages were forced to cede their claims south of the Ohio. Meanwhile the few settlers in Kentucky fled eastwai-d. The infant West seemed to INlassachusetts people the small- est of interests; for their own struggle was all absorbing, 113. Crisis and it became almost a personal contest between Samuel lan(f^ °^ Adams, leader of the popular party, and Thomas Hutch- (1772 1773) inson, the governor. Hutchinson's letters to friends in England, urging that " there must be an abridgment of what are called English liberties," fell into the hands of Adams, who used them to persuade the people that Hutchinson was their enemy. In June, 1772, the Gaspee, a British vessel engaged in catch- ing smugglers, was burned in Rhode Island by a mob, against QUARREL WITH THE MOTHER COUNTRY 145 whom nobody would testify. Things grew so squallj that Samuel Adams, in 1772, obtaioed from the Boston town meet- ing a Committee of Correspondence '* to state the Rights of the ' colonists and of this Province in particular ... to communi- cate and publish the same to the several Towns in this Province and to the World." A continental committee was subsequently appointed, and eleven other colonies appointed similar com- mittees, which kept themselves informed of public feeling and thus prepared for later joint action. The tea duty left in force by Townshend in 1771 was not much felt, because the colonists usually drank smuggled tea; but tc help the British East India Company out of financial diffi- culties, the home government gave it such privileges that it was able to undersell the smugglers, and in August, 1773, tea f.hips were dispatched to the principal colonial ports. If the tea were landed and the duty paid, the right of taxation was admitted. Hence, upon the arrival of the tea ships in Phila- delphia, New York, and some other places, they were sent back without unloading. Efforts to this end in Boston were foiled ; out a meeting of five or six thousand people was held in the Old South Church in Boston (December 16, 1773) to make a final protest against the landing of the tea. Suddenly a war whoop was heard outside, and two hundred men boarded the ships and flung into the sea tea worth £18,000 (about $90,000). An eye- witness says : " They say the actors were Indians from Mass. Hist Narragansett. Whether they were or not, to a transient Society Pro- observer they appear'd as such, being cloath'd in Blankets i864-i865 with the heads muffled, and copper-color'd countenances." P- ^^^ Children who next morning found their fathers' shoes full of tea kept their own counsel. To the Tory government in England, the Boston Tea Party appeared an act pf outrageous violence, encouraged by 114 Th the town of Boston and the people of Massachusetts, and force acts deserving such punishment as would give warning to Ci«"4) 146 REVOLUTION other colonies. In spite of Edmund Burke's protests against a policy " which punishes the innocent with the guilty, and con- demns without the possibility of defense," a series of coercive statutes, sometimes called " the Intolerable Acts," were hastily passed by Parliament (1774) : (1) The port of Boston was closed until the town should make proper satisfaction for the destruction of the tea. (2) The charter of Massachusetts was " revoked and made void," in so far that the governor received new authority over the council and the town meetings. (3) The au- thority to take the nec- essary buildings for barracks was renewed. (4) Persons charged with murder or other capital offenses, committed in the execution of orders from England, might be transported to England for trial. To put these measures into force, General Thomas Gage was sent over to Massachusetts ; he superseded Governor Hutchinson, and attempted to establish the new government by " mandamus councillors," whom he appointed contrary to the provisions of the charter. The Salem merchants offered their wharves to their Boston brethren, and from south to north came expressions of sympathy with IMassachusetts. Resistance to taxes laid by Parliament had carried the coun- try to the verge of revolution. ENGLISH Lll.UT DUAGOOX, AI;(iLT 1778. Type of the British cavalryman. QUARREL WITH THE MOTHER COUNTRY 147 During the eleven years from 1763 to 1774, the colonies lost their old contentment in their relation to Great Britain, and came almost to the point of revolt. The main reasons us. gum, were: (1) taxation by Parliament for revenue through mary the Stamp Act of 1765, the Townshend duties of 1767, and the tea duties of 1771-1773; (2) the execution of the navigation acts, by means of writs of assistance, or by customhouse officers as in the sloop Liberty (1768), or by naval officers as in the Gaspee (1772) ; (3) attempts to alter the form of colonial governments, as shown by the suspension of the New York legislature (1767), and especially by the repeal of the Massa- chusetts charter in 1774, — apprehension was heightened by the Parson's Cause (1763), and the supposed purpose to send over a colonial bishop; (4) a fear that those personal rights were endangered which were claimed by Englishmen in England as well as in America ; (5) experience of the power of union, as shown in the Stamp Act Congress of 1765, the nonimportation agreements of 1765, 1768, and 1769, the resolutions of sympathy or defiance in the colonial legislatures, and the committees of correspondence of 1773; (6) irritation at the way in which British rulers, colonial governors, and regular officers looked down on the colonists ; (7) the narrowness and stupidity of George III. and other English leaders, who did not understand the colonists, and pushed the contest to a fatal issue. TOPICS (1) How did George III. come to be king of Great Britain ? Suggestive (2) What were tlie services of James Otis to American liberty ? (3) Wliy ought not the colonial judges to be paid by the home government ? (4) Make a list of acts of Parliament laying taxes on the colonies, 1660 to 1765. (5) Why was the Stamp Act re- pealed ? (6) Why should the colonists object to the Quartering Act? (7) What personal rights did the colonists have in 1765? (8) Why did the colonists object to control of their government by Parliament ? (9) Was Governor Hutchinson hostile to the liberties of Massachusetts ? (10) Was the Boston Tea Party justifiable ? 148 REVOLUTION Search topics (11) Karly life of Goorge III. (12) Predictions of American indepeudenre before 177;'). (|;j) Account of the I'arson's Cause. (14) Contemporary objection.s to the Stamp Act. (15) Stamp Act mobs. (10) Affair of the sloop Liberty. (17) Destruction of tlie Gaspee. (18) Principles of tlie Watauga As.sociation. (19) West- ern frontier life, 1769-1774. (20) Governor Gage's "mandamus councillors." (21) North Carolina " Regulators." (22) Franklin's opinion of the Stamp Act. Geography Secondary authorities Sources niustrative works Pictures REFERENCES See maps, pp. 131, 181 ; Semple, Geographic Conditions, 46-74 Epoch 3Iaps, no. 5. Hart, Foi'ination of the Union, §§ 22-;jO ; Sloane, French War and Revolution, 11G-17.'J; Lodge, English Colonies, 476-490 Howard, Preliminaries of the Revolution ; Fiske, American Revo lution, L 1-99; Wilson, American People, II. 98-192; Gay, Bry anVs History, III. 329-376; Frothingham, Rise of the Republic 158-358 ; Lodge, American RevohUion ; Trevelyan, American Revolution, pt. i. 28-193 ; McCrady, South Carolina, II. 541-732 Winsor, Westward Movement, 4-Sl, 100-106; Roosevelt, Winning of the West, I. 28-271; Tyler, Revolution (literary), I. 1-266,— Patrick Henry, 1-100 ; Sparks, Men who made the Nation, 1-72 Tbwaites, Daniel Boone, 1-112; Morse, Benjamin Franklin, 100- 203 ; Ford, Many-sided Franklin; Hosmer, Samuel Adams, 1-259 — Thomas Hutchinson. Hart, Source Book, § b^,— Contemporaries, IT. §§ 37, 130-152 — Source Readers, II. §§ 33, 45-51 ; MacDonald, Select Charters. nos. 53, 55-71 ; Hill, Liberty Documents, ch. xii. ; Americati His tory Leaflets, nos. 21, 33 ; Old South Leaflets, nos. 41, 68; Cald well, Survey, 413-68; Johnston, American Orations, I. 11-23 Fithian, Journal. See N. Eng. Hist. Teachers' Ass'n, Syllabus S\H-^2b,— Historical Sources, § 76. Moore, Songs and Ballads of the American Revolution, 1-64 Raymond, Ballads of the Revolution, 3-55 ; L. M. Child, The Rebels (Boston) ; C. C. Coffin, Daughters of the Revolution ; Hawthorne Edward Randolph's Portrait, — Grandfather's Chair, pt. iii chs. i.-vi. ; I). P. Thompson, Green Mountain Boys ; A. E. Barr Boto of Orange Ribbo7i (N.Y.) ; Thackeray, Virginians ; Edmund Lawrence, George Stalden ; J. E. Cooke, Virginian Comedians, — Fairfax, — Stories of the Old Dominion, 140-204. Winsor, America, VI., — Memorial History of Boston, III.; Wilson, American People, II. CHAPTER X. BIRTH OF A NEW NATION (1774-1776) The last act of the Massachusetts House of Representatives under the old charter was to propose (June 17, 1774) a colonial congress, already informally suggested in Virginia; and 116. The delegates were appointed from all the colonies, except cental con- Georgia. This First Continental Congress met, Septem- gress(1774j ber 5, 1774, in Carpenter's Hall, Philadelphia, and was the most distinguished body that had ever gathered in America. Among its members were' John and Samuel Adams of Massachusetts, John Jay of New York, John Dickinson of Pennsylvania, Ed- mund Randolph and Patrick Henry of Virginia, Charles Carroll of Maryland, and John Rutledge of South Carolina. The im- portant action was of three kinds : — (1) Congress protested in dignified and loyal phrases against the treatment of Massachusetts and of the colonies in general ; they respectfully petitioned the king to remove their griev- ances, and they sent out a series of addresses explaining the situation. Except a few radicals, of whom Samuel Adams was the chief. Congress hoped and expected that Great Britain would yield to this strong and united protest. (2) Congress drew up a Declaration of Rights which laid dlaim to the liberties and immunities of Englishmen, includ- ing a "Right of Representation ... in all Cases of Taxation and internal Polity, subject only to the Negative Congress, of their Sovereign " ; and they enumerated various acts of ^'' ^^»"'^^^- Parliament which they declared were "infringements and violations of the rights of the colonists." 149 150 REVOLUTION (3) On October 20, 1774, Congress drew up the "Assooia- tion," which was an agreement for a boycott on an immense scale : no British goods (including slaves) were to be imported or sold ; and after September, 1775, no American goods were to be exported to Great Britain, Ireland, or the British \yest Indies. It was signed by fifty-two members and was recom- mended to all the colonies, most of which put it into force. Since no action by the colonies could take away the legal right of the people to biiy, import, and sell British goods, the Association could be enforced only by violence. From north to south there was an era of terrorism ; mob methods were called in; and he was a fortunate ship captain who, having arrived in port with a shipload of merchandise, was allowed even to sail away again with his goods on board. Meanwhile the House of Representatives of Massachusetts broke off relations with Governor Gage, organized itself as a 117 War "Provincial Congress" (October 7, 1774), and created a breaks out Committee of Safety under the chairmanship of John chusetts Hancock, which began to collect military supplies and (1775) organize " minutemen," ready to march at a minute's notice. To break up the preparations of the colonists, during the winter Gage sent out and seized powder and arms at various places near Boston. In the night of April 18, 1775, Paul Revere and other swift riders galloped off to give notice that Vicinity of Boston. British troops were on the march ; the object was to capture John Hancock and Samuel Adams, who were staying at Lexington, and to destroy military stores at Concord. At five o'clock of the morning of - SriHtl, Itmic "I ' Vr^ S REVOLUTION (2) A list of twenty-seven grievances, partly directed to illegal acts, but most of them charging the British government with unjustly exercising powers till then accepted as legal. (3) The ringing statement that " These United Colonies are, and of Right ought to be. Free and Independent States." The declaration thus prepared was reported on June 28, and was for some days debated and slightly amended. Meanwhile Independence Hall, Philadelphia, built in 1736. Meeting place of the Continental Congress. From an old print. the postponed resolution of independence (§ 122) was formally adopted, July 2. John Adams has left us his impressions pf this momentous act. " The second day of July, 1776, will be the most memorable epocha in the history of America. . . . Works, IX. It ought to be commemorated, as a day of deliverance, by ^^^ solemn acts of devotion to God Almighty. It ought to be solemnized with pomp and parade, with shows, games, sports, guns, bells, bonfires, and illuminations, from one end of BIRTH OF A NEW NATION 159 this continent to tlie otlier, from this time forward, forever- more." On July 4, 1776, Jefferson's draft of the Declaration of Independence was adopted as amended. On August 2, an engrossed copy (still preserved in Washington) was laid before Congress and the members then in Congress affixed their names to this document, although in the eye of English law every signer was a traitor and subject to a traitor's doOm. For a time the Declaration fell heavy on the people of America; it seemed too bold, too thoroughgoing; it shut the door of reconciliation ; and nothing but hard fighting could give the proof that the colonies were really "free and independ- ent states." Even the flag of an independent nation was not adopted until the following June. But the Declaration com- pelled every thinking man once for all to choose either Parlia- ment or Congress ; and it announced to foreign nations the • purpose of the Americans to do or die. " The Union is older than any of the States," said Abraham Lincoln in 1861, "and in fact it created them as States." Am. Hist. He meant to bring out the fact that the Second Conti- Leaflets, nental Congress organized a national government before """ ^* new state governments came into being. The provincial mafon'^of congresses, from which all those who protested against the states the Revolution were shut out, felt that they were only temporary, and several of them applied to the Continental Con- gress to know what to do. Congress waited till November 3, 1775, when it advised the people of New Hampshire to estab- lish a government ; and early in 1776 the New Hampshire con- vention adopted the first state constitution. Shortly after, South Carolina adopted a constitution, while Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Connecticut thought they could get on with their old colonial charters, slightly modified. On May 10, 1776, Congress gave general advice to the states to form such governments as will "best conduce to the happiness and safety of their constituents in particular, and America in hart's amer. hist. — 10 160 REVOLUTION general." Thereupon tlie remaining eight colonies (and also Vermont) all adopted written constitutions during 1776 and 1777. Massachusetts followed in 1780 with the tirst state con- stitution submitted to popular vote. "With many variations in detail these important documents agree in their general form and spirit. (1) Each contained a bill of rights — that is, a statement t)f the liberties of the individual. (2) Each provided for a repre- sentative republican government, including three departments, legislative, executive, and judicial. All the states except two created a legislature of two houses ; in all, the legislature was the most powerful part of the system ; all the states except Pennsylvania had a single governor, chosen by popular vote or by the legislature. (3) None of the constitutions were strongly democratic according to our ideas, for the suffrage was limited to property owners or taxpayers ; and most of the states had also religious and property qualifications for office holders. (4) In the fear of military and centralized government, all the constitutions fixed short terms for all elective officers. (.")) Several of them provided a method of easy amendnaent, and within ten years some of the first constitutions were entirely recast. (6) All these state constitutions directly or indirectly recognized that there would be a permanent general congress. The idea of statehood and membership in the Union spread into the "West. In 1775 Richard Henderson of "Virginia, with 125. Fron- Daniel Boone as his right-hand man, set up the Transyl- ^"t^e8°™°^^" vania Company, and bought from the Cherokecs the tract (1775-1777) between the Cumberland and Kentucky rivers (map, p. 181). Boone was sent ahead and blazed out a pack trail known as the "Wilderness Boad, from the Holston (upper Tennessee) through Cumberland Gap to Kentucky. The new settlers founded Boonsboro and other settlements, and actually set up a government by a delegate convention. Governor Martin of North Carolina violently opposed what he called this " infa- mous company of land pirates " ; but after his expulsion the BIRTH OF A NEW NATION 161 settlement applied to Congress to admit it as a state. The people of the Vandalia region in 1776 also petitioned Con- gress to make them " a sister colony and fourteenth ^^ „. province of the American confederacy." Both applica- Review, tions were distasteful to Virginia, which in 1776 organized Kentucky County, with a county seat at Harrodsburg, and put an end to the Transylvania government. One new community succeeded in organizing itself without the leave either of the parent state or of Congress. The people of the ''Kew Hampshire Grants," a tract assigned by the Brit- ish government to New York, revolted from New York, named themselves Vermont, set up their own constitution (1777), and kept up an independent government for fourteen years. Never for a moment did the friends of independence expect the states to remain separate and disorganized. Already (July 21, 1775) Benjamin Franklin had propounded to Congress 126. Arti- a plan of union somewhat resembling his old draft in ''federation the Albany congress. In brief outline he proposed (1775-1778; (1) a common treasury to be supported by contributions from the colonies; (2) a Congress with representation in propor- tion to the population ; (3) national control of boundaries, of peace, of new colonies, and of Indians. The second com- mittee appointed as a result of Eichard Henry Lee's resolution of June 7 reported (July 12, 1776) a draft of a confederation from the hand of John Dickinson ; but Congress found in it many subjects for disagreement — for instance, should the states be represented in proportion to population ? Should slave property be taxed ? Should Congress regulate foreign commerce ? Should Congress control the West ? Congress completed its draft of the Articles of Confedera- tion November 15, 1777, and sent it out to the states for ratifica- tion ; but it was much weaker than Franklin's proposition. (1) It emphasized the sovereignty, freedom, and independence of the states. (2) Each state in the confederation was to have 162 REVOLUTION one vote in Congress. (3) Taxes were to be apportioned accord- ing to the value of land in each state (a method -whic]! later proved impracticable). (4) jS^o direct authority was given to Congress for the settlement of boundary disputes, or for the planting of new colonies. Katifications came in slowly: after eight months only ten states had approved ; three states, New Jersey, Delaware, and Maryland, stood out because Congress was to have no power to cut down the claims of Virginia to western lands; and three years passed before they all yielded. The change from colonies to an independent nation began in 1774 with a general feeling of wrath over the British coer- 127. Sum- cive acts which had been aimed at Massachusetts. The aiary First Continental Congress of 1774 expressed the com- mon rcsontineiit, and in the Association attacked the "pocket nerve " of the British mer- chants and made the first general regulation of com- merce by America. To carry it out, however, mob violence was called in, and thus the Revolution began in disorder. The people of Massachusetts organized a revolutionary government of their own, and it was only a ques- tion of time when the two parties would attack each j' ^ other. *i ' ' The moment came on A I ., i.,.,. I A,K...i. ^P^'i^ l•^ l*""^' at Lexing- Monument in Arliugtou (tbeu Menotomy). ton. The actual shedding NEAR THIS Si>OT SAMUEL WHITTEMORE THEN 00 YEABS OLD l-D T"RrE BRITISH iOLDIEH": i>'BH. I'J 1775. HE WAS SHOT. B&YOKfTEJ BEATEN AN3 LEFT FOR DE'." BUT RECOVERED AND LIV. i TO 9E 98 YEARS OF AC- r BIRTH OF A NEW NATION 163 of blood by the troops and by the Americans raised an issue which the other colonies must either take up or drop, and nobly and unselfishly they took it up. While Boston was be- sieged and Canada invaded, the Second Continental Congress in May, 1775^ began to act as a national government, and speedily organized an army and a navy, appointed a com- mander in chief, issued paper money, and took steps to form relations with foreign countries. Unless the colonists were willing to yield, they had to declare themselves independent. The Declaration of Inde- pendence of July 4, 1776, was followed by a scheme of federal government, but the real beginning of the United States had been in 1775, when Congress by general consent began to legislate for the concerns of the whole people. TOPICS (1) "Was the Association of 1774 a good method of protest? Suggestive (2) How was the patriot government of Massachusetts organized °P"^^ in 1774 ? (3) Make a list of previous instances of resistance by tlie colonists to British authority. (4) What did the Committees of Correspondence do for the American cause ? (5) How did the Second Continental Congress feel about the fight at Lexington and Concord ? (6) Make a list of instructions of the state legisla- tures to vote for independence. (7) History of the United States flag. (8) What do we know of the debate on the Declaration of Independence ? (9) What objections were there to ratifying the Articles of Confederation? (10) Why did the British evacuate Boston ? (11) Proceedings in Congress July 2, 1776 — also July 4. (12) Wliy were people ready for independence in 1776 and not in 1775? (13) Revolutionary town meetings. (14) Sons of Liberty. Search (15) A revolutionary mob. (16) Contemporary accounts of the Lexington and Concord fight. (17) Enforcement of the Association. (18) Opinions of John Adams on Congress. (19) Did Washington take command of the army at Cambridge under the tree now called the Washington Elm ? (20) Samuel Adams's opinions of independence. (21) Where did Jefferson get his ideas for the Declaration of Independence ? (22) Heuder- topics 164 REVOLUTION son's Transylvania Company. (23) Contemporary accounts of Bunker Hill. (24) The Mecklenburg (N.C.) Declaration of 1775. (25) Expulsion of the royal governors of the colonies. (26) Why did the invasion of Canada fail? (27) Facts which justify some of the charges in the Declaration of Independence. REFERENCES Oeogrraphy Secondaiy authorities Sources niuBtrative works Pictures See maps, pp. 131, 168, 181. Hart, Formation of the Union, §§ 31-39 ; Sloane, French War and Bevolution, 173-237 ; Channing, United States, 67-87 ; Van Tyne, American Revolution, chs. i.-v., — Loyalists; Fiske, Revo- lution, I. 100-146 ; Trevelyan, American Revolution, pt. i. 193- 411, pt, ii.-1. 1-171 ; Gay, BryanVs History, III. 377-450, 470-489 ; Larned, History for Ready Reference, III. 2337, IV. 2375, V. 3214, 3244, 3635 ; Cambridge Modern History, VII. 160-174, 207-210, 235-243 ; Greene, Revolution, 67-136 ; McCrady, Soiith Carolina, II. 733-798, III. 1-185; Tyler, Revolution (literary), I. 267-521, — Patrick Henry, 101-213 ; Sparks, Men loho made the Nation, 72-118; Morse, John Adams, 1-127, — Benjamin Fraiiklin, 204- 219 ; Hosmer, Samuel Adams, 260-337 ; Lodge, George Washing- ton, I. 128-157 ; Thwaites, Daniel Boone, 113-128. Hart, Source Book, §§ 54-58, — Contemporaries, II. §§ 153-158, 184-192, — Source Readers, II. §§ 51-54, 56-58, 77, 78 ; Mac- Donald, Select Charters, nos. 72-80, — Select Documents, nos. 1,2; Hill, Liberty Doc%iments, chs. xiii.-xv. ; American History Leaflets, nos. 11, 14, 20 ; Old South Leaflets, nos. 2, 3, 47, 86. See N. Eng. Hist. Teachers' Ass'n, Syllabus, 325-330, — Historical Sources, § 77. Matthews, Poems of American Patriotism, 8-45 ; Eggleston, America7i War Ballads, I. 23-39 ; Moore, Songs a7id Ballads of the American Revolution, 65-129, 139-149 ; Raymond, Ballads of the Revolution, 55-87 ; Longfellow, Paul Revere's Ride ; Lowell, Con- cord Ode, — Ode for the Fourth of July, 1876; Bryant, Green Mountain Boys; Holmes, Grandmother'' s Story of Bunker Hill; Hawthorne, Septimus Felton (Concord), — My Kinsman, Major Molineux (mob), — Hoice''s Masquerade, — Grandfather^ s Chair, pt. iii. chs. vii.-xi. ; Cooper, Lionel Lincoln (Boston) ; J. E. Cooke, Henry St. John, Gentleman (VaWey of Virginia), — Stories of the Old Dominion, 205-218. Winsor, America, VI., — Memorial History of Boston, III. ; Wilson, American People, II. CHAPTER XL THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE (1776-1783) When" war came, Great Britain seemed to have an over- whelming superiority over America in men and resources. A small and vigorous governing class, consisting only of a .gg mu^ few hundred families of landholders, furnished almost rival all members of Parliament and officers of the army and ^ °^ navy. In this aristocracy the central figure was King George III., who, from day to day, gave his personal directions to Lord North, the prime minister, for the management of Par- liament. A good husband and father in an age of vice, a kind- hearted friend, a king who meant well by his subjects, George III. was still a narrow, obstinate, and ill-informed man. The aggressive force of England was, moreover, weakened because several liberal statesmen sided with the colonies. Among them the Earl of Chatham solemnly demanded of his country- men " a formal acknowledgement of our errors, and a renunci- ation of our unjust, ill-founded, and oppressive claims." Against the might of Great Britain was opposed a poor country, with no manufactures of iron or cloth, unable to make a musket or cast a cannon. Yet America was a land of comfort and prosperity. Lafayette wrote of it, " Sim- Contempora- plicity of manners, kindness, love of country and of lib- ^^^^' ^^- ^**^ erty, and a delightful equality everywhere prevails. . . . All the citizens are brethren. In America there are no poor, or even what we call peasantry." Even during the war the colonists made money from privateering and West Indian and European trade, and bought the necessary materials of war with their exports. 166 166 KKVOI.L'TION The serious weakness of the Americans was that they were divided ; John Adams later estimated that fully a third of 129 The ^^^^ people were opposed to war, and still more strongly American opposed to independence. The years 1775 and 1776 were full of commotion, tumult, and violence against the loyalists. Those Americans who still maintained that the British government was not tyrannical were intimidated, arrested, imprisoned, tarred and feathered, and in some cases executed. As the struggle grew fiercer, the colonists passed laws banishing the loyalists or confiscating their property. In many districts the struggle was a civil war in which hun- dreds of the Tories, as the loyalists were called, were kept down by force. The Tories included in the New England and mid- dle commonwealths most of the well-to-do classes, the former colonial officials and their friends, old officers of the British army, niany of the clergy and of the graduates of colleges. In some states nearly half the people were loyalists. Thou- sands of them entered the British army and fought against their brethren ; and thousands of families removed to Nova Scotia, Quebec, and other British colonies. The British were overwhelmingly superior in the size of their military and naval forces, although much hampered by 130. The the necessity of transporting men and materials across rival forcsB ^ stormy sea. In 1776 they had 200 ships of war, and for men they drew on 11,000,000 people in Great Britain and Ireland, besides the loyalists. Yet Lord North committed the stupid blunder of hiring 80,000 Hessians, who had no personal interest in the struggle, and were leased by their princes like so many cattle. "Were I an American," said Chatham, " as I am an Englishman, while a foreign troop was landed in n)y country, I never would lay down my arms — never — never — never"; and Franklin wrote grimly, "The German auxiliaries are certainly coming; it is our business to prevent their returning." THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE 167 Out of the 3,000,000 people in the colonies, the Tories and negroes numbered at least 1,200,000. There were from 300,000 to 400,000 able-bodied patriots, of whom perhaps 150,000 served in the army at one time or another; but they probably never numbered more than 40,000 men under arms at one time, and sometimes the total force available for striking a blow was not above 5000. Besides troops of English de- scent, there were many Germans, Irish, and Scotch, some Dutch, Jews, French, and Welsh, and several thousand negroes, especially from Rhode Island. Both sides made the moral and military mistake of enlisting Indian allies; the Amer- icans were first to seek this dubious aid ; the British used it most effectively. The main difficulty with the army was that the states insisted on furnishing militia on short terms of service, instead of allowing Congress to form a sufficient regular force with national officers, enlisted for the war. Washington said of the militia, "The system appears to have been pernicious beyond description. ... It may be easily shown, that all the misfortunes we have met with in the military line are to be attributed to this cause." Many soldiers of fortune drifted over from Europe to seek employment, besides Lafayette, a French nobleman, who brought his own enthusiasm and the silent support of the French government; the German Baron von Steuben, an excellent soldier, skillfully drilled the troops and introduced improved tactics; the Poles Kosciusko and Pulaski and the French general De Kalb were gallant soldiers. After a year of preparation, the British dispatched a fleet to take Charleston, but it was beaten off (June 28, 1776) by the gallantry of Colonel Moultrie, in a fight signalized 131. Long by the heroism of Sergeant Jasper. The main attack Trenton was on New York, near which Sir William Howe landed (1776-1777) with 20,000 men on Long Island (August 22). Washington ^■x— ^>a» UEVOIATIONAUV WARr IN THK NOIITH SC*LE OF MILES 1U« THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE 169 had never before maneuvered an army in the field or defended a country ; his force of 18,000 men was badly defeated (August 27), and only Howe's slowness enabled him to escape across the East River to New York. The British maneuvered him out of the city, fought a successful battle at White Plains (October 28), and soon after captured Fort Washington on the north end of Manhattan Island, with 3000 prisoners. Washington was forced back across New Jersey and the Delaware, his army sometimes falling below 3000 troops; for Charles Lee, a former British officer, in command of 7000 men, for a time dis- obeyed orders to come to his aid. Al- most in despair Washington wrote, " If every nerve is not strained to re- -or h' cruit the new army with all possi- ton. Works, ble expedition, I think the game is pretty nearly up." But for the heroic efforts of Robert Morris, a wealthy mer- chant of Philadelphia, who raised money on his personal credit to keep the army together, the Revolution might have failed then and there. Washington's indomitable spirit suddenly turned the scale. To prevent the British following him to Philadelphia he re- •rossed the Delaware in boats (December 26, 1776), struck the lUitish post at Trenton, and captured 1000 Hessians. A few days later he successfully attacked the British at Princeton (January 3, 1777), so that they witlulrew to the neighborhood of New York, and Washington fortified hi)nself at Morristown, where at one time he had only 1500 men. A compensating British victory was the capture of Newport. ?^^ I 473 Statue of Sergeant Jasper in Charleston 170 KKVOLLTIUN In tlie spring of 1777 tlie British plannod three lines of attack, iatended to cut Xew England off from the middle 132. Bur- colonies: (1) from Lake Champlain to the Hudson under caSpaign <^^eueral John Burgoyne; (2) from Lake Ontario to the a777j Mohawk under Colonel St. Leger ; (3) from New York up the river under Sir "William Howe to join the northern forces. In June, 1777, Burgoyne started southward from Montreal witli an army of about 8000 men, including Hes- Mwre, siaiis; and he put forth a bombastic proclamation, in Am. Rev. '^^'lii*^'!' 1'*^ said, " I have but to give stretch to the In- 1.454 dian forces under my direction, . . . and the messengers of justice and wrath await them in the field; and devastation, famine, and every concomitant horror." Washington was unable to leave Howe's front, and Schuyler was put in command to oppose Burgoyne, who nevertheless easily got as far as Fort Edward. Here he found a hornet's nest. Men poured in from near-by New England until Schuy- ler had nearly twice as many troops as Burgoyne, and General Stark of New Hampshire beat part of the British forces at Bennington (August 16). Meanwhile the British expedition to the Mohawk valley under Colonel St. Leger got no farther than the vicinity of Fort Stanwix, because of the skillful prep- arations of Schuyler and Benedict Arnold and the bravery of General Herkimer at the battle of Oriskany. General Horatio Gates was now put in command of the American northern army, though against' AVashington's judgment. The expected British army did not appear from the lower Hudson. Most of Burgoyne's Indians deserted, and the British lost men steadily in battle and by capture. Burgoyne was at last confronted by Arnold and others, active subordinates of the apathetic Gates, and, after two hard fights at Freeman's Farm, was obliged to surrender his whole remaining army at Saratoga, October 17, 1777 ; the prisoners were 3500 British and Hessian troops, with 2300 volunteers and camp followers. The defeat was the turn- THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE 171 ing point of the war, for the overthrow of the boastful procla- mation-maker gave the patriot cause new life. In the words of a popular squib, "Burgoyne, alas! unknowing future fates, Could force his way through woods, but not through Gates." Chew House, Germantown. Injured by cannon balls in battle of Germantown, 1777; still standing. Probably Howe might have prevented Burgoyne's capture by advancing up the Hudson ; but he was induced to plan a separate campaign for the occupation of Philadelphia. 133. The In August he landed with 18,000 men at the head of J^JaJei- the Chesapeake ; Washington with his 11,000 men was phia (1777) unable to stop him, and was defeated in a pitched battle at the river Brandywine (September 11, 1777). Two weeks later the British occupied Philadelphia, and Washington's bold attempt to dislodge them by a surprise at Germantown (October 4) was a failure. 1 72 REVOLUTION Disregarding the military niaxim that tlie object of cam- paigns is to destroy the enemy's army, Howe was content to capture the lower forts and thus to clear the Delaware of foes, and he then sat down for a comfortable winter in Philadelphia. Thousands of Jerseymen and Pennsylvanians thought the war was over and gave in their allegiance; but AVashington did not know when he was beaten, and took up winter quarters at Valley Forge, above the city, on the Schuylkill River. Newport, New York, and Philadelphia were all held by the British, and reenforcements and supplies came to them steadily 134 Valley ^^"°°^ ^^®^ *^^^ ^^^> while Washington's army at Valley Forge Forge was living miserably in a camp village of log huts. ^1777—1778^ Fuel was plentiful, but food arid clothing were scanty, not because there was any scarcity in the country, but because so many of the neighboring people were disaffected, and the roads were so bad that it was almost impossible to bring supplies ■which were stored only a few miles away. At one time, out of a force of at most 11,000 men, 2898 were reported unable to go on duty for want of clothing. Yet the spirit of the Contempora- troops was excellent, as one of the officers wrote : " See ties, II. CGI ^Q pQOj. Soldier ... if barefoot he labours thro' the Mud «& Cold with a Song in his Mouth extolling War & Washington — if his food be bad — he eats it notwithstand- ing with seeming content." One cause of the suffering of the soldiers was the bad man- agement of the commissary officers ; back of that was the weak- ness of Congress, of which Alexander Hamilton said, "Their conduct, with respect to the army especially, is feeble, indecisive and improvident." It was a time of great losses ; nine hundred American merchant vessels had already been taken ; thousands of men had lost their lives or were prisoners in barbarous prison ships, or had returned home wounded or diseased. The states hung back, each hoping that other states would furnish the necessary men, and therefore Congress lost spirit and influence THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE 173 The one beacon light which shone steadily was General George Washington. Every other Revolutionary hero and patriot could have been replaced; Washington alone was jgg Qeorge the indispensable man. He was a Virginian, and his Watliing- n^ , f 1 ton the appointment gave conndence to the southern states ; he essential was a soldier who outranked in service and experience ^^^ nearly all the other officers in the army; he was careful of his men ; he was a man of extraordinary industry and mastery of details, keeping up correspondence all over the country. As a general Washington showed a splendid pertinacity: he learned by his own defeats ; if beaten in one place, he would reappear in another. He was extraordinarily long-suffering and patient, and he had a magnificent temper; that is, though naturally hot and impetuous, he kept himself under rigid control, except when a crisis came, and on such occasions, a contempo- Fonl, True rary records, " Washington swore like an angel from washlna- heaven." ton, 371 Washington bore personal slights with wonderful dignity. He wrote to Congress of "the wounds which my feelings as an officer have constantly received from a thousand things, that have happened contrary to my expectation and .wishes." Especially did he shine out in the so-called Conway Cabal of 1778, the purpose of which was to put Gates, " the hero of Saratoga," over his head. The cabal fell to pieces when a letter from Conway was made public, in which he said, "Heaven has been determined to save your country, or a weak General and bad counsellors would have ruined it." Gates shortly after withdrew from command in the field. After all, the greatest of Washington's qualities was a rugged manliness which gave him the respect and confidence even of his enemies. Though he was at the head of a military force, nobody ever for a moment believed that he would use it to secure power for himself. Wisdom, patience, and personal influence over men were wonderfully united in Washington — 174 REVOLUTION the greatest man in the Revolution, and, with the exception of Lincoln, the greatest of all Americans. The capture of Burgoyne saved the republic, because it made a profound impression upon the French government, which for 136. The three years had been damaging its enemy. Great Britain. 5,^°° by secret aid in arms and money to the revolted colonies. (1775-1778) In 1775 Silas Deane was sent over to France; he was followed by Benjamin Franklin, who, as the principal one of three commissioners, brought about two treaties, signed Fel> ruary 6, 1778, with the following principal provisions : (1) these treaties recognized the "United States of North America" as 'an independent power; (2) the treaty of amity and commerce gave to the vessels of each power large privileges in the ports of the other; (3) the treaty of alliance (the only one in the history of the United States) provided that the two powers should make common cause against Great Britain till the independence of the United States should be secured. England tried to head off these treaties with France by Lord North's third plan of conciliation, b}^ which Parliament repealed the tea duty and the act suspending the Massachusetts char- ter, and promised not to lay any tax or send any troops without the consent of America, In June, 1778, British com- missioners came over to treat for peace on these terms ; but Congress replied that "they claim a right to alter our charters and establish laws, and leave us without any security for our lives or liberties." The real reason for refusal was that the treaty with France seemed to insure independence. The news that a French fleet was coming to America obliged Sir Henry Clinton (who had superseded General Howe) to evacuate Philadelphia. He retired through New Jersey; but with his usual vigilance Washington followed and attacked at AFonmouth (June 28, 1778). The treasonable disobedience of General ('harles Lee brought about a drawn battle ; but the British retired to New York, and they made no more general THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE 175 campaigns and fought no more pitched battles in the North, except forays on the coast. Notwitlrstanding the immense naval strength of England, the Americans fought well and successfully at sea. In 1775 Congress organized the first naval force out of merchant 137 ^ij^g vessels ; and in 1776 Esek Hopkins was put in command °avy and the priva- of a national squadron of small ships, which raided the teers town of New Providence in the Bahamas. Several of (1775-1780) the states also commissioned ships of war of their own ; but during the whole war the Americans never built a single ship which could fight the ordinary three-decker ship of the line, of which Great Britain had about 120. The greater part of our naval warfare was carried on by privateers. From 177G to 1778 the Americans took British merchantmen to the value of nearly ten million dollars; in 1777 alone 320 British merchant- men were taken ; on the other hand, the little American navy was driven off the sea, and the British and loyalist privateers captured hundreds of American vessels. After the French alliance, naval conditions were changed. In August, 1778, the French fleet appeared, blockaded New York, and then took part in an unsuccessful attack on New- port. The treaty also opened the way for the most dashing of all the American naval commanders of the time, John Paul Jones, for whom the French government fitted out a little fleet, including an old merchantman, the Bon Homme Richard. With this craft Jones cruised in the North Sea, and attacked and took the Serapis, a forty- four-gun ship of the British navy (September, 1779), the first instance of a square fight between American and British cruisers, and a glorious victory for the Americans. In American waters, however, the United States could do little but look on while the French and British fleets fought each other in the West Indies, or off the American coast. The Spaniards joined .in the war in 1779, and the Dutch iu 1780, and did their best to keep the British navy busy. THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE 177 During 1779 there was a lull in the Revolutionary War ; but by a gallant surprise "Mad Anthony Wayne" (July 16) over- powered the British post of Stony Point, on the Hudson. j3g A year later the patriot cause almost perished through Arnold's the treason of Benedict Arnold, a brave officer, veteran of "*° ^^■^ many battles, who thought he had been slighted. He asked the command of the important post of West Point, in order to betray it for $30,000 and a major general's commission. Fortunately the British agent, Major John Andre, was taken at the critical moment (September 23, 1780) ; West Point was saved, and with it the line of communication with New Eng- land. Since Andre was traveling through the American lines in disguise, he was a spy, and was justly executed as a spy, though his captors bore tribute to his brave and manly char- acter. Arnold received the promised reward from the British. In 1780 the British changed their plan of warfare by attack- ing the southern states, which were weak, divided in sentiment, and far from the main sources of troops and supplies. 139. Cam- Savannah had already been taken (December, 1778) ; and ^^^^ ^^*^^ an expedition under the French admiral D'Estaing, in (1778-1780) cooperation with a land force under General Lincoln, in 1779 was unable to recover that city. Charleston was next besieged by Sir Henry Clinton and Lord Cornwallis, with about 13,000 men, and by the renowned loyalist cavalry commander, Tarle- ton. On May 12, 1780, Lincoln was compelled to surrender the city, with its whole garrison of about 3000. The British command in the Carolinas was now intrusted to Lord Cornwallis, an experienced officer who had strongly advised a southern campaign. He began to push into the in- terior, and Tarleton broke up the remnant of the American southern army at Waxhaw Creek; but Marion and Sumter, with militia, irregular troops, and guerrillas, somehow kept the field. The effort of Cornwallis to establish a loyal govern- ment, and to enroll loyalist troops, led to a fearful condition 178 REVOLUTION of partisan warfare, marked by excesses on both sides. To stem this invasion, Washington sent De Kalb from the North' to Hillsboro, North Carolina; but Congress called Horatio Gates from his inactivity to take command. Gates formed the project of seizing Camden, occupied by the British as an im- portant strategic point. With 1400 regular troops and IGOO militia, he moved on Cornwallis's force of 2000 men August 16, 1780 ; the American army was routed with a loss of 2000 men. De Kalb was killed, and the "hero of Saratoga" ran away like any poltroon. Cornwallis now set about the systematic conquest of North Carolina, but a force of 1200 loyalist troops under Ferguson was trapped by the militia and destroyed or taken at Kings Mountain (October 17). This important battle was won by western settlers, under John Sevier, and was the chief blow struck by the West in the Revolution. The winter of 1780-1781 was again very hard for the American army, and bodies of the Pennsylvania and New 140. From 'Jersey " line " mutinied for lack of pay. Washington Charleston realized that his objective was the British army wherever to York- 1 p 1 1 ^ 1 -vx 1 1 /-< town it was to be found, and sent General Nathanael Greene to (1780-1781) ^Q^^Q command in the South, the principal seat of hostili- ties. Cornwallis still held the advanced positions of Augusta and Ninety-six, but was harassed by the regulars under Marion, Henry Lee, and Morgan. Greene sent Morgan to attack a column of Cornwallis's army under Tarleton, who was (Com- pletely beaten at the battle of the Cowpens (January 17, 1781). The two armies then maneuvered northward. Cornwallis suf- fered severely at Guilford (March 15), was unable to maintain his communications, and fell back to the coast at Wilmington. Most of North Carolina was thus lost to the British ; and Greene soon made himself master of inland South Carolina. Cornwallis made up his mind to invade Virginia, where there was already a British force under Benedict Arnold and Phillips. THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE 179 Washington aided his friends in the South by hokling the British forces in New York, and he sent Lafayette to confront the enemy in Virginia ; but Lafayette could not prevent the junction of Cornwallis's and Arnold's troops, and the British army fortified itself at Yorktown to await reenforcements from New York. At this critical moment a French fleet under De Grasse blockaded the Chesapeake, repulsed a British fleet bearing reenforcements from New York, and landed 3000 French troops ; while Washington at the right moment made a brilliant dash southward from the Hudson with 2000 Ameri- cans and 4000 Frenchmen under Rochambeau, to close in the net on the land side. October 19, 1781, after a spirited siege, Cornwallis surren- dered his whole army of 7000 men. Nine months later the British gave up Savannah ; and soon after evacuated Charles- ton. After seven campaigns the British held no territory of tlie original thirteen United States except New York city. From the beginning of the war, Congress gave to the neigh- boring Indian tribes the paternal supervision which they had been accustomed to receive from the British. Congress 141. The appropriated money for presents, appointed superintend- ^d**"^*^ ents of Indian affairs, and made some feeble attempts to (1775-1779) civilize the tribes. But the principal relation with the Indians was to repel border warfare in three different regions. (1) The southwestern Indians attacked the Watauga settle- ment in 177G, and harried the frontier, till the South Carolina legislature offered £75 for every Indian scalp. The Cherokees were beaten for the time, and made treaties with the states concerned. (2) The northern states felt the horrors of Indian warfare when the loyalist leader Butler, with a force of Tories and Indians, descended on Wyoming Valley, Pennsylvania (July, 1778), and ravaged it with fire and sword. Later, he and Joseph Brant, a Mohawk chief, led a force of Iroquois to raid hart's amer. hist. 11 180 REVOLUTION Cherry Valley, New York (November, 1778). As a punishment and an example, Congress dispatched an expedition under General Sullivan, who marched up into the territory of the Six Nations in 1779, defeated the Indians and their white allies, and laid waste their whole country. The Iroquois were so reduced in numbers and prestige by the war that they never again became a force in American affairs. (3) The middle fron- tier was harassed by a mixed force of loyalists, Indians, and renegade Avhites, including the notorious Simon Girty, under direction of Henry Hamilton, commander of the British posts in the Northwest. Could not the tables be turned by attacking 142 Con- ^^^® little British quest of posts in the North- the North- ^ ... west west, — in which f i778-l779) there were few Eng- lish and only six thousand French and French half-breeds, — thus to stop the Indian raids, and give a blow to British pres- tige ? Among the settlers in Kentucky associated with Boone was George Rogers Clark, an excellent backwoodsman and experienced in Indian fighting. He was but twenty-five years old, and had neither money nor men ; and no story of the Arabian Nights is more romantic or improbable than his con- ception of such an invasion and his success in carrying it out. Governor Patrick Henry of Virginia authorized him to attack the British post at Kaskaskia, not far from St. Louis. With Gkokge Roqkrs Clark, about 171)0. From a contemporary portrait. THE WAR FOR liNDEPENDENCE 181 about 100 men, he floated down the Ohio E,iver, and then marched 100 miles across the country, surprised and took Kaskaskia (July 4, 1778), and, a few days later, Cahokia — in both cases without taking or losing a life. The larger post of St. Vincent, or Vincennes, on the Wabash, was also ready to yield, when the British commander Hamil- ton returned from an absence and made preparations to teach Clark's Expedition, and Early Settlements in the West. the Kentuckians a lesson. Clark was too quick for him. As he had not Kentuckians enough for further operations, he enlisted and trained the French residents, whom he won over by giving them religious and civil liberty. These forces he used in an incredible march across a country drowned. by a flood, and an attack on Vincennes (February, 1779), which surrendered without a fight. The Spaniards, after retaking the small Gulf posts which dominated the Floridas, attempted to share in the Northwest, and sent an expedition from St. 182 REVOLUTION Louis to raid the British fort of St. Joseph, in what is now northern Indiana. Since Clark carried a commission from Virginia, and took possession of the country in lier name, the whole area north 143 Claims "^ *^^® Ohio was made into tlie county of Illinois by the to the West Virn*-''<, n Paper money became so cheap, rell's Legacy Folks wouldn t count it, but said, ' a heap. " The paper money, both state and national, was really a kind of taxation. Congress got about forty million dollars' worth of supplies and of soldiers' services for paper notes wliitdi were never redeemed, and therefore caused that amount of loss to the people through whose hands they passed. In the hostilities which lasted from 1775 to 1781 the British had the most ships, yet they could not break up the American 147. Sum- privateering. They had the most men, yet never routed ™"y an American army except at Camden, and never captured a large force except at Fort Washington in 1776 and Charles- ton in 1780. On the other hand the Americans took the whole army of Burgoyne in 1777 and of Cornwallis in 1781. The British expected the loyalists to make their task easy, but although about twenty thousand entered the British service, the only loyalist insurrection which seriously hampered the patriots was in the Carolinas. The British occupied and had to give up Boston, Philadelphia, Newport, and Savannah. The Americans failed in Canada, but seized a large part of the north- western country, a prize worth ten Canadas. The British were marvelously weak in generals, while Wash- ington, Greene, Lafayette, Marion, and Sumter are enrolled among the world's great soldiers. The British were divided in Parliament, but English public opinion supported the king, while America was split by the loyalists. Great Britain had a strong, long-established government, but the United States had to form its confederation under tire; and till March 1, THK WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE 187 1781, Congress acted without a constitution, and depended on the good will of the states. The most definite reasons for American success were the timely and essential aid of France and the charac- ter of Washington, who had the courage and skill to command his troops, the patience to lead Congress and the states, and the hero- ism to stand to his guns till the very last. His leadership was a proof that the Ameri- can Kevolution was a righteous cause. Lafayette Statuk in W'a.siiington. Designed by Falguiere and Mercie, 1890. TOPICS (1) What was Pitt's attitude en the American Revolution ? (2) What were the services of Baron von Steuben? (3) Serv- ices of Lafayette ? (4) Why did the British attack New York ? (5) Why did not Howe help Burgoyne ? (6) Was Gates the hero of Saratoga? (7) Whj"^ could not Washington hold Philadelphia? (8) Why did the French make a treaty with the United States P (9) Why did the Indians attack the frontiers, 1775-1778 ? (10) How could George Rogers Clark make such vast conquests with so few men ? (11) How was Charleston taken by the British ? (12) Pri- vate life of George III. (13) Sergeant Jasper's heroism. (14) Cap- ture and trial of John Andre. (15) banishment of Tories. (16) Patriot songs. (17) Tory songs. (18) Confiscation of Tory property. (19) Negro troops in the Revolution. (20) The Hessians in America. (21) Work of Sugrgestive topics Search topics 1«8 REVOLUTION women in the Revolution. (22) Spies in the Revolution. (23) Life at Valley Forge. (24) Treason of General Charles Lee. (25; Cap- ture of the Serapis. (26) Curiosities of continental paper money. Geogrraphy Secondary authorities Sources IlluBtrative works Pictures REFERENCES See maps, pp. 108, 170, 181 ; Winsor, America. Hart, Formation of the Union, §§ 40-47 ; Sloane, French War and Revolution, 2;}8-378 ; Channing, United States, 87-106 ; Van Tyne, American Revolution; Fiske, American Revolution, \. 147- 843, U.,— Critical Period, 1-49 ; Lecky, England, IV. 1-289 ; Tre- velyan, American Revolution, pt. ii. I. 172-340, II. ; Gay, BryanVs History, III. 451-469, 490-023, IV. 1-90 ; Wilson, American People, II. 242-330, III. 1-24; Lodge, American Revolution; McCrady, South Carolina, III. 180-858, IV. ; Foster, Century of Diplomacy, 1-88 ; Greene, Revolution, 137-443, — General Greene, 34-:;2() ; Dewey, Financial History, §§ 14-20 ; Roosevelt, Winning of the West, I. 272-327, II. ; Hinsdale, Old Xorthicest, 147-191 ; Winsor, Westward Movement, 81-100, 100-224 ; Tyler, Revolution (literary), II. ; Maclay, United States Navy, I. 34-151 ; Johnson, General Washington, 134-281, 325-330; Morse, John Adams, 144-223; Hapgood, Paul Jones; Thwaites, Daniel Boone, 129-191. See also references to chapter x. Hart, Source Book, §§ 59-03, — Contemporaries, II. §§ 159-183, 193-208, 211-220, — (Source Readers, II. §§ 63-70, 79-91, III. § 70; MacDonald, Select Documents, no. 3 ; American History Leaflets, no, 5; Old South Leaflets, nos. 43, 97, 98; Caldwell, Territorial Development, 26-48; Moore, Diary of the American Revolution; Riedesel, Letters and Memoirs. See N. Eng. Hist. Teachers' Ass'n, Syllabus, ii26-3n0, — Historical Sources, § 77. Moore, Songs and Ballads of the American Revolution, 130-138, 150-386; Matthews, Poems of American Patriotism, 46-82; Eggle- ston, American War Ballads, 40-101; Philip Freneau, Poems; Trumbull, M'Fingnl; Campbell, Gertrude of Wyoming; Cooper, The Spy, — The Pilot ; Hawthorne, Old Keics, pt. iii. ; S. W. Mitchell, Hugh Wynne; P. L. Ford, Janice Meredith; Henry Morford, Spur of Monmouth ; Harold Frederic, In the Valley (Mohawk) ; Simms,- Partisan, — Mellichampe, — Scout, — Kather- ine Walton, — Foray ers, — Eutaw (S.C.); J. P.Kennedy, Horse- shoe Robinson (Southern Tory) ; Tiioinpson, Alice of Old Vin- cennes; Winston Churchill, Richard Carvel (Paul Jones). Winsor, America, VI. VII. ; Wilson, American People, II. III. ; Lossing, Field Book of American Revolution. CHAPTER XII. 1877. Growth of the Flag. THE CONFEDERATION (1781-1789) Many writers have laid stress on July 4, 1776, the date of the Declara- tion of Independence, as the ^^^ jy^^^ great turning point of American Confedera- history ; but the date when the lished Articles of Confederation for- (1781J inally went into effect — March 1, 1781 — is equally important, for it marks the beginning of a constitutional union. The government was crudely organized into three departments. (1) Everything was centered in a Congress of delegates appointed by, and responsible to, the state legisla- tures, each delegation casting one vote. Congress sat always in secret session. Seven state delegations concurring could pass resolutions and ordinances, but on all vital questions nine states had to vote in the affirmative to make a constitutional majority. (2) The supremacy of Congress made it something like the present British Parliament, for it created all the execu- tive offices, and commissioned all offi- cials, civil and military. Of these the 189 THE CONFEDERATION 191 Secretary at War, Superintendent of Finance, Secretary for For- eign Aft'airs, and Postmaster General were the most important. (3) In addition, Congress set up what is called the Old Court of Appeals in Prize Cases, which, by the consent of such states as chose to pass the necessary laws, decided cases involving captures of British merchant vessels on appeal from state courts. In many respects the new Congress much resembled its predecessor, the Continental Congress; but it was much superior in effectiveness: (1) it had a definite constitutional basis in black and white ; (2) it had a constitutional right to levy taxes on the state governments in the so-called requisi- tions, and could borrow money on the credit of the United States; (3) it had a definite status as one of the world's national governments; (4) it assumed authority in matters of national concern, even though, like the public lands, they were not provided for by the Articles of Confederation. One of the duties of Congress was to adjust the disputes with the states over the western lands, involving the three questions of state claims, administration of the public 149. West- lands, and organization of new western communities. In ®™ .* ' ° cessions the whole process one of the most effective arguments (1781-1784) was put forward by Thomas Paine, in a pamphlet called Public Good, in which he insisted on the right of the whole Union, as the successor of the British government, to control lands hitherto ungranted. Influenced by such arguments and by the protests of Mary- land, the four states which claimed lands north of the Ohio River gracefully yielded. (1) New York ceded all claims west of the present western boundary of that state (1781). (2) Virginia gave up all claims to territory north of the 'Ohio River, except ownership in the Virginia Reserve Military Bounty Lands (1784). (3) Massachusetts yielded all claims west of New York (1785), and in 1786 gave up to that 192 FEDERATION state her claim to govern western New York, retaining owner- ship of the land. (4) Connecticut, during the Revolution, claimed northern Pennsylvania and the region west of it, under the charter of 1662, but a decision of a commission appointed by Congress went against her. In 1786 Connecticut ceded her claims to Congress, reserving, however, a strip 120 miles long on the south shore of Lake Erie west of Pennsylvania, as an outlying district of the state, a strip known as the Connecticut Reserve, or the Western Reserve (§ 199). The claims south of the Ohio River were harder to adjust. (1) To Virginia was left the District of Kentucky, which re- mained a part of Virginia until admitted as a state in 1792. (2) Korth Carolina claimed Tennessee, including the Watauga and other settlements, and issued land grants covering the whole tract, but in 1790 she ceded to Congress the right to govern the region. (3) South Carolina, in 1787, gave up her claim to a narrow strip lying between western North Carolina and Georgia. (4) Georgia claimed everything between the present state and the Mississippi River, and did not consent to accept her present state boundaries till 1802. Long before any part of the disputed lands came under exclusive control of Congress, that body decided to sell them 150. Basis and devote the proceeds to paying the national debt. llnd^s^st'em ^^^^^ ^''^^ ^^"^^ ^"^^ ^^ ^'^ adopted was the Grayson ordi- (1786-1788) nance (May 20, 1785), following a suggestion of Jeffer- son: the western country was to be divided into townships, six miles square, by lines running due north and south, and others crossing at right angles; each township to be sub- divided by lines a mile apart into thirty-six sections, one of which was reserved for schools. The price of land was to be a dollar an acre. To get the land into shape to be transferred, the government sometimes had to drive squatters off with troops ; then the states and the holders of bounty land warrants had such quantities to THE CONFEDERATION 193 sell below the government price that sales could not be made for cash. The government debt was at a distressing discount, and shrewd men hit on the idea of buying land with certifi- cates of debt. The new Ohio Company (p. 195) contracted to buy about 1,500,000 acres, and took about 900,000. The Symmes Company wanted a mil- lion acres, and finally got a quarter of a mil- lion, including the site of Cincinnati. The Sci- oto Company, managed by speculators, under- took to buy three and a half million acres, but never took any. In the year 1788 the state of Pennsylvania bought 200,000 acres — the tri- A Frontier Post, 1787. Fort Steuben, Ohio. From a recent restoration. angle of land west of the New York line, which gave a lake front, including the site of the city of Erie. To settle the new southwestern frontier, a body of hardy people called "backwoodsmen" were pressing on; they were Scotch-Irish, Germans, and people of English descent, but 151. West- thus thrown together they speedily became one people. ments They took up farms on land patents, or by "toma- (1783-1789) hawk right," blazing trees where they meant to settle. In a few days of hard labor they could build a log house ; in a few days more a fort. Their large families grew up and settled more land about them, or they left their farms and again plunged into the far backwoods. Their ordinary dress 194 FEDERATION was the fringed hunting shirt and leggings, and their flintlock rifles brought down gauie or Indians, as it might happen. During nearly thirty years prior to 1800, the Kentuckians and Tennesseeans were disputing their territory with bold, savage enemies, the Indians, Avho called their white adversaries "Big Knife" or "Long Knives," and understood forest warfare better than they. After the Revolution the Southwest filled up rapidly. The Kentuckians in 1784 took steps toward the immediate estab- lishment of a state government, but desisted on Vii-giuia's tacit agreement that she would soon give her consent to the separa- tion. In 1785 a body of settlers in southwestern Pennsylvania and the adjacent part of Virginia asked Congress to admit them as a state. In the settlements on the upper Tennessee the movement went even further. In 1784 a convention at Joiies- boro formally voted to establish a state of Franklin, elected John Sevier governor, chose a legislature, made laws, and defied the jurisdiction of North Carolina. Again a policy of conciliation was followed ; and the people returned to their allegiance under the promise that North Carolina would transfer the territory to the United States. Although Congress had no constitutional authority to make or to grant territories, yet in order to provide a proper govern- 152. Jeffer- ment for the settlers both south and north of the Ohio, *°'^^°^ ^ Jefferson drafted a general ordinance, which was adopted (1784) by Congress in 1784, except (1) that a clause forbidding slavery (after 1800) in all the territories was lost by a single vote, and (2) that Congress did not accept Jefferson's pon- derous names for the new states — Pelisipia, Cliersonesus, Metropotamia, Polypotamia, and so on. The ordinance provided for a temporary territorial govern- ment, for a representative in Congress (without a vote), and eventually for a legislature, and promised speedy admission as states. Within a few months it looked as though this THE CONFEDERATION 195 ordinance might be applied to a new colony north of the Ohio. Several Revolutionary officers from Massachusetts, including Timothy Pickering and Eufus Putnam, organized the Ohio Company of Associates, and applied to Congress for a contract for lands west of the upper Ohio River. In 1787 Manasseh Cutler, agent of the company, ap- peared in New York, where Congress was sitting, and ob- tained, with only one dissenting voice, an ordinance 153. North- based on the ordinance of 1784. Cutler wrote, however, ^^^^ °^^^' ' ' nance "The amendments I proposed have all been accepted ex- (1787) cept one." The principal points in this great territorial charter, dated July 13, 1787, were as follows : (1) It specifi- cally applied to the Northwest Territory, lying between the Ohio, the Mississippi, and the Great Lakes. (2) The first government of the territory was to be under a governor and three judges, all appointed by Congress ; they were to act as a board to select laws for the territory, and the governor was to appoint all local officers ; Congress also appointed a secretary. (3) Provision was made for a later representative assembly, with power to choose a non-voting delegate to Congress, and to make laws subject to the governor's veto. (4) Six "articles of compact" were formulated, which were to be forever binding on the new communities. These provided for personal liberty, for religious freedom, for " schools and the means of education," for federal supremacy over the territory, and for the creation ot three to five states out of the territory ; and added the mo- mentous provision that " there shall be neither Slavery nor involuntary Servitude in the said Territory, otherwise than in the punishment of Crimes, whereof the Party shall have been duly Convicted." Three months later the first territorial government was estab- lished lor the Northwest Territory, under the governorship of General St. Clair. Two bodies of colonists sent by the Ohio Company, under the leadership of Rufus Putnam, traveled 196 FEnERATION Campus Maktius, Mariktta. From the American Pioneer, 1842. fioiii I]>s\vi('li, Mussucliusctts, j>;iss(m1 tlif rivi-r Tliidsnii and crossed l'eiiiisylv;iiiia suuthwest and tlieii west U) J'illshiir.ij ; and on April 7, 1788, founded the town of Marietta, at the junc- tion of the Muskingum and Ohio rivers (p. 244). A county gov- ernment and courts were set up, and the Ordinance of 1787 was completely in force. The western lands, however, brought Congress little money (§ 150), and the finances of the federal government had to be 154. Fi- cared for every year. The only taxes that the Con- nances of federation could lay were requisitions on the states, the Confed- •' ^ eration which from 1781 to 1788 yielded about $3,500,000 in (1781-1784) specie and about $2,500,000 in "indents." The half million of specie a year about paid the barest expenses of the government, leaving nothing for interest on the debt. Congress made an effort in February, 1781, to put tlie finances of the country on a new footing, by appointing as Sujierintendent of Finance Robert Morris of Philadelphia, a merchant, shipowner, exporter, importer, and banker all in one, who lived in great style, and was then consideved the richest man in America. Morris at once set to work on the accounts and eventually figured out that on January 1, 1784, the United States owed about $8,000,000 to foreign countries and $31,500,000 to its own people. When, in 1783, the government could not raise enough specie for the accumulated pay of the troops, by using his own credit Morris at last paid the common soldiers; and lie issued interest-bearing certificates for the claims of the officers. As a financial aid to the government, Morris per- suaded Congress to charter the Bank of North America in THE CONFEDERATION 197 Philadelphia (December, 1781) — the first joint stock bank in America. Notwithstanding his abilities and his honest pur- pose, Morris found the task too much for him, and, after less than four years' service, resigned his office. Congress was troubled also by a controversy over the use of the Mississippi River. After the Revolution Congress made a series of commercial treaties with European powers: 155. Euro- with Holland, with Sweden, and with Prussia. In 1785 J^T^ ^'^f.^® clllu tr6Ru6S Spain sent over a minister who offered to make a treaty (1782-1788> which was very acceptable to the northern and middle ship- owning communities. The United States, however, pressed for the right to navigate the river Mississippi to its mouth without paying duties to the Spanish colony of Louisiana, which stretched across its lower course. This concession Spain absolutely refused, and Congress seemed inclined to accept the Spanish terms; but the people of Kentucky and Tennessee protested against barriers to their valuable down- river trade. At this moment the cargo of a North Carolina trader was confiscated at New Orleans, whereupon the prop- erty of Spanish traders was seized by Kentuckians. Some of the southwestern people roundly threatened to leave the Union if cut off from the sea, and Washington wrote: wa h' " The western states (I speak now from my own obser- ton, Works, vation) stand as it were upon a pivot. The touch of a feather would turn them any way." The whole matter was postponed for the time. Another commercial question was that of trade with Eng- land and the British colonies. American merchants were ready to buy almost exclusively in England, as they did be- i^q ngja. fore the Revolution. Nevertheless, the British govern- ^^°^^ ^*li Great Brit- ment closed the West India trade to all vessels except ain(1783- British owned and British built (July, 1783); that is, 1788) Great Britain applied, against the United States, as a foreign country, the same principles of exclusion from her colonial THE CONFEDERATION 199 trade which she had for a century applied against Fr^ance and Spain and other powers. 8till, direct trade between Great Britain and the United States went on freely in the vessels of both nations, and the British merchants got most of the Amer- ican orders; hence Great Britain steadily refused to make a commercial treaty. Another set of difficulties between Great Britain and the United States arose because each nation charged the other with not carrying out the treaty of peace : (1) several states inter- fered with suits brought to collect the debts due to British merchants when the Revolution began ; (2) the British gov- ernment was offended because the states refused to receive back loyalists who were eager to accept the new order of things, although this hard and mistaken policy was not for- bidden by the treaty ; (3) negro slaves were carried away by the British fleets ; (4) the British held on to a line of posts through northern New York and the Northwest in American territory. In neither foreign relations nor finances could the Confed- eration compel the states to do their constitutional duty : for instance, Georgia never paid a penny of her quota of 157. The requisitions (§ 154) in the whole period from 1781 to 1788, \he Ui^n and Jefferson wrote, " There never will be money in the (1781-1789) Treasury until the Confederacy shows its teeth." One of the serious difficulties in trying to get a commercial treaty with Great Britain lay in the fact that the states had the right each for itself to regulate foreign and interstate commerce. Some of them laid discriminating duties on British ships ; others took off discriminations so as to induce British ships to come to their ports. Three states — Massachusetts, New York, and Pennsylvania — adopted protective tariff duties which were applied against their neighbors ; and New Jersey retaliated with an act taxing the New York lighthouse on Sandy Hook. The state acts which most affected neighboring states were habt's amer. hist. — 12 200 FEDERATION the " Stay and Tender " laws, suspending all suits for debt for six months or a year, or pern^itting the debtor to offer goods, cattle, or even land in payiuent of his debts. Ignoring their experience in the Revolution, seven of the states put out issues of paper money, of which a great part Avas again repudiated ; and this bore hard on merchants who had sold goods on credit for specie prices. For many other reasons people were disturbed and discon- tented after the war : (1) they bought too much from England 158 Dia- ^^^ found it a long task to pay the bills ; (2) taxes were turbances high, or seemed high ; (3) there was little specie in the country, and that was a miscellaneous lot of gold and silver coins of all countries; (4) the laws of the time were very severe on poor debtors, and from one end of the country to the other there was a chorus of complaint — much of it justified — that court fees and lawsuits and imprisonment for debt were intolerable hardships. In many states riots broke out and rose almost to revolu- tions. Pennsylvania whisky distillers violently opposed an excise on their product. In New York city John Jay was nearly killed while opposing a riot. In New Hampshire an incipient insurrection had to be broken up by troops. The people of Maine, Vermont, Kentucky, and Tennessee all demanded separate statehood. The climax was reached in Shays's Rebellion of 1786-1787 in Massachusetts, which made a great impression on the country. As a protest against numerous suits for debt against the farmers, rioters in Great^ Barrington, Worcester, and other places prevented the judges from holding court; and then the movement grew rapidly. Eai'ly in 1787 (Captain Daniel Shays got together about 1800 men and even attacked the United States arsenal at Springfield. State militia was sent to break up the insurrection ; when the two forces actually met each other at Petersham, the rebels gave way in confusion, and order was shortly restored. THE CONFEDERATION 201 Another disturbing element in the American Union was the existence of human slavery. Against this contrast to the principles of political equality and Christian brotherhood, 159. Ques- many voices were raised before the Revolution. Thus slavery John Woolman, a Quaker lay preacher, wrote: "These (1774-1785) are the people who have made no agreement to serve us, Woolman, and who have never forfeited their liberty that we know Journal, no of. These are the souls for whom Christ died." In 1775 the first antislavery society was formed in Philadelphia. So long as all the communities had slaves, the system made no trouble among neighbors : runaway slaves were returned, if they got into another colony or state, exactly like stray horses; and in the Ordinance of 1787 there was a special agreement that fugitive slaves should be returned. During the Revolution the first legal steps were taken against slavery. The slave trade was prohibited by ordinances of the Continen- tal Congress, and by statutes of almost all the individual states, and most of the 3000 negroes who served in the army during the Revolution were set free, with their families. In several debates in the Continental Congress, however, the North and the South began to show a difference of spirit toward slavery, and this difference came out with great dis- tinctness when five states and one independent community laid the ban of their laws on slavery. (1) Vermont in its constitution of 1777 prohibited the slavery of grown men and women. (2) Pennsylvania in 1780 passed an act providing that all persons born within the commonwealth after the date of the act should be born free. (3) The Massachusetts consti- tution of 1780 declared that "All men are born free and equal," which the courts afterward held to be a prohibition of slavery. (4) The similar revised constitution of New Hamp- shire in 1783 had the same effect in that state. (5) In Con- necticut and (6) Rhode Island, emancipation acts, similar to that of Pennsylvania, were passed in 1784. 202 FEDERATION By the Northwest Ordinance of 1787, freedom was guar- anteed in the whole territory north of the Ohio River. In 1799 New York passed a gradual emancipation act; and in 1804 New Jersey followed. Thus was created a solid block of terri- tory from the Atlantic to the Mississippi, north of Mason and Dixon's Line (the southern boundary of Pennsylvania) and north of the Ohio River, in which slavery was dead or drying. From that time on the Union was divided into two sections, having hostile labor systems. The Confederation was a great advance on any form of 160. De- federal government that the world had ever known ; but Confedera- ^^ ^^^^ '^^^ experiment, and in practice showed several (ion kinds of defects. (1) Congress was ill organized for its work ; often less than the necessary seven states were represented, and for months together the delegations of nine states could not be assembled even for the most important business; and a clause against serving more than three years out of six turned men like Madi- son and Jefferson and Hamilton out of Congress when they had learned to be useful. (2) The powers of the Confederation were too weak. It had not full authority to make commercial treaties ; it had no power over interstate commerce and therefore could not prevent the states from injuring one another. It had no power to compel the payment of taxes and could raise revenue only by feeble requisitions on the states. (3) Congress had no means of carrying out its powers. It could not compel individ4ials to obey ; it could not collect its revenue, except through the states; it had no system of criminal law, and no permanent courts to apply its civil laws. The best men of the time were i)erfecr,iy aware of the defects 161. Sug- of the confederacy. Thiee tlit'tfivnt tinies did Congress amendment ^^'^"^i^ ^^* the states constitutional amendments, which (1781-1786) would at least have tided over the trouble. THE CONFEDERATION 203 (1) In 1781 it askod authority, by the " Five per cent Scheme," to lay a duty of five per cent on imports, tlie pro- ceeds to go toward paying the principal and interest of the public debt. Twelve legislatures voted for this constitutional amendment, but since unanimous consent was necessary, the obstinacy of Rhode Island de- feated the plan. (2) In 1783 Congress proposed a " Revenue Plan " by which it might lay specific duties on a very low scale for twenty -five years, the states to appoint the collectors. Again twelve states accepted, but this time New York refused to rat- ify, and the amendment was lost. (3) A "commerce amendment," submitted in 1784, was intended to give power to Congress to pass navigation acts against such coun- tries as refused to make commer- cial treaties. This amendment was ratified by only seven out of thirteen states, and was a hope- less failure. The most persistent and the most effectual critic of the Arti- cles of Confederation was George Washington, then in retirement. In 1783 he wrote a famous letter to the governors of the states, urging a stronger union. Later he complained that " Thirteen sovereignties pulling against each other, and all tugging at the federal head, will soon bring ruin on the whole." When asked to use his influence for reform, he replied : " Influence is no government. Let us have one by which our lives, liber- Washington Plate and Pitcher. From Metropolitan Museum of Art. 204 FEDERATION ties, and properties will be secured, or let us know the worst at once." After five years of peace, the Union was still in confusion and uncertainty. Congress lost the popular respect and interest 162. Sum- and was too clumsy for its own tasks. Almost the only ^^^ thing that it did thoroughly was to organize the western territory, and for that it had no constitutional authority. The British treaties still remained unfulfilled, and Congress could get no commercial agreements with eitlier Spain or Great Britain. Finances went from bad to worse ; Morris, au intelli- gent and conscientious minister of finance, resigned in disgust, and the creditors of the government at home saw little prospect of payment of their principal. The state governments were weak, disturbed by riots, — some of them by insurrection, — and the southwestern frontier settlements threatened to secede from the Union altogether. All attempts to meet these diffi- culties by constitutional amendments failed, because of the rule of unanimous consent. Nevertheless, under the Confederation, the country was prosperous: trade increased, towns were built, education ad- vanced. There was plenty of raw strength suitable for a nation, and the very defects of the Confederation proved a lesson of the highest importance, because they taught people what to avoid. We honor the men who made and carried on the Confederation, because they had the good sense to correct their faults in tlie next attempt to make a national govern- ment — in the Constitutional Convention of 1787. TOPICS Suggestive (1) Basis of New York claims to westers lands. (2) Basis of ""^ *^* Massachusetts claims. (3) Basis of Connecticut claims. (4) Basis of Virginia claims. (6) Basis of North Carolina claims. (6) Ba.sis of Georgia claims. (7) What were the advantages of the rectan- THE CONFEDERATION 205 gular survey ? The disadvantages ? (8) Later territorial subdivi- sions of tlie Northwest Territory. (9) First antislavery society. (10) Why was the state of Franklin formed ? Why discontinued ? (11) Effect of the nine states rule. (12) Account of the Federal Search Prize Court. (13) Paine's argument on the public lands. (14) How *°P**'^ was the Northwest Ordinance obtained ? (15) Was the Ohio Com- pany a paying investment ? (16) Jefferson's opinions on slavery. (17) Life of John Woolman. (18) Anthony Benezet's criticisms of slavery. (19) Washington's objections to slavery. (20) Was there danger of the secession of the West in 1786? (21) Treat- ment of returned loyalists by the states. (22) Was there danger of the success of Shays's Rebellion ? Secondary authorities REFERENCES See maps, pp. 190, 198 ; McLaughlin, Confederation and Consti- Geography tution. Hart, Formation of the Utiion, §§ 49-54, 56-58 ; Walker, Making of the Nation, 1-20 ; Channing, United States, 107-122 ; McLaugh- lin, Confederation and Constitution ; Fiske, Critical Period, 90- 216 ; Schouler, United States, I. 12-35 ; McMaster, United States, I. 103-416, 503-524, IIL 89-116 ; Wilson, American People, III. 24-60 ; Cambridge Modern History, VII. 305-314 ; Lamed, His- tory for Beady Reference, IV. 2377, 2920, V. 3252, 3280, 3289 ; Gordy, Political Parties, I. 9-63 ; Curtis, Constitutional History, I. 98-220 ; Winsor, Westward Movement, 225-374 ; Roosevelt, Win- ning of the West, III. ; Hinsdale, Old Northwest, 192-296, 345- 350 ; Sparks, Expansion, 84-87, 100-134 ; Dewey, Financial His- tory, §§ 21-25; Locke, Antislavery, 46-87, 112-131, 157-159; Morse, Thomas Jefferson, 64-86, — Alexander Hamilton, I. 64- 154 ; Schouler, Thomas Jefferson, 122-152 ;'Gay, James Madison, 1-83 ; Sumner, Bohert Morris, 53-138 ; Brown, Andrew Jackson, 1-23. Hart, Source Book, §§ 64-67, — Contemporaries, II. §§ 209, Sources 210, III. §§ Zl-b^, — So^lrce Beaders, II. §§ 35, 36, III. §§ 1-3 ; MacDonald, Select Documents, no. 4 ; American History Leaflets, nos. 22, 28, 32 ; Old South Leaflets, nos. 13, 15, 16, 40, 42, 127; Hill, Liberty Documents, ch. xvi. ; Caldwell, Territorial Development, 53-73. See N. Eng. Hist. Teachers' Ass'n, Syllabus, 330-332, — Historical Sotirces, § 78. E. Bellamy, Duke of Stockbridge (Shays's Rebellion); R. M. Bird, Nick of the Woods (Ky.). Wilson, American People, III. ; Sparks, Expansion. Pictures UluBtrative works CPIAPTER XIII. MAKING THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION (1787-1789) The right way to get a new start was pointed out by Henry Laurens in 1779 when he asked, " Shall we call forth a grand i«?3 P convention in aid of the great council?" This sugges- liminaries tion of a special constitutional convention was repeated by eral Con^ state legislatures and individuals. In 1785 a conference of vention commissioners from Maryland and Virginia at Alexandria (1779-1787) suggested some reforms ; but the first actual step toward a complete revision of the Articles of Confederation was a con- vention on interstate trade at Annapolis (September, 1786). The only action was a report, drawn by Alexander Hamilton, pro- posing that a general convention meet in Philadelphia in May, 1787, to prepare amendments to the Articles of Confederation. Under this unofficial call some of the states began to elect delegates, and Congress reluctantly issued a formal call for a convention " for the sole and express purpose of revising the Journal of articles of confederation, and reporting to Congress and Congress, the several legislatures, such alterations and provisions therein as shall, when agreed to in Congress, and con- firmed by the states, render the federal constitution adequate to the exigencies of government, and the preservation of the Union." When the members of the Convention met and exchanged views, they saw that they must go outside the call of Congress 164 Mem- ^^^ frame a new constitution altogether. For such a bersofthe purpose the Convention was rather clumsy, inasmuch as each delegation cast one vote for its state. This arrangement gave as much voting power to a combination 206 MAKING THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION 207 of five states — Connecticut, New Jersey, Maryland, South Carolina, and Delaware — as to the representatives of twice as many people living in the five states of Massachusetts, New York, Pennsylvania, Virginia, and North Carolina. Rhode Island sent no delegates, the New Hampshire delegation came in late, and Georgia, with a large and fertile territory, com- monly voted with the large states, which thus had a majority of one vote on critical questions. Fortunately the fifty-five gentlemen who at one time or another were members of the Convention included some of the greatest names in American history, among them eight sign- ers of the Declaration of Independence. The heaviest work fell on a few leaders. Benjamin Franklin was old, but as canny as ever. Alexander Hamilton, one of the most impetuous members of the Convention, took too extreme ground and lost influence. "William Paterson of New Jersey spoke for the small states. James Wilson of Pennsylvania, later a justice of the federal Supreme Court, was the keenest constitutional lawyer. The galaxy of the Convention was the Virginia delegation, including George Washington, who gave it prestige throughout the country. The man who did most to harmonize the sharp differences in the Convention was James Madison of Virginia. In 1787 Madison was only thirty-six years old. A graduate of jgs. James Princeton College, he had seen service in the Virginia Madison, a legislature and in Congress, where he learned to know Constitu- the difficulties of the Confederation. He was a studious *^°° man, and before the Convention began sent for all the books that he could find on the history of earlier confedera- tions, and prepared a sort of digest of those books, which he sent to Washington. He also consulted with his friends in Virginia and elsewhere, and drew up the strongly federal " Virginia Plan " as a basis of argument. At the beginning of the Convention it occurred to Madison that posterity would be interested in the debates; and as 208 FEDKHATION Georgk Washington in nsi. From Wrifihl's portrait. there were no reporters, he took down in sliorthand an abbre- viated or concentrated statement of the debates, which he wrote oiit in the evenings and snbniitted to the speakers. In these discussions Madison himself took part more than fifty times, and throughout he advocated a national govern- ment, well knit, strong, and empowered to carry out its own MAKING THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION 209 just authority. As a representative of the largest and most populous state in the Union, the members from the small states sometimes thought him unfair; but in a quiet and sagacious way he often suggested a middle course, and few things against which he argued were adopted. For materials with which to put together a new constitu- tion, the delegates simply took the experience of mankind, so far as they knew it. Therefore they based their consti- , „„ _ 166. Sources tution on the principles of free government as developed of the Con- in England ; yet in its form the new federal government stit^itioJi owed little to Parliament, or to the crown, or to the English judiciary ; for the Convention took English institutions as they had been modified and expanded in the colonial governments, in the states, in the Continental Congress, and in the Congress of the Confederation. For instance, the two houses of Con- gress were suggested by the two houses of the colonial legisla- tures, and also by experience of the clumsy working of a single house in the Confederation. The great merit of the members of the Federal Convention was that they had the sanctified common sense to discard old forms of government that worked ill, and to substitute forms which from their experience they thought would work well. The Convention was slow in starting, but chose Washington to be its president and settled down to work May 29, when Edmund Kandolph, in behalf of the Virginia delegation, jg^ Biock- submitted a set of resolutions, commonly known as the ingoutthe _-. document Virginia Plan. This plan in broad outlines provided for (May-June, a government of three departments ; and next day in its 1787) first formal resolution the Convention agreed " That a national government ought to be established, consisting of a supreme legislature, executive, and judiciary." To avoid the radical step proposed in the resolution, two other plans were suggested in the course of the Convention : (1) the Connecticut Plan, which proposed to enlarge the powers of 210 FEDERATION Congress under the Confederation, ])iit to leave the execution of the national laws to state governments ; (2) the New Jersey Plan, which stood for the views of the small states; it in- cluded three departments, but preserved the equal representa- tion of the states in Congress. Hamilton's Plan, a highly centralized scheme, included a life senate and life president; the state governors to be appointed by the general govern- ment. The so-called Pinckney Plan, of which we have no con- temporary copy, was much like the constitution as finally adopted. After about two weeks' debate, however, the Con- vention adopted a set of provisional votes, embodying most of the features of the Virginia Plan, as the foundation of the new constitution. The most serious question at this stage was how to divide members of Congress among the states. The South wanted an assignment in proportion to popula- tion, including slaves ; the North wanted to leave the slaves out of account. As a midway course, it was provisionally voted to count slaves, but only at three fifths of their actual numbers. A second debate, from June 10 to July 26, brought out the 168. The most serious differences of opinion on four subjects, and *t't*t'^°°i ^^^ ^^ motion forces which eventually brought about four compro- compromises, the adoption of which made something like mises , ^,^ (June-July, agreement possible. 1787) (1) The so-called " Connecticut Compromise " settled the question of representation in Congress. The small states insisted on one house with equal vote of the states ; the large states stood out for the Virginia Plan of two houses, with proportional representation in both. So obstinate and bitter were both sides that Franklin feared lest "our projects will be confounded, and we ourselves shall become a reproach and by-word down to future ages." He therefore moved that the Convention be opened every day with prayer. A Connecticut member threw out the suggestion that in one branch the MAKING -THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION 211 people ought to be represented, in the other the states ; and this idea was carried out by the first compromise (July 5), providing that there should be an equal vote of states in the Senate and a proportional representation in the House. (2) A few days later came up the question of assessing federal direct taxes corresponding to the old requisitions : the North proposed that in fixing the proportion of each state, negroes should be counted at their full numbers, whereupon a North Carolina member declared that his state would not go into a union on that basis. The matter was compromised (July 12) by a vote that representatives and direct taxes should both be apportioned according to the three-fifths rule. (3) It had been agreed that Congress should regulate for- eign commerce, but the southern members feared that this power would lead to navigation acts for the protection of American shipping, which might raise the freights on south- ern exports. Hence Madison introduced a motion to require a two-thirds vote for such an act. On the other hand, the northern states, as well' as Maryland and Virginia, were in general strongly opposed to reopening the slave trade. A compromise was arranged (August 25) under which Congress was left free to pass acts in aid of American shipping by the usual majority, but was not to prohibit the slave trade for twenty years. The slaveholdiug states also secured a clause against export taxes. (4) A fourth compromise, not so distinctly expressed, fixed the relation of the states to the federal government. The Con- vention at first voted that Congress should have the right to veto state laws. Later it adopted a substitute clause (July 17) providing for appeals to the Supreme Court of the United States, in case a state infringed on the national Constitution. A third stage of the Convention began July 26, when the work done by the Convention to that point was summed up in a series of resolutions, which were sent to a Committee of 212 FEDERATION Detail. The report of that committee grouped the principles adopted into articles and sections, made many vei'bal changes, and included a few new features, such as the choice of tionofde- President by electors. After debating this report from tails (Aug.- August 7 to September 8, the Convention sent it to a Committee of Style, which reported September 13. Gouverneur Morris was the leading spirit in this revision, and to him are due the lucidity of phrase and clearness and exact- ness of language which distinguish the Constitution. On September 17 the engrossed draft was presented for signa- ture. Some delegates had gone home in disgust, and three members present — George Mason and Edmund Randolph of Virginia and Elbridge Gerry of Massachusetts — refused abso- lutely to sign the completed work because it seemed too strong. Thirty-nine of the original fifty-five members, however, repre- senting twelve states, affixed their signatures to the Constitu- tion. Madison records that, at this solemn moment, Franklin called the attention of the members to the sun painted behind the president's chair : " I have," said he, " often and often, in the course of the session and the vicissitudes of my hopes and fears as to its issue, looked at that behind the president, with- out being able to tell whether it was rising or setting ; but, now at length, I have the happiness to know that it is a rising and not a setting sun." The completed Constitution, as is indicated by the preamble, 170. Analy- was founded on a different set of principles from those sis of the of the old Confederation in form, in powers.in enforce- Oonstitu- '17 tion ment, and in the status of the states. (1) In its form, the Constitution broke up the old con- centrated power of Congress, and created three equal and coordinate departments : Congress, the President and his subordinates, and the federal courts. (2) The powers of the federal government included all those given to the Confederation, and many others, such as the MAKING THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION 213 full power to tax individuals, to borrow money, and to expend money. Control over territories was at last expressly given, as well as complete power over foreign and interstate com- merce, including expressly weights and measures, coinage, post offices, copyrights, and patents. To the federal government was given unlimited powers to make war on land and sea, by regular forces or militia, to make peace, and to make trea- ties on all subjects. (3) Proper means of enforcing these powers were given to the federal government : it makes laws for individuals and can punish them through the courts if they are disobedient ; while the Supreme Court has jurisdiction in cases where states are parties, and can hear appeals from the state courts on cases involving the federal Constitution. (4) The relations between the states and the Union were made much more definite than under the Confederation ; and the states deliberately gave up to Congress, the President, and the federal courts, great fields of power — such as foreign commerce and unrestricted taxation. To be sure, several large areas of important powers were not distinctly conferred on Congress : there was no clause authorizing, in so many words, the annexation of territory, or the chartering of corporations, or the creation of a cabinet for the President, or federal con- trol of slavery in the territories, or opposition to secession of a state. Many such unenumerated powers have since been assumed by the federal government because " implied " in the specific articles of the Constitution (§ 197). To avoid the requirement of unanimous consent for altera- tions of the constitution, which wrecked the Confederation, the Constitution was to go into effect, as to the states ratify- j^i jj^g ing, when nine state conventions should have ratified it. Constitu- _-, , tion before Though the Convention, as a matter of form, sent the the people document to the Congress of the Confederation, that body (1787-1788) simply transmitted the instrument to the states. The friends 214 FEDERATION of the new Constitution, including,' muiiy strong members of the Convention, at once began to discuss and to organize. Since the opposition accused them of aiming at consolidation and the destruction of the states, they gave themselves the name of " Federals," or " Federalists," to show that they favored the proper rights of the states. Their opponents had no better party title than " Anti-Federalists." Both sides at once betook themselves to the methods of that time for affecting public sentiment on great questions. They wrote elaborate series of letters, published from week to week in the local newspapers over such names as " A Land Holder," "A Countryman," "Cato," and "Cassius." Perhaps the best two series are the letters of " Agrippa" against the Constitu- tion, and a series of essays skillfully defending the Constitu- tion, written by Alexander Hamilton, James Madison, and John Jay, which appeared for many weeks in succession in New York newspapers over the name Federalist, and to this day make up one of the wisest and best discussions of the Constitution. The fight raged over the Constitution from end to end ; in general, in particular, and in detail, it was hotly assailed and strongly defended. The Anti-Federalists predicted that Con- gress would overawe the states, that the President would prove a despot, and that the courts would destroy liberty, while the Senate would be a stronghold of aristocracy. In one state convention a member even objected that "if there be no religious test required, pagans, deists, and Mahometans might obtain offices among us, and that the senators and representa- tives might all be pagans." The point most criticised was the lack of a bill of rights. The Convention had assumed that individual rights were fundamental and could not be taken away by a federation ; but the state constitutions all had such bills of rights, and it was a mistake not to include one in the new instrument of government. MAKING THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION 21, All the states except Rhode Island called the necessary state Mmventions; and the first contest was in the popular elections for delegates. Then came the conventions, which in five 172. Eatifi- states had an easy task: though the Pennsylvania con- cation by •^ . - six states vention assembled first, Delaware had the honor of (1787-1788) being first to ratify (December 7, 1787), and that by a unani- mous vote ; the great influence of Pennsylvania was thrown into the same scale (December 12), by a vote of 46 to 23 ; next came unanimous ratification by New Jersey (December 18), The Hancock Housk in 1781). From the Massachvisettii Magazine. and by Georgia (January 2, 1788) ; Connecticut followed, after a hot discussion, by a vote of 128 to 40 (January 9). The first dangerous contest was in Massachusetts ; for when the convention assembled and elected John Hancock as its president, it was clear that the majority was against the Constitution, for reasons well stated by a country member: "These lawyers, and men of learning, and moneyed men," said he, " that talk so finely, and gloss over matters so smoothly, and make us poor illiterate people swallow down HART'S AMER. HIST. 13 216 FEDERATION the pill, expect to get into (Jongiess themselves ; they ex- pect to be the managers of this Constitution, and get all the power and all the money into their own hands, and then they will swallow up all us little folks, like the great Leviathan, Mr. President — yes, just as the whale swallowed up Jonah. That is what I am afraid of." The balance of power in the convention was held by its president, John Hancock, who was kept away at first by a convenient attack of the celebrated " Hancock gout." He had to be secured by promising him the governorship and hinting at the presidency of the United States. Yet still there was no clear majority, for the opposition insisted that ratification should include a long list of amendments. As a last resort, the friends of the Constitution agreed that amendments be added, not as a condition, but as a strong sug- gestion. With all these intluencos, on the test vote (February G, 1788), Massachusetts ratified by only 187 votes to 168. The fight in Massachusetts was the crisis of the constitution, for the result had great influence on other states. IMaryland 173. Ratifi- ratified by a vote of G3 to 11 (April 28); and South cation by Carolina ratified by a vote of 149 to 73 (May 23) ; and states N^ew Hampshire by a vote of 57 to 4C made herself the (1787-1790) ninth state and completed "the federal arch" (June 21). The Virginia convention supposed that their state would be necessary to make nine. Madison and Edmund Randolph, who had a second time changed his mind, were for the Con- stitution ; and Washington, though not a member of the state convention, threw all his mighty influence in its favor. The strongest opponent was Patrick Henry, who did not shine as a logician. When taxes came to be discussed, he exclaimed : "I never will give up that darling word 'requisition': my country may give it up ; a majority may wrest it from me, but 1 will never give it up till my grave." After the greatest exertions, Madison succeeded in having the long list of pro- posed amendments made a " recommendation " and not a con- MAKING THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION 217 dition of ratification ; and the Constitution was ratified by the narrow vote of 89 to 79 (June 25, 1788). The Ninth PILLAR erected ! **The Ratification of the Conventions of nine States, (hall be fuffitient forthe «ItabJitt. ment of this Conftitution, between the States fo ratifying the fame" Art. vii. INCIPIENT MJGNI PROCEDEUE MENSES. The Attraction muft be imfi/'tible Adoption of the Constitution, 1788. From the Independent Chronicle. The New York convention was at first hostile to the Consti- tution, and Governor George Clinton, the political boss of the state, appeared in the convention to oppose it. Its successful champion was Alexander Hamilton. Again the plan of a con- ditional ratification was proposed, but finally by the close vote of 30 to 27 New York ratified (July 26, 1788), " in full con- fidence " that the proposed changes would be made after the new government should be organized. For some time two states still held off. The North Caro- lina convention adjourned without taking a vote, but a second convention was called which duly ratified the Constitution (November 21, 1789). Ehode Island at this time called no convention, but was brought to terms later, when Congress pro- posed to treat it as a foreign nation; and she completed the roll of thirteen ratifying states (May 29, 1790). The Federal Convention was simply the practical result of the preparation, from 1774 to 1787, for a strong national 174. sum- government. In the fourteen months from May, 1787, mary to July, 1788, the nation reaped the fruits of fourteen years of experience of an inadequate government. ijl8 FEDEUATIUN After long discussions the Philadelphia Convention drew up a careful and well-arranged constitution which had to run the gantlet of the state conventions. In three — Delaware, New Jersey, and Georgia — there was no opposition; in live — Pennsylvania, Connecticut, New Hampshire, Maryland, and South Carolina — the opposition was easily overcome; in three — ^NEassachusetts, Virginia, and New York — ratification was obtained with the greatest difficulty. Two states, Rhode Island and North Carolina, did not ratify till after the gov- ernment was in working order. The acceptance of the Constitution was due to the thinking men, public leaders and business men, of the country, wlio could not stand the disorder and uncertainty of the Confederal tion. The creditors of the national and state governments wanted some assurance that they would be paid; the ship- owner wanted rights in the ports of other countries; the trader wanted to be able to collect his debts in other states ; and far-sighted public men like Washington and Hamilton were tired of the waste of time and effort necessary to make the government go at all. Rightly did John Adams say, "The Constitution was extorted by grinding necessity from a reluc- tant people." TOPICS Suggestive (1) Why did not Congress undertake a revision of the constitu- topicB ^j^^j^ p ^2) Why (lid Rhode Island send no delegates to the Con- vention ? (3) How was the Virginia Plan drawn up ? (4) Why did 80 many members of the Convention withdraw ? (5) Main argu- ments in favor of the ratification of the Constitntion. (6) Main arguments against ratification. (7) Why did the friends of the Con- stitution resist amendments in the stale conventions ? (8) What methods brought about ratification of the Constitution ? (9) Did the states think that ratification was final, or repealable ? Search (iQ) Suggestions of a national constitutional convention, 1781- '"'*" 1785. (11) Paterson's Plan. (12) A debate in the Federal Con- vention. (13) Sources of our knowledge of the Convention. (14) History of the Connecticut Compromise. (16) History of the MAKING THE FEDERAL CONSTlTtJTION 219 slave-trade compromise. (16) Threats of withdrawal by members of the Conveution from small states. (17) Franklin in the Con- vention. (18) James Wilson in the Convention. (19) The Penn- sylvania convention. (20) The Massachusetts convention. (21) The Virginia convention. (22) The New York convention. (23) Pat- rick Henry's objections to the Constitution. REFERENCES Secondary authorities McLaughlin, Confederation and Constitution. Geography Hart, Formation of the Union, §§ 60-68, — Actual Government, § 21 ; Walker, Making of the Nation, 21-63 ; Channing, United States, 122-133 ; McLaughlin, Confederation and Constitution ; Fiske, Critical Period, 216-350 ; Landon, Constitutional His- tory, 77-124, 211-218; Gordy, Political Parties, I. 64-102; Schouler, United States, I. 36-70 ; McMaster, United States, I. 277-281, 389-391. 416-423, 436^503 ; Cambridge Modem History, VIL 243-304 ; Wilson, Ainerican People, III. 60-98 ; Larned, History for Ready Reference, IV. 2644, V. 3296 ; Curtis, Consti- tutional History, I. 221-647; Dewey, Financial History, §§27- 32 ; Sparks, Men who made the Nation, 153-180 ; Hunt, James Madison, 87-166; Lodge, Alexander Hamilton, 49-82, — Geo7'ge Washington, II. 29-41 ; Pellew, John Jay, 222-234 ; Tyler, Pat- rick Henry, 298-356 ; Roosevelt, Oouverneur Morris, 108-145. Hart, Source Book, §§ 68-70, — Contemporaries, III. §§ 60-75 ; Sources MacDonald, Select Documents, no. 5 ; American History Leaflets, no. 8 ; Old South Leaflets, nos. 1,12, 70, 99 ; Hill, Liberty Docii- ments, ch. xvii. ; Caldwell, Survey, 74-96 ; Johnston, American Orations, I. 39-71. See N. Eng. Hist. Teachers' As.s'n, Syllabus, 332-334 ; Historical Sources, § 79. G. F. Atherton, The Conqueror (Hamilton); Francis Hopkinson, Essays and Occasional Writing^. Wilson, American People, IIL Pictures Illustrative works CHAPTER XIV. THE AMERICAN PEOPLE FROM 1780 TO 1800 distribution What were the numbers, characteristics, and capacities of the people who made the federal Constitution? The census 175 Popu- ^^ 1"90 showed a population of 4,000,000, of whom lationand 80,000 were Indians, 60,000 free negroes, and 700,000 slaves. In the remaining 3,160,000 the English race was predominant in all of the states; there were, perhaps, 200,000 Scotch- Irish, chiefly along the fron- tier, a small but persistent Dutch element in New York, perhaps 100,000 Germans in Pennsylvania and the West, and a small Hu- guenot element in South Carolina.* Over nine tenths of the people lived in the country : in 1790 the only places having a population greater than 8000 were Philadelphia, with about 42,000 people (including suburbs); New York city, with 33,000; Boston, with 18,000; Charleston, with 16,000; and Baltimore, with 14,000. Only about one twentieth of the whole popula- tion lived west of the crest of the Appalachians ; and Louis- ville was the farthest town on the Ohio River. Nearly all the white men in America Avorked on farms at 220 [iS^jSj} Bittltd Art* In 1790 Settled Area i.v 1790. THE AMERICAN PEOPLE FROM 1780 TO 1800 221 least part of the year, and most of them on their own farms. Northern farmers raised vegetables for their own use, hay for their stock, corn and other grain, in some places hemp and i^g -jj^g flax, and salted down pork and beef. The most valuable farmer crop was wheat, cultivated from New England to Virginia, and the basis of a large export of grain and flour. In Mary- land and Virginia tobacco was still abundant, while South Carolina raised rice and still a little indigo. For an example of prosperity, take a French traveler's ac- count of a Quaker family living near Philadelphia. The three daughters, beautiful, easy in their manners, and decent in their deportment, helped the mother in the household. The father was constantly in the fields, where he grew wheat and other crops. He had an excellent garden and orchard, ten horses, a big corn house, a barn full of wheat, oats, and other grain, „ . a dairy, in which the family made excellent cheese. Warville, " Their sheep give them wool of which the cloth is made " ' that covers the father and the children. This cloth is spun in the house, wove and fulled in the neighborhood. All the linen is made in the house." The farmers for the most part had large families, and hence did not have to hire much labor. There was a good demand for handicraftsmen, shoemakers, harness makers, tailors, ,-« « and the like. Their wages were in purchasing value only and slave about half what wages are to-day, but every wage earner who had the ambition and enterprise and industry could strike out for himself, by taking up land and starting a farm. Much of the hard labor was done by slaves. From Penn- sylvania to North Carolina they were commonly treated with kindness. In Georgia and in South Carolina, where in 1790, out of 330,000 people, 130,000 were negro slaves, the labor was hard, and there were cases of cruel treatment. The cotton crop was small and of little value, because it took so much time to clear the seed out of the fiber, till in 1794 Eli Whitney, a Yankee 222 OKGANIZATION AND EXTANSIUN schoolmaster living in Georgia, patented the cotton gin, a simple machine which could do the work of scores of men. His ma- chine caused the production of cotton to rise from a few hun- dred bales in 1790 to 600,000 in 1820 ; and this new demand for a crop cultivated by slave labor eventually led to the struggle over the admission of Missouri Manufactures, except shipbuilding, were not much developed in America in 1800. A little iron and some steel were made in the middle states, all of it with charcoal. Carpet weaving and broom making had sprung up, and Philadelphia exported from 200,000 to 350,000 barrels of flour every year ; this in- dustry was aided by Oliver Evans's endless band elevator. The shipping trade again became very prosperous after the war, and new avenues of commerce were opened. In 1784 the 178 Trade ^^^P ^^P'''^^^ of CJiina made the first voyage to China and in- and brought home the impressive freight of 300,000 solid ^ silver dollars. A profitable direct trade ensued with China, India, and the east coast of Africa. About 7000 men were engaged in the cod fishery, and several thousand in the whale fishery. The fur trade fell off as civilized settlers pushed westward, but John Jacob Astor, a New York merchant, made what was then considered the enormous fortune of over a rail- lion dollars, by developing the business in the far Northwest. As an example of the rich ami influential class of American merchants, let us take John Hancock of Boston. He bought ships, sold ships, and chartered ships to carry his cargoes. He bought and sold country produce, and exported fish, whale oil and whalebone, pot and pearl ashes, naval stores (pitch, tar, and turpentine), lumber, masts, and ship timber. He im- ported dress goods for men and women, manufactures of all kinds, and coal. The Hancock firm also did a banking busi- ness, lent money, held mortgages, and placed them for friends, and issued drafts upon their London correspondents. John Hancock had a stately house in Boston (p. 215), built of stone, THE AMERICAN PEOPLE FROM 1780 TO 1800 223 including a ballroom sixty feet in length, with furniture, wall paper, and hangings imported from England. He liked to wear crimson velvet suits. Alongside the great merchant was the country storekeeper, with his shelves of hardware, cotton goods, and a few groceries, with plenty of hard liquors. Cross Section of a Turnpike on a Side Hill. Cross Section of a Turnpike. Showing arrangement of layers of stone. Interior commerce was hampered by the lack of roads and interior waterways ; but there was a lively coasting trade all along the Atlantic. About this time there was introduced j-g Means from England a new method of roadmaking — a layer of of com- . T , 1 • 1 1 • 1 munication large stones, a foot or more m depth, on which was laid a crowning of small, angular stones. Under travel these sharp fragments consolidated, making a smooth, hard surface. Many such roads, often called turnpikes or stone pikes, were built in America by individuals or corporations, beginning with the stretch from Philadelphia to Lancaster (1792 ; map, p. 291) ; and large streams were bridged. On such roads and bridges the owners were allowed to charge toll. 224 ORGANIZATION AND EXPANSION The second half of the eighteenth century was a period oi canal building in England, and the fuijor spread to America. After the Revolution Washington visited the upper Potomac and Mohawk valleys, and suggested canals by both routes. The governments of Maryland and Virginia thereupon united in a plan for improving the navigation of the Potomac. A little later a traveler named Elkanah Watson formed "the sub- Contempora- li'^^ plan of opening an uninterrupted water communi- ries, III. 62 cation from the Hudson to Lake Ontario." A few canals were actually built, or begun, from 1793 to 1803, notably the Santee in South Carolina, the Dismal Swamp in Virginia and North Carolina, and the Middlesex from Boston to Lowell. Tolerable wagon roads were built about 1790 from Phila- delphia, through Bedford in southern Pennsylvania, to Pitts- burg; and later from Cumberland on the upper Potomac to the Monongahela River. The so-called Wilderness Road, marked out by Daniel Boone, the only direct overland route into Ken- tucky, was widened into a wagon track (1795). To carry on the new enterprises, there was a rapid develop ment of joint stock companies, insurance, bridge, and turnpike 180 New companies, manufacturing concerns, and especially banks. economic All these companies had special charters, and the legis» latures were beset by demands to grant privileges to new corporations. For manufactures on a large scale, steam power and machinery have long since taken the place of much of the hand labor. It is hard to realize now that, at the beginning of the nineteenth century, for erecting buildings, for making iron or cloth, for all the farm work and transportation, the only motive force was the muscles of men and animals, except a few mills run by wind, water power, or the tide. In 1800 there was hardly a steam engine in America, and not a power loom. The making of woolen and cotton cloth was revolutionized about the time of the Revolution by four English inventions : Hargreaves's " spinning jenny " (1767) ; Arkwright's spinning THE AMERICAN PEOPLE FROM 1780 TO 1800 225 frame (1769) ; Crompton's mule spinner (1779) ; and Cart- wright's power loom (1785). The spinning machinery was introduced into the United States by Samuel Slater of Paw- tucket, Rhode Island, in 1790, and thence grew up the woolen, cotton, and hemp mills of the United States. The power loom was first introduced into the United States by F. C. Lowell at Waltham, Massachusetts, in 1813. Several other important inventions can be traced back to this period, such as Oliver Evans's power dredge, and Jacob Perkins's nail-making machine. The renowned Yankee indus- try of clock making was also begun by Eli Terry at Plym- outh, Connecticut. The use of steam for propelling ships was suggested by two American inventors. In 1786 John Pitch put a boat on the Delaware propelled by a steam engine at a speed of seven miles an hour ; and in 1787 James Rumsey ran a steam craft of another type on the Potomac River ; and Washington predicted that Rumsey's invention would solve the problem of water transportation. Another proof that America was changing, was a new spirit of humanity and sympathy. Throughout the world in the eighteenth century, social life and the criminal law were jg^ jj^_ saturated with cruelty ; the constable beat the vagrant, manitarian the master workman beat the apprentice ; the farmer beat the indentured servant or maid ; the planter beat the slave. The insane man or woman was treated literally as a beast — chained, starved, and flogged. The criminal or the man charged with crime was brutalized in a poisonous and stifling jail, a school of criminals. Americans who won the battles of the Revolution, and the sailors in John Paul Jones's ships, were often half starved and were beaten by their own officers. Debtors might in any state in the Union be lodged in jail and kept there a lifetime for a petty debt. Such oppression and disregard of one's neighbor were not only contrary to Christianity, but were also -opposed to the 220 ORGANIZATION AND EXPANSION great Revolutionary doctrine of the equality of man, set forth in the bill of rights of every state constitution. Equality was 80 well carried out that foreign travelers were amazed to see inn- keepers sit down with their guests, and military officers chosen by their men. Gradually, for the weak and helpless, benevo- lent societies began to spring up, and a new sense arose of the duty of the community to all its people. Moreover, this feel- ing of sympathy and responsibility began to extend to the slaves. Hence Thomas Jetferson, born and bred a slaveholder, wrote in 1781 : " Can the liberties of a nation be thought secure Jefferson when we have removed their only firm basis, a convic- Noteson tion in the minds of the people that these liberties are of Vi/TOttiXQ. 237 the gift of God ? That they are not to be violated but with his Avrath? Indeed I tremble for my country when 1 reflect that God is just: that his justice cannot sleep forever." With all the assertions of the right of the many to govern, the United States in 1780 was far from being a thoroughgoing 182 A r democracy. In the New England states, the ministers ican de- and the merchants were still practically an aristocracy, mocracy holding, as John Adams put it, that " the rich and the well born and the able must be separated from the mass and placed by themselves." Even the little New England town meetings were not free from the mastery of the local squire, according to a satirist — " Yet at town meetings ev'ry chief Trumbull, Pinn'd faith on great M'Fingal's sleeve, M'Fingal And as he motion'd, all by rote Rais'd sympathetic hands to vote." Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and New York farmers were not influenced so much by great family names as by political organ- izations. The first state nominating convention was held in Pennsylvania in 1788. Two years later Senator Maclay ob- Maday, served that in New York " The Sons of St. Tammany had 2eo ' a grand parade through the town in Indian dresses. . . . THE AMERICAN PEOPLE FROM 1780 TO 1800 227 There seems to be some kind of scheme laid of erecting some kind of order or society under this denomination." The Tammany Society did develop within ten years as a political force ; but the organization of the New York democracy was ir> the hands of two rival clans, the Livingstons and the Clintons, who early developed the practice, whenever they got into power, of turning their political opponents out of office. Alongside the northern, middle, and southern states, grew up a fourth section of the country — the West, which in many ways was different from the older communities. (1) It was ,„« , ~ the only part of the country in which democracy was ence of the real. Out there the only wealth was land, which could be had almost for the asking. Most adult men could vote ; and it was hard for them to believe that an experienced statesman could be of greater public service than anybody else who could command a majority. (2) Two systems of navigable waterways intersected the West — the Great Lakes on the north, and farther south the eastern branches of the Missis- sippi. (3) The West was settled with great rapidity. Its population increased from 110,000 in 1790 to 386,000 in 1800; ' and before 1804 three western states were added to the Union (§ 199), while only one eastern state was admitted — Vermont (1791). After the Revolution the opportunities for education rapidly increased in the United States. New England kept up rural schools in hundreds of "district schoolhouses," which .-^ schools took both boys and girls as young as two years old. The and educa- teachers were slenderly paid, and were " boarded round " from family to family in the district. Most of the towns in the Union had schools, usually supported by fees. In Phila- delphia, where such a school was attended by Alexander Gray- don, he read Latin fables, learned Roman history, fought the other boys, was flogged by his teacher, and when fourteen years old had read Ovid, Virgil, Csesar, and Sallust, and was 228 ORGANIZATION AND EXPANSION reading Horace and Cicero. The formal education of girls stopped in what we should call the grammar grade ; but the daughters of cultivated families embroidered, tapped the harpsichord, and read good books, and there were some girls' boarding schools. For secondary education New England developed a system of endowed acad- emies which spread into the middle states and West. Among them were the two Phillips Acade- mies of Andover and Ex- eter, and the Lexington (Kentucky) Grammar School. Such a thing as a public high school ex- isted only in a few favored New England towns ; but wealthy families through- out the Union often had private tutors for their children. Sev- eral new colleges also were founded between 1775 and 1800; the University of Pennsylvania was reorganized and put on a collegiate basis (1779) ; and in 1795 was established the Uni- versity of North Carolina, the first state institution of the kind. The first professional schools in the United States were two medical schools founded in Philadelphia and Boston. The United States still had no genuinely national literature, 185. Litera- for most of the authors followed English models and tureandart i^^j-q very dull. The most admired Amorican poets were Philip Freneau, who wrote stirring patriotic songs during the CiniiDREN's Costume of about 1776. Worn by the author's children. THE AMERICAN PEOPLE FROM 1780 TO 1800 ^29 Revolution, and Joel Barlow, whose epic, The Vision of Colum- bus, is a kind of washed-out Pope's Homer's Iliad The only satirist and essayist of the time who is now much read was Benjamin Franklin, decidedly the most distinguished Ameri- can author of the eighteenth century. The field of literature in which America excelled was the writings of public men, who furnished a new stock of political ideas to the world. Some of these books are descriptive, like Jefferson's famous Notes on Virginia; others are discussions of public ques- tions, like the Federalist, and Alexander Hamilton's financial reports. . George Washington, though he assumed to be only a man of affairs, wrote admirable letters on public questions. The fondness of Amer- icans for newspapers and periodicals showed itself in the first daily news- paper, the Pennsylvania Packet, founded in 1784. The newspapers were dull ; they had no editori- ScHOOL AND Sport. From a schoolbook of 1796. als, few advertisements, and filled many columns with reprints from foreign newspapers, and with long-winded essays on poli- tics. Two literary magazines were founded about this time: the Universal Asylum and Columbian Magazine, of Philadelphia, and the Boston Magazine. 230 ORGANIZATION AND EXPANSION The most notable American art was the architecture of the best houses and public buildings. Residences like the Chew House in Germantown (p. 171), and the Harrison House in Virginia, are still un- surpassed in American domestic architecture ; and all over the east- ern states are scattered good courthouses and other public buildings, and a few good church buildings of the time : for example, the Old South Church in Boston, Trinity Church and St. Paul's in New York, and St. Michael's in Charles- ton. Soon after the Revo- lution most of the great 186. Church churches in Amer- organiza- ica sought national tion St. Michael's Church, Charleston, BUILT IN 1761. Type of massive stone church, organization. As a logical result of their theories of republican government, the southern states withdrew their public support of the Episcopal Church. In 1784 James Seabury was consecrated as Bishop of Connecticut at Aber- deen, Scotland ; he came over, and in the next year was held the first general convention of the Protestant Episcopal Church in the United States. The Methodist Church, founded by Wesley and Whitefield, began its formal American organizar tion in 1784, when the Methodists summoned a national con- ference, which adopted the title of ]\Iethodist Episcopal and gave to Francis Asbury and Thomas Coke the title of Bishop. The long prejudice against the Catholics softened, and several THE AMERICAN PEOPLE EROM 1780 TO 1800 281 states piit them on an e(|ual footing with the Protestants. In 1789 a Catholic bishop was sent over to Baltimore, and thus that church was formally organized in the United States. Another type of church government was established when in 1789 the Presbyterian local synods united in "the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in the United States of America," which has ever since been the supreme governing body of that church The Dutch Eeformed Church of New York and New Jersey, though closely akin to the Presbyterian in doctrine, had a separate synod. The thousand Congregational churches in New England were nearly all supported by taxation, and each was its own highest tribunal ; for, as in the Baptist Church, no general convention had au- thority among them. The Quakers also practiced local self- government ; and both Quakers and INIetho- dists freely admitted women to take part in their service. Type of eighteenth-century meetinghouse Among the many other Protestant denominations were the German Lutherans, Moravians or United Brethren, and Dunk- ards ; and the Mennonites, none of whom would take an oath, or fight, or accept office, or go to law. Universalists had a few congregations. The curious communities known as the Shakers w^ere founded during the Revolution by Annah Lee, whom her followers called the Elect Lady, or Mother Ann. The Jews had synagogues in all the large places, but no cen- tral organization. On the frontier, religion was emotional. There was a great hart's amer. hist. — 14 8yUAKE-PEWED CHURCH, SALISBURY, MASS., BUILT IN 1791. 9P.9 ORGANIZATION AND EXPANSION revival of religion in 1800, and the "camp meeting" was invented in Kentucky. All the churches enjoyed the greatest religious freedom that had ever been known in the history of mankind. Each denomination chose and ordained its ministers, laid down its doctrine, and disciplined its members in its own way. For the individual there was equal freedom. The federal Con- <^>UAKER Meetim i"< • (From Kendall's Travels.) stitution of 1787 prohibited any religious test for federal oflBice, and the states in course of time removed most of the religious qualifications both for voters and for public officers. To describe the American people just after the Revolution is a hard task, because there was no single kind of American 187. Sum- people. The New Englanders were traders, fishermen, "^^ and independent farmers. The middle states were still half frontier, and the farmers predominated. In the South existed four elements of society : the great planters ; the small THE AMERICAN I'EOI'LE FROM 1780 TO 1800 233 planters, with whom were associated a large number of non- slaveholding farmers ; the poor whites ; and the negroes. Yet there was a thorough community of interest among the American people. Almost everybody spoke English ; almost everybody was a Protestant; people passed freely from state to state, and easily acquired citizenship. The many callings and occupations depended closely upon one another; the fur trader got the raw skins from the frontier Indians, and the country merchant bought the produce of the neighboring farmers; the city merchant and shipowner carried the goods abroad, and brought back return cargoes of manufactures, which were distributed through the states. The corporations built necessary roads and canals, and provided banks and con- veniences for trade. The United States was a country of wonderful opportunities, so that a man might expect to get away from poverty and ignorance if he chose. The great characteristic of the American people was their power of organization. They were organizing business, and preparing to make use of coming conveniences of intercourse ; they were building highways, accumulating capital, and open- ing up the unrivaled treasure-house of the West. Above all they were organizing towns, counties, and states — if they could also organize a strong national government, nothing St. John could stay their progress as a nation. As an observer L^lter^ofa said, "The American is a new man who acts upon new Farmer, 53 principles; he must, therefore, entertain new ideas, and form new opinions." TOPICS (Vi What caused the rapid growth of colonial and state popula- Suggestive tonics tion ? (2) What did the United States export, 1780-1800 ? (3) Ef- fects of the cotton gin. (4) What had the United States to sell in China ? (5) Why was the Erie Canal suggested ? (0) Why- did not Fitch's or Rumsey's steamboat succeed ? (7) Why was America slow in beginning manufactures ? (8) Why were there no Episcopal bishops in America before 1784 ? 234 OKGAMZATKJN AND EXPANSION Search topics (9) Germans in North America up to 1800. (10) French Huguenots iu North America. (11) Scotch-Irish in North America up to 1800. (12) Slavery in New Hampsliire. (13) Slavery in Massachusetts. (14) Slavery iu Connecticut. (15) Slavery in Rhode Island. (16) Slavery in New York. (17) Slavery in New Jersey. (18) Slavery in Pennsylvania. (19) Travel on the Wil- derness Road. (20) Debtors' prisons. (21) District schools after 1800. (22) College life in 1800. (23) American poetry in 1800. (24) Francis Asbury. (25) Eli Whitney. (26) John Jacob Astor. (27) Samuel Slater. (28) Do you think the Frenchman's experi- ence of a farmer's family (§ 176) is typical? (29) Other rich merchants in the United States besides Hancock. (30) The Tam- many Society from 1790 to 1820. (31) A journey about the year 1800. (32) The Wilderness Road. (33) Life on American ships of war. Secondary authorities Sonrces Illustrative works Pictures REFERENCES Hart, Formation of the Union, §§ 55, 70-72, 79; Sloane, French War and RpvoUdion, 378-388 ; Walker, Making of the Nation, 64-72 ; Fiske, Critical Period, 50-89 ; Rhodes, United States, I. 3-27 ; Sparks, Expansion, 135-187 ; Schouler, United States, I. 1- 12, 221-241; Adams, Utiited States, I. 1-184; McMaster, United States, I. 1-102, 423-436, II. 1-24, 57-66, 158-165, 538-582, III. 514-516, V. 268-284 ; Weeden, New England, II. 816-875 ; Locke, Antislnvery, 88-111, 166-197 ; Curtis, Conntitntional History, II. 231-244 ; Morse, Thomas Jefferson, 36-50 ; Merwin, Tftomas Jef- ferson, 45-58 ; Hunt, James Madison, 67-86 ; Ward, Bishop miite^ 1-89. See also references to chapter vi. Hart, Sotirce Book, §§ 88, 89, — Contemporaries, III. §§ 10-36, — Source Headers, IL §§ 59-62, IIL §§ 4-8, 14-25, 29-33, 72, 100- 104, 116, 117 ; Old South Leaflets, nos. 65, 126: Caldwell, Survey, 132^142 ; Scudder, Men and Manners in America; Bowne, GirVs Life Eighty Years Ago ; Grant, Memoirs of an American Lady ; Graydon, Memoirs. A. M. Earle, Stage-Coach and Tavern Days, — Two Centuries of Costume ; J. dc F. Shelton, Salt-Box House, 168-237 ; H. B. Stowe, Minister''s Wooing, — Oldtown Folks (N.E.) ; Sophie May, In Old Qiiiuiiebasset (N.E.) ; A. E. Barr, Maid of Maiden Lane, — Trinity Bells (N.Y.) ; C. B. Brown, Arthur Mervyn (Philadel- phia) ; J. P. Kennedy, Swallow Barn (Va.). Mrs. Earle's books mentioned above ; Sparks, Expansion ; Wilson, American People, IIL CHAPTER XV. ORGANIZING THE GOVERNMENT (1789-1793) The federal Constitution laid down the general principles of the government; but the details had to be settled by new laws and customs, so that the work of Congress from 1789 to 188. First 1793 was hardly less important than that of the Phila- national delphia Convention. By vote of the old Congress of the (1788) Confederation, a date was set for the first presidential elec- tion, and the new Congress was to meet in New York the first Wednesday in March, 1789, which happened to be March 4. For the presidency there was no contest; everybody knew that George Washington would have the first vote of every elector. More of their second votes were cast for John Adams than for any one else, and he was thus elected Vice President. The members of Congress drifted into New York slowly, so that the House was not organized till April 1, 1789, and the Senate not till April 6. Frederick Muhlenberg of jgg „^^^ Pennsylvania was elected Speaker of the House, and gress organ- John Adams in due time took his constitutional seat as presiding officer of the Senate. Then the two houses laid down rules for their procedure, and thus made precedents which now have almost the weight of law. The House from the beginning, and the Senate from 1793, have usually sat in open session. Congress voted its members a salary of $6, later $8, a day while in session, for which a fixed salary was substi- tuted after 1854. Committees at first were chosen by bal- lot in both houses, but after 1790 the House authorized the Speaker to appoint all its committees, a great power which he enjoyed until 1911. Within a few years began to grow 235 236 ORGANIZATION AND EXPANSION up a system of standing committees appointed at the begin- ning of each session. Meanwhile, the electoral vote having been counted, Wash- ington was notified of his election, and on his arrival from 190. Inau- Mount Vernon was received in New York by thousands the PreS°^ of enthusiastic people. On April 30, 1789, he was sol- dent (1789) emnly inaugurated at Federal Hall on Wall Street, where he took the oath of oflBce, and made a simple and earnest .\l(il NT \ I I .-■. I ( . 1 ■• ■■ From an engraving by Stuart. speech. Congress voted the President $25,000 a year, the largest salary then received by any man in the United States. AVashington liked becoming ceremony, and it was understood that he approved the proposed title of "His Highness, the President of the United States of America and Protector of their Liberties," though -Patrick Henry said of the title that "it squinted toward monarchy." Eventually no title was given by law ; so that the official form of address to the Presi- dent is simply, " jNIr. President." ORGANIZING THE GOVEHNMENT ( 1789-1 7ua) 237 One of the earliest tasks of Congress was to organize the executive departments, and in its first session it created four. (1) First was the Department of Foreign Affairs, soon 191 Execu- changed to Department of State. Thomas Jefferson ^^'^^ depart- ments or- became the first regular Secretary of State. (2) The ganized War Department was next organized, and Henry Knox ^1789) (Secretary at War under the Confederation) was reappointed Secretary of War. (3) The Treasury was organized in great detail, and the first Secretary of the Treasury was Alexander Hamilton. (4) The former Post Office was continued, and Samuel Osgood was appointed Postmaster-General. All these officers were appointed by the President subject to the confir- mation of the Senate. By the casting vote of John Adams in the Senate, Congress established the wholesome principle that the President, who by the Constitution is obliged to see that the laws are faithfully executed, should have the unrestricted power of removing heads of departments and other officers, without the consent of the Senate. The President at once began to use his constitutional right to call on the heads of departments for written opinions ; and he went further by asking the three Secretaries and the Attorney-General (who for many years had no regular depart- ment under him) to meet him from time to time and discuss public business. This is the beginning of the unofficial Cabi- net, to which the Secretary of the Navy, Postmaster-General, Secretary of the Interior, Secretary of Agriculture, Secretary of Commerce, and Secretary of Labor have since been added. Under the wise provision of the Constitution that amend- ments may be proposed by Congress, about four hundred resolutions of amendment, suggested by states in their i92.Aniend- ratifications, or later by members of Congress, were mentstothe Constitu- boiled down by Congress to twelve amendments, which tion (1789- got the requisite two-thirds vote in both houses and were 1791) sent out to the states for ratification. These amendments 2o8 ORGANIZATION AND KX I'ANSION formed a little bill of rights, assuring jury trial, freedom of speech and of the press, etc., against any enactment by the federal government, and including in the Tenth Article the im- portant clause that *' The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people." Ten only of the twelve propositions secured the necessary ratifica- tion by three fourths of the states and became part of the Con- stitution (1791). The Constitution provides that there shall be a Supreme Court and inferior courts, leaving it to Congress to settle the 193 Courts ^^t^i^s. By an act (September 24, 1789), most of which organized is still in force. Congress created three kinds of courts — district, circuit, and supreme — and two kinds of judges — district and supreme. Ordinary cases, involving federal law, could be brought in the District Courts, appealed to the Circuit Courts, and thence to the Supreme Court. Ap- peals could be taken from the highest state courts to the fed- eral Supreme Court in cases involving federal law. Thus all suits turning on federal law might finally be brought before the Supreme Court of the United States, so that there might be one highest authority on federal law throughout the country. The President at once appointed John Jay of New York to be Chief Justice. The first Supreme Court case which attracted much notice w^as Chisholm vs. Georgia in 1793, in which the court gave a judgment against the state. To pre- vent such suits against a state by citizens of another state or of a foreign country, the Eleventh Amendment was at once proposed, and speedily added to the Constitution. The center of American social and political life was Phila- delphia, seat of Congress during most of the Revolution, government While the British were in Philadelphia Congress sat in ^ ^ York, Lancaster, and Baltimore ; and after Congress was insulted in its own liall by mutinous soldiers in 1783, it ORGANIZING THE GOVERNMENT (1789-1793) 239 sat in Princeton, Trenton, Annapolis, and New York, but did not select any of them as the permanent seat of govern- ment. The location of a capital therefore came up again in 1789. A Pennsylvania member spoke for Wright's Ferry (Columbia, Pa.), and praised the fish of the Susquehanna ; but a Georgia member, who did not like to travel so far, . , . ° ' ' Annals oj retorted, " This . . . will blow the coals of sedition and Congress, I. endanger the Union. . . . This looks like aristocracy." And a New England member said " he did not dare to go to the Potomac. He feared that the whole of New England would consider the Union as destroyed." When the matter came up again in 1790, it was tangled with a proposal that the federal government assume the outstanding state debts, which all the southern members opposed and all the New England members favored. Hamilton, as a northern man, appealed to Jefferson, over whose dining table an agree- ment was reached that the Virginia members would vote for assumption, if Hamilton would find the votes necessary to fix the capital on the Potomac ; and by this compromise (it would be called a "deal" nowadays) both measures were passed. Eighteen million dollars was distributed impartially among the states ; and the capital was fixed for ten years at Phila- delphia, and then in a district ten miles square to be selected by the President on the Potomac River. This was the origin of the District of Columbia. To Alexander Hamilton the present government of the United States owes almost as much as to Madison or to Washington ; for he had the genius to think out methods j-. ., of organizing the new national government. Hamilton ander Ham- was born in the island of Nevis in tlie West Indies federal (1757), and was educated at King's College, now Colum- financier (1789-1793) bia University. When the Revolution broke out, he be- gan to write patriotic pamphlets, then joined the army, and attracted the notice of Washington, who never ceased to love 240 ORGANIZATION AND EXPANSION //. 241 and admire him. He sat in the Congress of the Confederation for a time (1782-1783), but a friend said of him that he was not „ ., "adapted to a council comi)osed of discordant materials, Hamilton, ^ '■ Hamilton, ov to a people which have thirteen heads." He was a famous lawyer, but his genius was especially fitted to finance, and it was a national blessing when, in September, 1789, at thirty-two years of age, he was appointed Secretary of the Treasury. It was a discouraging post. Hamilton found a debt of $52,000,000 and no money in the treasury ; the accounts were in confusion; the old paper-money notes were repudiated ; and few seemed to expect that the federal govern- ment would ever pay its bonded debt. Be- tween January, 1790, and January, 1792, Hamilton issued a series of five reports on the finances of the country : on Public Alkxander Hamilton. From the portrait by Weimar. Credit, on Manufactures, on a Bank, on Currency, a second Eeport on Public Credit. In these reports he developed a system of national finance, which he pushed with such force and statesmanship that he induced Congress to accept every one of the following plans: — (1) Import duties were to provide for the interest on the public debt. (2) An excise on the manufacture of whisky would raise additional money and would make the western ORGANIZING THE GOVERNMENT (1789-1793) 241 people understand that they had a government. (3) The debt of the United States was to be funded in one kind of obliga- tions, and the government was to assume the state debts, so as to interest the capitalists in the success of the government and raise the credit of the United States for future needs. (4) A national bank was to perform the government business and furnish a safe currency. (5) Protective import duties were to encourage and build up home manufactures. The first tariff act became a law before Hamilton came into ofl&ce ; and the debate on it contained nearly all the arguments of the twenty and more tariff debates that have followed. 196. Na- Manufacturers petitioned Congress for protection ; Penn- t-ional sylvania wanted to protect " our infant manufactures " ; commerce South Carolinians thought protection " big with oppression " ; midway men were willing to lay duties to encourage young industries, and manufactures of military material. The result of these discussions was the first tariff act (July 4, 1789), which was then thought to be protective; specific duties were laid on about thirty articles, and on other articles ad valorem duties ranging from 7^ per cent to 15 per cent. The average rate of duty was only about 8^ per cent — the lowest in our federal history. Later, at Hamilton's suggestion, the import duties were raised a little, and an excise was laid on whisky (March 3, 1791), amounting to 7 or 8 cents a gallon. The question of the national debt was settled just as Hamil- ton wished. Some people wanted to take account of the fact that many owners of certificates of domestic debt had bought them at a depreciation ; but Hamilton carried his point of paying them in full to the actual holders, on the ground that if the government ever wanted to borrow money, it must issue securities that would easily pass from hand to hand. In a few months the surprised holders of government bonds began for the first time to receive regular interest on their holdings, and the securities of the United States rose to par. 212 ORGANIZATION AND EXPANSION Hardly less important than the financial improvement of the country was the reorganization of business. Under its power to regulate coinage, Congress passed an act (April 2, 1792) establishing a United States mint, at which any possessor of gold or silver could have it coined into gold or silver pieces without charge for the stamping. The act also established the ratio of fifteen to one between gold and silver; that is, $15 in gold weighed as much as f 1 in silver. Under the new power over foreign commerce. Congress passed a navigation act (July 20, 1789), laying a discriminating tonnage duty in favor of American shipping ; and provided for the na- tional registration of vessels and for public lighthouses. Later, all foreign vessels were excluded from the coasting trade. Trade at once began to increase (see Appendix F) ; but the de- mand caused by wars in Europe, and the disturbances from restrictions on neutral trade, made the growth very irregular. The most far-reaching commercial act was the charter of the United States Bank (February 25, 1791), which Hamilton con- 197. The sidered the crowning part of his whole system. It had sutes^Bank ^ capital of .$10,000,000, of which the United States gov- (1791) ernment owned a fifth. In the conditions of that time, this was as remarkable as a bank with a capital of a thousand millions would be to-day, The bank was expected to receive deposits; to h()ld most of the government balances ; to make loans to business men ; to put out paper notes and hold " re- serves " of gold and silver in its vaults ; to pay its notes on de- mand ; and to act as the agent of the government. The real object of the bank was much deeper ; Hamilton wanted to teach the business men of the country that their welfare and prosperity would be aided by a great federal corporation. Hamilton found the constitutional authority in the clause of the Constitution which gives Congress power to pass acts that are " necessary and proper for carrying into execution the . . powers vested by this constitution in the government of ORGANIZING THE GOVERNMENT (1789-1793) 243 the United States." Jefferson sent a written opinion to the President, in which he argued that the bank would not be con- stitutional, because Congress had no express power to char- ter a corporation ; and that the bank was not " necessary and proper," since all its services to the government could be performed in some other way. Hamilton's answer was that Congress had the " implied power " to carry out its express powers through a corporation, if that would do the work better; and that "necessary and proper" did not mean " indis- pensable," but " suitable." All the northern votes except one were in favor of the act. Washington signed it, and twenty- eight years later the Supreme Court adopted Hamilton's doctrine of implied powers, and it is now constantly used in the legislation of Congress. The bank was at once organized, with head office in Philadelphia and eight branches in other cities, and proved a safe and prosperous concern. Congress early began to use its new powers over the territo- ries. To prevent the settlers from pressing upon the Indians, Congress passed acts shutting out from trade or sojourn jgg West- in the Indian lands everybody who had not a license from em Indians the President. On the other hand, a series of new Indian treaties were negotiated and ratified by the Senate, for the cession of lands to accommodate white settlers. Nevertheless, Indian war burst out in the Northwest Territory in 1789, and the next year forces under General Harmer were twice defeated. General St. Clair, governor of the Northwest Territory, set out to build a chain of forts from the Ohio to Lake Erie; and in a pitched battle with the Indians at the site of Fort Recovery (November 4, 1791) he lost a thousand out of his fif- teen hundred men. Washington's private secretary records the President's emotion when the news came . " And yet to „ . suffer that 'army to be cut to pieces, hacked, butchered, Washing- tomahawked by a surprise — the very thing I guarded ' him against ! God, God, he is worse than a murderer ! " 244 ORGANIZATION AND EXPANSION " But," he added, recovering himself, " General St. Clair shall have justice! " Anthony Wayne, who was now put in command, built frontier posts, and thoroughly thrashed the Indians at the Falls of the Maumee, and made possible the treaty of Green- ville (1795), by which the Indians gave up the territory now composing southern and eastern Ohio. In Georgia Indian wars broke out in 1793; but the United States stood by its right to control and negotiate with the tribes, and make treaties for land cessions. Meanwhile settlers began to pour into the Northwest. Virginia opened up her reserve of Military Bounty Lands 199. Settle- north of the Ohio. Then followed new communities West "®^'' Chillicothe on the Scioto, and at Losantiville, now (1789-1800) called Cincinnati. Along Lake Erie settlement began about 1795, when Connecticut sold the greater part of the Western Reserve to the Connecticut Land Company. General Moses Cleaveland, agent of the company, in 1796 founded at the mouth of the Cuyahoga, on Lake Erie, the city now called for the founder, Cleve- land. Next year the "Girdled Road" was made from the Pennsyl- vania line along the lake to Cleveland. In 1800 the state of Connecticut ceded to the United States all jurisdiction over the Reserve, so that the lake and river settlements might be united into anew state. Indiana Territory was immediately set off, and in 1802 the The Northwest in 1800. Showing territory ceded by treaty of Greenville. ORGANIZING THE GOVERNMENT (1789-1793) 245 --i" a-'-ajtl , III .11 *fer ^•^1''. .^ I .,'1 ' , , ji-. ". >^' • " ">|i""' "" .TT • '»'" Minima I iiU»|lil ll|!l Cincinnati in 1810. From Howe's Historical Collections. people of Ohio were avithorized to form a state government, and were duly admitted to the Union the next year. Congress provided for the southern region by an act (1790) organizing the " Territory South of the Ohio Eiver," which six years later was admitted into the Union as the state of Tennessee ; it was preceded by the admission of Kentucky in 1792. Still farther south the boundary controversy with Georgia continued (pp. 190, 192) ; but Congress created the Mississippi Territory out of a part of the disputed land (1798), and four years later Georgia ceded everything west of her present boundary, and the long controversy as to western lands was ended. Till about 1793 there were no national political parties, for the Anti-Federalists disappeared soon after the Constitution was adopted, and hardly a man in the country any 200. Germa longer criticised the Constitution. , The first division °'^paSeJ on living issues came about in Washington's Cabinet, (1792) where Jefferson says that he and Hamilton from day to day 246 ORGANIZATION AND EXPANSION attacked each other "like cocks in a pit." The two men and tlieir followers absolutely disagreed on the cardinal questions of the nature of government. Hamilton and his friends be- lieved that the opinion of the educated and property-holding classes must always be the best for the ignorant and the poor. He is said to have remarked once at a dinner : " Your people, yo\ir people, sir, is a great beast." The other side was represented by Jefferson, who counted himself among " those who identify theniselves with the people, have confidence in them, cherish and consider them as the most honest and safe, although not the most wise depository of the public interest." Hamilton and his friends believed further that it was the duty of government to encourage private enterprise, and to that end laid down the principle of " loose construction," or " implied powers." Jefferson's theory of " strict construc- tion " of the Constitution was that government ought to do as little as possible, that it ought to lay taxes only for ab- solutely necessary expenses, and that the development of the country ought to be left to individuals. On almost the same day (in May, 1792) Hamilton wrote that Madison and Jeffer- son were at the head of a "faction decidedly hostile to me, . . . and dangerous to the Union, peace and prosperity of the country"; and Jefferson described Hamilton and his friends as " Monarchical federalists." In the election of 1792, though there was not a vote against Washington, there was a strong and almost successful attempt to displace Adams as Vice President ; and thenceforth one body of men throughout the country took on the party name of Federalist, and the Jeffer- sonians called themselves Democrats. For about three years, from 1789 to 1792, the friends of 201. Sum- the Constitution had the opportunity of showing how it mary would work ; they got a large majority in (Congress, elected Washington to be President, and framed organizing ORGANIZING THE GOVERNMENT (1780-1793) 247 legislation wliich was in harmony with the work of the Con- vention. The reorganizatioii of finance and commerce was the next great national task. The genins of Alexander Hamilton rendered an inestimable service to the country, for he could look forward into the future and see the probable outcome of his plans ; and such was the confidence of the business inter- ests of the country in him that he carried all his measures through. Against the doctrine that it was the duty of the national government to make the country prosperous, Jefferson and his friends fought vigorously ; and before the end of Washington's first administration appeared the elements of two political parties, which were bound to oppose each other on all grave questions, and which intended to fight each other in the national elections. The reelection of Washington in 1792 postponed, but could not prevent, the coming of strict party government. TOPICS (1) Why did the first Congress meet in New York? (2) Are Sugrgestive secret sessions of the Senate desirable ? (3) Who have been °'''*^* the great Speakers of the House ? (4) Why are there standing committees in Congress ? (5) Who have been the great Secre- taries of State ? (6) Who have been the great Secretaries of the Treasury ? (7) Who have been the great judges of the Supreme Court? (8) Why should the President remove officers without the consent of the Senate ? (9) Why were the first ten amendments to the Constitution necessary? (10) Jefferson's political principles from 1781 to 1791. (11) Was Hamilton a monarchist ? (12) John Adams as Vice President. (13) Life in the first Search Congress. (14) History of the Eleventh Amendment. (15) Ham- *opic8 ilton's share in fixing the place of the national capital. (16) Op- position to Hamilton in Congress. (17) Debate on the first national tariff. (18) Objections to the first United States Bank. (19) Later discussions of "implied powers." (20) Jefferson's opinions of Hamilton. (21) Hamilton's opinions of Jefferson. (22) Foundation of Cincinnati. (23) Foundation of Cleveland. (24) Foundation of Buffalo. (25) The Yazoo land dispute. hart's amer. hist. — 15 248 ORGANIZATION AND EXPANSION REFERENCES Geogrraphy Secondary authorities Sources Illustrative works Pictures See maps, pp. 11, 108; Seniple, Geographic Conditions, 76-92, Bassett, Federalist System. Hart, Formation of the Union, §§ 73-82 ; Walker, Making oj the Nation, 73-114 ; Chamiing, United States, 133-147 ; Johnston, Politics, 19-29 ; Stanwood, Presidency, 2U-41 ; Bassett, Federalist System; Wilson, American People, III. 98-128; Gordy, Political Parties, I. 103-158; Schouler, United States, I. 70-220; McMaster. United States, I. 525-604, II. 24-57, 07-89, 144-154, III. 116-123 ; Dewey, Financial History, §§ 34-52 ; McDougall, Fugitive Slaves, §§ 16-19 ; Hinsdale, Old Northwest, 290-313, 308-;388 ; Roosevelt, Winning of the West, IV. 1-100 ; Winsor, Westward Movement, 375-574 ; Foster, Century of Diplomacy, 10-3-135 ; Lodge, George Washiugion, II. 41-123, 218-237, •Mn-^IS)^, — Alexander Hamilton, 8.>-150 ; Ford, Trwe George Washington; Morse, Thomas Jeffer- son, 87-129; Schouler, Thomas Jefferson, 15;3-109 ; Hunt, James Madison, 167-212. Hart, Source Book, §§ 71-73, — Contemporaries, III. §§ 76-89, — S (12) Tecumthe's career. (13) Settlement of the Leopard- Chesapeake difficulty. (14) Defefit of the Guerriere. (15) Cap- ture of the Java. (16) Capture of the Macedonian. (17) Capture of the Chesapeake. (18) Porter's cruise in the Pacific. (19) Cap- ture of Astoria. (20) Story of the origin of Key's Star- Spangled Banner. (21) Incidents of privateering in the War of 1812. (22) Inner history of the Hartford convention. (23) Attempts to make peace in 1812-1813. Search topics Secondary authorities REFERENCES See map, p. 282 ; Babcock, Rise of American Nationality ; Geography Semple, Geor/rnphic Conditions, 134-149. Hart, Formation of the Union, §§107-117; Stanwood, Presi- dency, 97-105 ; Babcock, Bise of American Nationality ; McMaster, United States, III. 339-458, 528-560, IV. 1-279; Adams, United States, V.-VIII. IX. 1-103 ; Wilson, American People, III. 204- 234; Cambridge Modern History, VII. 331-348; Gordy, Political Parties, II. 9-333 ; Mahan, War of 1812 ; Roosevelt, Naval War of 1812; Maclay, United States Navy, 1. 305-658, II. 3-22; HoUis, 288 ORGANIZATION AND EXPANSION Friffati' Constitution', Hosmer, Mississippi Valley, 146-191 •, Cable, Creoles of Louisiana, 161-209 ; Dewey, Financial History, §§ 69- 64 ; Gay, Schurz, Henry Clay, I. 67-125 ; Brown, Andrew Jack- son, 24-86 ; Parton, General Jackson, 2;>-248 ; Brady, Stephen Decatur, 62-137 ; Eggleston and Seeley, Tecumseh and the Shaio- nee Prophet. gources Hart, Source Book, §§ 82-87, — Contemporaries, III. §§ 123-129, — Source Beaders, III. §§62-65, 76-81, 85, 89-98; MacDonald, Select Documents, nos. 28-32 ; Ames, State Documents on Fed- eral Belations, no. 2 ; Caldwell, Studies, I. 204-208 ; Johnston, American Orations, 1.164-215. See N. Eng. Hist. Teachers' Ass'n, Syllabus, 340, — Historical Sources, § 82. Matthews, Poems of American Patriotism, 83-107 ; Eggleston, American War Ballads, 113-145; Irving Bacheller, D'ri and I; G. C. Eggleston, Big Brother, — Captain Sam, — Signal Boys ; Edward Eggleston, Boxy (Tippecanoe) ; J. A. Altsheler, Herald of the West (Washington and New Orleans) ; M. E. Scannell, Midshipman Paulding \ Kirk Munroe, Midshipman Stuart; W. K. Post, Smith Brunt ; Howard Pyle, Within the Capes. Fictiires Wilson, American People, HI. lUuBtrative works CHAPTER XIX. SETTLING THE WEST (1800-1820) In 1802 Jefferson predicted that the Mississippi valley *'will ere long yiekl more than half of onr whole produce and contain more than half of our inhabitants." Two Contempora- decades later the West contained one fourth of the in- ^^^^' ■"•^" ^^^ habitants of the Union, and had revealed many elements „„„„■„ *'- ' ••' sources oi of its own natural wealth : (1) The soil was deep and the West fertile ; the bottom lands of Kentucky and Tennessee, the wooded areas of Ohio, and the prairies farther west all bore surpi-ising crops. (2) Most of the settled area abounded in superb timber — the best trees ran to 150 or even 200 feet in height and 30 to 40 feet in girth, furnishing abundant building material. (3) The country was well watered and fitted for grazing, so that about 1820 the westerners began to drive herds of cattle over the mountains to market. (4) The abundant waterways and the ease of making roads quickly opened the country to settlement. (5) Coal mining began in Pittsburg in 1784, and the black diamonds cropped out in many places. (6) Iron ore was abi;ndant, and charcoal iron furnaces were started, while lead was discovered in Illinois and Wisconsin. A stream of immigrants sought this promised land, with an effect seen in the census returns of some of the statres : Tennessee had 36,000 people in 1790 and 262,000 in 342 The 1810; Ohio rose from 45,000 in 1800 to 581,000 in 1820. westward New settlements sprang up. Fort Dearborn, on the Chicago River, first built m 1803, was destroyed by Indians in 1812, was rebuilt in 1816, and became the nucleus of 289 290 NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT Chicago. Terre Haute, Fort Wayne, and South Bend were settled about 1817. St. Louis had been founded by the French in 1764. Although the eastern states were all growing rapidly, they were able to ^^ — i-. Settled Are* lnJ700. \ .^ Ruling UidlcitM r<>([lon»>' ^\ ■HI^Mttkd tMtwmn 17M and 1810>. F3ri TXAl Indlaite re^nni KXttti \ » * I Ixt^een 1) On what ground did Jackson invade Florida ? (7) Un what grounds did Russia claim THE NEW NATIONAL SPIRIT (1815-1829) 315 the northwest coast? (8) Why was the caucus system of nomi- nation unpopular in 1824 ? (i)) Wliy was Jackson's nomination unexpected in 1824 ? (10) Disputes on the tariff'of 1816 ; of 1820 ; of 1824 ; of 1828. Search (11) John Marshall's character and private life. (12) William °P^°^ H. Crawford's public life. (13) Revolutions in Spanish America from 1800 to 1820. (14) Debates in the Cabinet in 1823 on the Monroe Doctrine. (15) Andrew Jackson as a judge. (16) Charge of a corrupt bargain between Clay and Adams. (17) Protests against the tariff of 1824. (18) John C. Calhoun as a nationalist. (19) Calhoun's doctrine of nullification as set forth in the Exposi- tion of 1828. REFERENCES Secondary authorities See map, p. 300 ; Turner, New West. Hart, Formation of the Union, §§ 120-125, 128-140 ; Wilson, Division and Beunion, §§ 8-10, 25-27 ; Stanwood, Presidency, 106- 150 ; Turner, New West ; Schouler, United States, II. 446-463, III. 1-96, 109-133, 173-178, 189-450; McMaster, United States, III. 496-514, IV. 280-380, 430-521, V. ; Adams, United States, IX. 106- 148, 187-197 ; Gay, Bryant's History, IV, 244-259, 276-296 ; Gordy, Political Parties, II. 333-389, 445-581 ; Peck, Jacksonian Epoch, 1-122 ; Dewey, Financial History, §§ 66-80 ; Stanwood, American Tariff Controversies, I. 111-348 ; Hart, Foundations of American Foreign Policy, 211-218 ; Latan^, United States and Spanish Amer- ica, 9-105 ; Sato, Land Question, 53-60 ; Gilman, James Munroe, 143-147, 159-179 ; Morse, J. Q. Adams, 107-118, 122-219; Schurz, Henry Clay, I. 126-171, 203-311 ; Sumner, And'reio Jackson, 60- 150; Brown, Andrew Jackson, 87-117; Thayer, John Marshall; Lodge, Daniel Webster, 60-166 ; Shepard, Martin Van Buren, 88-176. Hart, Source Headers, III. § 10, — Contemporaries, III. §§ 130, Sources 132-134, 142-150; MacDonald, Select Documents, nos. 33, 34, 43-45 ; American History Leaflets, nos. 4, 24 ; Old South Leaflets, nos. 56, 129 ; Ames, State Documents on Federal Relations, nos. 3, 4, pp. 1-31 ; Hill, Liberty Documents, chs. xix. xx. ; Caldwell, Sur- vey, 208-214, 227-233, — Territorial Development, 105-126. See N. Eng. Hist. Teachers' Ass'n, Syllabus, 341, 344, — Historical Sources, § 83. Gustave Aimard, Queen of the Savannah (Spanish-American illustrative independence). works Wilson, American People, III. Pictures hart's amer. hist. — 19 CHAPTER XXL NEW POLITICAL ISSUES (1829-1841) When Jackson became President in 1829, the principles of American democratic government had in many ways advanced 267 Amer ^^^^^ farther than in 1789 : (1) many of the states had ican democ- rid themselves of the old property and tax qualifications °^ for voters ; (2) nearly all the state officers, including judges, were elected by popular vote instead of being chosen by the legislature or governor, as formerly ; (3) the property qualifications for officers were diminished or had disappeared ; (4) by the system of " rotation in office " state and local officers were chosen for short terms, and rarely reelected more than once or twice; (5) minor officers in most states and municipalities were likely to be removed when the opposi- tion party got into power ; (6) the cities were growing rapidly and demanded new forms of government. Politics, too, had lost its old simplicity. The party news- papers were still unscrupulous and abusive, and there were some leaders of the type now called party bosses. The party in power in a state tried to keep in power by distributing offices as rewards to its followers. Parties often tried to per- petuate their power by the " gerrymander " — that is, by so ar- ranging the boundaries of electoral districts that their friends should carry some districts by small majorities and their op- ponents should carry fewer districts by large majorities, so that the minority might rule. Violence at the polls was fre- quent, and fraud was not unknown. The most noted representative of the new democratic prin- 316 NEW POLITICAL ISSUES (1829-1841) 817 ciples was President Andrew Jackson; and, except Clay, no man in all the West was so widely known, so experienced in public affairs, and so capable of making quick decisions. 268. An- In personal appearance Jackson was tall and spare, with ^«^ J^^^- a high forehead and a great mane of hair, which silvered man of re while he was President. A lion to his enemies, Jackson sponsibility was the soul of courtesy, and to ladies almost a Don Quixote. All his life long he was accustomed to lead in the community and in the army; hence he was over quick to make up his mind, and when he had once come to a conclusion, could not be moved from it. A political hu- morist of the time makes him say, "It has always bin my way, l^CttCVS Of when I git a notion, to stick to Jack it till it dies a natural death; -»o«"»»S' and the more folks talk agin my notions, the more I stick to 'em." Oji the whole Jackson's instincts were right ; he hated monopoly and corporate greed and private advan- tage from public office. He saw much better than most men of his time the dangers likely to result from the national government's try- ing to help the states and the business men. His fault was that he looked upon the government as a kind of military organiza- tion in which it was treason to the country to interfere with the orders of the commanding general. If he had a prejudice against a man, he thought that man his enemy, and because Jackson's enemy, of course an enemy to his country. Yet it is true that Jackson was a living representative of the opin- ions of a majority of the voters in the United States. Andrew Jackson, ABOUT 1830. From an old print of Earle's portrait. 318 NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT Jackson's military principles were carried into his appoint- ments. His Cabinet had no eminent member except Martin 269. Ap- ^^^ Buren, the Secretary of State, " The Little Magician," poiiitments renowned for his urbanity and political shrewdness, and re- movals Alongside his official Cabinet was the coterie of personal (1829-1837) fi-iends satirically called the "Kitchen Cabinet," which contained the real advisers of the President, including Van Buren; Major Eaton, Secretary of War; Amos Kendall, later brought into the post office to dismiss the local postmasters ; and Duff Green, editor of the Tclefjraj)}!, the Jackson organ. It was a mistake to api)oint other men to the Cabinet whom he did not care to consult. Never befoie tliat time had a President been so beset with office seekers; and the principal way in which vacancies could be found was by ejecting those who already held office. To the day of his death Jackson declared that no man was removed without a reason ; but he was easily persuaded that hundreds of important officers were lazy, or corrupt, or political parti- sans. Hence in his eight years he removed 252 of tlie 610 officers appointed by the President ; and nobody knows how many clerks and subordinates went with their chiefs. The vacancies thus made were filled without much discrimination, and the Senate threw out many of his nominations. Yet it is an injustice to Jackson to hold him responsible for bring- ing the system of partisan politics to Washington. He really meant to carry out what he called "the task of reform," but he demoralized the public service, because he took the advice of people intent cliiefly on their own political fortunes. Jackson's character was clearly brought out in his quarrel with the United States Bank. That bank had powerful •on'B war rivals in the western state banks, of which, in 1829, there U°\ed were about three hundred. Another set of enemies was states Bank created when Biddle, president of the bank, refused to (1829-1832) remove some branch bank officers and to substitute Jack- NEW POLITICAL ISSUES (1829-1841) 319 son men (1829). Its most dangerous enemy was Jackson, be- cause he represented an enormous constituency of farmers and small traders who were convinced that the eastern capitalists were getting more than their share of the annual products of the country. Jackson believed also, and with reason, that the bank sooner or later would become a political force. Accordingly, beginning in his message of 1829, year after year Jackson repeated a warning that the bank was dangerous, unsound, and unconstitutional ; till, in 1832, as the presidential election was approaching, the friends of the bank, under Clay's leadership, made up their minds to force the issue into the campaign. They therefore passed a recharter bill in both houses, four years before the charter of 1816 was to expire; and Jackson, as was expected, vetoed it (July 10, 1832). The bank question was for a time pushed aside by the threats of South Carolina to nullify the offensive tariff acts. The tem- per of the states was shown in a debate in the Senate 271. Nulli- in 1830, in which Senator Hayne stood up for the right debates of a state to declare a federal statute void (§ 273). (1828-1832) Webster of Massachusetts seized the opportunity in his " Second Reply to Hayne," to protest, with all his match- less eloquence and national spirit, against the doctrines of the South Carolina Exposition of 1828, written by Vice- President Calhoun (§ 274). Jackson's position on nullifica- tion was not clearly made known till April, 1830, when, at a dinner on Jefferson's birthday, he was called on for a toast and gave " Our Federal Union : it must be preserved." A few weeks later Jackson quarreled with Calhoun on private grounds, and broke off relations with the Vice President. A last effort was made to get Congress to reduce the offen- sive tariff, and a new tariff was passed (July 14, 1832) ; but Clay saw to it that the protective duties of 1824 were left in, and some of them raised ; though the average rate of duty was reduced to about 34 per cent. 320 NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT In the presidential campaign of 1832, the direct issue was the bank. For the first time delegates gathered in general party 272. Poll- conventions. The anti-Jackson men met in a " National uU'^ f Republican Convention," made the first national party (1832-1833) platform, and nominated Henry Clay. Jackson had already been nominated by members of several state legislar tures, and his nomination was confirmed by a " Democratic National Convention," which also adopted the two-thirds rule for making nominations, and proposed Van Buren for Vice President. The election showed part of New England, with Maryland, Delaware, and Kentucky, for Clay, and the rest of the South (except South Carolina) and the West, with Pennsylr vania and New York, for Jackson, who had 219 electoral votes to 49 for Clay, and 690,000 popular votes to 530,000. Jackson accepted the election of 1832 as an approval of his past course, and also of all the things that he meant to do in the future; and something had to be done very soon in South Carolina. A convention of that state, elected for the purpose, passed an ordinance, November 24, 1832, declaring the tariff acts of 1828 and 1832 to be " null, void, and no law, nor binding upon this State, its officers or citizens." This action Jackson treated as a personal affront. He sent General Scott to Charleston to arrange for defending the customhouse, and he issued a proclamation (December 11), warning the people of South Carolina against " the illegal and disorganizing action of the convention." At Jackson's request, an act, popularly called the "Force Bill" or "Bloody Bill," was passed by Con- gress (March 2, 1833), giving the President more power to raise forces to meet such a crisis. South Carolina began to raise troops, and the country was full of excitement. Calhoun resigned the vice presidency and came back to the Senate in 1833, in order to defend his doc- trines in debates with Webster. In the end South Carolina really carried her point, for the majority of Congress believed NEW POLITICAL ISSUES (1829-1841) 321 that the South was wronged by the tariff, and under Clay's leadersKip, by the Compromise Tariff of 1833 (March 2), pro- vided that the rates should be reduced at intervals till 1842, when they were all to come down to 20 per cent. The object of nullification having been accomplished without applying it, all plans of resistance were dropped by South Carolina. For the ideas and arguments behind the nullification move- ment, we look to the addresses and speeches of John C. Calhoun. Calhoun came of the vigorous Scotch-Irish race, was born 273. State in 1782 in South Carolina, and entered Congress in 1811. ^, rights ' ° theories of As Monroe's Secretary of War (1817-1825) he was very Calhoun efficient, and as Vice President (1825-1832) he was long looked upon as the probable successor to Jackson. In 1828 he made a square turn against national powers and worked out his doc- ' trine of nullification — a claim which was a magazine of argument for the secessionists at the time of the Civil War. It may be divided into three parts — the griev- ance, the nature of the federal government, and the remedy : — (1) Calhoun's griev- ance was that without any constitutional war- rant, by the ''tyranny of the majority," the tariff took a tax out of the pocket of the planters, and brought them no advantage. (2) His theory of the government was that " the Union is John C. Calhoun, about 1850. From a daguerreotype. 322 NATIONAL DEVP:L()PMENT a union of states and not of individuals " ; that the Constitution is a " compact " made by the states, and as in any other con- tract, if the states on one side failed to observe tlie limitations of the Constitution, the other states were freed from their obliga- tion ; that the federal government had no independent existence, but was only an "agency." (3) Calhoun shrank from the logical remedy, secession ; and proposed, instead, the remedy of "nullification," by which the people of South Carolina were simply to refuse to obey the tariff acts. For the federal government to bring suits to enforce the acts, or to use force, seemed to Calhoun's mind an act of war, which would dissolve the Union; and he had no doubt that other states would come to the rescue. The spokesman of the national theory of the government was 274 Nation- Daniel Webster, born in oJ Dantr 1782, in New Hampshire, a Webster graduate of Dartmouth Col- lege. In 1813 he was sent to Con- gress from New Hampshire; then in 1823 from Massachusetts, and in 1828 to a senator's seat from Massachusetts, which he occupied most of his life thenceforth, with two intervals of service as Secre- tary of State. Webster's theory of the government was substan- tially as follows : — (1) He scouted the idea that the Constitution is a com- pact, and called it an "instrument of government " for a nation. "It is, Sir, the people's Constitution, . . . made by the people, and answerable to the people. . . . We are all agents of the same supreme power, the people." ^ ^ DaMKI. W'kHSTKR, ABOl t 1S40. From the portrait by llaiding. NEW POLITICAL ISSUES (1829-1841) 323 (2) In language which rang throughout the Union, he denied the right of nullification and declared the great principle that the states could no more destroy the Union than the Union could destroy the states ; for both were founded on the consent of the American people, taken as a whole. (3) On the question who should decide in disputes as to federal powers, he held that the Constitution provided a mode " for bringing all questions of constitutional power to the final decision of the Supreme Court." Webster's speeches were widely read and became the familiar doctrine in the North, especially in the crisis of the Civil War. One of the phrases just quoted appears in a little different form in Lincoln's Gettysburg Address of 1863. The rivalry of South and North in part grew out of changes in the industrial conditions of the country. There was an im- mense development in raw materials, especially coal ; and 275. Changes the manufacture of pig iron was much cheapened when tral^° d^ it was found that instead of charcoal or coke, anthracite tions coal could be used (1838) ; and then that bituminous coal would answer (1846). Illuminating gas, first made in America in 1816, gave another new use for coal. In the twenty years from 1820 to 1840 more labor-saving in- ventions were brought forward than in the whole history of mankind before. The American manufacture of edge tools began ; the invention of planing machines revolutionized wood- working ; platform scales were introduced ; the Nasmy th steam hammer was patented in 1842 ; the iron cook stove was put on the market about 1840 ; friction matches (invented in England in 1827) slowly began to take the place of the old flint and steel ; the first crude Colt's revolver was patented in 1835. To furnish power for cotton and woolen mills, paper mills, and other industries, dams were built on the falls of the invers in the eastern, middle, and southern states ; and presently the manufacturing towns of Manchester, Nashua, Lowell, Lawrence, 324 326 NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT Holyoke, Cohoes, Trenton, and others, grew up. The methods of farming were changed by farm machinery. In 1834 McCor- mick patented the first horse reaper, the basis of the present elaborate mowers and reapers. About 1840 iiwproved thrash- ing machines began to be used. The ocean shipping interest was less affected, although steam coasters began to come in ; and in 1819 the ship Savan- nah, with auxiliary steam power, voyaged from New York to Savannah and thence to Liverpool. The steamers Simis and Great Western crossed the ocean from England, in 1838, practically under steam alone; and two years later a regular steamship line was established from Boston to Liverpool. Nevertheless, the bulk of ocean freight was still carried in wooden sailing ships, and the American clipper ship was con- sidered the best in the world. For internal commerce the success of the Erie Canal led to great undertakings by other states. Pennsylvania began a 276. Inter- canal system across the Alleghanies in 1826, and six DrovMnents y*'^^^ later had a railroad from Philadelphia to Columbia, (1825-1841) a canal thence to the base of the mountains, an inclined road for hauling the boats in sections over the mountains, and a canal from the other side to Pittsburg. Several side canals were also constructed by Pennsylvania, including one from the Ohio River to Lake Erie (finished 1844). Ohio in 1825 entered upon the construction of canals from several places on the Ohio River to Lake Erie. Indiana spent $8,000,000, and the 476,000 people of Illinois ran into debt $14,000,000, or $30 a head. In 1837 Congress began to make large gifts of public land m aid of state and private canals. A few important canals were built by private corporations, especially the Dela- ware and Hudson (1820), and the Schuylkill Navigation (1818- 1825) for carrying coal. Eventually about six thousand miles of canals were constructed in tlie United States, of which less than one thousand miles are now in use. NEW POLITICAL ISSUES (1829-1841) 327 The growth in the average size of seagoing vessels called attention to the need of deepening and otherwise improving the harbors. In 1824 Congress began to make small appro- priations for such purposes. Jackson was much opposed to spending government money for what seemed to him only- private or local advantage, and therefore he vetoed a bill for a government road from Maysville on the Ohio toward Tennessee (1830) ; and he refused to sign several harbor bills. Still, many such improvements were made by Congress, among them the beginning of the Delaware breakwater in 1829. All other forms of internal improvement were soon cast into the shade by railroads, which suddenly cheapened trans- portation, stimulated travel, and built up new states and 077 p- cities. Tramways for carrying heavy loads were built railroads in 1807 near Boston, and in 1810 near Philadelphia. <1830-1840) Railroads were soon begun westward from Albany, Phila- delphia, Baltimore, and Charleston ; but in 1830 only 122 miles had been built by the various companies, all for cars to be drawn by horses. Soon after 1830 several great changes came about in rail- roads. An imported steam locomotive was introduced in 1829 for the Delaware and Hudson Canal Company; in 1830 Peter Cooper built an American locomotive for the Baltimore and Ohio, whereby horses were displaced. The inclined planes with stationary engines, which were introduced on many railroads, were replaced by continuous tracks ; and on some roads coal was used as a fuel instead of wood. In 1834 the first long railroad in the world was completed — 136 miles from Charleston, South Carolina, to Hamburg, opposite Augusta. The first railroads had stone sleepers, or were built on piles driven along the line of the road. At right angles to the sleepers were laid the rails, wooden stringers about six inches square ; to these were spiked short lengths of wrought iron 328 NKVV POLITICAL ISSUES (1829-1841) 329 strips perhaps half an inch thick, and the curling up of the loosely attached irons was a common source of accident. The cars were at first modeled on the old stagecoaches, but the roads soon began to build the long car with a platform at each end and an aisle through the middle. Trains ran about fifteen miles an hour, and the early fares were three or four cents a mile. As there was no system of train dispatching, accidents were frequent. At first anybody who could pay the tolls was allowed to run his cars on the tracks; but after locomotives came in, it was seen that both the roadbed and the motive power must be managed together. Several states looked on railroads as only a new type of public highway ; and Massachusetts, Pennsyl- ' vania, Georgia, North Carolina, Michigan, and other states built lines of state railroad; others aided new roads with grants of money. Since many roads ran from one state into another, state ownership was difficult ; and state management was expensive and clumsy ; hence eventually most of the states sold or leased their lines to private companies. The commercial question that most interested Jackson re lated to the United States Bank, which he attacked unre lentingly because be thought it secretly bankrupt. In 27b Jack- September, 1883, he ordered his Secretary of the Treas- ^""Jjofgress ury, Duane, to stop depositing in the bank. When (1832-1836) Duane refused, Jackson removed him and appointed Eoger B. Taney, who gave the necessary orders. Though it is the right of the President to perform even ill-judged actions within his constitutional powers, subject only to public opinion, the Senate passed a resolution of censure on the President; but the country showed its approval in 1834 by electing majorities of Jackson men to both House and Senate. The deposits were never restored, and when the national charter expired in 1836, ' the bank could go on only under a Pennsylvania state charter. Jackson's foreign policy was fiery, but on the whole sue- 330 NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT cessful. He got from Great Britain tlie loiig-dcsired privilege of carrying on West India trade in American ships (1830). And by rather undignified threats, he compelled (1836) a settle- ment of the "French Spoliation Claims" for captures of Amer- ican merchantmen, claims which had been running thirty years. The most serious foreign question of Jackson's time was the attitude of the United States toward the new intlppendent 279. Ee- nation of Texas. The name " Texas" was applied by the Texas^ ° Spaniards and Mexicans to the region lying along the (1819-1836) Gulf coast, beyond the western boundary of the United States. Into northern and central Texas Americans began to go in 1819, under the leadership of Moses Austin and Stephen F. Austin, who got large land grants. The Americans accepted the government of Mexico when that power became inde- pendent (1821), but in 1829, when the Mexican government abolished slavery, the Texans continued to hold their slaves, and to encourage other Americans to come in. In the hope of bring- ing the wandering children again under Texas Boundary Controversy. tj^^ home roof, both John Quincy Adams and Andrew Jackson made several vain attempts to buy Texas. By 1835 the spirit of independence was so strong that the Texans resisted a Mexican force under General Santa Anna, GULS OF MExrco NEW rOLraCAL ISSUES (1829-1841) 331 the Mexican dictator. In March, 1836, under Sam Houston, a friend of Jackson, they declared their independence, drew up a national constitution, and made slavery a fundamental part of the government. Four days later a fortified convent, the Alamo in San Antonio, was taken by a Mexican army after a brave defense, and every man within it was killed. This massacre sowed undying hatred, and the Texans were too well organized and too good fighters ever to be conquered by Mexico. They desired to be annexed by the United States; and it might have been brought about had not the North protested against an annexation which would strengthen the slave power. In October, 1836, the Texan congress claimed a boundary "to the month of the Rio Grande, thence up the principal stream of the said river to its source." The Texans fought not only the Mexicans but also the In- dians upon their borders. Their neighbors east of the Missis- sippi found the In- gg^ j^^.^ diau problem less difficulties 1 •, (1824-1837) Simple, as was shown ^ ' in a long-standing contro- versy between the Chero- kees and Georgia. Within the boundaries of Georgia in 1824 were about fifty thousand Creeks, Cherokees, and Indians of other tribes, who occupied reservations of eleven million acres, not subject to the laws of Georgia. A few Creek chiefs in 1825 signed a treaty for the cession of the Creek lands. The Indians tried to nullify the treaty by killing those who signed it ; but the state CHEROKEE ,-'ury of a surplus from the lands, various plans were suggested : (1) to give the lands to the states ; (2) to reserve the lands in small tracts for actual settlers ; (3) to distribute among the states the surplus from the sales of land. Clay favored the third plan, but Jackson in 1833 prevented it by a veto of a distribu- tion bill. 334 NATIONAL DKVELOI'.MENT The election f)f 1886 was {uaitically settled befoiehaiul hy Jackson, who selected Van linien, required the Democratic 282 The convention to nominate him, and by his own popu- panic of larity pulled his candidate through. The opposition was too discouraged to make a party nomination, and Van Buren got 170 electoral votes to 124 scattered votes. No sooner liad Van Buren taken office in March, 1837, than a financial panic was ready to break upon the country — the worst that the United States has ever seen. The principal causes of this calamity are the following : — (1) Much banking business was carried on imprudently, partly because of the accumulation of government balances in the "pet banks" which were selected in 1833 to receive the public deposits. Depreciated state bank notes crowded specie out of use, and an act was passed (June 28, 1834) changing the ratio between gold and silver (§ 196) to 16 to 1, so as to encourage the use of gold. (2) Lively speculation caused prices of cotton and other exports to rise, so that everybody seemed to be growing rich. The states found that they could borrow abroad, and ran up debts amounting to about $170,000,000. (3) Lively speculation in western land was backed up by the "pet banks" and their neighbors. Jackson became alarmed, and suddenly issued the Specie Circular (July 11, 1836), an order directing that nothing but gold and silver should be received for the public lands. (4) In 1835 the national debt was extinguished, and a sur- plus began to run up. To get rid of it, in June, 183(5, Con- gress passed a statute — the so-called "Deposit Act" — for depositing with the states (really for giving away) about $36,000,000. The call on the banks for the government deposits pre- cipitated a crash. In May, 1837, all the banks of the country suspended specie payments; and nine tenths of the men in NEW POLITICAL ISSUES (1829-1841) 335 ])ilsiness in 1S36 were bankrupt in 1837. Many of the states, fur the time being, defaulted on the interest on their bonds; three states repudiated principal and interest, and the money loss to. their creditors was about $20,000,000. The " pet banks " eventually turned over to the government $28,000,000 of public funds under the Deposit Act, and it was duly transferred to the states. Some of the states spent . . _ the money on canals, some to pay old debts, some for Buren's education, and a few states simply divided it among the mSistra- voters. Slowly the country struggled up again : though tion (1837-1841) in a second and lighter crash (1839) the old United States Bank went completely to ruin. Some of the states, especially New York, took the lesson to heart, and passed new banking laws, under which the state banks were required to protect their notes. A notable act of Congress during Van Buren's administra- tion was a statute of 1840 for an independent treasury, or subtreasury, as it was often called, requiring the Treasury De- partment to keep its balances in its own vaults. Another important measure was the Preemption Act of 1841, by which any citizen of the United States was to be allowed once in his life to buy 160 acres of arable government land. The twelve years of Jackson's influence (for Van Buren's administration is only a kind of extension of Jackson's) were marked by great activity in public life. President Jack- 284. Sum- son sincerely believed that the federal government had mary given as much aid to individuals and states as was safe, and that it would be better to let the states develop themselves. Hence he never showed any enthusiasm over the tariff ; he vetoed internal improvement bills right and left; and he attacked the United States Bank just as he used to assault an Indian fort; he vetoed the Land Distribution Bill, and reluctantly approved the Deposit Act. hart's amer. hist. — 20 . 336 NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT Tlie most serious discussions of this period were on sec- tional questions. The tariff was upheld by eastern, middle, and western states, and condemned by the South. Internal improvements most interested the western states, because they needed highways to reach their market. The bank question was at bottom an issue between the eastern believers in incor- porated capital and the western advocates of individual action. Public land questions usually aroused West against East. The South usually held together on sectional questions, although in the nullification issue the other southern states refused to back up South Carolina. The real force and public spirit of Andrew Jackson was shown by the final results of his eight years in office. He revived Jefferson's principles of strict construction and of as little government as possible; he hammered out in conflict with Congress a set of new principles, — low tariff, no United States Bank, no federal internal improvements, — which served the Democratic party for more than fifty years thereafter; and he caused his opponents definitely to take up the old Federalist principles of loose construction. Suggestive topics Soaroh topics TOPICS (1) Why were some qualifications of voters and officeholders re- moved ? (^2) Why was it difficult to frame good city governments ? (3) Was the United States Bank dangerous to the country ? (4) How came Webster to attack Hayne in the Senate ? (5) Why did Jackson oppose nullification ? (6) Why did Clay favor the Compromise of 1833 ? (7) Why did Calhoun change his mind on national powers ? (8) Why have most of the canals been given up ? (9) Why did Jackson oppose internal improvements ? (10) Why did Jackson wish to annex Texas? (II) Did Jackson introduce the Spoils system ? (12) Had Georgia a right to the Creek and Cherokee lands ? (13) Removals of federal officers for political reasons before 1830. (14) Kemovals for political reasons in New York before 1830. (15) Major Jack Downing's opinions of Jackson. (16) Jack- son's intimate friends. (17) Jackson's enemies. (18) Popular NEW POLITICAL ISSUES (1829-1841) 337 opinion of the Kitchen Cabinet. (19) Some of Jackson's removals from office. (20) Calhoun's doctrine of the compact. (21) Web- ster's theory of the origin of the Constitution. (22) First anthra- cite and bituminous coal furnaces. (23) Ride on an early railroad. ' (24) Reasons for the Independent Treasury plan. (25) City popu- lation in 1790 compared with that in 1840. (26) State railroads in Massachusetts, or Pennsylvania, or Georgia, or Michigan. Secondary authorities REFERENCES See maps, pp. 324, 325, 380, 331 ; Semple, Geographic Condi- Gteography tions, 168-176 ; MacDonald, Jacksonian Democracy. Wilson, Division and Beunion, §§ 7, 12-24, 28-52, 57, 58, 71 ; Channing, United States, 212-224 ; Johnston, Politics, 109-139 ; Stanwood, Presidency, 151-205 ; MacDonald, Jacksonian Democ- racy ; Schouler, United States, III. 451-506, IV. 31-199, 229- 296, 316-352 ; McMaster, United States, V. 2-13, 121-168, 380- 394, 519-556 ; Peck, Jacksonian Epoch, 123-472 ; Dewey, Finan- cial History, §§ 81-101 ; Houston, Nullijication in Sop.th Carolina ; Sato, Land Question, 151-168 ; Sparks, Expansion, 274-289, 310- 319, — J/en who made the Nation, 273-281, 294-334; Sumner, Andrew Jackson, 176-460 ; Brown, Andrew Jackson, 118-156 ; Parton, General Jackson, 281-326 ; Shepard, Martin Van Buren, 176-397, 449-467 ; Schurz, Henry Clay, 1.312-384, II. 1-69, 129-152, 172-198 ; Lodge, Daniel Webster, 166-234 ; Hoist, J. C. Calhoun, 83-120, 183-220 ; Roosevelt, T. H. Benton, 63-139, 151-209 ; Bruce, General Houston, 1-136 ; Trowbridge, *S^. F. S- Morse ; Raymond, Peter Cooper, 1-51. Hart, Source Book, § 102, — Contemporaries, III. §§ 158-168, Sources 185 ; MacDonald, Select Documents, nos. 46-68, American History Leaflets, nos. 24, 30 ; Old South Leaflets, nos. 106, 130 ; Ames, State Documents on Federal Relations, no. 4, pp. 32-60 ; Johnston, American Orations, I. 233-334, IV. 202-237. See N. Eng. Hist. Teachers' Ass'n, Syllabus, 345-348, — Historical Sources, § 84. A. E. Barr, Bemember the Alamo ; Kirk Munroe, With Crockett and Boivie ; C. A. Davis, Letters of J. Downing, Major (satire on Jackson); Simms, Eichard Hiirdis, — Border Beagles (interior). Wilson, American People, IV. ; Sparks, Expansion. Pictures Illustrative works CHAPTER XXII. SOCIAL AND SECTIONAL CONDITIONS (1831-1841) Side by side with the growth of democracy went a stronger feeling of public responsibility toward the poor, the weak, the SSft Hu- friendless, and even the criminal. People began to see manitarian that brutality to prisoners begets brutality to free men, and that an object of punishment is to reform. The first modern prison was the Eastern Penitentiary at Philadel- phia (finished just before 1830), where, in order to prevent one criminal from contiuninating another, the prisoners were shut up in separate cells. The poor debtor also enlisted the sympathy of the com- munity, especially when an old Revolutionary sol- dier was found who had been in jail for seven years on a debt of less than five dollars. In the course of the twenties and thirties all the states and the federal govern- ment passed laws releas- ing debtors who had noth- ing with which to pay. Hospitals, clean and well-kept poorhouses, orpliau asylums, and institutions for the deaf, dumb, and blind, also began to spring up; and in 1841 came forward a great woman, Dorothea Dix, who made it the 338 DOKOTHKA DiX IN 1850. From an engraviiio;. SOCIAL AND SECTIONAL CONDITIONS (18:31-1841) 339 object of her life to persuade people that it was the duty of the state governments to provide public asylums for the care of the insane. Interest sprang up in other neglected classes — first in the poor children, for whom the Sunday school had originally been founded. In 1807 some Williams College stu- dents became interested in the heathen of other lands, and stirred up the country to form mission societies. For that service each of the great denominations eventually created its own boards, and home missionary societies were formed for work on the frontier. In the thirties and forties came also a new movement for public education. Massachusetts, under the guidance of Horace Mann, woke up in 1837 to the fact that she osr Ed had wretched schoolhouses, dull text-books, untrained cational teachers, and ill-disciplined pupils. Public sentiment was aroused in the state, the school system was improved, the people began to tax themselves more freely, and a state Board of Education was formed. The first normal school for the training of teachers was established in 1839. These ideas spread from state to state ; and New York and Pennsylvania for the first time established thoroughgoing systems of rural schools. The system of state universities was developed in 1825 by the founding of the University of Virginia (in which Jefferson was specially interested), the first American institution on the German model, offering a variety of elective studies. In the thirties Michigan established the so-called " Epistemiad," which developed into a state university. In 1837 there were over seventy-five endowed colleges in the country, besides twelve state universities and various kinds of special and technical schools. West Point Military Academy was founded in 1802, the Naval Academy in 1846, and law and medical schools by 1840 were numerous. This was also a period of the foundation or enlargement of 340 SECTIONALISM libraries — the Astor in New York, the Mercantile in Philadpl- phia, the Athenaeum in Boston, and many others. Museums of art and science were opened in many cities, and the lyceum system of public lectures brought into towns and villages the most eminent men of the time. Within the churches new duties were assumed, new socie- ties wCi." founded, and several denominations were divided. 287. The From 1800 to about 1830 the Unitarian movement in *^ d'moral ^®^ England separated the Congregational Church into reform two ecclesiastical bodies. The Presbyterian Church, in 1837, split on doctrinal questions into " New School " and " Old School." The Methodist Church, in 1844, divided into a northern and a southern church, and the Baptist Church also showed a disposition to divide. The Catholic Church was much increased by steady immigration, especially from Ireland and Germany, Up to about 1840 spirituous liquor was used freely by all classes : harvest hands received it ; it was a part of the regular ration at sea ; and it was freely served even at funerals. The Washingtonian societies, founded in 1840, agreed to use liquor in moderation, and from that it was a short step to total abstinence, and in 1846 to the " Maine Law," the first of the state prohibition laws. A strong movement began about 1830 for " Woman's Rights," in which Frances Wright, and later Lucy Stone, Susan B. Anthony, and others were leaders. Their demand for good schools for girls was heard ; girls were admitted to the public schools, then into high schools ; academies were founded for them ; and in 1833 Oberlin College was opened to women. The movement soon spread to a demand for woman suffrage, which, however, was nowhere granted till more than a generation later. "Not a leading man but has a draft of a new community in his waistcoat pocket," said Emerson. From 1820 to 1840 scores of societies undertook to end sin and poverty by some SOCIAL AND SECTIONAL CONDITIONS (1831-1841) 341 new form of what was really monastic life. For instance, Robert Owen, an English enthusiast, came over and ..„ _ 288. xipoch founded " The New Harmony Community of Equality " of com- in Indiana (1824), in which the men and women wore a ^unities uniform, and the community undertook to bring up the chil- dren. The older Shaker societies by 1826 numbered 5000 souls. Shaker Dance, about 1830. (From a contemporary print.) The most remarkable communal society was the Mormon Church, founded by Joseph Smith of Palmyra, New York, in 1829. In 1830 he published what he called the Booh of Mor- mon, which he alleged to be a miraculously preserved account of the settlement of America by the lost tribes of Israel. He and his followers built a temple at Kirtland, Ohio ; in 1837 moved to Missouri ; and soon after to Nauvoo, Illinois, where they built up a city of ten thousand adherents. The neighbor- hood disliked the Mormons, and Smith was killed by a mob in 1844. Two years later most of the Mormons moved to Utah. A memorable example of the new community spirit was a little gathering of men and women at Brook Farm in Massa- chusetts, from 1841 to 1847. They agreed to perform the work 342 SECTIONALISM ture of the household and the farm, and to spend their leisure hours in the training of their minds. Among the members or visitors of this group were James Russell Lowell, Ralph Waldo Emer- son, Charles A. Dana, and Nathaniel Hawthorne. The commu- nity dissolved, for it could not support itself by such labor; but its intellectual stimulus was felt in the whole country. Until about 1830 most of the American essays, poems, novels, and criticisms were simi)ly imitations of English writers. ogg". I Even Washington Irving was intellectually an English- can litera- man of the school of Addison and Goldsmith, but he found American subjects, and his Knickerbocker'' s His- tory of New York (published 1809) is one of the most delight- ful of American satires. Of novelists the only widely known ^ .;..^ American at that time was James Fenimore Cooper, who began in 1821 to publish his entrancing novels of Indian life and char- acter. In 1833 Edgar Allau,.Poe began his wonderful tales. Wil- liam Cullen Byrant in 1811, when seventeen years old, touched the height of his genius in his poem of Thanatopsis. Other great writers, such as Hawthorne and Lowell, though they began to publish at this time, reached their zenith later. A school of American historians arose with the bold undertaking of George Bancroft to write the history of America from the beginnings, of which the first volumes came out in 1834; and a little later (1837) appeared William H. Prescott's Ferdinand and Isabella. Another important book was the first edition of Noah Webster's American Dictionary of (he English Language, published in 1828. Educated Americans were great readers of the English quarterly reviews; and in 1815 was established the North N.\^THANIEL HaWTHOKNE, ABOUT 18G0. SOCIAL AND SPXTIONAL CUNDITIUNS (18;J1-1841) 343 American Review, for many years an intellectual force. News- papers began to improve, and between 1833 and 1841 were founded the New York Daily Sun, the first one-cent newspaper ; the Mew York Herald, which set a standard of the search for news ; and Horace Greeley's New York Tribune, an example of breezy personal journalism. They were reenforced in 1849 by the Associated Press, which furnished information to a great number of papers. The era of social reform extended very slowly to the ' South, which was not willing to harbor new ideas that might upset its rigid class system. The 3,700,009 whites of 290. South- the South in 1830 were divided into three social strata. ^^^ society (1) At the summit stood from 25,000 to 30,000 members of the families of large slaveholders ; in a few cases one mas- ter owned as many as a thousand slaves. These people were the social and political aristocracy ; they furnished the gov- ernors, the judges, the representatives in Congress, and the senators. (2) About 630,000 people belonged to families each holding from one to four slaves : together with perhaps 500,000 prosperous nonslaveholding white farmers, they made up the ordinary community. (3) The poor whites, numbering about 2,500,000, had neither slaves nor property, except rough land and miserable buildings, and except in some mountain com- munities never dreamed of using their votes against the slave- holding aristocracy. Below all the whites were 180,000 free negroes, a despised and unhappy class, without political rights, held responsible for most of the petty crimes, and not allowed to move 291. Slave about freely. At the bottom of society were 2,000,000 ^^® African slaves, the people from whose physical toil came most of the wealth and consequence of their masters. On the conditions of slave life there is an immense mass of conflicting testimony. Fanny Kemble, English wife of a Georgia planter, complained of sick slave women in hospital 344 SECTIONALISM "prostrate on the earth, without bedstead, bed mattress or pil- low." She saw her husband's slaves, including sick women, Kemble S^^^S *o *^^® ^^^^ "* gangs, each with a slave driver Journal, armed with a whip. J02, 316 gj^g g^^ ^ perfectly faithful slave given over to a new master who, in a few hours, was to carry him away forever from his father, mother, and wife. At the other ex- treme is the picture of slavery in Virginia drawn by Pollard — the white and the black boys grow- ing up together, friends and playmates; the mas- ter listening to the com- plaints of his slaves ; and ^anny Kemble, about 1830. the white mistress, sweet and stately, counseling the young and Pii d protecting the aged. "I love the simple and unadulterated Black Dia- slave, with his geniality, his mirth, his swagger, and his nonsense; I love to look upon his countenance, shining with content and grease; I love to study his affectionate heart." These views conflict, but are not contradictory, for there were many gradations of slavery. On some plantations the slaves were felt to be members of the family ; on other plan- tations the life of the slaves was a round of dull misery, interspersed with thoughtless gayety. The house slaves were well fed, had light tasks, and were often petted by their masters; the field slaves were often overworked and abused. The right to own a slave included the absolute right to sell him, and there was no legal obligation to sell families as a whole; hence, heartbreaking scenes of separation at the monds SOCIAL AND SECTIONAL CONDITIONS (1831-1841) 345 auction block; yet the next day the slave, torn from his family, might be cheerfully fiddling on his way to the dreaded far South. About 1800 the value of slave labor was small, but by 1830 cotton made it profitable. The prices of slaves rose, and bor- der states like Maryland, Virginia, and Kentucky found ready sale for their surplus slaves in the cotton states. ments for Hence, from the earlier idea that slavery was an evil to ^ avery be got rid of, the southern people came to believe that it was an evil which could not be shaken off; then, that it was a good thing which ought to be extended ; and gradually a line of justification of slavery was worked out, which may be ana- lyzed as follows : — (1) That the negro was physically and mentally inferior to the white man, so that the theory of the equality of mankind did not apply ; and that the only way to keep southern society together was to hold the negro a slave under such incitements as seemed necessary to keep him at work. (2) That the slave was happiest and best ofE when somebody else fed him, clothed him, and cared for him in old age. (3) That the good of the whites required slavery, for it would be impossible to clear the land without forced labor; and slavery gave to the white race a sense of responsibility and mastery. (4) That the Scriptures authorized slavery : Noah said, "Cursed be Canaan; a servant of servants shall he be Genesis unto his brethren ; " Abraham held slaves bought with i^- ^^ money; St. Paul sent a fugitive slave, Onesimus, home to his master; Christ "taught many slaves, but never attempted to free any slaves." (5) That slavery was necessary for democratic government, because it set the master free to attend to his political duties. As Calhoun put it, " Slavery forms the most solid and dura- ble foundation on which to erect free institutions." 340 SECTIONALISM Some of the most frequent objections to slavery were as follows : — 293 Anti- ^^^ That the effect on the whites was to cultivate a slavery fierce and passionate temper : no man could be safely trusted with such power of life and death, and of torture hardly less than death. (2) That slavery was a denial to the negro of the oppor- tunity to assert the manhood that was in him : southern laws, forbidding people to teach negroes to read and write, were a standing proof that their minds were so far as possible kept debased and ignorant. (3) That the oft-reported horrors of the system were proofs of its natural tendency to cruelty. For example, the breaking up of families by sale was an inseparable part of the system, so that true marriage and the care of a family were impos- sible. (4) That slavery had many economic disadvantages : it was expensive; it was wasteful; it used up the land; it could not be applied to any kind of machinery ; it was not advanta- geous even to the masters, as was shown by the poverty of the South. (5) That slavery was contrary to humanity, to the princi- ples of Christianity and the practice of the church throughout the ages, and also to the whole theory of natural rights and democratic government. As Lincoln put it, "No man is good enough to govern another without the other's consent." (G) That the alleged content and well-being of the slave did not lessen his inborn desire for freedom, as was shown by the runaway negro, who admitted that he had been well fed, well clothed, kindly treated, and trusted by his master. When he was asked why on earth he ran away, he replied quietly, " The situation am vacant ! " It was a fair question why, if slavery was such a good thing, no free men, white or black, wanted to accept it. SOCIAL AND SECTIONAL CONDITIONS (1831-1841) 347 Various causes combined to bring the question of slavery to public attention about 1830 : — (1) The discontent of the slaves, as shown by three 294 The risings : the Gabriel insurrection in Virginia in 1800 ; a "se of the plan to destroy Charleston, formed in 1820 by Denmark ists Vesey, a free negro; a bloody insurrection in South- (1830-1840; ampton, Virginia (1831), under Nat Turner, a slave. (2) The disposition of the South to expand the boundaries and the influence of slavery, and thus to enlarge the profits of slave labor; and the consequent appearance of men like John Quincy Adams against the extension of slavery. (3) The question of the relative strength of the free and slaveholding sections of the country in the Senate, as affected by the admission of new states. (4) The spread of humanitarian reform through societies, which at last reached the slavery question. Though the south- ern abolition movement suddenly collapsed about the year 1830, within ten years one thousand northern abolition socie- ties were formed with about forty thousand members; and they demanded the immediate and absolute emancipation of all the slaves. Two kinds of people, often not clearly distinguished, took ground against slavery : the autislavery men, who wished at least to prevent its extension; and the abolitionists, who wanted to destroy it where it already existed. Among the abolitionists there were three groups : western, middle state, and New England : (1) The western abolition societies were started chiefly by former slaveholders, who crossed the Ohio River to get away from the system. Such were Rev. John Rankin and James G. Birney. (2) The middle state abolition- ists were strong in Philadelphia, New York city, and central New York, and included men like Arthur and Louis Tappan and Gerrit Smith, who had money and freely gave it for the cause. (3) The New England group included Wendell 348 SECTIONALISM Phillips, the abolition orator ; John Greenleaf Whittier, the abolition poet; Theodore Parker, the abolition parson; and later James Russell Lowell, the abolition satirist. Among the hundreds of northern agitators, William Lloyd Garrison, by his intense devotion to the cause, has somehow 295 Wil- come to be accepted as the typical abolitionist, although liam Lloyd he differed with everybody else, and always represented Oarrisou, the extreme the extremest principles. Garrison was born at New- abolitionist buryport, Massachusetts (1805), became a printer, and wandered about the country. In 1830 he went to jail in Baltimore for too freely criticising a slave trader. In Jan- uary, 1831, Garrison founded in Boston a little paper which he called the Liberator, and which speedily became one of the best-known and worst-hated papers in the country. From the platform of principles which he published in the first number, he never swerved throughout his life. He " deter- mined, at every hazard, to lift up the standard of emancipation in the eyes of the nation." Garrison was a one-sided and prejudiced man, who never could see that the slaveholder was anything but a robber and murderer ; but he compelled people to listen to him, even when he refused to have anything to do with the federal govern- ment, because it protected slavery ; and he publicly burned the Constitution of the United States, calling it — in scriptural language — "a covenant with death and an agreement with hell." The abolitionists had a very effective method of agitation. Local societies were federated in a state society, which held 296. The an annual meeting ; and into an annual national conven- abolition Wqxx. Meetings and local conventions were held from 11830-1840) time to time to arouse public sentiment, and women and negroes sat on the stage and took part in tlie exercises. The societies prepared petitions to the state legislatures, and to Congress, and did everything they could to interest people SOCIAL AND SECTIONAL CONDITIONS (1831-1841) 349 and to make tliem abolitionists. Newspapers were founded, tracts, books, and almanacs were prepared, and freely illus- trated with pictures of tlie horrors of slavery ; and one college, Oberlin, admitted negro students and became the western center of the abolition sentiment. Meetings, societies, and publications all caused an astonish- ing uproar. In the South, practically nobody was allowed to advocate abolition; in the North the sensitive population expressed its horror of the abolitionists by riots. In 1835 an antislavery meeting in Boston was broken up by a mob, which laid hold of Garrison, tied a rope about his body, dragged him through the streets, and tried to kill him. In 1837 another persistent agitator and editor, Elijah Lovejoy, was murdered by a mob in Alton, Illinois, because he persisted in publishing an antislavery paper even in a free state. Colored schools were broken up, and in New York and Philadelphia colored settle- ments were attacked. Nobody was more hated and despised than the abolitionist. The abolition societies adopted the practice of sending peti- tions asking Congress to prohibit slavery in the District of Columbia, and in 1835 William Slade of Vermont made the 297. Slav- first abolition speech in Congress. This led to a series of ®^J oefore so-called gag resolutions (1836-1844) by which the House (1835-1844) forbade any debate on antislavery petitions ; and in the Senate Calhoun introduced resolutions fiercely condemning the aboli- tionists. This attempt to stop discussion aroused John Quincy Adams, who insisted on the right to argue in the public press on any subject. In 1837, and again in 1842, attempts were made to pass a vote of censure on him in the House; but Adams warned Congress that if they attempted to stop petitions by censuring the member who presented them, " they would have the people coming besieging, not beseeching." The first western abolitionist member of Congress, Joshua R. Giddings of Ohio, appeared in 1838, and he made it the main purpose 350 ?;KCTI0NAL1SM of his lite to l)i"iiij^ alimit .sliivciy iIcIkiIcs on ull sorts ol' sidu questions, in spite ot an attempt (1842i) to close his lips by a vote of censure. IJitoADw AY, New York, in 18;it). (Fiinii ;i coiiliMupurary iniiil.) Side by side with the political development of Jackson's administration went a great movement of humanitarian and 298. Sum- religious reform. People at last had grown sympathetic Biary with the poor, the ignorant, the defective, the criminal, and the slave; they were trying all kinds of experiments; and they invented new sorts of societies and " causes." The most important of the humanitarian movements was that of the abolitionists ; and it was fiercely sectional, be- cause the northern states were just getting rid of the last vestiges of slavery, and the South was on the whole well con- tented to have slavery. Since the agitators were all north of Mason and Dixon's line, and the thing to be reformed was all south of it, the Southerners looked on abolition as a wicked method of making them trouble. The abolitionists took the SOCIAL AND SECTIONAL CONDITIONS (1831-1841) 351 ground that slavery was a national evil, so long as the federal government recognized it and protected it; and therefore that it was a concern of the northern people as well as of the southern. Then they discovered that the place to preach the evils of slavery was in Congress. There was no stopping tliem, without giving up the right of free discussion; but from the time the abolitionists were fairly at work, the North and the South were estranged. TOPICS (1) Why should not people be imprisoned for debt ? (2) "Why Suggestive should libraries be established out of public funds ? (3) Influence of Brook Farm. (4) Washington Irving as a literary man. (5) James Fenimore Cooper as a literary man. (6) Edgar Allan Poe as a literary man. (7) Why did the poor whites vote with the great slaveholders? (8) Why did abolitionists cease agitation in the South about 1830 ? (9) Why did the attacks on the abolitionists ■swell their numbers ? (10) John Quincy Adams's objections to slavery. (11) Public services of Dorothea Dix. (12) Origin of normal schools in America. (13) Education at West Point. (14) The lyceum system. (15) Split In the Methodist Church in 1844. (16) Movement for foreign missions. (17) Washingtonian societies. (18) Joseph Smith's character. (19) Life in a wealthy slaveholding house- hold. (20) Bright side of slavery. (21) Dark side of slavery. (22) Scriptural argument in favor of slavery. (23) Argument that slavery was good for the negro. (24) Stories told by fugitive slaves. (26) Prosecution for teaching negroes to read. REFERENCES Hart, Slavery and Abolition. Geography Wilson, Division and Beunion, §§ 53-57, 60-66 ; Hart, Slavery secondary and Abolition ; Sparks, Expansion, 290-290, 376-418 ; Rhodes, United States, I. 40-75, 303-383 ; Schouler, United States, III. 507-531, IV. 1-31, 199-229 ; McMaster, United States, IV. 522- 509, V. 82-108, 184-226, 284-372 ; Adams, United States, IX. 175- 187, 198-242 ; Earned, History for Beady Reference, IV. 2927, 2935, 2943, V. 3369, 3373, 3375 ; Page, Old South, 57-92, 143-185 ; Brown, Lower South, 16-49 ; Smith, Liberty and Free-soil Parties, hart's amer. hist. — 21 Search topics authorities 352 SECTIONALISM 1-47 ; Wendell, Litfinrn Hintory of America, 167-4;)5; Morse,/. Q. Adams, 'J42-;5(»8 ; Hoist, ,/. C. Calhoun, 121-litfl; Roosevelt, T. H. Benton, 140-151 ; Hart, S. P. Chase, 28-91 ; Schurz, Henry Clay, II. 71-87, 153-171; Chesnutt, Frederick Douglass, 1-74, 107-118; Bimey, James G. Birney ; Sanborn, R. W. Emerson ; Burton, J. O. Whittier. See also references to chapter xlv. Sources Hart, Source Bonk, §§ 94-101, — Contemporaries, III. §§ lul- ls?, 169-184, —/So?/rce Readers, III. §§ 12, 13, 20, 28, 105-115, IV. §§ 1-11; MacDonald, Select Documents, no. 69; American History Leaflets, no. 10 ; Old South Leaflets, no.s. 78, 79, 81, 10!» , Caldwell, Survey, 148-156; Johnston, American Orations,lI. 102- 122; Douglass, Life and Times; May, A)itislavery Conflict; Olm- sted, Seaboard Slave States ; Quincy, Figures of the Past ; Smedes, Southern Planter, 17-189. See N. Eng. Hist. Teachers' Ass'n. Syllabiis, 348, — Historical Sources, § 85. Longfellow, Poems on Slavery ; Whittier, Antislavery Poems, 9-94, — Snow Bound ; Lowell, Wendell Phillips, — W. L. Garrison, — On the Capture of Fugitive Slaves near Washington ; Morgan Bates, Martin Brook (abolition) ; H. P. Belt, Mirage of Promise (abolition) ; Holmes, Elsie Venner (N.E.) ; Lucy Larcom, New England Girlhood ; E. E. Hale, New England Boyhood ; Haw- thorne, Blithedale Romance ; T. B. Aldrich, Story of a Bad Boy (N.E.) ; 1). G. Mitchell, Doctor Johns (Conn.); Lily Dougall, Mormon Prophet ; A. W. Tourg^e, Button'' s Inn (Mormons) ; M. S. Tiernan, Suzette (Va.) ; A. B. Longstreet, Georgia Scenes ; R. M. Johnston, Old Times in Middle Georgia ; J. C. Harris, Uncle Remus ; H. B. Stowe, Uncle Tom's Cabin ; Edward Eggleston, Hoosier Schoolmaster, — The Graysons (West) ; Joseph Kirkiand, Zury, — The McVe.ys (West). Pictures Sparks, Bzpansion ; Wilson, American People, IV. lUustrative works CHAPTER XXIII. RENEWED EXPANSION (1841-1847) The abolition controversy did not yet disturb the course of party politics. In the campaign of 1840 the Democrats nomi- nated Van Buren for a second term. The anti-Jackson 299. The men, who had now formally taken the name of the Whig "^^^^Sl^d party, nominated William Henry Harrison of Ohio for (1840-1842) President, and John Tyler of Virginia, a discontented Demo- crat, for Vice President. The Whigs expected to reestablish the national bank, appropriate money for internal improve- ments, and, if possible, revive a protective tariff. It was a boisterous campaign, full of great mass meetings. Somebody said that Harrison was fit only to sit in his log cabin and drink hard cider ; the Whigs took up the slur ; and ' log cabins on wheels, amply provided with barrels of hard cider, were used as a popular argument to voters. The Demo- crats were really beaten by the panic of 1837, for hard times still continued. Harrison was chosen by 234 electoral votes to 60 for Van Buren, on a popular majority of about 140,000; and the Whigs secured both houses of the next Congress. A month after his inauguration Harrison died, and John Tyler succeeded to the presidency. Though elected by the Whigs he did not accept their principles, and vetoed (August and September, 1841) two successive bills intended to restore the main features of the old United States Bank ; where- upon every member of his Cabinet, except Webster, resigned. Tyler also came into collision with the party Whigs over the tariff. Though the Compromise of 1833 was to have taken full effect in 1842, they were determined to substitute 353 354 SECTIONALISM a high protective measure. Tyler vetoed two bills, but finally signed the tariff of 1842, which went back substantially to the scale of the tariff of 1832, raised the average duties from about 24 per cent to 35 per cent, and completely upset the Compromise of 1833. Throughout the remainder of his ad- ministration Tyler quarreled with Congress. About this time the progress of popular government led to two serious disturbances in the states. The holders of land 300. Dia- in the old Dutch patroonates in New York paid to the ■^^thestates descendants of the patroons an annual ground rent, or (1839-1844) "quitrent," of from $7 to $18 a year for each hundred acres. In 1839 these tenants began to refuse payment, to hold "Anti-Rent" meetings, to parade the country in masks and disguises, and to attack and kill sheriffs and rent payers. After several years of agitation the landlords agreed to accept lump money payments from the former tenants :^' A Contemporary Cartoon of thk I)t>RR Rebp:llion-, 1842. A more alarming popular movement arose in Rhode Island because no one could vote there except a " freeman," — that is, a man holding real estate worth $134, or renting for $7 a RENEWED EXPANSION (1841-1847^ 355 year, — or the eldest son of such a man. A "People's Party," including both freemen and non-voters, held a convention in 1841 to adopt a more liberal state constitution, took a popular vote on it, declared it adopted, and elected Thomas W. Dorr as governor. Dorr attempted by force to take possession of the state property (1842), but his men would not stand. The governor under the old charter vainly called on President Tyler to send United States troops to help him; but Dorr was tried for treason and sen- tenced to imprisonmefit. Practically he accom- plished his work, for the suffrage was at once en- larged by the regular gov- ernment. Other sorts of land ques- tions and territorial ques- tions made the years 301. North- 1841 to 1845 mo- ^^^J^^^ mentous. One of (1783-1842) them was a renewed con- troversy with Great Northeast Boundary Controversy. Britain over the Maine boundary. By the treaty of 1783 the line was to run " from the northwest angle of Nova Scotia, viz. that angle which is formed by a line drawn due north from the source of Saint Croix Kiver to the Highlands ; along the said Highlands which divide those rivers that empty themselves into the river St. Lawrence, from those which fall into the Atlantic Ocean, to the northwesternmost head of Connecticut River." It was soon found that the two governments did not agree as to 356 SECTIONALISM what stream was the St. Croix, nor where to locate the north- west angle, nor where the Highlands were, nor even what was meant by " Atlantic Ocean." In 1821 the line was run from the Atlantic to a point called Mars Hill ; the British insisted that the " Highlands " lay there, and the Americans insisted that they were beyond the St. John River. After a vain attempt at arbitration (1827-1831), the state of Maine in the " Aroostook War " (1838) attempted to seize part of the disputed territory. Webster remained in Tyler's Cabinet long enough to settle this question : in 1842 he negotiated the Webster-Ashburton treaty, by which the disputed territory was divided, and each party got about half. The settlement was creditable and satis- factory to both sides, and ended a controversy which threatened to bring on war. Until about 1820, the interior of North America was still little known ; but in that year Major Long explored part of the Rocky Mountain chain, and from that time trade developed on what was called the Santa Fe trail, a road leading south- westward from the Missouri River to the Rio Grande (p. 324). In 1832 Bonneville's party went as far west as Great Salt Lake, crossing the Rockies with a wagon train, and some of them reached the Pacific. Farther north the American Fur Trading Company in the twenties opened up a route to Oregon ; and in 1834 Nathaniel 302 Ex- *^- Wyeth of Massachusetts guided a party of settlers to plorationB Fort Hall, north of Great Salt Lake, and thence to of the inte- , . rior Oregon. In 1836 Dr. Marcus Whitman and other mis- (1820-1846) sionaries to the northern Indians went out along this route. In the winter of 1842-1843 Dr. Whitman came east from Oregon by a dangerous, roundabout route, partly on busi- ness of the mission, partly because he supposed that Webster was willing to give up all claims to Oregon. There was no such danger; the country was awake to the importance of a RENEWED EXPANSION (1841-1847) 357 Pacific outlet ; and there is no contemporary evidence to show that Whitman saw Webster or influenced the President. In 1843 he joined an expedition formed by other people and with it returned to Oregon. A young army ofi&cer named John C. Fremont, aided by good guides, in the forties made three long explorations westward. In the first (1842) he went up the Platte Eiver to its head waters, and crossed over the Rocky Mountain divide by the South Pass to the head waters of the Colorado. In 1843 he went through the mountains via Great Salt Lake to Oregon, and then across the Sierra Nevada to California. In 1845 he was sent off with an armed party and again reached California. He was a poor explorer, and made no proper surveys ; but he was a son-in-law of Senator Benton of Mis- souri, young, dashing, and good-looking, and got the name of " Pathfinder " for his exploits. One of Tyler's lines of policy was to annex Texas ; and he made John C. Calhoun Secretary of State for that express purpose. Calhoun negotiated a treaty of annexation 303. Ques- (April 12, 1844), which was rejected in the Senate by a *ij"^ *** vote of 35 to 16 ; arid the scheme went over. The argu- (1844) ments in favor of annexation were : (1) that the Texans were simply Americans across the border; (2) that Texas was a rich and fertile country which would add wealth to the Union ; (3) that annexation was a natural form of expansion ; (4) that it was simply a " reannexation " of territory rightly a part of the Union from 1803 to 1819 ; (5) that it would retain for the slaveholders a needed control of the Senate. Both the antislavery people and the abolitionists violently opposed annexation : (1) because it would bring into the Union more territory to be a field of slavery ; (2) because it would give to the slaveholding influence perpetual control of the national government ; (3) because it would probably bring on war with Mexico. 358 SECTIONALISM The question of Texas came up again in the campaign of 1844. The natural candidates were Clay and Van Buren, both 304. An- of whom publicly declaimed against annexation. Clay nexation of ^^^^ unanimously nominated by the Whigs. In the (1844-1845) Democratic convention Van Buren had at first a majority of the delegates, but was deprived of his nomination by the unexpected readoption of the two-thirds rule ; and James K. Polk of Tennessee was nominated because he was known to favor annexation. The Democratic platform declared for <' the reoccupation of Oregon and the reannexation of Texas at the ^.. ^ earliest practicable period." Clay then felt compelled Register, to change his ground by saying that he would be glad to see Texas annexed, '' without dishonor, without war, with the common consent of the Union, and upon just and fair terms." The Liberty or Abolition party nominated James G. Birney, but in the election of 1844 got only 62,000 popular votes against 1,299,000 for Clay and 1,337,000 for Polk; yet it decided the national election by deliberately drawing off enough Clay votes in New York to throw that close state for Polk, whose electoral vote was 170 to 105 for Clay. Tlie Liberty men hoped thus to compel the Whigs to take anti- slavery ground. Congress and President Tyler did not wait for the new administration : since annexation seemed to have the approval of the majority of the people, a joint resolution passed the House by a vote .of 120 to 98, and the Senate by 27 to 25 (March 1, 1845), permitting the admission of Texas as a state on very favorable terms. No territory had ever before been annexed by this method ; but Texas accepted and came into the Union as a full-fledged state in December, 1845. Under the terms of the joint resolution, she retained all her public lands, and might later, with her own consent, be subdivided into five states, all presumably slave states, except that slavery RENEWED EXPANSION (1841-1847) 359 was to be prohibited in the new state or states north of the line of 36° 30'. As to the Mexican boundary, the joint resolution took no ground ; but President Polk's theory was that Texas included everything that Texas claimed; that is, all the terri- tory as far as the Rio Grande. Pew Presidents have been so successful in carrying out what they undertook as James K. Polk, Tyler's successor. He was born in 1795, was a graduate of the University of North 305. James Carolina, was fourteen years a member of the House of hispoHcy Representatives (four years Speaker), and then for one (1845-1849) term governor of Tennessee. He had large public experience, and an imperious and far-reaching mind. The defect of Polk's character was his lack of moral principle as to the property of our neighbor, Mexico. His diary shows clearly that his real intentions and purposes were very different from those which he put forward in public. From the first he meant not only to annex Texas, but to add to the Union the enormous belt of territory stretching from the Gulf to the Pacific, to gain the port of San Francisco for Pacific trade, and to turn over the greater part of the new territories to slavery. A strong Democratic majority appeared in both houses of Congress in 1845-1846, and speedily repealed the recent Whig financial legislation. The Independent Treasury sys- g^g rj,j^j.jfr tem, which had been repealed by the Whigs in 1841, was and finance restored; and the treasury has ever since remained the principal custodian of public funds. Robert J. Walker, Sec- retary of the Treasury, drafted and presented to Congress a measure which became law as the tariff of July 30, 1846. The duties on luxuries were very high, reaching 100 per cent on brandy and spirits ; on ordinary manufactures they were only about 30 per cent ; the average on dutiable goods was about 25 per cent ; and the annual proceeds in a few years were twice as great as those of the tariff of 1842. For Polk's designs on California it was highly desirable to ■6i5{) SECTIONALISM settle the long-standing controversy with Great Britain over Oregon, a name then applied to the whole Pacific slope from 307. The California to the Russian possessions. By extinguish- bouidSiry ^"^ *^® Spanish claims (1819) and the Russian (1824), (1818-1846) the United States and Great Britain were left the sole competitors for this fine country. The claims of the United States rested on : (1) discovery by Captain Gray (1792) ; (2) first Northwest Boundary Controversy. exploration by Lewis and Clark (1805) ; (3) first settlement by Astor (1811) ; (4) first permanent settlement, in the Willamette valley (1832). The British claim was based chiefly on the establishment of posts by the Hudson's Bay Company, but that company persistently kept out permanent settlers. In 1826 Great Britain offered to divide the Oregon country on the line of the Columbia and Kootenai rivers; and between RENEWED EXPANSION (1841-1847) 361 1818 and 1846 the United States repeatedly pifered to extend to the Pacific the 49th parallel, which was already the boundary as far west as the Rocky Mountains ; nevertheless a Democratic campaign cry in 1844 was " Fifty -four Forty, or Fight" ; that is, a claim to the whole coast as far north as Russian America. It was therefore a surprise to the country when (June, 1846) Polk made a treaty accepting the compromise line of the 49th parallel, from the Rocky Mountains to the coast of Puget Sound; and the northwestern controversy was thus settled after fifty-four years of dispute. The understanding with Great Britain came because Presi- dent Polk had no mind to fight two wars at once, and for many reasons he expected a war with Mexico : (1) The annexa- 303 q^^ tion of Texas in 1845 caused the Mexican government to break of the Mexican make boisterous threats, on the ground that Texas was ^^ar still Mexican territory, threats that could easily have been (1845-18^ settled by a little. diplomacy. (2) Mexico had been exaspera- tingly slow in settling claims for outrages against the persons and property of Americans ; and those claims were now hard pressed by Polk. (3) Mexico absolutely rejected the bound- ary claimed by the Texan constitution of 1836 ; in fact, this included part of the old province of New Mexico and the town of Santa Fe, which was no more Texan than St. Louis. (4) Polk was determined to annex California, by any means; and he secretly instructed our consul at Monterey, near San Francisco, to do all in his power to induce the native Califor- nians to revolt, just as the Texans had done. Polk was willing to get what he wanted without fighting, and in 1845 he sent John Slidell to Mexico to buy California if pos- sible. The Mexicans would not even receive him, and made preparations for war. Without waiting to hear from Slidell, Polk ordered General Zachary Taylor, who was stationed at Corpus Christi on the Nueces River, to advance with his troops to the Rio Grande, where he closed the trade of the river with 302 SECTIONALISM his guns. The inevitable collision came April 24, 1840, when the Mexicans attacked a body of American cavalrymen on the northern or eastern side of the Rio Grande. 1 Col.Kearny'8 route 2 Gen. Taylor's " 3 Gen. Scott'8 « Mexican War. Polk prepared a message to Congress, demanding war, on the ground that the claims were not settled, and that Slidell had been rejected. Before it was sent in, dispatches from Taylor announced the IMexican attack, and in a special message of May 11, 1846, Polk did not scruple to declare that "War exists, and, notwithstanding all our efforts to avoid it, exists RENEWED EXPANSION (1841-1847) 363 by the act of Mexico herself." Two days later Congress passed an act "for the prosecution of the existing war," because "by the act of the Republic of Mexico a state of war exists." The wrath of the antislavery men over the pur- pose of enlarging the slave power was expressed by James Russell Lowell in the fiercest satire of his Biglow Papers : — " They may talk o' Freedom's airy Till they're pupple in the face, It's a grand gret cemetary Fer the barthrights of our race, They jest want this Californy So's to lug new slave- states in To abuse ye, an' to scorn ye, An' to plunder ye like sin ! " James Russell Lowell, about 1880. The war was not fairly begun before President Polk tried to purchase a peace through General Santa Anna, formerly dictator of the Mexican republic; and he asked Con- ggg .^jj_ gress for $2,000,000 to be used for "negotiations" mot Proviso (August 4, 1846). The absolute determination of the (18*6-1849; North not to take in more slave territory was expressed by an amendment of David Wilmot of Pennsylvania, which was added by the House to the " Two Million Bill." This " Wilmot Proviso " declared that, " As an express and fundamental Congres- condition to the acquisition of any territory . . . neither ^''^^gj^l^Jii' slavery nor involuntary servitude shall ever exist in any p. 273 part of the said territory." The bill failed through a tech- nicality ; but the South was aroused. Abraham Lincoln, in 364 SECTIONALISM 1847-1849, voted in Congress forty-two times for the principle of the Wilmot Proviso; but he voted in vain, for the Senate always showed an adverse majority. Though the Mexican War was begun on false pretexts, and for the unrighteous purpose of the conquest of California, it 310 Proe- '^^ carried on brilliantly by land and sea. General Tay- resB of the jor pressed steadily forward ; beat the Mexicans in the BfffixicSiii War battles of Palo Alto (May 8) and Resaca de la Palma (1846-1847) (May 9), on the north side of the Rio Grande; then crossed the river, and again defeated the Mexicans at Mon- terey (September 21-23). Santa Anna, on returning to Mexico, took the patriot side, and organized a new army, with which he vainly attacked Taylor at Buena Vista (February 22, 23, 1847). In 1846 the administration began to be nervous about Tay- lor's popularity, and ordered General Winfield Scott, com- mander in chief of the army, to make a direct attack on the heart of Mexico. Scott landed and took Vera Cruz (March, 1847) ; and then fought his way steadily up into the moun- tains, pushed the Mexicans back at Cerro Gordo (April 18), and marched down into the valley of Mexico (August). In a succession of hard fights Scott beat the enemy back and advanced toward the city of Mexico, which he attacked with about 6000 disposable troops and finally captured, September 14, 1847. The Mexican government was broken up, and there- after was unable to put in the field anything more than bands of guerrillas. The belt of territory from Texas to the Pacific Ocean was occupied almost without resistance. In June, 1846, General 311. Annex- Stephen W. Kearny marched by the Santa Fe trail from ationof New the Missouri River, with about 1600 men ; and on August Mexico and California 18 entered Santa Fe without firing a shot. He set up a (1846-1848) civil government, and then with a small number of troops started on westward to take possession of California. But RENEWED EXPANSION (1841-1847) 365 California was already conquered. In June, 1846, the three hundred American settlers in California revolted and founded the Bear Flag Republic ; and Fremont, in defiance of orders to let the native Californians set up their own government, brought his little force of troops to aid the Americans (July 5). Then a naval force under Commodore Sloat reached California (July 7, 1846). There was a brief war with the native Californians, ending with two battles near San Gabriel (January 8, 9, 1847) ; Santa Barbara Mission, California, founded in 1786. after which time there was no disputing the physical fact that the Americans were in possession of the country. After the Santa Anna plan failed, Polk commissioned N. P. Trist, a clerk in the State Department, to make terms with Mexico. Trist proved inexperienced, quarrelsome, gjg pg^pg and insubordinate. He renewed the attempt to buy a with Mexico peace from Santa Anna, but no body of reputable Mexi- cans would take the responsibility of dismembering their country; and Trist was recalled (October, 1847). It was a dangerous crisis, for the two strongest members of 3o6 SECTIONALISM the President's f^abiiiet wanted liiiii to take the whole of Contempora- Mexico. Polk's diary says, "I replied that I was not lies, IV. 34 prepared to go to that extent, . . . that I had in my last message declared that I did not contemplate the conquest of Mexico." The recall of Trist startled the Mexicans, who persuaded him to make a treaty, on the basis of agreeing to pay to the Mexican leaders (nominally to the Mexican treasury) $15,000,000 ; Mexico gave up all claim to Texas as far as the Rio Grande, and ceded the whole of New Mexico and Cali- fornia. This treaty was accepted by Polk and approved by the Senate. Thus the Mexican War resulted in a great increase of territory, gained by bullying and fighting a weak neighbor. The war cost about 1100,000,000 and the lives of 13,000 of the 100,000 soldiers engaged. The annexation of California at once brought up the question of the control of the routes across Central America (map, p. 313. Isth- 581). When the war broke out, the overland route to macy California took from three to eight months' time ; and the 1846-1849) voyage around the Horn lasted from three to four months. People began to use the various short cuts across the narrow lands; and at once revived the idea of an isthmian canal. Therefore, in 1846, a treaty proposed by New Granada (now the United States of Colombia) was accepted by the United States, which guaranteed the Isthmus of Panama against seizure or interference, while New Granada guaranteed to the United States equality of use of any canal or roadway across the isthmus. The only other practicable canal route across Central America was through the Lake of Nicaragua ; and Great Brit- ain claimed a " protectorate " over the neighboring Mosquito Indians. This pretension caused a crisis in our relations with Great Britain, leading to the Clayton-Bulwer treaty (April 19, 1850), which was a fair compromise under the conditions of the time, and favorable to both parties. It secured common RENEWED EXPANSION (1841-1847) 367 use and neutral control of the Nicaragua route, and the British agreed not to make any settlements in Central America. The principle of neutral and common use of a canal was also to be extended to the Isthmus of Panama. The principal question during the years 1841-1847 was the annexation of territory. The Whig administration was wrecked by Tyler's coming to power ; and the Democratic princi- 314. sum- ple of strict construction prevailed in domestic matters. mary Between 1842 and 1846 the Maine and Oregon boundary questions were settled, and Texas was annexed. That state with its actual boundaries might have been peacefully incor- porated into the Union, but the claim to the Rio Grande seemed to the Mexicans robbery. President Polk, a masterful man, seized the opportunity to force the issue of war, in order to annex New Mexico and California. He got more than he bargained for, when he found our army in possession of a country too disrupted even to ask for terms of peace; but almost by accident, a treaty of peace was reached in 1848. Polk's designs on California, and above all the discussion of the Wilmot Proviso, aroused the North to the new and fright- ful crisis which had arisen over slavery in the new territories. TOPICS (1) Why was John Tyler nominated for Vice President? Suggestive (2) Why did Tyler veto the bank bills in 1841 ? (3) Why did '""'"^ Tyler veto the tariff bills in 1842 ? (4) What was the boundary line fixed by the treaty of 1842 ? (5) Fremont's third expedition, 1845. (6) Why was not Van Buren nominated in 1844 ? (7) Why did the Liberty men refuse to vote for Clay ? (8) Arguments for and against the tariff of 1846. (9) Conflict between Taylor and the Mexicans, April 24, 1846. (10) What was the object of the Wilmot Proviso ? (11) The battle of Monterey. (12) Capture of the city of Mexico. (13) Need of the Clayton-Bulwer treaty. (14) Campaign meetings in 1840. (15) What were the " High- Search lands" mentioned in the treaty of 1783? (16) What was the ^^^* hart's amer. hist. — 22 368 SECTIONALISM " northwest angle of Nova Scotia" ? (17) The Aroostook War, 1838. (18) Examples of quitrents in the American colonies. (19) An account of the Bigloio Papers. (20) Examples of protest against the annexation of Texas. (21) Contemporary arguments for the annexation of Texas. (22) Travel on the Santa F6 trail. (23) Did Marcus Whitman confer with Daniel Web- ster? (24) Tom Corwin's argument against the Mexican War. (26) U. S. Grant in the Mexican War. (26) The Bear Flag Republic. (27) Adventures on the isthmian route to California. Greogrraphy Secondary authorities Sources Illustrative works Pictures REFERENCES See maps, pp. 324, 355, 360, 362; Semple, Geographic Condi- tions, 178-224; Garrison, Westward Extension. Wilson, People, IV. 88-128 ; Channing, U?iited States, 224-234 ; Stanwood, Presidency, 206-225 ; Garrison, Westward Extension ; Schouler, United States, IV. 359-550, V. 1-100 ; Rhodes, United States, I. 75-98 ; Earned, History for Ready Reference, I. 318, III. 2030, IV. 2646, V. 3377 ; Smith, Liberty and Free-Soil Parties, 48-120 ; Dewey, Financial History, §§ 102-109 ; Sato, Land Ques- tion, 60-69 ; Sparks, Expansion, 296-309, 319-335 ; Foster, Century of Diplomacy, 281-325 ; Callahan, Cuba, 195-220 ; Schurz, Henry Clay, II. 199-315 ; Hoist, J. C. Calhoun, 221-306 ; McLaughlin, Lewis Cass, 175-235; Roosevelt, T. H. Benton, 210-289; Morse, Abraham Lincoln, I. 1-86 ; Bancroft, W. H. Seward, I. 1-156 ; Elliott, Sam Hottston, 122-133 ; Howard, General Taylor, 76-294 ; Wright, General Scott, 149-288; Wilson, General Grant, 1-73; Garrison, Texas ; Winn, Mormons ; Royce, California. Hart, Source Book, §§ 103, 104, — Contemporaries, III. §§ 186- 189, IV. §§ 8-16, — Source Readers, III. §§ 40, 54-56, IV. §§ 47, 48 ; MacDonald, Select Documents, nos. 70-76 ; Old South Leaflets, nos. 45-132; Caldwell, Territorial Government, 131-199; U. S. Grant, Memoirs, I. 61-174 ; Dana, Tioo Years before the Mast. See N. Eng. Hist. Teachers' Ass'n, Syllabus, 349, — Historical Sources, § 86. Matthews, Poems of American Patriotism, 108-116 ; Whittier, Antislavery Poems, 94-146, — Angels of Buena Vista ; Lowell, Bigloio Papers (first series), — Present Criitis ; Ruth Hall, Down- renter's Son (antirent); Charles Morris, Historical Tales, 255-269 (telegraph); Dana, Ttco Years before the Mast (Cal.); G. F. Atherton, Splendid Idle Forties (Cal.). Wilson, American People, IV.; Sparks, Expansion. CHAPTER XXIV. RESULTS OF THE MEXICAN WAR (1848-1853) Polk's astute plans for making California a slaveholding region were brought to naught by a few grains of yellow metal. On January 24, 1848, about a week before the 315. Gold treaty of peace was signed, James W. Marshall of "fornia New Jersey picked up some flakes of gold in the race (1848-1853) of a new sawmill about sixty miles from Sutter's Fort, now called Sacramento. The news spread like the cry of fire ; within six months the coast settlements of California were Sutter's Mill and Race. From a painting in tiie Ferry House, San Francisco. 369 370 SECTIONALISM almost deserted; the inhabitants hurried to the gold dig- gings, which were "placers" (gravel reaches or terraces) yielding gold in dust, coarser particles, and nuggets. Soon all sorts of merchandise rose in price three times over ; and some miners by their individual labor were taking from $3000 to $5000 a month at the diggings. The next year thousands of " Forty-niners " made their way to California, some around Cape Horn, some across the Isthmus of Panama or Nicaragua, some in wagon trains straight west across the plains (p. 324). Between fifty thousand and one hundred thousand people poured into California, and in two seasons more than $30,000,000 of gold was taken out. If somebody "struck it rich," "in half an hour a motley multi- Colton, tude, covered with crowbars, pickaxes, spades, rifles, in Califor-' ^^^ wash bowls, went streaming over the hills in the nia, 293 direction of the new deposits." The old Spanish mining laws were inadequate, and the criminal laws did not apply to the circumstances ; and there was no government to pass new statutes. The miners therefore organized, made their own mining rules, and set up so-called " vigilance committees " for offhand punishment of crime. Gold mining was not all success. Probably every dollar of placer gold ever found in California cost on the average at least a dollar and a quarter in human toil, besides the waste of human life. After 1853 the yield of exposed placer gold declined, and mining in California gradually became a regular industry backed up by capital. Large streams were turned out of their beds in order to find the placer gold at the bottom of their courses ; then the gold was traced back to the quartz ledges, and stamp mills were set up. One object of the annexation of California was to secure 816. Trade ports for direct trade with the Pacific islands, China, ^g^, ® *" and Japan. The halfway station of the Sandwich or (.IS44-1864) Hawaiian Islands had for twenty years been under RESULTS OF THE MEXICAN WAR (1848-1853) 371 the influence of American missionaries, and the native dynasty recognized that the interests of the United States were greater than those of any other power. Chinese trade, however, was very much hampered by restrictions in Chinese ports. In 1844 Caleb dishing, sent out by the United States, was able to secure a very desirable commercial treaty by which five Chinese "treaty ports" were designated for American trade; American consuls were allowed to hold courts for cases in- volving their countrymen ; and American merchants and other people got the right to buy pieces of ground for their own occupancy, " and also for hospitals, churches, and cemeteries." Perry in Japan, 1854. (From Perry's Narrative.) Japan refused to admit any traders or foreign merchantmen on any terms, till the United States sent Commodore Matthew C. Perry to open up relations. He entered ports where no European vessel had ever been seen ; he succeeded in breaking in the shell of the old empire; and he secured a favorable commercial treaty in 1854. The principal issue in the presidential election of 1848 was the future of New Mexico and California. The Whigs nomi- nated General Zachary Taylor. Van Buren's friends soon 372 SECTIONALISM after 1844 formed what was called the " Barnburner " faction of Democrats in New York ; and when the Democratic con- 317. Crisis vention of May, 1848, refused their delegates full recog- on territo- nition, and then nominated for President a " dough-face," (1846-1849) or northern proslavery man, Lewis Cass of Michigan, on a noncommittal platform, the Barnburners bolted. They combined with the Free-soilers (who included the former Liberty men) in nominating Van Buren for President, on the platform of "Free Soil, Free Speech, Free Labor, and Free Men." This combination polled nearly 300,000 votes and threw New York over from the Democratic to the Whig side, thus allowing Zachary Taylor, a slaveholder, to be elected by 163 electoral votes to 127 for Cass. From 1846 to 1849 several different propositions were made for settling the question whether slavery was to be legal in California and New Mexico: (1) the Wilmot Proviso, ex- cluding slavery by act of Congress; (2) establishment of slavery by act of Congress; (3) continuation of the 36° 30' compromise line from Texas to the Pacific; (4) "popular sovereignty," which was a suggestion by Cass that the ques- tion be left to the people of the respective territories; (5) "ex- ecutive regulations," through the Walker Bill, which would have given to the President authority to form a government. None of the five propositions could get a majority in both houses of Congress, and the only aotion bearing on the ques- tion was an act organizing the Territory of Oregon (August 14, 1848) with a prohibition of slavery. As soon as Taylor became President (March 4, 1849), he used his influence and authority to bring about a state consti- 318. Slav- tutional convention in California. That convention drew tiwis'^^^ up a state constitution (September, 1849) which definitely (1849-1850) prevented either a compromise line or local slavery on the Pacific coast ; for it declared that California extended all the way along the coast from Mexico to Oregon, and it abso- RESULTS OF THE MEXICAN WAR (1848-1853) 373 lutely forbade slavery. Free miners, working with their own hands, would not permit slaveholders to come out with their slaves and compete in the placers. A state government was immediately organized with- out waiting for any act of Con- gress. The air was full of slavery questions. Antislavery men felt that the time had come for some action which would put a stop to the domestic slave trade almost under the shadow of the Capitol; and Abraham Lincoln introduced a bill (Jan- uary, 1849) for gradual emanci- pation of the slaves in the District of Columbia. The fugi- tive slave act of 1793 had never worked well, and a de- cision of the Supreme Court (Prigg vs. Pennsylvania, 1842) took away much of its force. Besides, there was a regular system for aiding fugitives to escape, popularly known as the "Underground Railroad," in which more than 3000 peo- ple are known to have taken part ; and through which, from 1830 to 1860, upAvn.rd of 60,000 slaves escaped. Fugitives were kept in the houses of abolitionists, forwarded from place to place at night, or hidden in out-of-the-way places; and if the pursuers came, were finally shipped across the Lakes tc free Canada. The South demanded that a more effective fugi- tive slave law be provided, and bills for that purpose were introduced. P)ehind all these questions was the larger issue of the rela- tive power of free and slave states. Up to 1849 the principle A California Big Tree. " Grizzly Giant," in the Mariposa Grove. 374 SECTIONALISM of balancing states continued ; Arkansas (slave) was admitted in 1836, and Michigan (free) in 1837, Florida and Texas (slave) in 1845, and Iowa and Wisconsin (free) in 184H and 1848. To admit California as a free state meant permanent superiority of the North in the Senate, for there was nowhere a southern territory ready to enter the Union. To settle all these complicated questions once for all, Henry Clay, " The Great Pacificator," came forward in January, 1850, 319 Com ^^^^ ^ compromise measure which he urged with all his promise de- energies, and which was carried into effect seven months **® ^ ^ later. He declared, ''No earthly power could induce me Congres- ^q y(>|-g fQj, g_ specific measure for the introduction of sional Globe, 1849-1850, slavery where it had not before existed " ; but he be- P' ^''^ lieved that New Mexico and California were already free by Mexican law ; and therefore that the North might safely accept his plan. The Compromise of 1850 was really made possible by Daniel Webster, as leader of the " Cotton," or commercial, Whigs of the North. In his famous " Seventh of March Speech," he argued that the North had not done its duty to the South, and was putting the Union in danger by refusing Contemvo- ^ ^^^^ compromise. As for slavery in New Mexico, he raries.IV. was sure that it could never be profitable there, and he summed up his principles in the striking phrase, " I would not take pains to reaffirm an ordinance of nature nor to reenact the will of God." Perhaps there was some danger to the Union : the Virginia legislature voted for " determined resistance at all hazards " ; and a convention was called to meet at Nashville to dis- Congres- CUSS, the question of separation. Robert Toombs of 7W9^S^^' CJeorgia declared in open Congress, " I do not hesitate p. 28 to avow ... in the presence of the living God, that if . . . you seek to drive us from . . . California ... I am for disunion." In milder terms John C. Calhoun, in the last RESULTS OF THE MEXICAN WAR (1848-1853) 875 speech of his life, argued against a compromise, because the only thing that could pacify the South was for the North to stop the agitation of the slavery question, and to promise that nothing should be done by Congress contrary to the in- johyiston, terests of slavery : as he said, " If you, who represent the ^orZlona stronger portion, can not agree to settle ... on the broad //. 159 principle of justice and duty, say so; and let the states we both represent agree to separate." Northern senators like Salmon P. Chase of Ohio scouted the idea that the Union was in danger, and denounced any com- promise. They looked on Webster as a man who had always been opposed to slavery but was now betraying his own section, in hope of getting southern support for the presidency. President Taylor, who was under the influence of Senator William H. Seward of New York, leader of the " Conscience Whigs," refused to favor Clay's compromise ; but he 320. The died suddenly in July, 1850, and Vice-President Fillmore °°™JJ°™4" became President, and signed in succession the five bills (1850) into which the Clay Compromise had been divided. They refer to territory not included in the Compromise of 1820. (1) By the first bill New Mexico was organized as a ter- ritory comprising lands on both sides of the Rio Grande, but Texas received $10,000,000 as indemnity for accepting her present limits ; the real issue of slavery was carefully avoided by providing (a) that " the Constitution and all laws which are not locally inapplicable " should apply to New Mexico; (h) that no citizen of the United States should be deprived of his "life, liberty, or property except by the judg- ment of his peers and the law of the land " ; (c) that when admitted as a state " the said Territory . . . shall be admitted into the Union, with or without slavery, as their constitution may prescribe at the time of admission." This was a tacit permission to hold slaves while it remained a territory. (2) The next bill admitted California as a free state. (3) The a 71) RESULTS OF THE MEXICAN WAR (1848-1853) 377 Utah Bill, with provisions like those of the New Mexico Bill, organized a territory north of New Mexico, apparently in- tended to be free. (4) A new fugitive slave act provided for a system of United States Commissioners to try cases in a " summary manner." (5) Another act prohibited the slave trade in the District of Columbia. Among the new senators in 1849 was William H. Seward of New York, who at once came forward as a leading antislavery man in Congress. Born in 1801, Seward went to Union College and was for a short time tutor in a slaveholding ^^j.^ g^^^ ^j^^ family in the South. He went into politics in New York higher law (1840-1850) state and was twice Whig governor of New York (1839- 1843). His intimate friend and political manager was Thur- low Weed, one of the most adroit, long-headed, and unscru- pulous politicians in the history of the country. In the debate of 1850 Seward was the recognized spokesman of the antislavery opponents of the compromise. His argu- ment was "that compromises settled nothing, and that it was useless to try to provide for questions before they came up. In his speech Seward let fall a phrase which stamped him in the minds of the South as an implacable enemy : " The Con- stitution devotes the domain to vmion, to justice, to de- Contemnora- fense, to welfare, and to liberty. But there is a higher ries,IV.58 law than the Constitution, which regulates our authority over the domain, and devotes it to the same noble purpose." What he meant to say was that the law of God agreed with the Constitution; what he was understood to say was that the higher law nullified the Constitution, which undoubtedly recognized slavery as existing in some states and territories. Balked of the expected slaveholding state in California, the extreme southerners now turned to Cuba, so rich, so 322. At- near to the United States, so abounding in slaves. Polk tempts on had even offered a hundred million dollars for the is- (1849-1851) land in 1848. Several expeditions of "filibusters," that is, 378 SECTIONALISM of volunteer adventurers, were fitted out in New Orleans; and one of them, under one Lopez, landed in Cuba (August, 1851) with nearly 500 men. The expedition was captured by the Span- iards, and Lopez with about fifty of his followers was executed. On hearing the news, the populace of New Orleans attacked the Spanish consulate. President Fillmore, while strongly cen- suring the expedition, did what he could to save the remaining prisoners, and a proper apology was made to Spain for the New Orleans incident. The radical autislavery people showed their discontent with the compromise by violent resistance to the fugitive slave law, ««o T, • of which several instances should be mentioned. In 323. Fugi- tive slave February, 1851, an undoubted fugitive named Shadrach (Tsli-isss) ^^^ arrested in Boston and brought before the United „ States Commissioner. An eyewitness said, " We heard a Source shout from the courthouse continued into a yell of tri- ' uinph, and in an instant after down the steps came two huge negroes bearing the prisoner between them with his clothes half torn off, . . . and they went off toward Cambridge, like a black squall, the crowd driving along with them and ^ cheering as they went." In September, 1851, a man named Gorsuch, who had pursued runaways to Christiana, Pennsyl- vania, was killed by his own slaves. An attempt was made to frighten the abolitionists by trying for treason a Quaker named Castner Han way, who was present and refused to aid Gorsuch. The prosecution, however, broke down, and the slayers of Gorsuch were not found. In 1854, while a fugitive named Burns was confined in the United States courthouse in Boston, a mob of abolitionists, in an attempt to rescue him, broke in the door and killed one of the deputy marshals. The breakdown of prosecutions against the rescuers, in these and other like instances, showed that northern public senti- ment was so strong against slavery that it was not worth while to appeal to the fugitive slave law. The spectacle of a KKSULTS OF THis MEXICAN WAR (1848-1858) 379 hunted fugitive, sent back to lifelong captivity for no crime except that of being a black slave, brought home the conditions of slavery to thousands of northern people. The hostility to slavery was voiced by the legislatures of most of the northern states in the 324. Per- "Personal Liberty Bills." '°^^^^^^ Under the fugitive slave laws (1840-1861) of 1793 and 1850, a free negro who was suspected of being a fugitive could be arrested and his status determined without any oppor- ^^^^- tunity for the cross-examination Runaway Slave. ^^ witnesses; and in several in- Cut used in newspaper stances free men were thus kid- advertisemeuts. naped and sent into slavery. To meet this danger, about 1840 the northern states began to pass acts to compel a jury trial for alleged fugitives, and to forbid their officials to take any part in the proceedings against such persons. So far the states were acting within their rights ; but after the Act of 1850, new statutes were passed in all the north- ern states except two, interfering in various ways with the opera- tion of the national fugitive slave statute and Constitution. All these acts showed that the free states, Constitution or no Con- stitution, would not recognize any responsibility for slavery. In this time of storm and stress, the person who perhaps did most to affect the history of the country was Harriet -os tt Beecher Stowe, through her story Uncle Tom's Cabin, Tom's Cabin published first as a serial in 1851, and afterward in many ^ ' editions in book form. The book was not primarily intended to be a political weapon; but it expressed a bitter sense of injustice at the system of man owning man, and it made the whole world see the human side of negro character, the kin- 380 SECTIONALISM ship of men of every race. It was the only antislavery book widely read and discussed in the South. How far Uncle Tom's Cabin is a truthful picture of slavery has been much disputed. Mrs. Stowe had indeed seen some- thing of slave life in Kentucky ; and some of the incidents, such as Eliza's escape on the ice, were actual events. The purpose of the book was to call attention to the inevitable cruelty of human bondage and its degrading effect on the master, and to that end the author made use of harrowing scenes, all of which were possible under slavery, and many of which could be paralleled by extracts from the southern newspapers of the time. Uncle Toni's Cabin recalled men to the real question of the day, away from artificial politics. No serious issue existed 326 P rti between the two political parties: the Whigs no longer cal break- wanted a bank, or national internal improvements, or a "^ ^ protective tariff ; but there was a strong and fierce divi- sion of opinion inside each party on the slavery question. Nevertheless, in the political campaign of 1852 both Whigs and Democrats insisted that the compromise was a " finality," and that the antislavery people were making all the trouble because they would keep on discussing it. The Whigs nomi- nated Winfield Scott of Virginia, a good soldier, but a weak candidate. For the Democratic nomination there was a fierce competition between Cass, Douglas of Illinois, Buchanan of Pennsylvania, and Marcy of New York ; but the place went to an inconspicuous man, Franklin Pierce of New Hampshire, who had been for two terms a member of Congress, and for one term a senator, and had served creditably in the Mexican War. The former Free-soil party reorganized as the Free Democracy. Pierce received 254 electoral votes to 42 for Scott. Though the Whigs polled nearly 1,400,000 popular votes against 1,600,000 for the Democratic ticket, and 155,000 for the Free Democrats, they carried only four states. RESULTS OF THE MEXICAN WAR (1848-1853) 381 The five years from 1848 to 1853 were full of excitement and danger. At the beginning of the period Congress had to face three hotly disputed questions : (1) the boundaries 327. Sum- of Texas; (2) the future of New Mexico; (3) the future ^^^ of California. The South insisted that the recently annexed territory should be divided by the compromise line of 36° 30' " extended to the Pacific; the North insisted that both Cali- fornia and New Mexico should remain free. At the same time the questions of slavery in the District of Columbia, and of fugitive slaves, came in to confuse the issue. After four years of exhausting discussion, all these issues were apparently adjusted by the Compromise of 1850. The people of California secured a free-state government, and Con- gress cut down the Texan territorial claim ; a new and more severe fugitive slave law was passed; and the slave trade in the District of Columbia was prohibited. New Mexico was divided into the two territories of Utah and New Mexico, in each of which slaveholders were allowed to settle with their slaves if they chose, the expectation being that New Mexico would become a slave state. Yet as soon as the compromise had been passed, four new issues arose out of slavery : (1) the annexation of. Cuba ; (2) the nullification of the fugitive slave law by violence and by " personal liberty laws " ; (3) the revival of the abolition spirit under the stimulus of Uncle Tom's Cabin; (4) the defeat of the Whigs, which showed that slavery had caused fatal internal divisions in that party as a national organization. TOPICS (1) Why did the Free-soilers object to Lewis Cass? (2) Why Suggestive did Taylor wish to form a state government in California? ^OP'^^^ (3) Why did Clay think that slavery did not exist, in New Mexico ? (4) What was the need of a new fugitive slave act in 1850? (6) Was Daniel Webster's Seventh of March Speech a bid for the presidency ? (6) What did Calhoun think would save the 382 SECTIONALISM Search topics Union ? (7) Why did not Taylor favor the Comproraise of 1850 ? (8) Why was Franklin Pierce nominated for the presidency ? (9) A brief account of the Whig party. (10) At the silver mines in California. (11) Hydraulic mining in California. (12) The Walker Bill of 184'J. (13) Caleb Cushing in China. (14) The Underground Railroad. (15) Robert Toombs's opinions on slavery. (10) Discovery of gold in California. (17) The Barnburners in New York. (18) The Buffalo Free-soil convention. (10) Commodore Perry in Japan. (20) The Cali- for^iia constitutional convention, 184U. (21) William II. Seward's opinions on slavery. (22) The New Orleans riot of 1851. (23) The Shadrach fugitive slave case. (24) The Gorsuch fugitive slave case. (25) Examples of personal liberty bills. (26) Contemporary opinions of Uncle Tom's Cabin. (27) Return of Anthony Burns. REFERENCES Geography Secondary authorities Sources Illustrative works Pictures See maps, pp. 324, 362, 376 ; Garrison, Westward Extension. Wilson, Division and Reunion, §§ 83-89 ; Stanwood, Presi- dency, 226-257 ; Garrison, M^estward Extension ; Schouler, United States, V. 100-260 ; Rhodes, United States, I. 99-302 ; Lamed, History for Ready Reference, I. 350, IV. 2929, V. 3382 ; Macy, Political Parties, 102-161 ; Smith, Liberty and Free-Soil Parties, 121-260 ; McDougall, Fugitive Slaves, §§ 19-83 ; Siebert, Under- ground Railroad ; Latang, United States and Spanish America, 105-116, 176-194, — ^mencan Relations in the Pacific, 72-123; Schurz, Henry Clay, II. 316-415 ; Lodge, Daniel Webster, 265- 333 ; Hapgood, Daniel Webster, 102-114 ; Hoist, J. C. Calhoun, 306-350 ; McLaughlin, Lewis Cass, 235-292 ; Bancroft. W. H. Seward, I. 156-332 ; Hart, S. P. Chase, 95-132 ; Brown, S. A. Douglas, 1-81 ; Morse, Abraham Lincoln, I. 87-93. Hart, Source Book, §§ 105-107, — Contemporaries, IV. §§ 7, nS^, — Source Readers, IIL §86, IV. §§12-16; MacDonald, Select Documents, nos. 77-82 ; Old South Leaflets, no. 82 ; Johnston, American Orations, II. 123-340. See N. Eng. Hist. Teachers' Ass'n, Syllabus, oGO, — Historical Sotirces, § 8(>. Lowell, Bigloio Papers (first series) ; Whitticr, Antislavery Poems, 146-155, \Gd-\lS, — Ichabod ; Kirk Munroo, Golden Days of '49; Bret Harte, Luck of Roaring Camp, — Tales of the Argo- nauts ; J. T. Trowbridge, Neighbor Jackioood (fugitives) ; C. R. Sherlock, Red Anvil (fugitives). Wilson, American People, IV. passim. CHAPTER XXV. FORESHADOWING OF CIVIL WAR (1853-1859) Slavery was primarily a matter for state legislation, like the question of title to land; but it became a national ques- tion because the federal government had to take cog- -oo p v nizance of slavery in four ways : — tics and (1) Congress had power to legislate for the District of ^ *^"^ Columbia in all cases whatsoever. The question of slavery in the district, which came up about 1827, was pressed by the abolition politicians after 1835, and accented by the discussion in 1850, as to the sale of slaves in the district. (2) Congress- had complete power over the foreign and inter- state slave trade : the foreign slave trade was prohibited by acts of 1807 and later amendments, but a movement began in the far South in 1859-1860 to reopen the African slave trade ; the domestic trade was never restricted, except in the District of Columbia. (3) Congress had power over the recovery of fugitive slaves, and exercised it by the two acts of 1793 and 1850. (4 ) Congress had power to regulate the territories, and exer- cised it by four successive acts prohibiting slavery in definite areas : (a) the Ordinance of 1787, for the Northwest Territory, reaffirmed by an act of Congress of 1789 ; (6) the Missouri Compromise of 1820, covering the Louisiana cession north of 36° 30' ; (c) the Texas resolution of 1845, prohibiting slavery in any states which might be created out of any part of Texas north of 36° 30' ; (d) the Oregon Act of 1848, prohibiting slavery .in that territory. In New Mexico and Utah, by the Com- promise of 1850, Congress evaded its responsibility, leaving 383 384 SECTIONALISM the question to be settled by the people who might be on the ground when the time came to organize states. It was clear that any future annexation of territory would lead to a tierce contest to decide which section should control it. Nevertheless, in his inaugural address (March 4, 1853), President Pierce hinted that he favored the annexation of 329. At- Cuba. His Secretary of State, William L. Marcy, and ne™Cuba*^" ^^^^ Secretary of War, Jefferson Davis, disagreed on that (1854) question ; and Pierce vacillated, according as one or the other of these two men had influence over him. As minister to Spain he appointed Pierre Soule, of Louisiana, an ardent "fire eater," as extreme advocates of slavery were called, and an annexationist, who bent all his energies to acquire Cuba. When the steamer Black Warrior was seized in Havana for a technical violation of the customs regulations (March, 1854), the President threatened war. While this question was pending, Soul^, Buchanan, minister to England, and Mason, minister to France, were ordered to confer in Belgium, and they drew up the " Ostend Manifesto " (October 18, 1854), which is an open and unblushing avowal of the doctrine that might makes right, and that Cuba must be annexed in order to protect slavery. This remarkable docu- ment says that if Spain refuses to sell Cuba for a fair price, "then by every law, human and divine, we shall be justi- fied in wresting it from Spain if we possess the power " lest "we permit Cuba to be Africanized." Marcy's influence at last prevailed, and the United States accepted a settlement of the Black Warrior difficulty (February, 1855), so that no excuse for war remained. Perhaps the main reason for holding back from Cuba was sao 8t«- ^^® storm that burst on the administration because of its phen A. action on the Nebraska question. After 1820 the region thi^J6 sp:ctionalism In opposing the Lecompton constitution, Douglas undoubt- edly remembered that his term in the Senate was about to 339. Else of expire, and that the legislature chosen in Illinois in Lincoln"^ 1858 would elect to the vacancy. As a rival claimant to (1809-1858) the seat, came forward Abraham Lincoln, who wrote up his autobiography as follows : — " Born, February 12, 1809, iu Hardin County, Kentucky ; "Education defective ; " Profession a lawyer ; "Have been a captain of volunteers in the Black Hawk War; "Postmaster at a very small office; "Four times a member of Illinois Legislature ; " And was a member of the lower house of Congress." Lincoln rose steadily from the squalor of a poor white family living in Kentucky, Indiana, and Illinois. After try- ing surveying and storekeeping, in which he made a flat failure, he studied law, went to the legislature, was an early Whig, and became known throughout the state for his good stories, homely sayings, and honest attention to the cases in- trusted to him. In 1841 he had his first sight of slaves, and he called slavery "a thing which has, and continually exer- cises, the power of making me miserable." From 1847 to 1849 he sat in Congress. When the Kansas-Nebraska question arose, Lincoln came out firmly for the anti-Nebraska cause. In 1855 he was all but elected Republican senator from Illinois ; in 1858 he was des- ignated by the Illinois Republican convention as their candi- date for the senatorship, and accepted in a magnificent speech, of which the text was : " A house divided against itself can not stand. I believe this government can not endure perma- nently half slave and half free." He next took the bold step of challenging Douglas, the most effective stump orator in the country, to a series of joint FORESHADOWING OF ClVlL WAR (1853-1860) 397 debates. Before tremendous audiences Ids eloquence and power caused people to forget his personal awkwardness. Douglas tried to turn the question into a personal controversy, 340. Lin- and he accused Lincoln of seeking the social equality of ?° deb^t" the negro, to which Lincoln memorably replied: "In the (1858) right to eat the bread without the leave of anybody else, which his own hand earns, he is my equal, and the equal of Judge Douglas, and the equal of every living man." The culmination of the debate was reached at Freeport. When Lincoln put the question whether the people of a terri- tory (i.e. Kansas) in any lawful way could prohibit slavery, Douglas's reply, commonly called the "Freeport Doctrine," was that the people of a territory could prevent slavery by "unfriendly legislation"; that is, Lincoln compelled him to stand by his squatter sovereignty, and to ignore the Dred Scott decision. The answer so far satisfied Douglas's constit- uents that he secured a small majority of the Illinois legisla- ture and was reelected to the Senate ; but when he went back to Washington, he found that his party colleagues were against him. Lincoln had practically obliged Douglas to break with the southern Democrats, who controlled the party organization. The most striking event of the year 1859 was the attempt of John Brown, already known in Kansas, to arouse a slave insurrection. His plan was to establish a damp for run- g^j j^. away negroes in the southern mountains. He secured Brown raid (1859) money and counsel from some New England friends, recruited twenty-two men, and hired a farm in the Maryland mountains near the town of Harpers Ferry. He descended upon that place October 16, and seized the United States arsenal, which had no guard, sent out parties to capture some of the white planters, and tried to rouse the neighboring slaves, who were expected to carry off a quantity of the arms. The next day the whole countryside was in an uproar; the negroes did not rise, and Brown hesitated until too late to 398 SECTIONALISM escape; the engine house in which he had fortified himself was finally taken by United States marines, under Colonel Kobert E. Lee; Brown was wounded and captured, and ten of his men (including a son) were killed, and five of his assailants. It is greatly to the credit of Virginia that this intractable man had a fair and open trial. He was duly convicted of murder and treason against the Commonwealth of Vir- ginia. He met his death like a hero, and won the respect of his jailers and southern visitors ; he never had the slightest feeling of remorse or guilt. In his last letter to his family he solemnly said, " John Brown writes to his children to abhor, with undying hatred also, that sum of all villanies, slavery." Moderate northern people ex- JoHN Brown in 1859. pressed their condemnation of Brown's methods, but could not help admiring his heroic spirit; and John Brown probably did more than any other man to convince the South that slavery was no longer safe within the federal Union ; for he showed that there were abolitionists who were perfectly willing to sacrifice their own lives to free other people's slaves. The six years from 1853 to 1859 showed that slavery was a disturbing influence which could not be quieted or removed. 842. Sum- For the sake of slavery, attempts were made to annex ™"y Cuba, the Kansas-Nebraska Bill was passed, rival parties were allowed to wage civil war in Kansas, the Supreme Court tried to establish a new principle in the territories, and Bu- FORESHADOWING OF CIVIL WAR (1853-1859) 399 chanan and his friends attempted to force a proslavery con- stitution upon the people of Kansas. From 1853 to 1859 the antislavery people took the offensive in politics. Their national antislavery ticket almost won the election of 1856 ; they attacked Douglas through a new cham- pion, Abraham Lincoln, and compelled him in 1858 to break with many of his party associates. Then a few of the most extreme abolitionists tried to show how vulnerable slavery was by encouraging the John Brown raid. After six years of struggle nothing was decided : Cuba was not annexed ; Kansas was not a slave state ; the Dred Scott decision was openly defied by the Eepublicans. The only thing clear was that this fierce controversy was driving the two sections further and further apart, that they distrusted each other more and more; and that neither President nor Congress nor Supreme Court could suggest any middle view on the subject of slavery which would satisfy both North and South. TOPICS (1) What was the objection to abolishing slavery in the District Suggestive of Columbia? (2) Why did President Pierce want to annex *°*'^''' Cuba ? (3) Why did the Mormons go out to Utah ? (4) Did the Compromise of 1850 set aside the Missouri Act of 1820 ? (5) The Know-nothing party. (6) Why was not Seward nominated by the Republicans in 1856 ? (7) Why did the Mormons give way in 1858 ? (8) Evidence that Buchanan promised that the Lecompton constitution should be submitted to a popular vote. (9) Why did Lincoln compel Douglas to announce his Freeport Doctrine ? (10) How did the Freeport Doctrine conflict with the Dred Scott decision? (11) Was John Brown justified in inciting a slave insurrection ? (12) Propositions to reopen the slave trade in the fifties. Search (13) The Ostend Manifesto of 1854. (14) Who first put forth the *°Pi°8 principle of popular sovereignty ? (15) Appeal of the Independent Democrats. (16) Why did the Kansas-Nebraska Bill pass the Senate ? (17) Origin of the emigrant aid companies. (18) The Border Ruffians. (19) Was John Brown justified in killing the 400 SECTIONALISM Shermans and Doyles ? (20) Origin of the name, " Republican Party." (21) Why was Buchanan nominated by the Democrats in 1856 ? (22) Why was a new tariff act passed in 1857 ? (23) Had negroes in 1776 "no rights which the white man was bound to respect"? (24) A railroad journey in the fifties. (25) The Panama railroad. (26) Was the Lecompton constitution in itself a bad constitution ? (27) Lincoln's early life. (28) Lincoln's early opinions on slavery. (29) Interesting things in the Lincoln- Douglas debate. (30) John Brown's trial. Geography Secondary- authorities Sources Illustrative works Pictures REFERENCES See maps, pp. 390, 324, 325 ; Smith, Slavery and Political Parlies. Wilson, Division and Reunion, §§ 90-100 ; Johnston, Politics, 167-189 ; Stanwood, Presidency, 258-278 ; Smith, Slavery and Political Parties ; Schouler, United States, V. 270-454 ; Rhodes, United States, I. 384-506, II. 1-416 ; Macy, Political Parties, 183- 282 ; Smith, Liberty and Free-soil Parties, 261-307 ; Curtis, Con- stitutional History, II. 259-285, 295-299 ; Spring, Kansas ; Brown, Lower So^ith, 50-82, — S. A. Douglas, 82-128 ; Dewey, Financial History, §§ 110-115; Taussig, Tariff History, 115-154; Hart, Foundations of American Foreign Policy, 108-127 ; Foster, Cen- tury of Diplomacy, 335-356 ; Latanfi, United States and Spanish America, 116-136, 194-198 ; Morse, Abraham Lincoln, I. 93-160; Bancroft, W. H Seioard, I. 333-519 ; Hart, S. P. Chase, 132-177 ; Storey, Charles Sumner, 101-164 ; Chamberlin, John Brown. Hart, Source Book, §§ \i)^-\\2, — Contemporaries, IV. §§ 34- 48, — Source Headers, IV, §17; Mac Donald, Select Documents, nos. 85-92 ; American History Leaflets, nos. 2, 17, 23 ; Old South Leaflets, nos. 80, 83-85 ; Hill, Liberty Documents, oh. xxi. ; John- ston, American Orations, III. 3-207 ; Sanborn, John Brown ; Helper, Impending Crisis. See N. Eng. Hist, Teachers' Ass'n, Syllabus, 350-353, — Historical Sources, § 86. Whittier, Antislavery Poems, 176-213, — Brown of Ossawat- omie ; Stedman, Hdw Old Brown took Harper'' s Ferry ; A. W, Tourg^e, Hot Plowshares (antislavery) ; Theodore Winthrop, John Brent (Far West, Mormons) ; Arthur Paterson, For Free- dom's Sake (Kan.); A. E. Orpen, Jay-Hawkers ; Noah Brooks, Boy Settlers (Kmx.) ; (i. 11. Di-rliy ("'John rinonix"), Phoenixi- ana (Cal.). Wilson, American People, IV.; Sparks, Expansion. CHAPTER XXVI. THE CRISIS (1859-1861) The Republicans had a small majority in the House of Representatives from 1859 to 1861 ; and would have elected John Sherman of Ohio to be Speaker, but that he had 343 iggue signed a circular approving a book called The Impending between North And Crisis, which was written by a poor white named Helper, South to show that slavery was contrary to the interests of (1859-1860) whites in the South who owned no slaves; hence Sherman was thought radical. The Senate was strongly proslavery; and Jefferson Davis of Mississii)pi, leader of the extremists, introduced a series of resolutions (February 2, 1860), which were intended to formu- late the position of the South: (1) that Douglas's Freeport Doctrine was unsound ; (2) that Congress should interfere, if necessary, -to protect slavery, thus going beyond the Dred Scott decision ; (3) that the northern states should stop public agitation by the abolitionists ; (4) that the states were sov- ereign. In effect, these resolutions, which passed the Senate by 35 to 21 votes, gave notice that the election of a President who opposed those principles might be made an excuse for breaking up the Union. The whole country watched with anxiety the regular Dem- ocratic convention which met at Charleston in April, 1860. Douglas had a majority of the delegates, but the south- 344 Elec- erners insisted that he should accept a platform which tionof 1860 was substantially the Davis resolutions. Douglas was willing to pledge himself to "abide by the decisions of the Su- 401 402 CIVIL WAR preme Court"; but lie could not ^iromise to vote for forcing slavery into an unwilling territory. On that small differenc^e the convention split; the delegates of most of the southern states withdrew, and the convention adjourned after fifty- seven ineffectual ballots. It reconvened at Baltimore in June, and, after another split, Douglas was there nominated, on the platform proposed by his friends at Charleston. The southern bolters met separately and nominated John C. Breckinridge, then Vice President of the United States. Election Cartoon of 1860. Many of the old southern Whigs, and the northern Whigs who had not become Republicans, united in what they called the Constitutional Union party, and nominated John Bell of Tennessee, on the brief platform, " The Constitution of the country, the union of the States, and the enforcement of the laws." The Republican convention met in Chicago (May 16, 1860), in an immense hall, with thousands of spectators. It was gen- erally expected that Seward would be nominated, for he had THE CRISIS (1859-1861) 403 shown his antislavery spirit by declaring that slavery caused an " irrepressible conflict," and he had an enthusiastic dele- gation from New York, and scores of other supporters. But Seward was thought too radical : what was wanted was a moderate western man who could carry the doubtful states of Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois. Abraham Lincoln was the most available among such men ; and on the third ballot he was nominated. electoral Tot«. ^^^;' Lincoln and Hamlin ^y//////// Breckinridge and.Lane Douglas and Jobusou [Hj Bell and Everett The Election of 1860. The campaign was fierce and exciting. For the first time sernimilitary companies were organized to parade and carry torches. On election day (November 6), 180 Lincoln electors were chosen against 72 for Breckinridge, 39 for Bell, and 12 (Missouri and a part of New Jersey) for Donglas. Out of the popular vote, Lincoln had about 1,900,000 against 1,400,000 for Douglas, 850,000 for Breckinridge, and 600,000 for Bell. Yet if his opponents had concentrated on any two, or any one, of the other candidates, the result would have been the same ; for the Republicans had a majority in every northern state except New Jersey, California, and Oregon. HART'S AUER. HIST. -24 404 CIVIL WAR During the campaign of 18G0 it was fiPfly predicted that the election of Lincoln would load to secession. To most 345. Seces- northern men the threat seemed preposterous, for theelec- South Caro ^^°^ °^ Lincoln did not carry with it directly the Supreme lina (I860) Court, or the Senate, or even the House which was chosen to sit from 1861 to 1863. Nevertheless, on the day after the national election, the South Carolina legislature took steps toward calling a secession convention ; and within a few days the principal federal officers in South Carolina, including the two United States senators, resigned their offices. Hardly a Union man could be found in the whole state; nob one was elected to the convention. During the next seven weeks South Carolina was in turmoil ; federal buildings and supplies were seized ; companies of men were drilled; eager conferences were held with people from the neighboring states ; and the excitement culminated when the secession convention assembled at Columbia, adjourned to Charleston, and on December 20, 1860, by a unanimous vote, passed an ordinance declaring that South Carolina was no longer a part of the Union. A member of the convention said, "We have carried the body -of this Union to its last resting place, and now we will drop the flag over its grave." In this awful crisis of secession, the country hardly had a President. Buchanan had long stood on the same political 346. Presi- ground as the radical southerners who were seceding, dentBu- an(j }^q called in Jefferson Davis to advise him. The chanan'a policy President's message to Congress, December 8, 1860, (1860-1861) ^ag 2i helpless document: he laid all the trouble to "the incessant and violent agitation of the slavery question throughout the North for the last quarter of a century," As for secession, Seward neatly summed up the message as Nicoiay follows : " The President has conclusively proved two 'hincoln' II. ^^^'^S^ • (1) ^^^^ ^'^ state has a right to secede unless 371 it wishes to; and (2) that it is the President's duty to THE CRISIS (1859-1861) 405 enforce the laws unless somebody opposes him." A few days later Lewis Cass, Secretary of State, resigned because he thought the President was not doing his duty. After secession, the South Carolina government immediately demanded the surrender of the forts within its borders ; and while the question was pending. Major Anderson, in command of the scanty force in Charleston harbor, moved his troops (Decem- ber 26) from the exposed Fort Moultrie into the strong, isolated Fort Sum- ter. Floyd, Secretary of War, and Anderson's im- mediate superior, insisted that he should give up Fort Sumter. Jeremiah Black, Secretary of State, and Edwin M. Stanton, who had just entered the Cabinet, declared that in that case they would resign. "You don't give me any time to say my prayers," said Buchanan; "I always say my prayers when required Fort Sum^ to act upon any great state affairs." In the end he ter.ios yielded to his northern advisers, and Anderson was left in Fort Sumter. From that time to the end of his administration, Buchanan had no longer any will or force of his own. As had been planned beforehand, conventions specially cho- sen for that purpose by six other states, between January 9 and February 1, followed the example set by South Carolina. 347. Seces- In most of them, before secession, all the United States ^^jj states mints, posts, arsenals, forts, public buildings, and public (1861) property were seized, except Fort Pickens, below Pensacola, Key West and the Dry Tortugas on detached islands, and Fort Sumter in the harbor of Charleston. (1) Mississippi Charleston Harbor. 406 CIVIL WAR seceded by a vote of 84 to 15. (2) Florida seceded by a vote of 62 to 7. (3) In Alabama the '* submissionists " and "coop- erationists " both opposed immediate secession, but it was voted by 61 to 39. (4) In Georgia alone Avas there a powerful open opposition, but it seceded by a test vote of 165 to 130. (5) Lou- isiana was enriched by the down-river trade of the Northwest, and long hesitated; but seceded by a vote of 113 to 17. (6) In Texas, Governor Sam Houston set himself strongly against secession, but a convention was unofficially called, and the state seceded by 166 to 7. The next step was to combine the seceded states into a union. In February, 1861, a convention of delegates from six states met at Montgomery, drew up a "provisional constitu- tion " for <* The Confederate States of America," and elected Jefferson Davis of Mississippi President of the new Confeder- acy, and Alexander H. Stephens of Georgia Vice President. A Cabinet was duly appointed by President Davis, and a pro- visional Congress was shortly elected and sat for a year. Secession was defended by southern conventions and public men substantially on the following grounds : — 348 South- ^^^ That the North was bent on making money for ern griev- itself, and was no longer interested in the general welfare of the Union. The charge was later made that the tariff discriminated against the South ; but in the discussions of 1860 the South made no complaint of the existing tariff of 1857. (2) That the North misinterpreted the Constitution, and would not admit the doctrine of state rights and secession ; that the Republicans were even opposed to the Dred Scott decision, and meant to ovei-turn it; and that by the personal liberty laws the northern states defied their constitutional obligations. (3) That the North hated slavery, insisted on discussing it, and allowed abolition meetings and newspapers publicly to speak abusively of the slaveholders ; and that the northern ! THE CRISIS (1859-18G1) 40T people approved of John Brown's attempt to cause a slave insurrection. (4) That the growth of slavery was checked, because the North was determined not to admit any more slave states, nor to annex any more slaveholding territory, and was trying to draw a "cordon of free states" around the South, and thus slowly to strangle slavery. (5) That the election of Lincoln was an act of hostility, a sectional victory, which meant an attack on slavery in the states. In this list the main and the deciding grievance is in essence that the North disliked slavery, wanted to check it, and allowed people to discuss it. As Robert Toombs of Georgia put it, " What is wanted, is that the North shall call slavery right." It is also true that by the admission of Minnesota in 1858, Oregon in 1859, and Kansas in 1861, the number of free states was raised to 19, as against 15 slaveholding states. A feeling of injury and wrath was also widespread in the North, for grievances expressed substantially as follows : — (1) That the Southerners had for years been forcing the „ -g „ . annexation of territory, in order to strengthen slavery, ances of the (2) That the South had arrogantly attempted to sup- " press free speech in the northern states ; and even in Congress had attempted to intimidate John Quincy Adams, Joshua R. Giddings, and Charles Sumner. (3) That by the South Carolina negro seamen act of 1820 and other statutes against the movement of free negroes, the southern states violated rights of northern negro citizens which were guaranteed by the Constitution. (4) That the Kansas episode showed a determination by fraud and violence to foist a slavery constitution on the people of a practically free territory. (5) That the slave power had ever since 1829 practically controlled the Supreme Court, the Senate, the presidency, and 40H CIVIL WAR the House (except for two Congresses), and now wanted to leave the Union when tlie otlier people began to get control. (6) That the South entertained doctrines of secession -which were contrary to the Constitution and destructive to the Union, The southern theory of secession was that it was not war, but a constitutional, expedient, and practical method of set- 350. The tling the controversy between the sections : — for aecea- (■^) "^^^ constitutionality of secession was accepted by sion most southern public men, and by some in the North. Once admit that the states were sovereign and the Constitu- tion only a compact among them, and any state was undoubt- edly entitled to leave the Union when it felt disaffected. (2) The expediency of secession depended on the ultimate purpose of the secessionists. A few of them wanted to go out of the Union, so as to put a pressure on the North to readmit them on such terms as they might dictate; but Davis and other leaders from the first intended to form a permanent southern government ; and they confidently expected all the slave states to join them. (3) Secession as a constitutional or a peaceful remedy was "practicable" only if it did not lead to war. Most southern leaders thought the North would not fight ; others foresaw a long war, but were sure that the South would be successful in the end. Were there no Union men in the South ? There were thou- sands. A few were permanent Union men, such as Sam 351. South- Houston, or James L. Fetigru, who marched out of St. men °^°^ Michael's Church, in Charleston, when prayers were first (1860-1861) offered for the President of the Confederacy; but most of them, like Alexander H. Stephens, yielded when their states seceded. Stephens, born in 1812, educated in North Carolina, entered Congress as a AVhig in 1843. Thougli little, and boyish in appearance, he was soon recognized as one of the strongest men in Congress. AVhen the crisis of THE CRISIS (1859-1861) 409 1861 came, Stephens headed the opposition to the secession of his state, Georgia. He urged that the southern people had not been entirely blameless, and that the only real ground for secession was the personal liberty laws, which would probably be withdrawn if a proper effort were made. When the Georgia convention declared for secession, Stephens announced that he would go with his state : and later made a famous speech . . Hart, in which he said of the Confederate constitution: "Its Source foundations are laid, its corner-stone rests upon the great Book, 297 truth, that the negro is not equal to the white man; that slavery ... is iiis natural and normal condition." As soon as the temper of the South was understood, three desperate efforts were made to stop secession by a compromise, such as had settled the dangerous crises of 1820, 1833, 352. Plans and 1850. 0^ <=°°^- promise (1) In December, 1860, two "grand committees" were (1860 1861) appointed, one of thirteen members from the Senate, and one of thirty -three from the House. In the Senate committee Sew- ard, as spokesman for the Republican party, offered a proposi- tion (which was privately drafted by Lincoln) to the effect (a) that Congress should not interfere with slavery in the states ; (&) that the personal liberty laws be withdrawn ; (c) that the federal government should punish such move- ments as the John Brown raid ; (d) that fugitives should have a jury trial. Jefferson Davis offei-ed as the southern ultima- tum that the free states should be compelled to protect slave property in transjt or temporary sojourn. Plainly neither side was really desirous of compromise. The House committee even- tually submitted "the Corwin Amendment," prohibiting inter- ference by Congress with slaves in the states, and both houses voted it ; but it was clearly insufficient for the crisis. (2) The slave states were divided among themselves. Neither the live "border states," — Delaware, Maryland, Vir- ginia, Kentucky, and Missouri, — nor the next tier of states, — 410 CIVIL WAR North Carolina, Tennessee, and Arkansas, — as yet saw suffi- cient reason for secession. Senator Crittenden of Kentucky, therefore, prepared a series of constitutional amendments, in- tended to keep the border states in the Union, and providing that: («) the territories were to be divided between freedom and slavery 5 (6) the District of Columbia was to remain slave- holding; (c) interstate slave trade was to stop; (d) the per- sonal liberty laws were to be withdrawn. Against this plan Lincoln, as President-elect, used all his personal influence over the Republicans in Congress; for he felt that any compro- mise which recognized, extended, and perpetuated territorial slavery was an admission that the Kepublican party had no reason for existence. (3) A third attempt at compromise was a " Peace Congress," called by the border states at Washington in February, 1861 ; twenty-one states were represented. This body sat for a month and made a report, which was substantially the Crit- tenden compromise; but neither Senate nor House would recommend its adoption. If the North would neither consent to secession nor make a compromise, Avhat was left but to keep the seceding states p. in the Union by force? To this remedy there were of coercion many objections. Thousands of people in the North, ^ ' especially the abolitionists, thought the country would be better off without the slaveholding states ; the army and navy were small and scattered; and President Buchanan argued that there was no way of "coercing a sta4;e" — that is, of constitutionally compelling the obedience of people organized in what they called a " Sovereign State." Yet some action had to be taken, because the sites of the few forts still in possession of the United States had been formally ceded by the states to the Union ; hence, to give them up would be an acknowledg- ment of the right of secession, while to hold them was to throttle the southern ports of Pensacola and Charleston. THE CRISIS (185!t-1861) 411 Fort Sumter, which lay in the chan nel of Charleston, became the storm center. Black and Stanton advised sending two hundred men with ammunition ; and on January 9, 1861, the merchant ship Star of the West, carrying the stars and stripes, appeared for this purpose off the fort, but was fired upon by a South Carolina battery, and com- pelled to turn back. Ander- son stationed his men at the guns, and was about to re- turn the fire; but on reflec- tion he wisely referred tht whole matter to the govern- ment in Washington; and the South waited for the new administration to declare its position. For three months President- elect Lincoln remained quietly at his home in Springfield, ar- ranging his Cabinet, receiving delegations, listening to office seekers, and keeping his eye on Congress. He early selected Seward to be his Secretary of State, and thereby put that im- pulsive statesman under bonds not to do anything to embar- rass his future chief. He also sent word to General Scott (December 21, 1860), asking him to be prepared "to either 354. Lin- coln's pur- poses (1860-1861; Inauguration of IfyiNrobN, 1861. 412 CIVIL WAR Lincoln, liold or retake the forts, as the case may require, at and Works, I. 66 after the inauguration." In February, 18G1, Lincoln started eastward, and made a series of speeches, in which he foreshadowed his future policy. " On what rightful principle," said he at Indian- apolis, " may a State, being not more than one fiftieth part of the nation in soil and population, break up the nation ? " March 4, 1861, Lincoln appeared at the Capitol, took the oath of office, and in his inaugural address sounded the keynote of his administration. "I hold that in contemplation of univer- sal law and of the Constitution, the Union of these States is perpetual . . . and to the extent of my ability I shall take care ... that the laws of the Union be faithfully executed in all the States. . . . Physically speaking, we can not separ rate. We can not remove our respective sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall between them." Mr. Lincoln's first official act was to select his Cabinet, and he showed his political wisdom by choosing about equally 355. Period among former Whigs and former Democrats. To Chase taintv"' ^^ Ohio, the ablest of the political abolitionists, he as- (1861) signed the treasury. Simon Cameron of Pennsylvania, against Lincoln's first judgment, was made Secretary of War. Edward Bates of l\Iissouri, Attorney-General, was a southern Republican; Gideon Welles of Connecticut, Secretary of the Navy, was a former New England Democrat. Caleb B. Smith of Indiana was Secretary of the Interior, and Montgomery Blair of Maryland was Postmaster-General. For some weeks, the time of the President was absorbed by a terrible scramble for minor offices of every kind, in the nearest approach to a " clean sweep " of officeholders that the country has ever seen. The question of Fort Sumter could not be long postponed, however, because couimissioners of the Confederate govern incut appeared and deniaiuleil an interview on that subject, which the President declined. The President THE CRISIS (1859-1861) 4l3 next asked for written opinions from the members of his Cabi- net, on provisioning Fort Sumter. Seward replied that he was for conciliation and would not provoke war, and Mont- gomery Blair was the only member of the Cabinet who advised using force. Seward unwisely assumed that he was to be the real head of the administration, and took it upon himself to say through third parties to the southern commissioners that he was sure that the fort would be given up. A few days later (April 1) Seward sent to the President a remarkable letter, in which he proposed to take charge of the government, and make war on Spain, France, and England, so as to bring back the seceders to defend the United States. Lincoln re- plied with dignity but firmness that the President must do whatever was done, and after this little contest Seward cheer- fully accepted the fact that the President was his chieftain. Lincoln was convinced from the outset that even if he gave up the forts, it could only postpone war; that the old questions of fugitive slaves, of boundaries, of the border states, 356. Fort especially the division of the territories and of the Pacific ^/a™*^'^ coast, would instantly come up again; and that a sepa- 1861) rate confederacy would demand more than was demanded by southern states before secession. Batteries were by this time constructed around Charleston Harbor, commanding Fort Sumter. When on April 8, 1861, Lincoln sent a notice that he purposed to forward a supply of provisions to Sumter, he threw on Jefferson Davis and his Cabinet at Montgomery the responsibility of firing the first gun. Even the Confederate Secretary of State, the "fire eater" Robert Toombs, objected to armed resistance, and said : stoweii, " Mr. President, at this time it is suicide, murder, and Toombs, 226 will lose us every friend at the North. ... It is unnecessary; it puts us in the wrong ; it is fatal." He was overruled, and instructions were given to General Beauregard, in command of the Charleston district, to reduce 414 CIVIL War Fort Sum- ter, 427 Fort Sumter. At 4.30 a.m. of April 12, 1861, a shell, fired from Crawford -^^^'^ Johnson by Captain George S. James, " rose high in air, and curving in its course, burst almost directly over the fort." With his sixty men and a few laborers, Anderson defended himself against forts manned by seven thousand men. After thirty hours of bombardment, Fort Sumter was knocked about his ears, while the relief expedition 1^' I li iill INTKKIOK Oh Four SUiMlKR AKTKK HoM DAHDM KNT, APKII., 1S<)1. lay helpless outside the bar. Anderson therefore surrendered the fort, April 14, 1861, marching out with colors flying and drums beating, and saluting his flag with fifty guns. April 15, 1861, President Lincoln issued a proclamation call- 357 Seces- ^^S on the state governors to send 75,000 state militia, sion of th8 and this action compelled the border states to take sides states "^ith either South or North. So far they had been (1861) quiet: in Virginia, Arkansas, and Missouri conventions had assembled, but refused to secede ; in North Carolina and THE CRISIS (1859-1861) 415 Tennessee no conventions had been called. The Kentucky leg- islature voted that " Kentucky should maintain a strict neu- trality during the present contest." Now, to the President's request for men, the governor of Missouri replied, "The requisition is illegal, unconstitutional and revolutionary in its object, inhuman and diabolical, and can not be complied with " ; and every other border-state government refused. Virginia at once seceded ; but Fort Monroe was held by the Union ; Arkansas and Tennessee followed ; North. Carolina then seceded; and all four states immediately joined the southern Confederacy. Delaware remained quiet. Maryland for a time seemed likely to secede ; and ori April 19 the Sixth Massachu- setts Regiment, while passing through the city of Baltimore, was attacked by a mob and several men were killed — the first blood of northern troops shed in the Civil War. In Kentucky, there was a secession convention and a nominal secession legis- lature, but the regular government of the state remained loyal throughout the war, and furnished seventy-six thousand troops to the Union army. In Missouri a camp of secessionists was formed in St. Louis, but the Germans in the city remained loyal, were drilled and organized, and under Captain Lyon broke up the camp (May 10) ; and there was no formal secession. Who shall describe the excitement, wrath, and grief in the North while Fort Sumter was under bombardment ? On Sunday, the day of surrender, hundreds of northern min- ggg Riaine isters called on their congregations to support the govern- of the North ment. The members of the militia companies hurried to their armories ; the states opened their arsenals for arms and military supplies ; banks offered millions of dollars in loans to the state governments ; the legislatures appropriated unheard-of sums for military supplies ; the women joined with the men in fitting out the soldier and bidding him Godspeed. As the need grew more urgent, the flower of American youth volun- teered, and some colleges were almost broken up by loss of 416 CIVIL WAR students. Even the President's old enemy, Stephen A. Doug- las, with characteristic impetuosity came to him, and offered any service that he could give for the preservation of the Union. The first full regiment to report was the Sixth Massa- chusetts, raised among the farmers and townspeople around Lexington and Concord. Within forty-eight hours from the President's call, it was on its way to Washington. As it marched through Boston the people rose almost with one accord to do it honor, and its reception in New York is typical „^ . of the popular feeling all over the Union. " We saw the Source heads of armed men, the gleam of their weapons, the ' regimental colors, all moving on, pageant-like; but naught could we hear save that hoarse, heavy surge — one general acclaim, one wild shout of joy and hope, one endless cheer, rolling up and down, from side to side, above, below, to right, to left." In the twelve months from April, 1860, to April, 1861, the country went through as much history as in the ten years 359. Sum- previous. In the election of 1860 the country was mary divided between the Republicans, strong only in the northern states ; and the Douglas or moderate Democrats, the Breckenridge or extreme proslavery Democrats, and the Con- servatives, mostly old Whigs, all three distributed through the Union. Lincoln's election precipitated a crisis which had long been approaching, and the secession of South Carolina started off the other cotton states like bricks in a row. Three months after the election, and a month before Lincoln's inauguration, the southern Confederacy was formed. President Buchanan was helpless because he had yielded so much to his extreme proslavery friends and allies that he had lost the right to protest at anything they might do. Lin- coln could not accept secession, even of the Gulf states, because THE CRISIS (1859-1861) 417 convinced it would leave controversies which must speedily bring back the necessity of war. Efforts to hold intact the border states failed, because Lincoln saw that nothing could satisfy them except the further extension of slavery, which the Republican party was formed to resist. Yet Lincoln could not bear to begin civil war, and in his inaugural address he affirmed his solemn purpose to preserve, protect, and defend the Union. Though he never intended for a moment to give way to secession, and was ready to accept a contest for Charleston harbor, he made the other side take the responsibility of firing the first gun, and thereby of arousing the spirit of the North. TOPICS (1) Why was John Sherman's approval of The Impending Crisis Suggestive so obnoxious to the southern members ? (2) What was there that was new in the Davis resolutions of 1860 ? (3) Why did the southern delegates oppose the nomination of Douglas in 1860? (4) Why was Seward set aside at Chicago in 1860 ? (5) Admis- sion of Kansas, 1861. (6) Why did Buchanan consult Jefferson Davis on his message ? (7) Why did Anderson move from Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumter ? (8) Why was not Fort Pickens seized by Florida ? (9) What was the ground of the opposition to seces- sion in Georgia ? (10) What men were responsible for the secession of the southern states? (11) Why was Alexander H. Stephens opposed to secession ? (12) Why did compromise fail in Congress ? (13) Why did not Lincoln receive the commissioners of the Con- federate government ? (14) Was Lincoln's attempt to provision Fort Sumter an act of war ? (15) Why did Toombs object to firing on Fort Sumter ? (16) Was the firing on Fort Sumter an act of war ? (17) How was Maryland saved to the Union ? (18) Contested elections of Speaker of the House. (19) The Chicago Republican convention, 1860. (20) The South Carolina secession convention, 1860. (21) Northern approval of John Brown. (22) Controversy between South Carolina and Massa- chusetts over the negro seamen act. (23) Seizure of United States public property in the South. (24) Northern advocates of secession. (25) James L. Petigru as a Union man. (26) The Peace Congress of 1861. (27) Lincoln on his way to Washington. (28) Lincoln's choice of a Cabinet. topics Search topics 418 CIVIL WAR REFERENCES Geography Secondary authorities Sources niustrative works flctures See maps, pp. 800, 4.'i4, A'lo. Wilson, Dwision and Reunion, §§ 101-106, 117; Channing, United States, 254-265 ; Johnston, Politics, 189-198 ; Stanwood, Presidency, 279-297 ; Dodge, Civil War, 1-8 ; Hart, Causes of Civil War; Rhodes, United States, II. 416-502, III. 115-415; Schouler, United States, V. 454-512, VI. 1-50 ; Wilson, American People, IV. 180-208 ; Camhridye Modern History, VII. 439-450 ; Gay, Bryant's History, IV. 432-447 ; Lamed, History for Beady Beference, V. 8405 ; Ropes, Civil War, I. 1-97 ; Curtis, Constitu- tional History, II. 285-295, 300-338 ; Macy, Political Parties, 283- 317 ; Nicolay, Outbreak of Bebellion, 1-81 ; Hinsdale, How to study and teach History, 297-311 ; Brown, Lower South, 83-152, — S. A. DoxKjlas, 129-141 ; Morse, Abraham Lincoln, I. 161-272 ; Hapgood, Abraham Lincoln, 151-208 ; Bancroft, W. H. Seward, I. 520-553, II. 1-45, 91-163; Hart, S. P. Chase, 178-211; Lee, General Lee, 52-98 ; Trent, B. E. Lee, 31-48 ; Shaler, Kentucky ; Du Bois, William Lowndes Yancey. Hart, Source Book, §§ 113-115, — Contemporaries, IV. §§49- 74, 76, 77, 96, dl, — Source Beaders, IV. § 29; MacDonald, Select Documents, nos. 93-96, — Select Statutes, no. 1 ; American His- tory Leaflets, nos. 12, 18 ; Old South Leaflets, nos. 11, 107 ; Cald- well, Survey, 108-117 ; Johnston, American Orations, III. 230- 329, IV. 16-81 ; Century Company, Battles and Leaders, I. 7-98. See N. Eng. Hist. Teachers' Ass'n, Syllabus, 353, — Historical Sources, § 87. Whittier, Antislavery Poems, 213-215 ; Winston Churchill, The Crisis (Lincoln) ; M. I). Conway, Pine and Palm ; John Fox, Little Shepherd of Kingdom Come ; W. A. Barton, Pine Knot (mountains of Kentucky and Tennessee). Wilson, American People, IV. ; Harper''s IVeekly. CHAPTER XXVII. NORTH AND SOUTH IN 1861 The result of the Civil War depended on the relative strength of the contestants, measured in men, resources, business organization, and moral force. In population, 360. Popu- the North, which included the West and Northwest, far ^^^'"ectiJns surpassed its rival: in 1790 the North and the South (1861) had each 2,000,000 people ; in 1830 the numbers were 7,000,000 and 6,000,000 respectively ; but in 1860 the free states and ter- ritories counted ^ SetUed Area In 1830 !t>ot8 BhcnrTe^oDS ael ■between 1830 and 1860 r7v7:ng t>ot8 ahcnrTe^ons settled ^ if tMj3 "between 1830 and 1860. ^j[ 19,000,000, and the slaveholding states and terri- tories 12,000,000. There were 3,500- 000 foreigners in the North, as against 300,000 foreigners in the part of the South which seceded ; for immigrants disliked going where there were few cities and few manufactures, and where manual labor was despised. When the crisis came, to the nineteen free states were added four of the slaveholding states, Maryland, Delaware, Kentucky, and Missouri, with a total population of 3,100,000. Of those people probably 500,000 adhered to the South ; but West Virginia and East Tennessee stood by the Union, and hart's amer. hist. — 25 419 Settled Area in 1860. 420 CIVIL WAR nearly made good tliat loss. The total population of the icgion controlled by secession was therefore about 8,900,000 as against 22,100,000 for the area supporting the Union. Out of the 8,900,000, 3,500,000 were slaves, and 140,000 free ne- groes, leaving a white population of 5,300,000, of whom about 1,400,000 were white men between eighteen and sixty years old, presumably capable of military serv- ^ ^^i ice. The free states and four loyal slave states contained about 5,000,000 men from eighteen to sixty years old. For the support of an army, the 361. The ^°^^^ ^^^ farmer and many ad van- the planter ^^ggg Much more land was under cultivation than in the South ; and farm machin- ery, fertilizers, and improved methods made farming more productive, so that, as far west as Wisconsin, much of the country was as thickly settled and prosperous as the rural parts of New York. It was a period of rising prices — in part because of the influx of gold from California. If wages were low in the East, it was easy to take up land and make a living in the West. The Bureau of Agriculture, established at Wash- ington in 1862, was an indication of the importance of the farmer. In the South plantations of hundreds or thousands of acres were common, but the staple crop was cotton, of which A Log House in thk Backwoods. NORTH AND SOUTH IN 1861 421 the South exported a value of $191,000,000 in 1860. It did not raise all its own food, and was buying corn and hog prod- ucts in large quantities from the Northwest. Most of the profits of farming went to the great slaveholding planters. The rise of city and factory populations developed in the eastern states a democracy very like that of the West. The manufacturers and heads of corporations, many of whom 362. De- had risen from the ranks of labor, were now leaders in „„j™°°5f57 ' and aristoc- American industry. The South supposed that this was a racy timid class, which would never permit a war for fear of losing its profits, and that workmen and clerks were " mudsills," who would not and could not fight. Yet from such men came a great part of the victorious northern ar- mies. In the West there was a genuine and wide- awake democracy, which knew no such thing S,s family prestige, and was not controlled by the commercial class. In the South slaves were almost the only form of great wealth, and the 300,000 slaveholding families were as much a governing class as in colonial ti^nes. Out of A Poor White, spinning. From a Keutucky photograph. those families came also nearly all the doctors, lawyers, and ministers in the South. The most numerous type of the southern white was that of the " crackers," or " poor whites," illiterate and unprogressive, but born fighting men. Most of them believed that the interest of slavery was their interest 422 CIVIL WAR also, and therefore supported the planter at the polls and in the trenches. Nevertheless, the mountain whites along the west slope of the Appalachians had no slaves, hated the slave- holders, and constantly opposed them in the state governments. During the period from 1840 to 1860 the state constitu- tions, both North and South, grew more and more democratic. 363 Ideals '^^^^ most striking novelty in government was jealousy of state of the legislatures, which were tied down by amendments of the state constitutions ; and there was much new legislation to provide for new problems of business and social life. In the South the states legislated less for social welfare than in the North ; partly from long habit, partly because there was no class of free mechanics to demand legislation. Party management grew more and more elaborate, especially in the populous northern states, and in a few states the power of tL«,' political boss was highly developed ; yet candidates for state offices were nominated in conventions where the result was not arranged beforehand, and there was plenty of discus- sion in state legislatures. In purity of politics the South was better ofE than any other part of the country, for the use of money at elections was there uncommon. The one question which could not be discussed there, and on which nobody was allowed to disagree with his neighbor, was slavery. The census of 1860 showed 158 cities of 8000 or more people, containing about a sixth of the total population. Of these, 137 364. Ameri- were in the states which adhered to the Union, and 21 can cities within the later southern Confederacy. New Orleans, with a population of 168,000, lived, largely, from down-river western trade, and the largest southern city supported wholly by southern commerce was Charleston, with 41,000 people. In the North, as the old towns expanded, they turned into crude, irregularly built, and ugly cities, and nobody seemed to foresee how fast they would increase. Washington was an unpaved bog in time of rain, and its scavengers were half-wild NORTH AND SOUTH IN 1861 423 hogs. Most of the cities had public water supplies : Philadel- phia began a system of city waterworks in 1801, New York built its Croton aqueduct in 1835-1842, and Boston got Cochit- uate water in 1845. The cities were poorly policed and riots were frequent. In 1834 the colored quarter in Philadelphia was attacked, and a Boston mob burned a Catholic convent in a suburb. In the large cities politics were very unsavory : New York and San Francisco were notorious for their corrupt and disorderly governments and for fraud apd violence at elections. About 1860 people began to wake up to the possibilities of improving their own cities. In 1857 the city of New York organized a "metropolitan police" of uniformed and disci- plined men, and laid out Central Park, the first great municipal pleasure ground in the country. Horse cars began to be widely used about 1845. The western cities were now growing fast : Cincinnati, St. Louis, and Chicago were still rude and dirty, but had populations of 161,000, 161,000, and 109,000. Next to them in importance were Louisville (68,000), Pittsburg (49,000), Detroit, Milwaukee, and Cleveland (each about 45,000). For public education, the cities developed a system of free graded schools, in which pupils of about the same age and experience could be gathered into one room ; and about ggg ^mg^j. 1850 they began to appoint trained superintendents to caneduca- direct their schools. The country district schools were ^^^ still taught by farmers' sons and daughters, who often had no other education than that of the district school itself. Still, even the remote prairie farmer had a schoolhouse near by to start his boys and girls in education. Some of the northern cities had public high schools, for boys and girls ; in a few places there were separate girls' high schools ; in the North Avere many " female seminaries," and other large boarding schools for girls. Colleges were still small ; none of them had over 530 under- graduate students in 1860. College athletics made a begin- 424 CIVIL WAR ning at tliis time, with the rovviiig in some eastern eoUegcs ; but the animal spirits of the students still found vent in all sorts of boisterous horseplay. True universities were at last beginning to develop. The older colleges added departments : a theological school here, a law school there, a school of mines in another place ; and the new western state universities included from their beginning a system of special and techni- cal schools. In 1862 Congress made a large gift of laud to found agricultural colleges in the states. The University of Iowa took the bold step of admitting women to the various parts of the luuversity (1856), an example later followed by all the western state universities. Southern education was on a different footing. Only about a fifth as many children were at school as in the North. The slaves and free negroes had no form of education, and the country poor whites had little or none. In the towns the public schools had small funds and few trained teachers. The South had many military acad- emies, the best known of which were the famous "Citadel" in Charleston and the Virginia Military Institute at Lexing- ton, Virginia. Some of the well- to-do families sent their sons to southern state or denomi- national colleges, or abroad, or to northern colleges, and the ruling class was highly educated and intellectual. The year 1860 falls about in the middle of the golden age of American literature, in which flourished Whittier, the pathetic poet of slavery and suffering; Longfellow, the sunny-minded Henry W. Lonoffxlow, ABOUT 1870. From a photograph lent by the family NORTH AND SOUTH IN 1861 425 and graceful; Oliver WeuJell Holmes, the wit of his time; and Ealph Waldo Emerson, whose essays, full of virile ^^^ Ameri- thought and masterful English, had been published al- ture most twenty years earlier. Nathaniel Hawthorne (§ 289), perhaps the great- est of all American writ- ers, died in 1864. In addition to the North American Review and De Bow's Review, an excellent southern review of economic and political questions, two other mag- azines were founded in lighter vein : Harper^ s 3[ontlihj, started in 1850, and soon after made an illustrated magazine ; and the Atlantic MontJdy, founded in November, 1857, under the editorship of James Russell Lowell. Lowell excelled as a poet, essayist, and critic ; but he will always be best remembered for his Biglow Papers, the keenest of satires on slavery. The new school of American historians was at the height of its activity in 1860; to George Bancroft and William H. Prescott were added John Lothrop Motley with his Rise of the Dutch Republic (1856) ; and Francis Parkman, greatest of all American historians, who about 1850 began his life work of describing the relations of the Indians, the French, and the English in the new world, " the romance of the woods." The fierce contest of the Civil War developed many political humorists. Among the more genial was Artemus Ward, whose Ralph Waldo Emerson in 1856. 426 CIVIL WAR quaint phraseology and ingenious misspelling can not hide the vigor and incisiveness of his thought. It was he who was willing '* to send all his wife's male relatives to the war." In this active intellectual life the South had little part. Aside from its able political writers, it had no body of defenders of slavery equal to opponents like Mrs. Stowe, Whittier, and Lowell ; and no essayists, poets, satirists, or historians who were read in the North or affected northern public opinion. With the passing of the years, the great national churches had grown larger, stronger, and wealthier. Though the Pres- 367 Reli- byterians, Baptists, and Methodists were split by the gion and slavery qiiestion, the segments flourished. The Congre- churches , . gationalists. Unitarians, Episcopalians, and Catholics were not formally divided by slavery. The Catholic Church was steadily enlarged by the immigration of Irish and Ger- man Catholics, and kept out of the discussion of slavery. Theology was in general milder than in 1830, and there was less preaching on future punishment, and more on present duty. Benevolent organizations were now very active : Bible societies, tract societies, foreign missionary societies, educa- tion societies, helped to raise the moral standards of the people. The South, more than the North, made its churches intel- lectual and social centers. It had many good church buildings, large congregations, and eloquent ministers, perhaps the most renowned of whom was Bishop William Meade of Virginia. In both city and country the negroes had separate churches, usually with a minister of their own color; and there is a tradition that one such church bought and owned its minister. People were learning what immense resources the country 368 Natu- possessed in other products than those of the farm. Lum- ral re- ber was still very cheap, and a great business was devel- Bourc B oped in supplying tlie white pine of Michigan and Wisconsin to the treeless prairie states. Oil always floated on NORTH AND SOUTH IN 1861 427 the surface of Oil Creek, a tributary of the Allegheny River, and in 1859 it was discovered that, by putting down drill holes along this creek, porous rock containing this valuable illumi- nant could be tapped ; and new methods of refining oil made the product marketable. Mining grew to be a great industry, and many states pro- vided geological surveys of their territory. Hard coal abounded in northeastern Pennsyl- vania, soft coal in west- ern Pennsylvania, Ohio, and western Virginia ; lead mines were worked near the upper Missis- sippi; iron mines in New England, Pennsyl- vania, Virginia, and the upper peninsula of Mich- igan ; rich copper depos- its were found south of Lake Superior, and gold in California. In 1858 gold was found near Pikes Peak, and the city of Denver quickly sprang up. In 1859 silver was discovered in great abundance at Virginia City, Nevada ; and in 1861 gold in Montana. The South was equally rich in stores of timber, in coal, iron, oil, and the natural wealth of the soil ; but the profits of industry went into buying slaves and raising cotton, and there was no labor adapted to manufacturing. Hence, in the whole seceding South the only coal mines worked on a large scale were those on the upper James in Virginia. During the thirty years preceding 1860, great progress was made in commercial organization. Corporations of every kind Rock Drill in a California Gold Mine. 428 CIVIL WAU ization of industry rapidly increased. Banks abounded, and in 1853 a clearing house was organized in New York to simplify the banking 369. Organ- business. Labor also began to organize into trades unions, which demanded a shorter day ; in 1840 the United States made ten hours the legal day for its employees. Manufactures developed rapidly because of cheap fuel, brought down from the Pennsylvania mines to the Hudson and the Delaware, so that it could be distributed all along the seaboard, for use in factories and houses. In the West the fuel was bituminous coal, in which there was a great trade down the Ohio from Pittsburg to Cincinnati, Louisville, St. Louis, and many other places. Soon after 1860 Lake Superior iron ore began to come down the Lakes; and be- fore long places convenient to both coal and iron, especially Cleveland and Pittsburg, became great iron-manufacturing cen- ters. In this commercial de- velopment also the South had but a small share. The only considerable iron works in the South was the Tredegar at Richmond; there was only one other large southern rail mill ; and the southern water powers were not developed. A large amount of south- ern capital, however, was in- vested in banks, which gave credit to the small planter and the farmer. Of the for- eign imports one tenth came to the South in 1860, and nine tenths to the North. From 1840 to 18(>0 was a period of rai)id progress in in- ventions. McCormiek's mowing machine, invented in 1834 Cyrus H. McCormick, about 1875. From a photograph lent by the family NORTH AND SOUTH IN 1861 429 and put on tlie market in practicable forn^ in 1845, was stead- ily improved, and was soon followed by grain reapers on the same principle. The manufacture of cloth was im- 370. Great proved, all the way from the farm to the wearer's back, inventiona in carding, spinning, weaving, dyeing. In 1846 Elias Howe made his first practicable sewing machine, clumsy enough, but provided with a needle with the eye near the point, a device which has revolutionized sewing. In 1844 Goodyear discov- ered a means of " vulcanizing " rubber, so as to make it up into shoes, garments, and hard articles. The French inventor Daguerre in 1839 announced a method of taking self-recording sun pictures called daguerreotypes. They required an exposure of about twenty minutes, and the result was a single picture on a silver plate. An American, Dr. Draper, at once discovered that the process could be ap- plied to portraits ; a few years later an Englishman named Archer found that a negative developed from a collodion film could be fixed on a glass plate, from which any number of prints could be made : thus photography sprang into being. In 1841 two men. Dr. Morton and Dr. Jackoon, working separately, dis- covered that by inhaling the vapor of ether, a person could be made completely insensible to pain, and then could return to consciousness without permanent ill effects. The greatest new discovery in methods of communication of intelligence was the electric telegraph, first discovered in 1835, and worked out and applied by Samuel F. B. Morse and Alfred Vail in 1844. It carried the news of the nomination of James K. Polk from Baltimore to Washington. Telegraph lines rapidly spread through the country, and in 1851 an elec- tric fire-alarm telegraph was set up. Machinery began to be applied to man}^ new purposes. The first steam fire engine was constructed about 1853. In 1847 Richard Hoe invented a rotary printing press, run at great speed and delivering a continuous stream of newspapers. 430 CIVIL WAR The South had little use for these inventions ; factories and workshops were few; most manufactures were imported. Mowers and reapers were of no use, as there was little hay or grain. The only widely distributed labor-saving machine was the cotton gin, and of the southern cotton not a fortieth part was manufactured in the South. Railroads as yet gained little from the inventions of the period. Nearly the whole of the railroad system was single 371. Trans- track, the trains slow, the stations (as many are to-day) portation small and dirty. From New York to Chicago the fastest schedule time in 1860 was thirty-eight hours — nearly twice the time now required. The cars were small and comfortless, but sleeping cars had been inti-oduced for the long routes. Rail- road accidents were frequent and destructive: there was no system of running trains by telegraph ; freight rates were so high that distant shipments were small. The South fell behind the North in transportation ; the railroads were lighter in construction, ran less regularly, and charged higher fares. The tributaries of the Mississippi were provided with light- draft steamers, but the South built very few vessels, and the seagoing coasters were mostly northern property. The railroad and steamboat quickened the carrying of the mails; and other reforms were made in the postal service. Official adhesive stamps were introduced (1847) ; the postage was reduced to five cents (1845), and then to three cents (1851). Unfortunately neither the post office nor the rail- road undertook the plain duty of carrying parcels. In 1839 a young man named Harnden conceived the idea of carrying packages back and forth between Boston and New York, and he thus began the express business in the United States. The Adams Express Company was formed in 1854. In the fifties Wells, Fargo and Company organized an express system on the Pacific coast; and Butterfield and Company introduced a " pony express " for letters and valuables, which covered the NORTH AND SOUTH IN 1861 431 nineteen hundred miles from St. Joseph on the Missouri to Sacramento in ten days (map, p. 516). Eich, busy, populous, energetic, and advancing was the United States of America in 1861 ; the 27,000,000 white people were fairly employed and content ; their government was 372. Sum- the most democratic in the world, and, with many defects, °^^^^ yet answered their wants. They began to understand the natural wealth of their country, in timber, oil, metals, and coal ; they had an excellent and constantly improving commercial organization ; and their inventive minds were pushing forward new labor-saving discoveries and inventions. Foreign and interior transportation were developing, so that the United States already had more railroads in proportion to the population than any other country. A national literature expressed the national character and pride. The natural advantages of the country were as great in the South as in the North; the southerners had great seaports, rivers, forests, and mines ; the people came of about the same stock : yet in most of the marks of civilization the South was far behind -the North; it had fewer and poorer cities, factories, railroads, schools, magazines, writers, and readers. For this disparity, which told heavily against the South during the Civil War, the main cause would seem to be slavery, a system under which a great laboring class — nearly one third of the southern population — was systematically cut off from knowl- edge, education, and the opportunity to rise. TOPICS (1) Why did so few immigrants go to the South ? (2) Why did Suggestive West Virginia and East Tennessee stand by the Union ? (3) What '°^''"' made northern farmers more prosperous than southern ? (4) Was the cultivation of cotton a good thing for the South ? (5) Was slavery a good thing for the poor whites ? (6) How far were the southern slaves useful to the South in carrying on the Civil War ? 432 CIVIL WAll Search topics (7) Why did not the South allow discussion on the slavery ques- tion ? (8) Why were the colored people so frequently attacked by mobs in the North ? (!l) Why did not the southern educated class make the South prosperous-* (10) Why is Kalph Waldo Emerson famous,? (11) What makes Nathaniel Hawthorne the greatest of all American writers ? (12) The city of Washington before the Civil War. (13) The building of the Croton waterworks for New York. (14) Anti- negro mobs in Philadelphia. (15) Burning of the Catholic con- vent in Charlestown, 1838. (16) District schools before the war. (17) College life before the war. (18) James Russell Lowell's antislavery utterances. (19) Funny things from Artemus Ward. (20) A trip from New York to Chicago before 1860. (21) Whit- tier's antislavery poems. (22) Longfellow's home life. (23) Jokes of Oliver Wendell Holmes. (24) Henry Ward Beecher as a pulpit orator. (25) Bishop Meade as a churchman. (26) Discovery of oil in Pennsylvania. (27) Discovery of gold in the Rocky Moun- tains. (28) McCormick's inventions. Geogrraphy Secondary authorities Sources Illustrative works REFERENCES See map, p. 390. Wilson, Division and Reunion, § 119 ; Schouler, United States, V. 260-269, VI. 318-341 ; Cambridge Modern History, VII. 692, 696, 744-747 ; Rhodes, United States, III. 1-114 ; Chadwick, Causes of the Civil War ; Hart, Practical Essays, 258-298 ; Cable, Creoles of Louisiana, 232-260 ; Hale, J. R. Lowell ; Carpenter, H. W. Longfellow ; Linn, Horace Greeley, 56-109 ; Raymond, Peter Cooper, 52-95 ; Gould, Louis Agassiz. See also references to chapter xxii. Cairnes, Slave Power ; Olmsted, Cotton Kingdom ; S. D. Smedes, Southern Planter ; Helper, Impending Crisis. See also references to chapters xvi. xxvi. xxviii. H. W. Beecher, Norwood (N.E.); F. H. Smith, Forlinics of Oliver Horn (Md. and N.Y.); A. W. Tourg^e, Royal Gentleman (slavery) ; T. N. Page, In Ole Virginia ; L. G. Moore, Rachel Stanioood (South) ; G. W. Cable, Dr. /S'evi'er (New Orleans); Epes Sargent, Peculiar (slavery, Missouri); Alice Cary, The Great Doc- tor (^Middle West); PMward Eggleston, Mystery of Metropolisville (Minn.); C. H. Roberts, Doion the 0-hi-o ; Mark Twain, Life on the Mississippi, — Ihicklehei-ry Finn; " Kdunind Kirku" (J. R. Gilmore), Among the Pines; W. M. Baker, The New Timothy. See also references to chapter xxii. CHAPTER XXVIII. PERIOD OF UNCERTAINTIES (APRIL, 1861-DECEMBER, 1862) The Civil War practically began April 12, 1861, when the Confederates fired on Fort Sumter, although the official Con- federate point of view was that the attempt to relieve _^ Fort Sumter was an act of " war between the states " ; purpose of an unrighteous attempt by a "foreign government" to * ewar conquer independent and sovereign communities. The north- ern point of view was at first that the war was only a big riot of individuals; that although the southerners might try to excuse themselves because they were following the orders of "sovereign states" and a "Confederacy," really ciie states were still in the Union; and that every individual still owed " paramount allegiance " to the United States, and was liable to execution for treason if he made armed resistance to the authority of the federal government. In practice it was impossible to treat southerners in uni- fonn, acting under orders of their superiors, as anything but soldiers, and, if captured, as prisoners of war ; and by a proc- lamation of April 19, 1861, for the blockade of the southern ports, President Lincoln virtually admitted that there was a government on the other side, carrying on civilized war. White flags were recognized, and. after a year, the exchange of prisoners began. To emphasize the issue of preserving the Union, and to make it clear that the war was not inaugurated to free the slaves, the national House of Representatives, with only two negative votes, voted, July 22, 1861, "That this war is not 433 w 1/ /s Leiintrto y^.- JefferBon > ; ; L/V^Oi/' ri^ ...^- , r r*^ '' «. /■ "" \J\c\ VTT 1 Mill Spr«j, >^ j /'* '^ '^aIn I S _ , , , ^ ^Little Rock^ A". Wiui !>'aslivilU Ys Decatur^ I '^|:-ahre|l.eport 1 435 436 CIVIL WAR waged upon our part in any spirit of oppression, or for Kionai Globe, any purpose of conquest or subjection, or purpose of ' overthrowing or interfering with the rights or established institutions of those States, but to defend and maintain the supremacy of the Constitution and to preserve the Union with all the dignity, equality, and rights of the several States un- impaired." The only way to break xip the Confederacy, and to bring the states back into the Union, was to invade the South, a 374. Prob- region naturally very strong. The eastern and southern vadin^The boundary was the Atlantic and Gulf coast, most of the South harbors of which were quickly fortified. The western boundary of the Confederacy was a wilderness. Now an in- vading army is like a serpent which can strike only with its head, and as it moves forward leaves the length of its body exposed. Such an army must follow some kind of highway over which supplies and reenforcements may be sent up to the front ; hence the rough and impassable Appalachians and heavily wooded country east and west of them covered the middle of the. Confederate northern boundary, and seemed a sure protection. The Confederate military frontier early in 1861 left to the Union Fort Monroe, the opposite " eastern shore " of Virginia, and the country just across the Potomac from Washington; the line then followed a little to the south of the Potomac River, and through the mountains of West Virginia and Ken- tucky ; then ran to the two Confederate forts of Donelson and Henry, on the Cumberland and Tennessee rivers ; touched the Ohio at Paducah, crossed the Mississippi at Belmont, and then passed about midway through Missouri. Nevertheless that strong line of defense was weakened by four routes into the interior of the Confederacy, and along them were fought most of the campaigns of the Civil War: (1) the lower Mississippi River, deep enough to admit ships PERIOD OF UNCERTAINTIES (18C1-18C2) 437 from the sea ; (2) the upper Mississippi, a great national high- way, abounding iu steamers; (o) the line of railroad from Louisville to Nashville, and thence across the mountains to Chattanooga and Atlanta; (4) a Strip of territory lying east of the mountains in Virginia, which was crossed by three railroads leading south from Washington to the Shenandoah valley, Lynchburg, and Richmond. To fight its battles, the South had a population accustomed to outdoor life, to the use of firearms, and to the management of horses; and it had also commanders trained in the ^^^ j^^ national military school of West Point and in the wars two armies of the Union. Since the negroes did the hard work at home, nearly all the able-bodied white men could be enlisted. Accord- ing to Colonel Livermore, the authority on this question, over 1,230,000 different men were enlisted in the Confederate army, and served long enough to be equivalent to 1,080,000 men under arms an average term of three years. Though the North was not considered to be a military peo- ple, the first call for 75,000 militia for three months brought out 92,000 " citizen soldiers " ; and during 1861 660,000 men were enlisted for three years. Of each call for troops during the war a proportion was assigned to each state. At first volunteers poured in, but in 1863 this impulse lost strength and a draft was ordered, which, however, produced only 36,000 men. In the course of the whole war about 2,500,000 adult men were in the military service of the Union, of whom about 400,000 reenlisted at least once. The total service was equiva- lent to 1,560,000 serving for three years. To raise, organize, and supply such enormous forces required a great man as Secretary of War. In January, 1862, Lincoln practically re- moved Simon Cameron from that Department, and appointed Edwin M. Stanton, chosen for his loyalty to the Union, his rugged honesty, and his great ability, although he had the worst of tempers, and would occasionally defy the President. 438 CIVIL WAR The regular navy was at first disorganized, because more than a third of the officers resigned to join the Confederacy, 376. The and all the navy yards in the southern states were seized the^block- ^^ ^^® Confederacy, with the vessels that happened ade to be in port. Of the ninety vessels nominally in the Union navy, only seven steamers and five wooden cruisers were in home ports and available when the war bfegan. The President's proclamation of blockade, April 19, 1861, was a notice to foreign ships that he purposed to put squadrons outside all the southern ports, to capture vessels going in or running out. Thus began the celebrated " anaconda policy " of pressing on the Confederacy from all sides at once. To form the necessary blockading squadrons, merchant vessels, both sail and steam, were hastily bought and equipped, naval volunteers were enrolled, and in a few months squadrons were actually blockading the coast aud making frequent captures. To evade the blockade, small and very swift steam "blockade runners" were built abroad, to run from the near-by Bahama and Bermuda islands to Confederate ports, carrying in military stores and miscellaneous cargoes, and carrying out cotton, compressed into small bulk. Many of these vessels were captured, but their profits were so great that two suc- cessful trips would pay for a vessel. As the war advanced, the blockade grew more and more effective ; in all about 1500 captures were made by the Union fleet, and the trade of the South with the rest of the world was nearly throttled. Energetic efforts were made by the Confederate authorities to build a navy. They did construct several fleets for harbor 377. Con- defense, but their only seagoing ships were the "com- navv and nierce destroyers." The South at once began to issue privateers " letters of marque " (commissions to private ships to capture Union merchantmen) and also to send out cruisers, or public armed ships. At first the United States tried to make out that the crews of such vessels were pirates, and several of PERIOD OF UNCERTAINTIES (1861-1862) 439 these men were convicted and sentenced to death ; but Presi- dent Davis threatened to execute an equal number of Union soldiers lield as prisoners, and the United States finally decided to treat them as prisoners of war. Several vessels were also fitted out as Confederate ships of war in British ports ; of these the principal ones were : (1) the Florida (formerly the Oreto), purchased and allowed to go to sea from a British port in March, 1862, contrary to the protest of our minister; (2) the Alabama, which was built at Liver- pool for the Confederacy, and although Minister Adams steadily protested, slipped away to sea (July, 1862), her crew and guns coming out to her on another ship ; (3) the Shenandoah (for- merly the Sea King), which put to sea in October, 1864. These three vessels, with a few others, following the American precedent of the Revolution and War of 1812, found a rich prey in the American merchant ships, of which the total num- ber captured was 260, valued at $20,000,000. Such was the dread of capture that many American ships were sold to foreign firms so as to be safe under neutral flags. Gradually the United States navy hunted out and blockaded, took, or sank all these vessels except the Shenandoah, which was still at work when the war ended. The Confederate government moved from Montgomery to Richmond after Virginia seceded. The " permanent constitu- tion," which went into effect February 18, 1862, was oTo. XJ16 nearly the old federal Constitution over again, with the southern significant change that the word "slave" was freely a^yandJef- used ; but in practice many parts of this Constitution ferson never went into effect; for instance, the Supreme Court was never formed, the execvitive overshadowed the rest of the government, and state rights were often disregarded. The head and type of the Confederacy, President Jefferson Davis, born in Kentucky (1808), was educated at West Point and served seven years as lieutenant in the army. From 1845 hart's amer. hist. — 26 440 CIVIL WAR to 1851 he was in T'ongress, and a solcHor in the Mexican War, where he served with distinction. From 1853 to 1857 he was Pierce's Secretary of War, and then as senator from Missis- sippi came forward as the leader of the nltra proslavery men in (yongress. After the election of Lincoln, Davis used his ])lace and influence, be- fore resigning from the Senate of the United States, to bring about the dissolution of the Union. During the war he was almost a civil dictator, acting through his influ- ence on the Confederate Congress; his veto was overridden but once in four years. In the wpeeches and public papers of Davis copynyni.]si,7,hy Aud,:,^on. hcslmply acccptcd as a JEFt-ERsoN Davis in 1867. matter of course, not sub- ject to argument, that negroes were no part of the political com- munity ; he also tacitly assumed that the ruling class, of which he was a member, were entitled to govern their fellow white men. In both respects he satisfied the public sentiment of the South, which, on the whole, loyally supported him to the end. He was a type of the resolute, masterful, slaveholder statesman. The United States was slow in sending out a new min- 379. Bel- ister to Great Britain, and on the day before Charles Francis Adams reached London, the British government issued (IMay 13, 18G1) a proclamation of neutrality in the contest between "The United States of America, and certain states styling themselves the Confederate ligerency ; the Trent (1861) Am. Ann. Cyclopaedia, 1861, p. 624 PERIOD OF UNCERTAINTIES (1861-1862) 441 States of America." Other European governments followed. This was a formal recognition that there was a belligerent power in the southern states, a government that had armies in the field, and war ships on the sea which were entitled to the same treatment in foreign ports as the public ships of the Union. Although President Lincoln's proclamation of blockade practi- cally recognized this " belligerency," the North long cherished wrath against Great Britain for thus treating the Civil War as a war instead of as a domestic rebellion. To the Confederacy the action of England seemed far too weak; and in 1861 commissioners were sent to Europe to ask for full recognition as an independent nation. The commissioners, Mason and Slidell, while on their way from Havana to St. Thomas in the British merchant steamer Trent, were forcibly taken off by Captain Wilkes in the United States ship of war San Jacinto (November 8, 1861). The country and Congress were delighted at the capture ; but Lin- coln pointed out that the search of neutral ships was just what drove the United States to war in 1812. Lord Palmer- ston, British prime minister, prepared a dispatch which might have led to immediate war ; but Queen Victoria insisted that a more peaceful tone should be taken. On the other side, Lin- coln and the Cabinet saw that to stand out meant war with Great Britain and the success of the Confederacy, and they prudently decided that it was very doubtful whether, under the principles of international law. Mason and Slidell were rightfully taken, and the two men were finally given up. Congress met in special session, July 4, 1861, to provide for the war. The "Morrill Tariff" had already passed in March after many southern members had withdrawn from Con- 380. Na- gress ; it restored the rates of the tariff of 1846, but added finances some high protective duties. At various times through- (1861-1864) out the war the tariff was raised and raised again, and Con- gress soon began to lay new taxes of many kinds: the old- 442 CIVIL WAR fashioned excise; duties on incomes (bringing in $347,000,000 in all) ; duties on manufacturing ; direct taxes on the states ; licenses for professions; stamp duties in many ingenious forms ; taxes on everything that could be reached. The taxes rose from $40,000,000 in 1860 to $490,000,000 in 1865; but they did not keep pace with the expenditures, which were $66,000,000 in 1860, and $1,290,000,000 in 1864. To meet the deficits, heavy loans were secured; and the government debt grew from $90,000,000 in 1861 to nearly $3,000,000,000 in 1866, bearing an interest of $133,000,000 a year. Another great change was a complete revolution in currency and banking. In 1862 Congress authorized the issue of " legal tender notes," that is, paper money which must be accepted if offered by debtors to creditors. These "greenbacks " grad- ually grew to over $450,000,000. Congress in 1863 chartered a system of national banks, and soon after laid a tax of 10 per cent on the notes of the state banks, which drove those notes out of circulation, and caused many of the banks to accept national bank charters. It is time to take up the thread of narrative history. For a few weeks after the fall of Fort Sumter, Washington was in ^^"S^^ 5 ^^^ ^^® militia and volunteer regiments pushed war in the forward and saved it ; and it was then strongly forti- East (1861) ^g^ ^ Confederate force of about 23,000 men under Beauregard was lying at Manassas Junction, thirt}'^ miles from Washington (map, p. 449) ; and the country loudly called for somebody to break up that army. Against the judgment of the military men, a force of 30,000 Union troops, under General McDowell, attacked at Bull Run (July 21, 1861), not knowing that Joseph E. Johnston had brought 6000 more men from the Shenandoah. When the federal onset was checked by a Virginia brigade Pollard, under command of Thomas J. Jackson, a bystander cried, Lost Cause, . . 146 "There are Jackson and his Virginians standing like a PERIOD OF UNCERTAINTIES (1861-1862) 443 stone wall ! " and as " Stonewall Jackson" he has gone down in history. Nevertheless the Confederate army was weakening, when 3000 fresh troops arrived on the field by railroad, and the Union lines broke. Says an eyewitness, " For Source three miles hosts of federal troops, all detached from their B<^of^' ^oo regiments, all mingled in one disorderly rout, were fleeing along the road." The Union loss was 2700 men, killed, wounded, and missing, besides twenty- eight guns. The North profited by Bull Run more than the South, for it came to realize the task before it. President Lincoln held his courage, and within three days was making preparation for new cam- paigns in both East and West. George B. McClel- "Stonewall" Jackson, in 1862. Ian, who had shown military genius in West Virginia, was at once put in command of the army in front of Washington, and in November became commander of all the armies of the United States. During the next nine months he devoted himself to organizing an " Army of the Potomac." Day after day, week after week, the only news from that part of the front was the stereotyped telegram, " All quiet on the Potomac." Besides the blockading service, the Union navy in 1861 began a series of brilliant expeditions. Fort Hatteras on the coast of North Carolina was captured (August, 1861) ; then Hilton Head, near Port Boyal, South Carolina, was taken by Admiral Dupont (November, 1861) with a fleet of 17 vessels. His success against heavy earthworks gave much encourage- 444 CIVIL WAR ment to the navy ; and a permanent post was established at Hilton Head, only sixty miles from Charleston. Several islands at the mouth of the Savannah River were occupied a few months later. In the West armies were quickly formed and began a cam- paign. During 1861 Kentucky was prevented from seceding ; 382. Fight- and the federal troops under Lyon held a part of Missouri. West! 1861- ^^ January, 18G2, General George H. Thomas beat the April, 1862) Confederate Zollicoffer near Mill Springs on the upper Cumberland River. General Ulysses S. Grant, who had shown his ability in a little expedition down the Mississippi to Bel- mont, now moved forward. Flag-Ofl&cer .Foote with steam gun- boats easily took Fort Henry (February 6, 18G2). Grant then besieged and, after three days' fight, captured Fort Donelson, with its garrison of 14,500 men (February 16 ; ■'^^S?^'- — map, p. 434). This was the A Mississippi Ironclad, liHili. first large SUCCess of the From a eoDtemporary print. Union army, and it com- pelled the Confederates to abandon Kentucky. Nashville was at once occupied without a blow by General Don Carlos Buell ; and a provisional state government was set up for Tennessee "with Andrew Johnson as governor. Farther west the Confederates retreated down the Missis- sippi to a strong position called Island No. 10, which, however, •was captured by General Pope and Flag-Officer Foote in April. In March the Confederate array west of the Mississippi was broken up at the battle of Pea Ridge. The result of three months' campaigning was therefore the gain by the Federals of a strip of territory a hundred miles wide and more than five hundred miles long, and it made a military reputation for Grant, Buell, Thomas, and Pope, all of whom later commanded PERIOD OF UNCERTAINTIES (18(31-1802) 445 large armies, as well as for General Halleck, who had exercised general command as head of the Military Department of Missouri. After the capture of Fort Donelson, Halleck sent Grant's army to Pittsburg Landing, on the Tennessee Kiver. Halleck's department having been enlarged (March, 1862), he or- dered Buell to march from Nashville and unite his western forces with Grant's. Before Buell could get up, how- il^fi-^e. ever, Albert Sidney Johnston, with 40,000 Confederates, cember, suddenly attacked Grant's army of 43,000, April 6, 1862, at Shiloh, near Pittsburg Landing on the Tennessee Kiver. Surprised, and as yet little experienced in fighting in line, the Union troops were driven back almost to the river. General W. T. Sherman, one of the division commanders, fought gal- lantly ; General Johnston was killed on the field, and Beaure- gard succeeded him. Next morning Buell's army of 20,000 had arrived to reenforce, the tables were turned, and the Con- federates were driven from the field. The total Union loss was 13,000; the Confederate, 11,000. . Halleck, taking immediate command, moved southward, and captured the town of Corinth, Mississippi (May 30), which commanded the railroads east from Memphis. The river fleet pushed down immediately and took Memphis, and the Union troops controlled the Mississippi Kiver, south to the strongly fortified town of Vicksburg. The career of victory was interrupted by a Confederate inva- sion of Kentucky. Under General Bragg, successor to Beaure- gard, 35,000 men advanced to Chattanooga (July 31) and then started straight for Louisville, which they almost reached before General Buell could occupy the city. The Union army struck Bragg at Perryville (October 8), and after a hot fight he withdrew to Chattanooga (p. 434). Buell was removed from command, and General Rosecrans was appointed in his place (October 24, 1862). Kosecrans attacked Bragg in the bloody 446 CIVIL WAR battle of Stone River or Murfroesljoro (December 31; Janu- ary 2), and compelled him to retire. At the other end of the western line, during November and December, Grant and Sher- man pushed southward down the Mississippi, alongside a fleet of gunboats commanded by Porter; but failed to take Vicksburg. Meanwhile, in the spring of 1862, Flag-Officer David G. Farragut was sent out with a fleet to force the lower Missis- sippi. Farragut was born in Tennessee in 1801, of Scotch 384. Farra- ^ t- ^ ' gut and descent, and entered the navy when ten years old, and New Or- served as a midshipman in the War of 1812. Though he leans (1862) '- " lived in Norfolk, Virginia, he stood by the old flag in 18ri. The fleet Avith which he began to operate against New Or- leans was made up of six steam frigates and forty-two smaller vessels. Some time after entering the mouth of the Missis- sippi, he notified the fleet that as flag offi- cer lie would speed- ily make the signal for close action and abide the result, — ' " conquer or be con- quered." April 24, 1862, he boldly led his fleet up the river, which was defended by Forts Jackson and St. Philip, a strong boom, and some Confederate vessels ; a fireship came down on his flagship Ildrtford, but the men of one battery kept up the flglit, while the other lialf })ut out the fire. At the end of the fight the liooiu was destroyed, his vessels were beyond the forts, and there was nothing to stop the fleet, which shortly David G. Farragut. Statue by St. Gaudens, in New York. PERIOD OF UNCERTAINTIES (1861-1862) 4-17 anchored in front of the city of New Orleans ; and the forts soon surrendered. A large force of Union troops soon after took possession of New Orleans, under command of General Butler, who for a year ruled the city like a conquered province. By March, 1862, the Army of the Potomac, stationed in the forts around Washington^ had grown to 185,000 men, eager to show their quality and to move ''on to Richmond." After many conferences and disagreements, McClell^n decided 335. Merri- to march up the peninsula between the James and York ^^ f:^^ ^ ^ Monitor rivers, where his flank could be protected by the fleet (1862) at Hampton Roads. It was known that the Confederates at Norfolk were rebuilding the former United States frigate Merrimac into a powerful ironclad; and to meet this danger Merrimac and Monitor, isiiJ. John Ericsson, an inventor in New York, had prepared plans for an armored craft of totally different design, a little "cheese- box on a raft," with a revolving turret carrying two heavy guns, mounted ou a deck almost flush with the water. This 448 CIVIL WAR ship, named the Monitor, was built in one hundred days, and sent down from New York. The Merrimac, which the Confederates had renamed the Vir- ginia, unexpectedly came out March 8, 1862. She steamed slowly but steadily to the Union fleet in Hampton Koads, and attacked and destroyed the wooden sloop of war Cumberland and the frigate Congress. Next morning the Merrimac ap- peared again, but found, in front of the rest of her prey, the Witle ^ Monitor, arrived during the night; and for five hours the two ships pounded each other. Neither could destroy her adversary, but the Merrimac finally retired, and one of the greatest dangers of the whole war was safely passed, for not another vessel in the world could have stopped the Confederate ship. She never made another attack, and in May, when Norfolk was captured, she was scuttled and burned by her own crew. In April, 1862, McClellan was at last ready to attack, but, to his deep disappointment, the President detached General 386 The McDowell with 40,000 troops to cover Washington, Peninsular McClellan's army slowly made its way up the peninsula, (April-July, spent about a month in the scientific siege of Yorktown, 1862) — a^ weak place, defended in part with "Quaker guns," made of painted logs of wood; fought a battle at Williamsburg; and then moved steadily forward to the neighborhood of Rich- mond. The official returns later showed that McClellan had about 115,000 present for duty against about 90,000 in the Confederate army, which was commanded by General Joseph E. Johnston. In front of Richmond was the Chickahominy River, with broad, swampy bottoms. Through and around this barrier McClellan advanced till May 31, when he was checked at the battles of Seven Pines and Fair Oaks, only seven miles from Richmond. Johnston was wounded, and next day Robert E. Lee took command of the Confederate Army of Northern Vir- PERIOD OF UNCERTAINTIES (1861-1862) 449 ginia. Meanwhile, McDowell had been ordered to join McClel- lan on the north ; but Stonewall Jackson, in a brilliant campaign in the Shenandoah valley, threatened Washington, and Lincoln a second time withheld McDowell's corps. Jackson thereupon suddenly joined Lee ; so that instead of forcing the fight, SCALE OF MILES 5 To 20 30 40 60 ',->- ■ ■ UnloD Routes ^T" ^ — ^ Confederate Routes N O Virginia Campaigns of 1861-1862. McClellan found himself attacked. Then followed the terrible " seven days' fighting," in which McClellan was forced to give way and retreat to the James River (June 26 to July 1), end- ing at Malvern Hill. This so-called "change of base" was a confession of defeat. In thirty-one days McClellan had lost over 21,000 men and the enemy about 27,000 ; but they had saved their capital and 450 CIVIL WAR the (confederacy for tlie time. In the stiufj of defeat McClel- lan telegraphed to Secretary Stanton : '• I have lost this battle M Cl II ' because my force was too small. ... If 1 save this army Own Stonj, now, I tell you plainly that 1 owe no thanks to you or to any other persons in Washington. You have done your best to sacrifice this army." McClellan was a brave man and a natural leader, always heartily trusted and loyally obeyed by his subordinates, and he knew how to handle troops ; but he was misled by his secret-service agents, who reported that the Confederate army was much larger than his own, he was never Avilling to attack unless he was sure that he would win, and he was exceedingly unjust to Stanton and Lincoln. Undismayed by the fearful losses of the Peninsular Cam- paign, the President in July, 1862, called for 300,000 more 387. Bull men; and 420,000 soon responded. McClellan was Run to eager to advance again on Richmond, but he had lost Fredericks- burg (Aug.- the confidence of the administration ; and General Hal- Dec, 1862) 2gg]j ^g^g summoned to Washington (July 11) to be con- fidential military adviser to the President, under the title of general in chief. General Pope, a western officer, received command of the new Army of Virginia, to which was gradually added most of the old Army of the Potomac, now withdrawn from the James. He was little known to his subordinates, few of whom liked or trusted him. Pope operated in the desolate and swampy coun- try about fifty miles southwest of Washington, till outmarched and attacked by Stonewall Jackson's "foot cavalry." This led to a three days' contest near the old battlefield of Bull Run (August 28^0, 18G2), and Pope was so badly defeated that the army was Avithdrawn to the neighborhood of Wash- ington. For the first time there was a chance to carry the war into the North. Lee's army crossed the Potomac and took Har- PERIOD OF UNCERTAINTIES (1861-1862) 451 pers Ferry, with a garrison of 12,500 men (September 15). McClellan was again put in active command after the second Bull Run, and attacked Lee on the Antietam (near Sharps- burg) just north of the Potomac (September 17). This was the best opportunity in the whole war to end the contest by destroying Lee's army ; but after a federal loss of over 12,000, and a Confederate loss of 14,000, Lee's army was allowed to withdraw across the Potomac intact. Field Gun going into Action. From a war-time lithograph by Forbes. A few weeks later (November 5, 1862) McClellan was re- moved, and General Burnside was appointed to succeed him. Burnside marched to the Rappahannock River, beyond which Lee with 80,000 men intrenched himself. On December 13, 1862, the federal army of 113,000 men attacked in front near Fredericksburg and was defeated in one of the bloodiest bat- tles of the war, with a loss of 11,000 killed and wounded, and without the slightest military advantage. 452 CIVIL WAR At the end of 1862 the war had practically lasted a year and a half. lu the East four successive attacks by large armies 388. Sum- failed : the first battle of Bull Run under McDowell ; the mary Peninsular Campaign ; Pope's campaign ; and the Fred- ericksburg fight. In spite of heavy losses and heroic fighting, the Army of the Potomac could not cross the 120 miles between Richmond and Washington. Ou the other hand, Lee could not invade the North beyond a few miles in Maryland, or capture Washington; and the Army of the Potomac was still intact and impatient for a new trial. In the West the army pushed steadily southward, took Fort Henry, Fort Donelson, Island No. 10, Nashville, and Corinth, and was pushing down the Mississippi River. Bragg's Ken- tucky campaign was checked at Perryville. The western army was full of confidence, and began to know and appreciate its commanders, especially Grant, Sherman, Thomas, and Rose- crans, who, at the end of the year, began an advance against Bragg ; the battle on the Stone River was the first step toward seizing the highway through Chattanooga to Atlanta. At sea the blockade grew more and more effective, and sev- eral points on the Atlantic coast were taken. The capture of New Orleans was a great blow to the prestige of the South, and took away the control of the Mississippi River. After the success of the 3fonitor, other ships of the same type were speedily built, so that there was no longer danger from Con- federate vessels of war. TOPICS SuggeBtivo (1) Was the war brought on chiefly over the question of state topics rights? (2) How could the South furnish 1,230,000 soldiers out of a white population of 5,300,000? (3) Why were civilians ap- pointed as generals in the northern army ? (4) Was the British proclamation of neutrality unfriendly ? (5) Was Captain Wilkes justified in seizing Mason and Slidell ? (6) Why were Mason and Slidell given up ? (7) Where did the government borrow such PERIOD OF UNCERTAINTIES (18G1-1862) 453 immense sums ? (8) Was it necessary to make the paper notes legal tender ? (9) Why was Fort Donelson so quickly taken ? (10) Why did McClellan choose the peninsular route to Richmond ? (11) Why did the Monitor beat the Merrimac ? (12) How did Farragut force the forts on the Mississippi River? (13) How did Bragg get so far north in Kentucky ? (14) Exchange of prisoners during the Civil War. (15) De- Search struction of the navy yard at Norfolk in 1801. (16) The southern ^°^^^^ mountains and mountaineers in the war. (17) Methods of raising troops in the North. (18) Methods of raising troops in the South. (19) Adventures of blockade runners. (20) Life in the blockad- ing squadron. (21) The cruise of the Alabama. (22) The cruise of the Shenandoah. (23) Jefferson Davis as president of the Con- federacy. (24) The income tax during the Civil War, (25) The military career of Stonewall Jackson. (26) McClellan as the or- ganizer of the Army of the Potomac. (27) Butler's administration of New Orleans. (28) The withdrawal of McDowell's corps from McClellan's army. (29) Military services of a northern general, as, for example, Thomas, Sheridan, Rosecrans, Grant, Sherman, etc. (30) Services of a southern general, as Beauregard, A. S. Johnson, J. E. Johnston, Bragg, Lee, T. J. Jackson, etc. (31) Military services of a naval officer, as David D. Porter, Farragut, etc. (32) Controversy about Fitz-John Porter, August, 1862. REFERENCES See map, pp. 434, 435; special maps in Dodge, Ropes, Rhodes, Geography Battles and Leaders ; atlas of the Official Becords of the Eebellion ; Semple, Geographic Conditions, 280-308 ; Brigham, Geographic Influences, 200-229 ; Hosmer, Appeal to Arms. Dodge, Civil War, 8-94, 102-126 ; Hosmer, Appeal to Arms ; Secondary Ropes, Civil War, I. 98-274, II. ; Schouler, United States, VI. 50- autl^onties 214, 232-260, 282-287, 290-316 ; Rhodes, United States, III. 415-630, IV. 1-57, 95-157, 173-199, 237-239, 427, 428 ; Wilson, American People, IV. 208-229, 237-240, 265-312 ; Cambridge Modern History, VII. 450-484, 491-501, 549-575, 603-621 ; Dewey, Financial His- tory, §§117-140; Taussig, Tariff History, 155-170; Foster, Ceii- tury of Diplomacy, 357-380 ; Nicolay, Outbreak of Rebellion, 82-221 ; Fiske, Mississippi Valley in the Civil War, 1-178 ; Maclay, United States Navy, II. 159-364, 508-548 ; Webb, The Peninsula ; Ropes, Army under Pope ; Palfrey, Antietam and Fredericksburg ; Force, Fort Henry to Corinth; Cist, Army of the Cumberland, 1-135; Soley, Blockade and the Cruisers ; Ammen, Atlantic Coast, 1-73, 454 CIVIL WAR 163-190; Mahan, (iulf and Inland Waters, 1-109; Morse, Ahra- ham Lincoln, I. 27;5-:587, II. ;Jl-!)4, V.U-l.W, 170. 171 ; Banciofi. W. H. Seward, II. 103-253 ; Hart, S. P. Chase, ■J11--J5-2, 274-28!); Adauis, C. F. Adams, 147-239 ; Micliie, General McClellan, (59- 442, 469-475 ; Wilson, General Grant, 74-159, 330-339 ; Lee, Geti- eral Lee, 99-239 ; Hughes, General Johnston^ 36-156 ; Hovey, Stonewall Jackson, 1-107. Sources Hart, Source Book, ^^ IW-\19,— Contemporaries, IV. §§75, 80, 84-95, 98, 99, 102»-11(J, — Sotirce Headers, IV. §§ 30-42, 49-71, 74-80, 90-109 ; MacDonald, Select Statutes, nos. 2-16, 19, 21-27, 30, 37 ; Americati History Leaflets, nos. 18, 26 ; Riddle, Becol- lections, 28-128, 108-198 ; Grant, Personal Memoirs, I. 229-421 ; Century Company, Battles and Leaders, I. 99-750, II. III. 1-147 ; American Annual Cyclopedia, 1801, 1802; Hosiner, Color Guard, — Tliinking Bayonet ; Qioss,, Becollections of a Private ; Higginson, Army Life in a Black Begiment ; AV. T. Sherman, Memoirs; South and West ; Manassas to Appomattox ; E. Eggleston, BebeVs Becol- lections ; Jones, Bebel War Clerk^s Diary. See N. Eng. Hist. Teachers' Ass'n, Syllabus, 354-356, — Historical Sources, § 88. Matthews, Poems of American Patriotism, 127-214 ; Moore, Lyrics of Loyalty, — Bebel Bhymes ; Eggleston, American War Ballads, I. 107-220, 11. 3-105 ; Lowell, Bigloio Papers (second series), — Washers of the Shroud; C. F. Browne, Artemus Ward . His Book, — Artemtis Ward : His Travels; R. II. Newell, Orj^heus C. Kerr Papers ; R. G. White, Neio Gospel of Peace ; J. T. Trow- bridge, Drummer Boy, — Cudjo^s Cave ; B. K. Benson, Who Goes There f Charles Morris, Historical Tales, 270-291. Pictures Century Company, Battles and Leaders ; Harper''s Pictorial History of the Bebellion ; Edwin Forbes, Artist\'i Story of the Great War ; E. R. Johnson, Campfire and Battlefield ; Harper''* Weekly ; Frank Leslie's Weekly. Illustrative •works CHAPTER XXIX. EMANCIPATION AND MILITARY ADVANCE (1862-1863; As the war went on, it became evident that its purpose could QCt be limited, as proposed by the resolution of July, 1861, to restoring the Union as it was; for slavery could not be 389. The kept out of the contest. A recognized measure of war ^^banda against a slaveholding country is for the invading com- (1861-1862) mander to declare the slaves of his enemy free ; and Congress made an indirect use of this power in August, 1861, through a confiscation act pro- viding that if slaves were used in promot- ing any insurrection, "the owners should ' forfeit ' claim to such labor." As soon as the ar- mies began to move, hundreds of negroes took matters into their own hands by running away and coming into the federal camps. General Benjamin F. Butler, in command at Fort Monroe, found more than a thousand such refugees. When he was asked to surrender some fugitives to their masters, who came from within the Confederate lines to claim them, he replied, " I shall detain the negroes as contra- band of war." The phrase struck the popular fancy, and from hart's AMER. HIST. 27 455 Arrival of Contrabands, 1862. From war-time sketches. 45G CIVIL WAK that time to the end of tlie war, "foiilraUaiid " meant a soutli- eni slave, usually a refugee. Two Union generals tried to go farther. General Frenn^nt (August, 1861) and General Hunter (May, 1862) issued proclamations freeing the slaves in their military districts, and even beyond ; but President Lincoln disavowed both the proclamations, because slavery was too large a question to be settled by subordinates. On slaverj'- Congress at first outran the President, and in 1862 passed three sweeping emancipation acts : — 390. Eman- (1) The 3000 slaves in the District of Columbia were CouffresB^^ set free (April 10, 1862), and their masters were given a (1862-1864) compensation- of about $300 for each one. (2) In flat contradiction to the Bred Scott decision of 1857, Congress passed a statute (June 19, 1862) immediately abolish- ing slavery in every territory, without compensation. (3) A strong feeling of personal wrath against the leaders on the other side caused Congress to provide, in a second confis- cation act (July 17, 1862), for the seizure of all the property of people convicted of treason, or who ** engaged in armed rebellion," including such slaves of rebel owners as might in any manner come inside the Union lines. Though Lincoln thought it "startling to say that Congress can free a slave within a State," he signed the bill ; and as fast as the federal lines extended, thousands of slaves flocked to the federal camps, and thus became free. By this time it became necessary to prove to foreign nations that the North was making war in behalf of freedom, and not 391. Danger simply for the sake of ruling the South, for the blockade of foreign q^^^ off the raw material for the foreign cotton manu- interven- " . tion factures, so that thousands of English and French work- (1862-1863) j^jgjj -^ei-e thrown out of work. Napoleon III., emperor of the French, was trying to conquer Mexico and had no liking for the North ; and the ruling aristocracy of England made no secret of its hope that the South would succeed. That brilliant EMANCIPATION (1862) 457 young statesman, William E. Gladstone, publicly said, " Jeffer- son Davis and other leaders of the South have made an Rhodes, army ; they are making, it appears, a navy ; and they have st^t made, which is more important than either ... a nation." IV. 339 Southern agents in Europe strove hard to persuade foreign powers to recognize the independence of the South. After the defeats of McClellan and Pope in 1862, Lord Palmer- ston, the British prime minister, was on the point of offer- ing a "mediation," Avhich would have been partial recognition; but there was a strong Union sentiment in England, especially among the workmen in the cotton mills, who felt that the rights of free labor were involved, and they were represented in Parliament by the orator John Bright. The defeat of the ironclad Merriniac, the battle of Antietam, and still more the successes in the West during 1862, took away the pretexts for immediate recognition. The man for this crisis was Abraham Lincoln, the one indis- pensable figure in the Civil W^ar. Two characteristics made him the greatest man of his time : his practical common 392. Abra- sense went straight home to the essential point in every- , PrcBi' thing that he was considering ; and a quick sensitive dent heart knew by instinct the beliefs and hopes of his fellow- countrymen. Toward the weak and needy, Lincoln had a tender feeling. He could not even bear to sign the death war- rant of a deserter, for, he said, "I am trying to evade the butchering business." The same sympathy and sweetness of character were shown in a thousand ways to the people who beset the White House with their little personal errands — the poor woman whose only son was sick in the hospital, or the boy who wanted a commission, or the stranger who came in from mere curiosity. Although Lincoln always distrusted his own military judg- ment, he learned to understand the conditions of war better than most of his commanders; and his writings are full of 458 CIVIL WAR quaint telegrams to liis generals ; for example : " Fight him, too, when opportunity ofifers. If he stays where he is, Lincoln, Works, II. fret him and fret him." On another side of his character, ^^^ Lincoln was the slivewdest })olitician of his time ; he was very keen in judging election returns; he knew how to keep congressmen good-natured with offices. Yet he had unyielding tenacity when necessary. To General Grant he once telegraphed : " I have seen your dispatch expressing your unwillingness to break your hold where you are. Neither am I willing. Hold on with a bulldog grip, and chew and choke as much as possible." During the first three years of the war, Lincoln was criti- cised or even deserted by many members of his own party, who thought him weak and indecisive because he held a tem- perate middle course, avoiding extremes. Only by degrees did people begin to understand that this plain, homely man in the White House had a spirit of sur^mssing wisdom, and an unself- ish care for his country's welfare. Patient in defeat, calm in victory, Abraham Lincoln came to be recognized as a true father of his country. Throughout 1862 President Lincoln was brooding over the question of his duty to his country, and his power as con- 393. Pre- stitutional commander in chief to declare free all the liminaries slaves in the Confederacy. Lincoln was born in a of emanci- pation border slave state, understood the southern people, and (1802) ^g^g anxious not to take any step which would drive Kentucky and Missouri out of the Union. Therefore, he sent to Congress a message (March, 1862) urging that the federal government cooperate with the states in setting the slaves free, with a money payment to the masters. Lincoln said of himself: "I am naturally antislavery. If Morse, slavery is not wrong, nothing is wrong"; and at an- Lincoln, 105 other time, " You must not expect me to give up this government without playing my last card." lu August, 1862, EMANCIPATION (1863) 459 Horace Greeley came out in the Tribune with what he called the " Prayer of Twenty Millions," violently abusing the President for his " mistaken deference to rebel slavery." The President replied in a public letter, " My paramount object ... is to save the Union, it is not either to save or to destroy slavery." At last Lincoln made up his mind that the best way to save the Union was to free the slaves. Calling his Cabinet together September 22, 1862, he read them the draft of a pre- 394. Proc- liminary Proclamation of Emancipation, which declared ^^"^4 ^ that "On the first day of January, in the year of our tion Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any State or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States, shall be then, thenceforward, and forever free." As a military measure the proclamation had no immediate effect ; it roused only defiance in the South and was at first coldly received in the North. In the elections of congress- men a few weeks later, the Republican party barely retained a majority of the House of Representatives. Nevertheless, on January 1, 1863, the President issued his second and final proclamation, which applied to all the seceded states except Tennessee and those parts of Louisiana and Virginia occupied by federal troops. Then Lincoln set himself to the task of persuading the border-state members to free their slaves and take a compen- sation. They might have had about a hundred million dollars, but they refused to admit that slavery was wrong, even by giving it up. In all the border states thousands of slaves ran away. By act of Congress (in 1862) the troops were forbidden to return them; and in 1864 Congress repealed the Fugitive Slave Act. After that time the slave who stayed with his master in the border states did so only because he liked him. The good effects of the proclamation were at once seen abroad, where the friends of the Union in England in 1863 460 CIVIL WAR prevented a last effort to have Great Britain and France 396. Effects "mediate" in the struggle. When two ironclad ships of of emanoi- ^.^^^ ^j^^^ « Laird rams," were ordered for the Confederacy pation ' *' (1863-1865) in England, our minister, Adams, protested, and used Diplomatic the grim phrase, "It would be superfluous in me to point Correspond- qu^ to your Lordship that this is war." The British ence, 1863, , . p. 367 government had already decided to hold the vessels, and they were never delivered to the Confederacy. Three of the loyal border states, which were practically under military rule, settled the slavery question for themselves: (1) the new state of West Virginia (§ 401) in 1862 adopted an antislavery constitution ; (2) a constitutional ordinance in Missouri provided for gradual emancipation (July 1, 1863); (3) a new Maryland constitution abolished slavery outright (October 13, 1864). Lincoln tried to help the process by find- ing some place in Central America where the former slaves could be colonized ; but that remedy proved to be impracticable. Both the confiscation act of 1862 and the final Emancipation Proclamation authorized the enlistment of negro troops. The first full negro regiment in service was the First South Caro- lina Volunteers, commanded by Colonel T. W. Higginson, a New England abolitionist. In the summer of 1863 the govern- ment ordered a draft, and states began to fill up their quotas by recruiting negroes in the federal camps on the coast. One of these regiments, the Fifty-fourth Massachusetts, took part in a bloody assault on Battery Wagner near Charleston (July 18, ' 1863). Its colonel, Robert G. Shaw, was killed ; and the enemy "buried him with his niggers." The 179,000 negro troops eventually received the pay and treatment of white troops. The year 1863 began with 918,000 men under arms on the Union side and 466,000 on the southern. The campaign Mississippi opened in the West, where General Grant tried to get oaien '^*™" ^^J^^d Vicksburg l)y digging a canal across the narrow (1863) neck of a great bend in the Mississippi River. This MILITARY ADVANCE (1863) 461 VicKSBURG Campaign, 1863. plan failed; but Grant tried various schemes of opening a communication, through shallow bayous, which would avoid Vicksburg. Finally he determined to march seventy miles through the back country on the west side of the river, and then to recross and strike Vicksburg from the east. The first heavy fighting in this campaign was the capture of Port Gibson by McClernand (May 1, 1863), and the consequent fall of Grand Gulf, south of Vicksburg. Grant's next step was, with three days' ra- tions, to leave the base at Grand Gulf and push northeast, living mainly on the coun- try. He skillfully maneuvered against Joseph E. Johnston on the east, defeated Pemberton at Cham- pion Hill, and drove him back into Vicksburg. He then closed in along with Sherman, in command of the right of the army, who had accompanied Grant through the campaign, and thus by boxing the compass south, east, north, and west again, Grant cut Vicksburg off from all help. After two attempts to take the place by assault. Grant regularly invested the city and bombarded it. As the seven weeks of siege progressed, people came down to pea meal mixed with corn meal, of which they made a soft of bread. The streets were full of debris, wounded men, and houseless people. The inhabitants moved to caves in the bluffs, dug out bomb-proofs, and lived there day and night. July 4, 1863, Vicksburg surrendered unconditionally with 29,000 men, the largest number of prisoners taken by either side during the entire war. General Banks, who had meanwhile pushed north from New Orleans, now took Port Hudson with its garrison 462 CIVIL WAR of 6000 men (July 9). A week later a freight steamer from St. Louis arrived in New Orleans, and President Lincoln said, " The Father of Waters again goes unvexed to the sea." The Army of the Potomac fought as bravely as the west- ern armies, but it was glad to hold its own territory, and 397. The a second time to drive an invading enemy back from campaien^ northern soil. General Joseph Hooker, a gallant officer, (1863) was put in command (January 25, 1863), and assembled his army at Chancellorsville, where it was confronted by Lee's army and suddenly attacked by Stonewall Jackson (May 2), and thrown back in confusion with great loss; but Jackson was accidentally shot by his own men — a terrible blow to the South. After five days' hard fighting, Hooker turned north- ward, having lost 17,000 men out of 97,000. TJJJ^ ^~ Union routes "^ Sv Lee'B routes lAlexanij 6 Zr"! iM c= Union force* — Confederate force? Gettysburg Campaign. Battle of Gettysbueg. The check gave Lee his greatest opportunity during the whole war. He moved northward, crossed the Potomac, and reached southeastern Pennsylvania. At this critical moment Hooker asked to be relieved because of friction with Halleck, and was replaced by General Meade. The two armies came together near Gettysburg (July 1), and the next day the south- MILITARY ADVANCE (1863) 463 ern troops again attacked. July 3, 1863, came the "third day at Gettysburg," the greatest battle of the Civil War. The Union army was fortified on a' crescent-shaped range of hills, ending with the strong position of Round Top, and the whole defended by 80 guns. At one o'clock the Con- federates opened against the ridge with 115 guns, and at the end of two hours of artillery fire, a division of 15,000 men, under command of Pickett, burst into the open and came sur- ging up the slope into the Union lines on Cemetery Ridge. It was the most critical moment of the war. A few of the assailants got over the breastworks ; and could they have held their ground, the Union army must have broken in disorder, and Philadelphia, Baltimore, or Washington might have been the prize of Lee's army. But the Union lines held steady, the remnants of Pickett's division fell back, and Lee ■ was defeated. i Of the 88,000 Union troops engaged, more than one man in four went down, killed or wounded. The Confederate army of 75,000 men lost 23,000, or almost a third of its number. On the night of the next day Lee slowly retreated, and the Union army let him cross the Potomac ; but it was the last chance to invade the North in large force. Two more terrible battles were fought in the West before the year 1863 ended. To Rosecrans, with the Army of the Cumberland, was assigned the task of advancing from ags.chicka- Murfreesboro and maneuvering against Bragg, who was mauga and George H. forced back first from Tullahoraa and then into the strong Thomaa position of Chattanooga ; while Burnside moved up from (1863) Kentucky to Knoxville, to give support to the large popula- tion of Union men in East Tennessee. After crossing several ranges of mountains, Rosecrans took Chattanooga and came out on Chickamauga Creek, not far south of the city. Bragg was reenforced by Longstreet with 12,000 men from Lee's anny, and attacked Rosecrans on the Chicka- i()l CIVIL WAR mauga (September 19, I8G0) witli a heavy force. The next day the attack was renewed, and the federal line broken, the right wing and part of the center being driven from the field ; but General Thomas, in command of the left wing, stood his ground, and drew otf the field at night in good order. Two days later the whole army returned to Chattanooga. No soldier on either side was more passionately admired than General George H. Thomas. After graduation at West Point in 1840, he served in the Mexican "War. In his first little fight in the Civil War he op- posed Stonewall Jack- son. He was sent to Kentucky, beat Zol- licoffer in 18G1, and served as an excellent subordinate to Buell andRosecrans, Thomas was a quiet, reserved man, shy and proud ; but he had a wonder- ful gift of inspiring his men with confi- dence and devotion, and he was commonly called "Pap Thomas" by his troops. Thomas's great national reputation was gained at Chicka- mauga. When Rosecrans hastened to Chattanooga, expecting his defeated army to pour in there. General Garfield asked leave to return to the fieLi, aiul he said, " 1 shall never forget my amazement and admiration when I beheld that grand offi- cer holding his own with utter defeat on each side, and such wild disorder injiis rear.'' From that unflinching courage Thomas got the name which he carried the i-est of his life, ■r- ^*i ^ ^ ■ -^^ mf f iL ^ ' r "?" K->~*>' " ■•^T' George H. Thomas, in 1864. MILTTAEY ADVANCE (18G3) 466 " the Rock of Chickamauga." Tlirougliout the rest of the war after Chattanooga he accepted the position of lieutenant, confi- dant, and friend of General Sherman. After Chickamauga, Rosecrans found the tables turned, for he was penned up in Chattanooga py Bragg, who occupied the neighboring heights of Missionary Ridge and Lookout 399. Fight- Mountain. River communication by the Tennessee was ^«f around ^ Cnattanoo- closed by the enemy, though a difficult land route was ga (1863) kept open, and soon the army was almost starving. As Rosecrans seemed slow in helping himself, he was super- seded by Thomas, and Grant was placed in command of the combined forces of Sherman and Thomas, and at once began to extricate the army. As a preliminary the enemy's post at Browns Ferry on the river was captured (October 27), so that steamers could come up, and the army was fed. An additional force un- der Sherman was brought up, and Grant now turned to attack the enemy. In three successive days (November 23 to 25, 1863) the Confederate army was driven out of its strong position on the mountains above Chatta- nooga. First, Thomas took the works at the foot of Mission- ary Ridge. Next day Sherman attacked the north end of Missionary Ridge, and took position on the enemy's flank ; and in the dramatic but not critical " Battle above the Clouds," Hooker drove Bragg's troops off Lookout Mountain. On the third day Thomas's army attacked Missionary Ridge, and with- out orders the troops climbed steadily up the hill, and in an hour cleared that mountain of enemies. There is no more stirring Chattanooga Campaign. 46C CIVIL WAR (1863) incident in the annals of war than the lines of bluecoats, in sight of thousands of their fellows, dashing up the slope, capturing batteries, guns, and men, and raising the stars and stripes on the sumjnit. Bragg retreated in great confusion ; and an expedition was fmmediately sent up the valley of the Tennessee to relieve Burnside, who was besieged in Knoxville. The superior numbers of the Union forces enabled them to attack the South 400 Minor ^^^ many detached movements, operations After the Vicksburg campaign a Union anny occupied central Ar- kansas. In the Shenandoah valley there was little fighting in 1863. A fleet of monitors and other ships made desperate attempts to take Charleston, but though Fort Sumter was reduced to a heap of ruins, it could not be cai> tured; and the city was bombarded only by distant batteries. On the other side the cavalry of Stuart and IVfosby in Virginia, and Forrest in the AVest, excelled in rapid forays, which cut the Union communications, destroyed sup- plies, and created alarm. Another dashing cavalryman was John Mor- gan, who crossed the Ohio River in July, 1863, and for about a month ranged through the rich country of southern Ohio. The Ohio militia, the so-called " Squirrel hunters," were called out ; and Morgan was eventually cornei-ed and captured. Two years and a half of war showed the difficulty of proving (illifial, l-0:l. Confederate Flaos. MILITARY ADVANCE (1863) 467 that the seceding states were still in the Union. The forty mountain counties of western Virginia settled the problem for themselves by refusing to secede with Virginia. They held a constitutional convention, organized as the state nings of re- of West Virginia, and (1861) asked to be admitted into tioirof^Oie the Union. As the Constitution provides that no state South shall be divided "without the consent of the Legislatures of the states concerned," Congress accepted the fiction that the loyal legislature at Wheeling represented the whole state of Virginia; and in June, 1863, West Virginia became a sepa- rate state. In 1861 to 1863, under the direct and earnest insistence of President Lincoln, so-called state governments were formed in Virginia, Arkansas, Louisiana, and Tennessee ; governors were elected by a handful of voters, legislatures were chosen, sena- tors and members of the House appeared .in Washington, and several were actually admitted to Congress, though at the same time these states were represented in the Confederate Congress at Richmond. By a formal proclamation (December 8, 1863) Lincoln offered to all persons who had " participated in Lincoln the existing rebellion," except the leaders, pardon and Works, amnesty "with restoration of all rights and property, except as to slaves " ; and he promised to recognize new state governments in any of the seceded states, if formed by one tenth or more of the voters, provided they would take an oath of allegiance to the United States. The most dramatic episode of this year was the Emancipa- tion Proclamation, which was preceded by acts of Congress prohibiting slavery in the District of Columbia, and in the 402. Sum- territories, and freeing refugee slaves belonging to " rebels mary in arms." The proclamation did no immediate harm to the slaveholders, but the knowledge of it spread among the slaves ; and wherever Union armies moved, great numbers of slaves 468 CIVIL WAR left their plantations and never went back. In the border states, too, slavery was disturbed, and thousands of negroes ran away. By the end of 18G3 it was plain that if the North won, nothing could save slavery, in either the seceding or the border states. During 1863 military success turned to the side of the Union. In the East the Union troops lost the battle of Chan- cellorsville, but won at Gettysburg; and showed that the North could not be successfully invaded. In the West the line of the ]\Iississippi was opened, by the taking of Vicksburg, though beyond that river there was some lighting, and till the end of the war many southern troops still found their way across to the main Confederate army. On the direct line into the South from the Ohio Kiver to Atlanta, the Union troops got as far as Chattanooga, which they took and finally held, after two desperate battles. (utr^estive iopiCB Search ■opins TOPICS (1) Fremont's emancipation proclamation, 1861. (2) Hunter's emancipation proclamation, 1862. (3) Why did Emperor Napoleon III. favor the South ? (4) Wiiy did the English aristocracy favor the South ? (5) What did the northern people think of Lincoln ? (6) Why did Horace Greeley criticise the President? (7) Why did the British government hold the Laird rams in 1863 ? (8) Ob- jections to the draft of troops in the North. (9) Surrender of Vicksburg, July, 1863. (10) Why did Congress admit West Vir- ginia? (11) Why did Lincoln offer amnesty in December, 1863 ? (12) John Quincy Adams's suggestions of destroying slavery by the war power. (13) Hefugees at Fort Monroe. (14) Debate in Congress on emancipation in the District of Columbia, 1862. (15) Instances of the confiscation of the property of rebels. (16) John Bright as a friend of the North. (17) President Lin- coln at the White House. (18) President Lincoln's opinions of the generals. (10) Wiiat did the southern people think of Lincoln ? (20) Some of Lincoln's good stories. (21) Cabinet discussions of the Proclamation of Emancipation. (22) How did the negro troops fight? (23) Grant's plans for capturing Vicksburg. (24) Cave life in Vicksburg. (25) Thomas at the battle of Chickamauga. MILITARY ADVANCE (1863) 409 (26) ".Teb" Stuart as a cavalry leader. (27) How did Lee get across tlie Potomac in 1863 ? (28) The third day at Gettysburg, July 3, 1863. (29) The battle of Missionary Ridge. Geography Secondary- authorities REFERENCES As in chapter xxviii. Dodge, Civil War, 94-101, 127-192 ; Hosmer, Appeal to Arms ; Rhodes, United States, III. 630-637, IV. 57-95, 157-172, 199-223, 256-407 ; Schouler, United States, VI. 214-232, 261-289, 341-400, ■ 424-460 ; Wilson, American People, IV. 229-253 ; Cambridge Mod- ern History, VII. 484-491, 501-513, 553-560, 580-602 ; Larned, His- tory for Ready Reference, V. 3430, 3453, 3462, 3476, 3480, 3485, 3498 ; McDougall, Fugitive Slaves, §§ 85-105 ; McCarthy, Lincoln's Plan of Beconstruction ; Fiske, Mississippi Valley in the Civil War, 179- 316 ; Doubleday, Chancellorsville and Gettysburg ; Humphreys, From Gettysburg to the Bapidan ; Greene, The Mississippi, 55- 237 ; Cist, Ar7ny of the Cumberland, 136-262 ; Mahan, Gulf and Inland Waters, 110-184; Ammen, Atlantic Coast, 74-110; Morse, Abraham Lincoln, II. ; Hapgood, Abraham Lincoln, 268-342 ; Ban- croft, W. H Seward, II. 281-348, 374-399 ; Adams, C. F. Adams, 240-344 ; Wilson, General Grant, 160-213, 339-343 ; Wister, U S. Grant, 72-98 ; Pennypacker, General Meade, 109-260 ; Force, Gen- eral Sherman, 98-186 ; Copp^e, General Thomas, 118-198 ; Davies, . General Sheridan, 52-88 ; Walker, General Hancock, 73-157 ; Lee, General Lee, 240-325 ; Hughes, GeneralJohnston, 156-221 ; Soley, Admiral Porter, 2.S4-375. Hart, Source Book, §§ 120-124, — Contemporaries, IV. §§ 100, Sources 101, 117-131, 145, — Source Beaders, IV. §§ 19-23, 27, 28, 81-87 ; MacDonald, Select Statutes, nos. 17, 18, 20, 28, 29, 31, 33-36, 38, 42 ; American History Leaflets, no. 26 ; Old South Leaflets, no. 11 ; Hill, Liberty Documents, ch. xxii. ; Caldwell, Survey, 185-189 ; Johnston, American Orations, IV. 82-124 ; Carpenter, Six Months at the White House ; Dana, Becollections, 16-155, 168-185 ; Riddle, Recollections, 129-163, 199-255 ; Grant, Personal Memoirs, 1. 422- 584, II. 1-123 ; Century Company, Battles and Leaders, III. 148- 752, IV. 1-96 ; American Annual Cyclopcedia, 1862, 1863. See N. Eng. Hist. Teachers' Ass'n, Historical Sources in Schools, § 88. Matthews, Poems of American Patriotism, 215-232 ; Eggleston, American War Ballads, 11. 109-155; Lowell, Memorice Positum ; Whittier, Antislavery Poems, 219-258 ; G. W. Cable, The Cava- lier ; J. W. de Forest, Miss BaveneVs Conversion. As in chapter xxviii. Pictures Illustrative works CHAPTER XXX. END OF THE WAR (1864-1865) Life was exciting in Civil War times. People opened the morning papers with dread, for after the battles there were 403 How ^°^S ^^^^^ °^ killed and wounded, which carried woe to thousands of families. Then came a flood of wounded and sick pouring back from the front; thousands of them died in the hospitals, other thousands went maimed about the streets. Northern people were always doing things for the soldiers. In almost every village and city there was a ladies' aid society. the North lived Designs on Envelopes used during the Civil War. in which the women scraped lint for wounds, made bandages and comfortable clothing, haversacks, mittens, and articles for the sick, and collected provisions, clothing, and blankets for the soldiers. Two large charitable societies, the Sanitary Commis- sion and the Christian Commission, took charge of these supplies, moved them to the front, and distributed them to the needy. People had to get accustomed to several new kinds of money. After the banks suspended specie payments in December, 470 END OF THE WAR (1864-1865) 471 1861, a gold coin was a curiosity; and presently the silver also went out of circulation. For months the only small change was sticky postage stamps, till Congress provided the little "shin plasters," or fractional currency. Early in 1862 appeared the crisp and beautiful new legal tender " green- backs," and as they came pouring out they began to fall in value ; and prices correspondingly rose to double, sometimes to triple, the old rates. Yet business was good in most parts of the country, crops were large, manufactures increased, the railroads were busy, and many business men were happy. Though the war was fought to vindicate the Constitution, the country was subjected to many unpleasant methods of government, some of them plainly unconstitutional : — .«. --jj. (1) In the territory actually occupied by the army, tarygov including the city of Washington, martial law (that is, «J^'i'»6'i the will of the commander in chief) was openly declared ; it superseded the ordinary law and courts, and civilians could be arrested simply by the order of the military commander. (2) Under an order of the President (April 27, 1861) the writ of habeas corpus was suspended, so that suspected people could be put in prison without any specific charge or hope of trial. Many thousand people first and last were arrested in this haphazard manner, often without knowing what was the charge against them ; and the only way to freedom was through the intervention of some man of influence. (3) Provost marshals were appointed in all the northern cities, hundreds of miles away from hostilities; and they arrested thousands of people under military law. (4) In 1864 a military commission tried and condemned to death Dr. Milligan of Indiana for taking part in a traitorous secret society. (5) In the border states, and even in the North, military officers sometimes shut up ichurehes, dissolved societies, or stopped the publication of newspapers. It is ti-ue that the hart's amer. hist. — 28 472 CIVIL WAR papers ahounded in war gossip, war news, and war stories, and the c-orrespondeiits often revealed military secrets. Notwithstanding abup.dant loyalty and heroism, the war was carried on in the face of strong opposition. The " Peace Demo- 405. Inter- crats " at the beginning favored letting the Sonth secede, tion"to^^e ^^^ ^^*®^ opposed the war. They accepted the name of war " Copperhead," bestowed by ,their opponents, and wore as badges the heads cut out of copper cents, or butternuts cut in sections — because the butternut w^as the ordinary dye for the clothing worn by Confederate soldiers ; and they created formidable secret societies, called Knights of the Golden Circle, with scores of thousands of members in Ohio and Indiana. The leader of the Peace Democrats was Clement L. Vallan- digham, member of Congress from Ohio, who boasted that he never voted a dollar or a man for the war. In May, 1863, he made a harsh and cutting speech against the system of mili- tary law for civilians. For this offense he w^as convicted by a military court-martial, and sentenced to imprisonment; but Lincoln sent him across the lines into the Confederacy — a practical joke Avhich seemed to many people impolitic. An act of Congress for drawing soldiers by lot from among the able-bodied men led to terrible "draft riots" in New York city (July, 1863). The opposition turned into a savage mob which hunted down and stoned to death dozens of harmless negroes and then white people, and then burned colored or- phan asylums. The next step was to attack buildings which represented any kind of government, especially police stations and armories. The police fought splendidly, but were too few to resist such a rising. Federal troops were hastily summoned, and after three days of riot the mob was put down by musket and bayonet. About a thousand people lost their lives as vie-, tims of the mob, or by the shots of the defenders of order, and the money damage was many millions. Behind the Confederate lines life was just as exciting, and END Ob' THE WAR (1864-1865) 4YiJ much less comfortable than iu the North. Throughout the South there was the same passionate support of the soldier as in the North, the same fervent prayer to the Almighty ^^g „ to bless their cause. By severe conscription acts every the South able-bodied man between sixteen and seventy was called into the army, so that General Grant said, "They robbed the cradle and the grave." The negroes on the plantations raised the crops and took care of the women and children, and a slave insurrection would have dissolved the Confederate army ; but the negroes never rose. The war brought dire poverty on the South. The blockade cut down the cotton export from $191,000,000 in 1860 to $19,000,000 in 1862. Confederate paper notes were never legal tender, but they were put out by hundreds of millions, and their value fell to a cent and a half on the dollar : corn meal sold in Richmond for $80 a bushel in paper ; flour at $1000 a barrel; a newspaper cost a dollar. As the war progressed the South could no longer replace its men who fell or were made prisoners; and therefore the North refused to exchange, even though a hundred thousand northern soldiers remained in southern prisons. The commis- sary of the Confederate army was ill managed ; and there were few supplies in the country. Libby Prison for officers in Rich- mond, and various prisons farther south, were all badly mis- managed. Andersonville was in the hands of a small garrison, officered by men of the overseer type, who were in constant fear lest the prisoners should break loose. Hence, in a country abounding in timber and with plenty of good water, the prisoners were confined in a treeless stockade on a foul stream, and were fearfully overcrowded, with no materials to build proper houses. They had the same kind of food that was provided for the jails and the negro quarters, and often for the Confederate troops at the front, — chiefly corn meal, some- times ground cob and all. 474 CIVIL WAR In March, 1864, President Lincoln selected the commander who had made the most brilliant record in the West, General 407. Grant's U. S. Grant, and made him lieutenant-general with the campaign authority of general in chief of all the armies in the (1864) country, and Halleck became practically the President's chief of staff. Grant selected the Army of the Potomac, under direct command of Meade, as his own fighting force, and on May 4, 1864, took the field with 102,000 effective men and 350 guns, against Lee's army of 61,000 men. The next day, as he was moving through the wooded region of northern Virginia known as the Wil- derness, he was attacked by Lee, and drew out only after three days of blind and con- fused fighting. Up to this time the Army of the Potomac had always retreated after such a check, but as brigade after brigade came to a crossroads and was directed to turn southward, the whole length of the col- umn rang with cheers, for the men realized that they were to fight it through. In a series of assaults "all along the line" near Spottsylvania, May 10 to 21, Grant lost 16,000 men, killed and wounded, or in sixteen days since May 4 over 30,000; and though he had also inflicted great losses on Lee, he could not break the Confederate lines. Grant now moved southward parallel with Lee's army, both sides intrenching every night. At Cold Harbor, fifteen miles from Richmond, he found the enemy strongly intrenched in Onlpepp -^\^ "^ jf ., *S>\Vl?£?-j ^^="1 ^t* \ I^ ..§^14^^^^% / ■^,w^!ftWx. .^£rv* C.H. i'o j^ ^ [FrodiTii-ksburg^ fOntnge J5« S il van,a^^L w *»»■<* l\»Bowlin(r Green ^ \ 7»« Hi>ri>> A B 1 W C.H. i 1? SuflrtRvor C\n. X c V "■- d % AMiv^^/x •<>o \ • M^ «^ Riches 3^ i S^25d U .f-Ji. "-H. &! l^Cnlon forcei"^ V. j^r ^^^^ rl ^■CoDfedente force* ^ ^»-^ *•«: ^ BBfitorBburp ^ SCALE OF MILES _/ ^ ^ ^^^^N. 6 10 ^0 c _j X From the Wilderness to Petersburg. END OP Tim WAR (1864-1865) 475 what was really a great fort. He attacked (June S) with 80,000 men, and within an hour had lost 7000. His purpose was to wear Lee out, and he could have afforded to give two men for one, to break up that opposing army then and there. Once more Grant edged southward, crossed the James River (June 15), and attempted to seize Petersburg, the key of eastern Virginia ; but in several unsuccessful assaults he lost about 8000 men. A vain attempt to entice him from his grip on Peters- burg was made by the Confederate general Early, who, in a sudden dash northward with 20,000 men, took and burned Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, and reached the edge of the city of Washington, which he could have taken, had he known how few its defenders were. In front of Grant's line at Petersburg a mine was dug to blow up an important Confederate defense at a spot now called the Crater (July 30, 1864) ; but after a loss of 2900 men the Union troops had to withdraw and con- tinue the slow siege, which lasted nearly a year. From this time the eyes of the whole country were on Grant before Petersburg. Ulysses S. Grant was a man of the plain people, a descendant of an early colonist of Massachu- .q^ -.. setts, probably of Scotch ancestry. The son of a tanner, ses S. Grant he was born in Ohio (April 27, 1822), was brought up *^ ^ g«nera first to farm work, then graduated in 1843 at West Point. Two years later he was sent to Taylor's army and distinguished himself in the Mexican campaign. He resigned from the army in 1854, and then tried various kinds of business in St. Louis and Galena, Illinois, and fell into obscurity. On the day after the fall of Sumter, Grant made up his mind to return to the army ; and in August, 1861, became brigadier general. From 1861 to 1863 his name was connected with most of the suc- cessful operations in the West, till Lincoln said of him: "I can't spare this man; he fights." Grant was a very taciturn man, slow to express an opinion; he disliked writing, and sometimes got into trouble because he 476 CIVIL WAR would not voporfc. Yet he coined some apt phrases, as in his Grant demand for the surrender of Fort Donelson : " No terms Memoirs, except an unconditional and immediate surrender can be /. 311, 226 ^ J T ^ 1-1 accepted, i propose to move immediately upon your works"; and in 1864, "I propose to fight it out on this line if it takes all sum- mer." Grant's greatest character- istic was his indomitable grit. After the terrible discourage- ments of the campaign of 1864, he wrote, — to Lincoln's great satisfaction, — "I want Sheridan put in com- ^ Ibid. II. 317 J * 11 4.1. 4. niand ot all the troops is-' in the field [of the Shenan- doah], with instructions to ^^^'^^^^ ^- ^"^^"^' '^ ^^- put himself south of the enemy and follow him to the death. Wherever the enemy goes let our troops go also." This in- tense determination kept in action the forces that brought the war to an end. Grant did not stake all on one battle; he was not daunted or discouraged by defeat ; he simply kept at it till his enemy was vanquished. Grant's most dangerous opponent was Robert E. Lee, who was born in 1807, of an old and aristocratic Virginia family ; he 409 B, b t gi'^^uated from West Point (1829), and spent thirty-two E. Lee as a years in the regular army; he distinguished himself in the genera Mexican War. Just before the Civil War broke out lie wrote to a friend, " If the Union is dissolved and the govern- ment disrupted, I shall return to my native state and shaxe the Trent, Lee, miseries of my people, and, save in defense, will draw my ^^ gword on none." A few days after the fall of Fort Sum- ter he was offered the command of the United States army. END OF THE WAR (1864-1865) 477 and declined it. He resigned, and, after Virginia seceded^ accepted a Confederate commission. For a year Lee saw little active service ; then he took com- mand of the Army of Northern Virginia, June 1, 1862, and for nearly three years was the unquestioned leader of that army. His division and corps commanders, Stonewall Jackson, Gordon, Long- street, A. P. Hill, D. H. Hill, Ewell, Early, J. E. B. Stuart, remained with him with few ex- ceptions till the end of the struggle. What made Lee a great sol- dier were his skillful preparations, his watch- fulness, and his ability to accomplish much with small resources. In this respect he greatly resembled Washington, with whom he has often been compared. He had great power over men, and his soldiers had perfect confidence in " Uncle Robert." On the same day that Grant moved south (May 4, 1864), Sherman began his advance from Chattanooga to Atlanta, 135 miles through the mountains, against Joseph E. Johnston, who had superseded Bragg. During four months Sher- man worked his way steadily along the line of the rail- road (p. 434), skillfully flanking Johnston's smaller army from point to point. His one front attack, at Kene- saw Mountain (June 27), caused a loss of 2000 men, with no Robert E. Lee, about 1870. 410. Joseph E. John- ston's de- fense of Georgia (1864) 478 CIVIL WAR military advantage. Johnston was superseded in July, 1864, by the more dashing Hood. Sherman circled about Atlanta, almost captured the opposing army, and at last was able to tele- Official graph (September 3), " Atlanta is ours, and fairly won." xx^in General Johnston was of Scotch descent, born in 1807 ; pt. V. p. 772 he was a classmate of Lee at West Point, and then served against the Indians and the Mexicans. In 1860 he was made quarterniastt'r general of the United States army, but followed his state of Virginia when it seceded. He was one of the first generals appointed by the Confederacy, com- manded in the Shenandoah valley, at Bull Run, in the Peninsular Campaign, and against Grant outside of Vicksburg. Johnston's most remarkable service was in 1864, when with about 70,000 men he tried to hold Sherman's army of 1 13,000. His policy was to Joseph e. Johnston, in wa. avoid general engagements, but to wear the invaders out by a long campaign, and by attacking their ever lengthening line of communications. The navy shared in the hard work of 1864, especially by Farragut's attack in August, with 18 vessels and a landing 411 The force of 5500 troops, on the powerful defenses of Mobile navy in Bay. Farragut lashed his ships in pairs ; and he fastened himself to the rigging of his flagship, the Hartford. As the fleet went in, the monitor Tecnmseh was torpedoed, and instantly sank, but tlie admiral signaled " Go ahead ! " All the rest of the fleet got tlirough the diannel into the bay, when a dangerous Confederate ram, the Tennessee, swept down upon 1864 END OF THE WAR (1864-1865) 479 them. One after another the Union vessels dashed at the big ironclad, firing their heavy guns, and they pounded her till one who was present said, " She lay like a bleeding stag at bay among the hounds." The Tennessee surrendered and the forts were taken, so that the port of Mobile was closed. Farragut's determination never ceased throughout the war ; he was one of the most careful commanders that ever lived ; he made all his preparations beforehand, weighed the risks, and then nothing could stop him short of the sinking of his vessel ; and his courage affected everybody in the fleet. So perfect were his discipline and his coolness, that in his great fights he always came out safe with a small loss of men. The navy and the array also cooperated on the North Carolina coast. Fort Fisher was taken (January, 1865), and the port of Wilmington was closed. Thereafter there was no large port open to the blockade runners except Charleston. Philip H. Sheridan, another great commander, came to the front in 1864. Born in New York of Irish parents, he was a graduate of West Point, and served on the western fron- 412. Philip tier. He was put in command of a brigade, and soon .' ^"^,^*° ^ * ' m the Val- after of a division in Buell's army (1862). He fought at ley (1864) Perryville, Stone River, Chickamauga, and Chattanooga, and in 1864 was made chief of the cavalry corps of the Army of the Potomac. After fighting through the terrible campaign of 1864, he was sent into " the Valley " of the Shenandoah. There he undertook the task of pushing back General Early and of devastating the country so that it should no longer feed the Confederate army. After fights at Opequan Creek and Fishers Hill, the enemy rallied and attacked the army at Cedar Creek (October 19) and drove it out of its camp, while Sheridan was twenty miles to the north. He hurried to the sound of the guns and found a number of demoralized men on the road, but a large part of the troops were still in line. 480 CIVIL WAK Dames, Sheridan, 186 As he galloped along the line he shouted, "We are all right. . . . Never mind, boys, we'll whip them yet, we'll whip them yet. We shall sleep in our quarters to- night." He pushed the enemy back, and actually re- occupied his old camp at Cedar Creek that night. Sheridan's characteristic as a soldier was his impetuous attack. He never waited to be perfectly ready, but struck before he was expected. He was bold and dashing, would lead into any kind of danger, and yet took no luireasonable chances, aud was never de- feated in an independent command. He was very care- ful to keep his men well fed and supplied, and was a mas- ter in the organization and use of cavalry. ^ Philip H. Sheridan, about 1870. The state elections of 1863 responded to the victories at Vicksburg and Gettysburg by giving good Kepublican majori- 413 Parties ^^^^' though Lincoln had the confidence of the people, and politics in 18G4 a clique of disaffected Republican politicians, ^ ~ including Secretary Chase, wanted to set him aside. Some of these malcontents got up a convention and nominated John C. Fremont for the presidency, a movement finally headed off. The regular Republican convention was practi- cally unanimous for Lincoln, on a platform that slavery must be destroyed ; Andrew Johnson of Tennessee was put on the ticket as Vice President, in order to strengthen it in the border states. The Democrats nominated for the presidency General George B. McClellan, as representative of the war Democrats aud as a soldier candidate ; but declared in their END OF THE WAR (1864-1805) 481 platform that there " had been four years of failure to restore the Union by the experiment of war." The failure of Grant to break up Lee's army in June, 1864, had a damaging effect on the campaign, and Lincoln was deeply discouraged, for he miscalculated the people's affection for their President. To the eighteen free states in the Union in 1860 had been added Kansas, West Virginia, and Nevada (1864). Lincoln carried them all except New Jersey, and also two of the four border slave states,, Maryland and Missouri. He had 212 electoral votes to 21 ; but only 2,200,000 popular votes against 1,800,000 for McClellan. The election of Lincoln made it certain that the war would be fought to a finish, and men were found to recruit Grant's army before Petersburg. Sherman's strong imagination suggested to him that the next step was to cut the Confederacy in two by marching eastward from Atlanta to Savannah through the heart 414. March- of the country, and Grant, with much hesitation, gave ^'i&^^o^&'^ his consent. After destroying the workshops and de- (1864) fenses of Atlanta, Sherman marched eastward (November 15, 1864) with 62,000 men (p. 434). There was no army in front of him and no militia that could oppose him. The Confeder- ate authorities had begged the southern people to plant corn instead of cotton, and therefore he found plenty of food. The army lived on the country, and as Sherman passed through he left it devastated, so far as he could. The army was followed by " Sherman's Bummers," several thousand stragglers who paid very little attention to the orders against looting private houses ; and thousands of con- trabands joined in the procession on foot or in wagons. The railroads were destroyed for miles ; even the rails were heated and twisted up. Sherman reached Savannah (December 10, 1864), and eleven days later the city surrendered ; Lincoln wrote to Sherman, '' The honor is all yours." General William T. Sherman is in many ways the most in- END OF THE WAR (1864-1865 483 teresting of all the military commanders of the war. Born in Ohio in 1820, a member of a distinguished family, all his life long he was acquainted with public affairs. Sher- 415. Wil man graduated at West Point (1840), and was sent out ghen^a^as to California in 1846. In 1855 he resigned, and when a general the war broke out, was superintendent of a military school in Louisiana. Sherman served at Bull Run, then in the West, and won his first renown at Shiloh. Then he commanded a corps under Grant in the Vicksburg and Chattanooga cam- paigns. When Grant went east in 1864, Sherman was put in command of most of the western armies, and acted in perfect accord and harmony with his chieftain. He begged Grant to make the West the center of the final campaign : " Here lies the seat of the coming " Sherman, empire, and from the Memoirs, West, when our task ^^^ is done, we will make short work of Charleston and William t. Sherman, about 1880. Richmond." As a mili- tary man Sherman's characteristic was his skill in forecasting what the enemy was likely to do. He was a great strategist, and in his many fights and campaigns always tried to get a good position before he attacked. His men admired him and called him " Old Billy " ; but he was too brusque and fiery for the warm personal love which they poured out on McClellan and Thomas. 484 CIVIL WAR The force left by Sherman under command of Thomas, when Sherman started on his march to the sea, was strung all the 416. Hood way along from Nashville to Atlanta. Hood, instead of ^December" following Sherman, struck northward with 41,000 men, 1864) but he lost 6000 in a vain attempt to capture Schofield's force of 29,000 at Franklin (November oO). Three days later Hood intrenched himself south of Nashville, where Thomas massed his previously scattered forces, fortified the city, and made ready for a great battle. Thomas had no horses for his cavalry; then he waited for reenforcements ; then the ground was slippery with ice, so that cavalry could not maneuver. In vain did orders follow day after day from Grant, bidding him attack. Fully prepared at last, Thomas moved out December 15, 1864, and in the hard-fought battle of Nashville drove Hood from his lines. The next day he attacked again, and Hood's army was routed and dispersed. Of 50,000 Union men Thomas lost 3000; of 23,000 Confederates engaged, 4500 were taken prisoners. This battle practically ended the war in the West, and vindicated Thomas's prudence and generalship. From Savannah Sherman marched northward to Columbia, and the town was burned as he entered it (February 17, 1865) — almost the only case of the kind during the war. Neither Sherman nor any other federal officer gave orders to burn it, and the federal troops finally put out the fire. Sherman's pres- ence in the interior of South Carolina made Charleston inde- fensible, and it was occupied by other Union forces (Februaiy 18, 1865). Sherman, for the first time since leaving Atlant:i, was now opposed by a large force, and had to fight J. E. John- ston at Bentonville, North Carolina (March 19), with a loss of 1100. A month later he occupied Kaleigh, North Carolina. The Army of the Potomac, during these brilliant move- 417. Cap- inents, was lying patiently in the trenches before Peters- ture of Lee , , . , , ^ it i (1866) burg, losing thousands oi men by disease and constant END OF THE WAR (1864-1865) 485 skirmishing, but slowly wearing down Lee, wlio could not re- place his losses. He even proposed to President Davis to levy negro regiments; but the time was too short to carry out the plan. The last great struggle of the war now came on before Petersburg, where Grant, with 113,000 effective troops, well fed, clothed, and supplied, kept Lee in the trenches, while Surrender of Lee. Sheridan remorselessly raided the country to the north and west of Richmond. Lee forced a series of fights, beginning March 25, to cover his preparations for a retreat; he then abandoned Eichmond and Petersburg (April 3), and struck westward along the Appomattox River, and next day Rich- mond was occupied by the Union troops. Grant followed close after Lee, and Sheridan dashingly closed in the net. A week after leaving his intrenchments, Lee was surrounded at Appomattox, and, April 9, 1865, he surrendered his com- mand, which had now dwindled to 27,000 men. Lee's part- 486 CIVIL WAR ing speech to his troops was simply, "Men, we have fought through the war together ; I have done my best for you.' On April 26 Johnston surrendered his army to Sherman, at Raleigh; and the Civil War was practically at an end, although a few distant places held out a few weeks longer. Two weeks later Jefferson Davis was captured while trying to escape. Many suggestions had been made during the war, looking toward terms of peace. Foreign governments tried in vain to 418 TermB ^^^i^^e in 1861, 1862, and 1863. In 1864 some over- of peace tures were made to President Davis, who replied, " You may * emancipate ' every negro in the Confederacy, but we will be free, we will govern ourselves." Just before the collapse Lincoln and Seward met Vice-President Stephens of the Confederacy on a steamer at Hampton Roads (February 3, 1865) ; but Lincoln was firm that the only conditions of peace were for the South to return to the Union and for slavery to cease, and on those issues the conference failed. After Richmond fell, Lincoln took pains to notify General Grant that he was not to make auy pledges for the future of the South. Accordingly, Grant insisted that Lee's troops should surrender unconditionally ; but he then released Lee's men, "not to be disturbed by the United States authority so long as they observed their paroles and the laws in force where they reside " ; and Grant won the respect and gratitude of the southern officers and soldiers by leaving them their horses. Sherman, in receiving Johnston's surrender, undertook to make pledges about the reorganization of the states ; but these terms were disavowed by President Johnson in Washington. The success of the Union arms raised Lincoln to the highest point in his whole life. He had the people behind him, sination of and could have struck out a policy which Congress must (iSiil have followed. He was himself a southern man by 1865) birth, understood the southern people, and in his great END OF THE WAR (1864-1865) 487 nature tliere was no room for enmity toward those who liad fought bravely and were beaten. The difficult problem of reconstruction seemed ready for him to solve. Terrible, therefore, was the blow that fell upon the whole country when, just four years from the surrender of Fort Sumter, the President was shot in a box at Ford's Theater, during a play, by the organizer and head of a band of conspirators. The next morning the President's life ebbed away, and he died April 15, 1865, at the height -of his service and power. The assassin was hunted down and shot while desperately defend- ing himself from capture. Other members of the conspiracy, including one woman, were tried by military court-martial, and four of them were hanged. The whole country felt that Lincoln had died for his coun- try as truly as though he had been in the front line at Gettys- burg. The work that he did will live imperishably, for he rescued the Union and he destroyed slavery. The principles of his life he summed up a few days before his death: " With malice toward none ; with charity for all ; with firmness r ■ , ' •' ' Lincoln, in the right, as God gives us to see the right, let us Works, II. strive on to finish the work we are in ; to bind up the nation's wounds; to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow, and his orphan — to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among our- selves, and with all nations," What was the cost of the Civil War ? In men, 360,000 on the Union side, who were killed or died of disease, and a correspond- ing Confederate loss of about 258,000. In money, the ^^q cost of United States paid out during the Civil War, for other pur- the Civil poses than its ordinary civil expenses, $3,660,000,000; the Confederacy probably spent $1,500,000,000 measured in gold. As for property, no free territory was invaded, except Penn- sylvania and Ohio for a few days ; and the destruction of north- ' em merchant vessels amounted to only $20,000,000. The loyal hart's amer. hist. — 29 488 CIVIL WAR horder states, as well as the South, however, were invaded at many different points and devastated by marching armies, both Union and Confederate. Thousands of houses were burned, the business of cities was for months suspended, the cotton crop was nearly a dead loss. The whole South was commercially ruined, while the North, in spite of its immense expenses, had more men, more capital, and more money at the end of the war than at the beginning. The South felt also that it had lost four million slaves valued in 1860 at $2,000,000,000. The slaveholding families did lose the op- portunity of turning their human property into cash ; but most of the negroes were still on the ground and ready to work the land ; and the community was no poorer for the change. Was this enormous expenditure of life, treasure, and na- tional forces worth while ? Yes, for it did six vital things : (1) it taught forever the lesson that there is no such thing as peaceable and constitutional secession ; (2) it proved once for all that slavery is an institution which weakens the economic and social forces of a country ; (3) it opened up to four million negro people the opportunity to make the best of themselves; (4) it showed the self-perpetuating power of republican govern- ment ; (5) it put an end to the project of dividing the strength and influence of the United States between two separate nations; (6) it proved the courage and self-sacrifice of the people of the United States, both North and South — all the people, not soldiers merely, but men, women, and children. From January, 1864, to May, 1865, the war went steadily against the South. Both sides felt the pinch of taxes, the bad 421. Sum- effects of too much paper money, the hardships and ™"y despotism of military government; and both sides made desperate attempts to fight it out. In the East, by Grant's Virginia campaign, the field of oper- ations was at last shifted to the neighborhood of Richmond. END OF THE WAR (1864-1865) 489 Sheridan, in the Valley, showed his brilliant qualities as a commander and a destroyer. In the West Sherman pushed steadily down the railroad to Atlanta ; toward the end of the year he broke loose and crossed the country to Savannah; and Thomas, after careful preparation, defeated Hood's army, the last that could be raised by the Confederates in the West. The end came in the spring of 1865, when first Lee and then Johnston surrendered ; and there was no longer any center of resistance. The whole South was speedily garri- soned with Union troops. TOPICS (1) Why did the federal government issue paper money during SuggestiTe tiooics the Civil War ? (2) Why were people in the North arrested and confined without warrant ? (3) Was the punishment of Vallan- digham judicious? (4) Why was Grant put in command of the eastern armies ? (5) Why was Grant obliged to retreat at the Wilderness ? (6) Why could not Grant break Lee's lines in 1864 ? (7) Why was the explosion of the Crater a failure ? (8) Why did Robert E. Lee resign his commission in the United States army ? (9) Why were there so few changes among the officers of the Confederate Army of Northern Virginia ? (10) Lee's military career during the Civil War. (11) Was Joseph E. Johnston's military policy wise ? (12) Why was McClellan nominated by the Democrats in 1864 ? (13) What were the objections to the rais- ing of negro regiments by the South ? (14) Why was Sherman's convention with Johnston disavowed ? (15) Was the South made poorer by the emancipation of the slaves ? (16) The Sanitary Commission. (17) The Christian Commis- Search sion. (18) Knights of the Golden Circle. (19) Why did the ^''P*'" Peace Democrats oppose the war ? (20) Draft riots in New York city. (21) Conscription in the South. (22) Life in Libby Prison. (23) Relations between Lincoln and Grant. (24) Lee's military services before the Civil War. (25) Nomination of Fremont for the presidency in 1864. (26) Sherman's march to the sea. (27) The battle of Franklin, Nashville, or Bentonville. (28) Cap- ture of Lee at Appomattox. (29) Peace conference at Hampton Roads. (30) National grief at the death of Lincoln. (31) Work for the soldiers in your own town during the war. (32) Enlist- ment of soldiers in your own town during the war. 490 CIVIL WAR Geography Secondary authorities Sources Illustrative works Pictures REFERENCES As in chapter xxviii. Stanwood, Presidency, 298-312 ; Dodge, Civil War, 192-327 ; Hosnier, Outcome of the Civil War ; Schouler, United States, VI. 400-124, 460-633 ; Rhodes, United States, IV. 223-255, 407-539, V. 1-518; Wilson, American People, IV. 253-262 ; Cambridge Mod- ern History, VII. 514-558, 575-580, 096, 697 ; Gay, Bryant's His- tory, V. 193-374; Dunning, Civil War and Beconstrnction, 1-62 ; Schwab, Confederate States of America ; Maclay, United States Navy, II. 397-456, 475-507, 549-559 ; Humphreys, Virrjinia Cam- paign of '64 and '65; Pond, Shenandoah Valley in 1864; Cox, Atlanta, — March to the Sea, Franklin and Nashville ; Mahan, Gulf and Inland Waters, 18;')-249 ; Admiral Farragut, 237-326 ; Aranien, Atlantic Coast, 199-248 ; Morse, Abraham Lincoln, II. 175-198, 245-357 ; Hapgood, Abraham Lincoln, 343-419 ; Davies, General Sheridan, 89-251, 306-319; Walker, General Hancock, 158-294 ; Force, General Sherman, 187-310, 328-338 ; Copp6e, General Thomas, 109-291,310-324; Lee, General Lee, 325-399, 420-424; Hughes, General Johnston, 222-280, 290-308; Soley, Admiral Porter, 376-486. Hart, Source Book, §§ 125, 126, — Contemporaries, IV. §§ 77, 79, 81-83, 132-140, —^owrce Readers, IV. §§ 18, 62, 72, 73, 88, 89, 93, 98 ; MacDonald, Select Statutes, nos. 32, 39^1, 43; Ameri- can History Leaflets, no. 26; Old South Leaflets, no. 11; Dana, Recollections, 156-167, 186-291 ; Riddle, Recollections, 164-167, 256-343 ; Brooks, Washington in Lincoln's Time ; Grant, Per- sonal Memoirs, II. 124-554 ; Century Company, Battles and Lead- ers, IV. 97-768 ; American Aiinual Cyclopcedia, 1864, 1865. See N. Eng. Hist. Teachers' Ass'n, Historical Sources, § 88. Matthews, Poems of American Patriotism, 233-277 ; Eggleston, America7i War Ballads, II. 106, 156-278 ; Lowell, Commemoration Ode ; Holmes, In War Time ; M, A. De Wolfe Howe, Memory of Lincoln (poems) ; Charles Morris, Historical Tales, 292-319; G. C. Cary, Rebel's Recollections ; B. K. Benson, Friend with the Countersign ; T. N. Page, Among the Camps, — Two Little Con- federates, — Burial of the Guns; Harold Frederic, The Copper- head ; J. C. Harris, On the Plantation ; M. L. Avary, Virginia Girl in the Civil War ; L. M. Alcott, Hospital Sketches ; K. P. Wormeley, Other Side of War ; A. E. Dickinson, What Answer J (draft riots) ; W. O. Stoddard, Battle of New York (draft rioU). As in chapter xxviii. CHAPTER XXXI. RECONSTRUCTION OF THE UNION (18G5-1875) What was to be done with the South when the war was over ? This perplexing question involved three different subjects: the status of the individual whites, the future ^gg ^^^ of the negroes, and the relations to the Union of the southern states which had attempted to secede. So far as individuals were concerned, no federal law pre- vented former Confederates from continuing to take part in the state governments; but penalties for treason were hanging over them aJl. From that danger, however, the military men were practically free, under the terms of surrender of Lee's and Johnston's armies; and when warrants were issued for the arrest of Lee and many other military commanders, to be tried for treason. General Grant would not permit the arrests. No such protection extended to members of the civil govern- ments of the Confederacy and of the seceded states ; but the only man actually held for treason was Jefferson Davis (§ 428). Lincoln would probably have stood firmly against any kind of punishment for the common people of the South, whether soldiers or civilians ; but Congress had already confiscated the property of some of the leaders ; and the Fourteenth Amendment later punished many of those who had taken a leading part, either civil or military, by excluding them from office. At the end of the war, the slaves had been declared free in the whole country except the states of Kentucky and ^g, mj^ Delaware : (1) Congress had prohibited slavery in the ■ southern District of Columbia and the territories , (2) the Presi- negroes 491 492 REORGANIZATION dent, liad emancipated the slaves in the seceded states, except Tennessee and certain counties of Louisiana and Virginia ; (3) Maryland, West Virginia, and Missouri (§ 395) had passed immediate or gradual emancipation acts for themselves ; (4) the loyal governments of Louisiana and Virginia (§ 401) had adopted constitutions tliat freed the slaves, and Tennessee in 18(55 passed a special emancipation act, — which did away with the exceptions in the Proclamation of Emancipation. Emancipation and Reconstruction. For the thousands of negroes who had left their old homes and flocked into the federal camps. Congress had already passed an act for a Freedman's Bureau (March 3, 1865), which was intended, through military officers, to protect the negroes from injustice, to find work for them, keep them from starv- ing, and start schools for their education. This action, how- ever, involved the assumption of a responsibility for indi- viduals within states which the federal government had never before taken. To prevent any question that the slaves were forever free, the Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution was carried RECONSTRUCTION OF THE UNION (1865-1875) 493 .through both houses (January 31, 1865) by the personal influ- ence of President Lincoln, who said in a public speech, " It winds the whole thing up." Three fourths of all the . , states, through their legislatures, ratified this amend- Works, ment, which in December, 1865, became a part of the * ^ Constitution. It provided that " Neither slavery nor involun- tary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction." As for the eleven former seceded states, did they still have " all the dignity, equality, and rights of the states unimpaired," as set forth by the resolution of 1861 ? (§ 373.) If so, 424. Theo- iri6S of they must be permitted to come back into their former ^^^^^ recon- place ; and through their senators and representatives struction would help to settle their own future. The steady northern theory of the war was that the states were in the Union and could not get out of the Union ; that the whole trouble was made by individuals who traitorously in arms resisted the United States. Yet, at the end of the war, the individuals went unpunished; and the seceded states were kept out of their constitutional relations to the Union. Even after fur- nishing eight ratifications needed to carry the Thirteenth Amendment, they were held not really to be in the Union. To explain this singular state of things and to establish a basis of readjustment, four main theories were put forth: (1) The "presidential theory," held by Lincoln, was that the states were entitled to come back and send members to Congress, as soon as the President decided that they had repented, (2) The "state suicide theory," urged by Charles Sumner, was that by secession the states lost statehood and became territories. (3) The " conquered provinces theory," for which Thaddens Stevens was responsible, looked on the South as a subjugated region, with which Congress could deal exactly as though it were a part of a conquered foreign country ; it was actually 494 REORGANIZATION suggested that South Carolina be divided between Georgia and North Carolina and thus obliterated from the map. (4) The " forfeited rights theory " was that the states still existed and were members of the Union, but through traitorous acts of the community as a whole had made themselves subject to some punishment which would reach them as states. The first theory to be applied was the presidential (see § 401). On Lincoln's death, Andrew Johnson of Tennessee succeeded 425. Presi- to the presidency. Though a southern man, he was a reconstruc- iiiountain white and hated the planters. By an amnesty tion (1865) proclamation (May 29, 1865), Johnson expressly shut out the old southern leaders, so as to leave the poor whites to form new state governments. Accordingly, during the year 1865, while Congress was not in session, under his military power he appointed civil governors for the southern states. These governors called constitutional conventions, which formed anti- slavery constitutions and provided for new elections of mem- bers of Congress, governors, and legislatures, which chose United States senators. In December, 1865, members-elect appeared from all the seceded states except Texas, and de- manded seats in Congress. Unfortunately for the South, some of the former seceded states enacted statutes on " vagrancy " and " labor contracts," which made the negroes practically subject to masters, gress and caused the North to believe that if those southern assumes states were left to themselves, they would after a few reconstruc- ' '' tion years reenslave the negro ; and that if the new members Q 866-1 867^ ^ were admitted to Congress, there was no guaranty that a large part of the work of the Civil War would not be undone. They were therefore kept out; and Congress soon took the question of reconstruction into its own hands by a joint resolution (March 2, 1866) that neither house would admit either senator or representative until Congress as a whole should decide that the state was again to be represented. RECONSTRUCTION OF THE UNION (1865-1875) 495 Johnson saw his plan of reconstruction practically nullified. He was a coarse, blustering man, who did not know how to get on with other people, who had no powerful friends, and who was distrusted by the antislavery element. The Repub- lican leaders were backed up by a two-thirds majority in both branches of Congress, and openly broke with the President by passing over his veto a Civil Rights Act (April 9, 1866), which put the negroes under the protection of the federal government. In three years Johnson vetoed twenty-one bills, of which fifteen were passed over his veto. In order to put it out of the power of a later Congress to repeal the purposes of the Civil Rights Act, the two houses (June 16, 1866) submitted the Fourteenth Amendment, of which the main principles are four: (1) For the protection of the negro, all persons born or naturalized in the United States are declared to be citizens of the United States and also of the state in which they reside ; and states are forbidden to " deprive any person of life, liberty, or property without due process of law," or to "abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States." Thus a great area of power was transferred from the states to Congress (§ 437). (2) In order to favor negro suffrage, states were to lose part of their representation in Congress if they cut off any adult male citizens from voting. (3) To punish the leaders in the Con- federacy, many of them were excluded from office (§ 437). (4) To set a stigma forever on secession, the Confederate and state debts incurred " in aid of insurrection or rebellion against the United States " were declared void. In a formal reconstruction act (March 2, 1867) Congress passed over the "state suicide theory,'^ and accepted a com- promise between the "conquered provinces" and "forfeited rights " theories, by providing that the seceded states before they could come back into the Union must frame new consti- tutions, must give the negro the suffrage, and must ratify the 496 REOIIGANIZATION Fourteenth Amendment and thereby consent to punish their own leaders. The man most responsible for these severe conditions was Thaddeus Stevens of Pennsylvania. He was an excellent 427. Thad- lawyer with a good practice, who went into politics as a vens'f^ Whig, and made his debut in Congress in 1849 by leadership declaring that he was hostile to slavery "in every form and place." When the war broke out, Stevens was chairman of the Committee on Ways and Means, and legislative leader of the House. He com- plained of the House resolution of July, 1861 (§ 373), because the only object of the war was to " subdue the rebels." When people talked about the Constitution, he said in the House, "I hold that none of the states now in rebellion are en- titled to the protection of the Constitution." Ste- vens was one of the best debaters who ever sat in Congress, but he was ab- solutely one-sided in poli- tics and thought everybody on the other side a scoundrel. He was strongly in favor of emancipation, not so much to help the slaves as to hurt the slaveholders ; and he insisted on enlisting Congrex- negroes in the army, for lie said: "The only place where 'im-ifi'f'^' *^^i^y ^■•"' *'"'^ <' fraud seemed to show a lax morality in business and in the public service : (1) it was found (1872) that the Credit Mobilier, a corporation formed to build the Union Pacific Railroad, had offered bribes in the form of its stock to members of Congress ; (2) a Whisky Ring was unearthed (1875), which was defraud- ing the government by false accounts ; (3) Secretary Belknap, of the War Department, was detected in selling the privilege 508 REORGANIZATION to trade at army posts ; an attempt was made to impeach him, but he resigned, and the impeachment broke down for lack of a two-thirds vote (1876). The question of the currency came up again, and four sig- nificant statutes were passed by Congress : — (1) In 1876 the old "shin plasters," or fractional currency, were withdrawn, and silver dimes, quarters, and half-dollars were again issued. (2) In a long technical act on coinage (February 12, 1873) a clause was introduced — later dubbed the "Crime of 1873" — by which the coinage of the silver dollar was stopped. Inas- much as silver was worth more than gold at the ratio of 16 to 1 then in force, no silver dollars were then in circulation; but since gold coin was thereafter the only full legal tender coin struck by the mint, it became by this act the only legal stand- ard of values. (3) Vigorous efforts were made to add to the paper cur- rency. A bill passed both houses of Congress (April 14, 1874) for the issue of about fifty millions more of greenbacks; but President Grant vetoed it because " inflation " of the cur- rency by issue of more paper money was contrary to the policy and promises of the government. (4) An act (January 14, 1875) made preparations for resum- ing specie payments, by accumulating a specie reserve. Though the Civil War lasted only four years, it took about eight years longer to restore the Union on the old basis. The 441. Sum- main difficulties were two: (1) the war began on the ^^^ assumption that the states were in the Union, but when it was over, they could not safely be reconstructed at once ; (2) the North was afraid that the negroes would not receive their full rights unless they were protected by the national government. Congress took the process of reconstruction out of the hands y RECONSTRUCTION OF THE UNION (1865-1875) 509 of President Johnson, and tried to register the results of the war in three constitutional amendments. (1) The Thirteenth Amendment forbade the enslavement of the negroes ; this was generally accepted. (2) The Fourteenth Amendment was in- tended to give the negroes protection in their personal rights of holding property, fair trial, travel in public conveyances, and so on. The pith was taken out of it by the interpre- tation of the Supreme Court, and the states were left nearly free to deal with those questions as they saw fit. (3) The Fif- teenth Amendment was intended to assure the negroes the suffrage, but they were shortly deprived of it by intimidation and violence, and did not recover it. Nevertheless the actual result of reconstruction hasTjeen to condemn secession, and to call attention to the right of every man, white or black, to make the best of himself, and to give his children the best chance possible. In its finances, its com- merce, and its foreign relations, the United States got rid of the disturbances left by the Civil War with surprising quick- ness, and began a new period of advance. TOPICS (1) What was the purpose of the Thirteenth Amendment ? Suggestive (2) Why did the southern states ratify it ? (3) What did Lincoln ^°^^^^ think about reconstruction ? (4) Why could not the Repub- licans hold their two-thirds majority in the impeachment of Johnson ? (5) What was the argument of the Greenback party in 1868 ? (6) Why did the United States object to the presence of the French in Mexico ? (7) Why did the United States purchase Alaska ? (8) What were the arguments for the Pacific railroads ? (9) Why was Georgia twice set back in reconstruction ? (10) Why was the Civil Rights Act of 1875 held unconstitutional? (11) Why did Congress amnesty most of the Confederate leaders ? (12) Why did Great Britain apologize for the Alabama captures? (13) Jefferson Davis in Fort Monroe. (14) Vagrancy acts Search of 1865. (15) Management of the Freedmen's Bureau. (16) *°P^°° Public career of Andrew Johnson before 1865. (17) Thad- deus Stevens as a debater. (18) Secretary Seward's protests 1!1;'J1>'(;aM/..\ IION against tlic French ncrnpatinn of Mexico. (10) Rurlinsamc's mission and treaty witli the I'nited States in 18HH. (20) Ma^ssaore of fieneral Custer's coniuiand. (21) Early descriptions of a transcontinental rail journey. (22) Tiie carpetbag legislatures. (2;{) Origin i>f the Ku Kiux Klan. (24) The Credit Mobilier. (2-')) Amnesty Troclaniation of May, l.^(i'). (26) Wiiy were not southern representatives and senators admitted in December, 1865 ? (27) Debates on the reconstruction acts of 1867. (28) Why did the Supreme Court reverse its own legal tender decision ? REFERENCES Geography Secondary authorities Sources Illustrative works Pictures See maps, pp. 402. 10, 11, 516 ; Dunning, Rrronstrurtion. Wilson, Diciniini ami lifunion, §§ 125-loO; Joini.ston. Politics, 207-242 ; Stanwood, Presidencij, 318-355 ; Dunning, Beconstruc- tion, — Civil War and Itecnnxtructioit, 63-303; Wilson, Anipriron Peoplf. V. 1-104 ; Rhodes, United Stalpn, V. 516-626 ; Larncd, Jfixtor;/ for liffubj Pffrrrnce, V. 35()0. 3721, VI. 170; Curtis, Coiistitntionnl Ilistori/, II. 349-396 ; Landon, Constititlionnl Ilis- lorii, 2')0-2(i5, 331-348; Hrown, Loirpr South, 191-225; Dewey, Financial lliatorij. §§ 142-158, 16:;-170 ; Fo.ster, Century of Dijthnnacy, 401-437; Latanc'. United States and Spanish America, 136-174. 221-265; McCall, Thaddeus Stevens. 239-348; Storey, Charles Snmner, 255-270, 282-432 ; Hart, S. P. Chase, 319-435 ; Bancroft, If. //. Seicard, II. 419-500; Adams, C. F. Adams, 'M7- 397 ; Linn, Hoi-ace Gi'eelei/, 214-259. Hart, Source Book, ^% 127-132, 134, — Contemporaries, IV. §§ 141-157, 162, 163, llH-UCy, — Source Readers, IV. §§24-26; MacDonald, Select Statutes, nos. 44-95, 99 ; Hill, Lihertij Docu- ments, ch. xxiii.; Caldwell. Survey, I. 189-193; Territorial Develop- ment, 203-213; Johnston. American Orations, IV. 129-188; McCullough, Men and Mea.<atiox« (1W&-i»*>> 517 thU pror-fifw there whm plenty of " xt/xik Mraf^frinjj " — thiat i«, i»»uiiig of KhareM to an amount i^r(tiLtjip,r tJian thiifi ^^/«t of the i/ro[>- erty, and then trying to earn divi/len/l« on the wlmle capital. Up to the Civil War wjo»t of the rmlrftofh wtita organized in lengtlw of a few hundred] miiett at iu(^>Kt. (jorneiiiiis Van^ler- bilt, a steamboat king, bought an interest in several railroadii branching out frora New York, and in 1800 made a union between the Hu^bjon Kiver Kailroa-rl an/1 tlie New York Cen- tral, which gave an all-rail line, under one management, from the whiarvcH of Xew York to the wharveK of Buffalo. The Pennhylvania liailroa/1, till then running from Philadelphia to Fitt«burg, aV/«orbed the Fort Wayne route to ChLr;ago ^1809;, an/1 the Pan Handle route to Cineinnati and Ht. Ixiuis ; and in 1875 changed it« eastern terminus to New York. It al«o founde^l an " American Line" of steamers nH7'jj, mailing from Phila/lelphia to Liver£XK)L The great delay and exf>enise of ferry transfers led to the building of great taihf/iul and highv-ay bridges. The first bridge aeroHS the middle MiftgisKippi wa8 built at Bock Ldand, Illinoi«, in 1856. Between 1805 and 1880 that river wa« bridge/1 at a d^/zen other pla/;e8, and in 1874 the Ea/1>> fsteel arch railway V^ridge wa« ^x/nstructed at St. I»ui». In 1807 a wagon suspension bridge was built across the Ohio from Cin» cinnati to Covington : and tlie river was bridged for a railroad at Parkersburg in 1871. The greatest work of this kind was 518 HEORnANIZATTON tlie sus[)ensioii hiidge from New York to I'.rooklyn, begun in 1870, and opened for travel in 188l>. Another great improvement was caused by the invention of the Bessemer process for making steel direct from pig iron. The Bessemer steel furnished cheap and substantial railroad rails ; the stronger wheel base made it possible to run heavier cars, carrying loads still heavier, and thus transportation was cheapened. After 1880 the track gauges of almost all the rail- roads were made uni- form, so that through freight and passenger cars could be more widely used. Pull- man and other sleeping and parlor cars came into use. Pas- senger rates on through routes were reduced, mileage tickets were introduced, and better stations erected. New methods of sending intelligence came into use. The Western Union Telegraph Company absorbed a number of small companies, and spread a net of wires and offices over the Union ; and in 1806 the first permanently successful Atlantic cable was laid. The mail system also underwent three im- provements: delivery of mails by carriers (1863), postal money orders (1864), and mail cars in which clerks sort the mail while en ro^ite (1864). Parallel with the concentration of capital went a combination Making Bessemer Stkkl. The stream of fire is from the " converter." 448. Labor of labor. The census of 1880 showed 105,000 Chinese in and Btrikes the United States. On the Pacific coast, where they were ^ .most numerous, a prejudice (especially of white laborers) NEW FOUNDATIONS (1875-1885) 519 arose against them, and an agitator named Dennis Kearney, " the Sand Lots Orator," headed a movement expressed in the last words of his every speech, " The Chinese must go ! " In 1879 Congress passed a bill to restrict the coming of the Chinese. President Hayes vetoed it, lest China retaliate, but in 1880 he negotiated a treaty by which the Chinese govern- ment agreed that Congress might regulate Chinese immigra- tion. Congress thereupon " regulated " it by prohibiting it for twenty years (1882) ; and President Arthur vetoed this bill also. A modified bill was then passed under which the immi- gration of Chinese laborers was "suspended" for ten years; a principle to which the Chinese consented by treaty. Addi- tional acts to prevent Chinese from coming in secretly were passed, and in 1892, and 1902, the entrance of Chinese laborers was again prohibited for ten years. The action of Congress prevented the coming of hundreds of thousands of jnen who would have brought about a race difficulty like the negro question in the South. Trades unions were active long before the Civil War, and in 1869 the order of Knights of Labor was founded, as a general society open to workmen of all trades ; but its power was little felt before 1883. Contests between employers and organ- izations of workmen led to a series of terrible strikes, the worst of which was the railroad strike of 1877 at Pittsburg and other places. The railroads were paralyzed, trains and stations were set on fire, and millions of dollars' worth of property destroyed. The state authorities could not stop this disorder, and United States troops were eventually called in, and put it down. In the election of 1880 the Democrats, who had never ceased to call Hayes " the fraud President," hoped to be clearly 449. Ad- successful. They found a soldier candidate in General tjo^ of Winfield S. Hancock, one of the bravest and soundest President Arthur soldiers of the war. The friends of General Grant and (1881-1885) of Blaine again fought each other in the Republican con- HAET's AMER. H18T. 31 r>20 REORGANIZATION vention, and a compromise candidate was nominated, General James A. Garfield of Ohio, a good soldier and the Repub- lican leader in the House. General Hancock seemed likely to be elected, till he wrote a letter in which he said that the tariff was "a local issue." He carried every southern state (the beginning of the so-called " Solid South "), and New Jersey, Nevada, and California. Though in the popular vote about even with Garfield, he received only 155 electoral votes to 214. President Garfield was shot by a half-crazed man, and died (September 19, 1881); he was succeeded by the Vice Presi- dent, Chester A. Arthur of New York. Arthur proved a safe if not a brilliant President; and in his administration steps were taken to check the system of political removals intro- duced in Jackson's time, 'by which the smallest subordinate places were distributed by favor and generally as a reward for political service. Men were constantly removed to make room for new appointees ; and it was a regular custom to assess government employees a certain proportion of their salaries for the national party campaign funds. By, the Civil Service Act of January 16, 1883, it was provided that: (1) appointments to certain clerkships and other subordinate places in the govern- ment, commonly called "the classified service," were to be made only on competitive examinations ; (2) removals for political reasons were forbidden ; (3) political assessments by a govern- ment official or in a government building were prohibited. After 1879 money again piled up in the treasury and there was a popular demand, expressed by such men as James A. Garfield, for a reduction of the tariff. The discussion came to a head in 1882, and Congress authorized a commission to draw up a bill — the only case of the kind in our history. But Con- gress discussed, revised, and essentially altered the draft, so that the final outcome, tlie tariff of March 3, 1883, reduced duties on some kinds of goods, but raised the average rate of duty from about 43 per cent to about 45 per cent. NEW FOUNDATIONS (1875-1885) 521 After the settlement of the Alabama claims (§ 438) several questions of foreign policy arose in Latin America. President Grant threatened in 1875 to call on the great European 450. Cuba powers to unite with us in intervention in Cuba, and ^ *^j Spain made peace with the Cubans in 1878. Negro (1875-1881, slavery speedily died out in Cuba, and the trade of the island rapidly increased ; but as a participant in the rebellion after- ward said, " We went to work to save money for another revolution." In 1878 the government of Colombia granted a "concession" to a French company to construct a canal across the Isthmus French Work on the Panama Canal. Culebra cut, 300 feet above sea level. of Panama. The leading spirit was Ferdinand de Lesseps, who had constructed the Suez Canal, and who had the confi- dence of the French investors. He designed a tide-level canal through a divide about 300 feet high ; and the company at once began to raise money. Vainly did President Hayes try to arouse the people of the United States at the prospect of a canal to be controlled by Europeans, although in a message to Congress (1880) he said that a canal would be a great ocean 622 REORGANIZATION thoroughfare between our Atlantic and our Pacific shores, and " virtually a part of the coast line of the United States." From March to December, 1881, James G. Blaine was Secre- • tary of State. In those few months he attempted to found an 451. Pan- American policy which should bring about three things: V'^icy^^°^ leadership among the American states, reciprocity with (1881-1882) those states, and an isthmian canal under the control of the United States : — (1) Blaine was struck by the losses and confusion caused by the wars among the Latin-American powers. In 1881, after an exhausting struggle, the Peruvians were at the mercy of Chile, and Blaine instructed our ministers to Peru and Chile to use their influence to soften the demands of the conquerors. The ministers went beyond their instructions, and threatened ^ Chile, which left on the minds of the Latin-American states the impression that Blaine meant to settle their affairs for them. (2) Blaine strongly believed that it was for the interest both of the United States* and of the countries south of us to build up mutual trade by special " reciprocity " treaties, by which the tariff duties should be reduced on both sides ; but he could not persuade Congress of the need. (3) Blaine was very anxious to make it clear that the Pan- ama Canal was the special concern of the United States ; and he tried to get rid of the troublesome Clayton-Bulwer treaty. Great Britain simply stood by the treaty. A private company was formed in New York (1884) to build a rival canal by the Nicaragua route, and made some prelimi- nary surveys. The French Panama Canal Company was at work from 1881 to 1889 ; but after spending $100,000,000 on the canal and $160,000,000 more on salaries, commissions, interest, and nobody knew what else, the company failed (December, 1888) and the work was suspended. NEW FOUNDATIONS (1875-1885) 523 From 1875 to 1883 the most striking thing in American his- tory is the commercial development of the country. After the dangerous crisis of the disputed election of 1876-1877, the 452. sum- country was prosperous and put to use new methods of mary doing business. Never had there been such great under- takings ; cities were rapidly built up, towns and villages in- creased. Though most of the old canals fell out of use, the railroads were lengthened, improved, and consolidated into long systems. Railroad and other corporations came into being with such capital and power as the country had never before dreamed of. The laborers also began to understand the power of combination ; they forced legislation against the Chi- nese, and showed their power in several terrible strikes. The finances of the United States so much improved that specie payments were resumed in 1879, but at the same time the currency was expanded by the coinage of the Bland silver dollars. In the tariff discussion of 1883 an unsuccessful effort was made to adapt the revenue system to the changed conditions of the country. There was a beginning of national civil service reform, and an attempt was made to found a new foreign policy by asserting a special interest in Latin America. TOPICS • (I) Why were the soldiers removed from the South in 1877 ? suggestiva (2) What are the functions of a life insurance company ? (3) What topics is the difference between savings banks and national banks ? (4) What is the advantage of corporations over private firms ? (5) What is stock v/atering ? (6) Why did Kearney urge that "The Chinese must go" ? (7) Why did President Hayes object to a French canal across the Isthmus of Parfama ? (8) Why was General Garfield nominated for the presidency in 1880 ? (9) What is "the classified service" ? (10) Why did Blaine wish to abro- gate the Clayton-Bulwer treaty ? (II) Political career of Samuel J. Tilden before 1876. (12) De- search bates on the Electoral Commission Act of 1877. (13) What caused topics the fall in silver from 1872 to 1878 ? (14) Debates on the Bland 524 REORGANIZATION Bill, 1878. (15) Methods of the Tweed Ring. (10) Samuel J. Tilden's opposition to the Tweed Ring. (17) Early history of the Standard Oil Company. (18) Cornelius Vanderbilt as a rail- road king. (19) History of the Eads steel bridge at St. Louis. (20) History of the suspension bridge at Cincinnati. (21) History of the Brooklyn bridge at New York. (22) Submarine telegraph cables. (2.3) Origin of the Knights of Labor. (24) Debates on the Civil Service Act of 1883. (25) Why was General Grant not nominated for the presidency in 1876 ? (26) Why was James G. Blaine not nominated for the presidency in 1876 ? (27) AVhat were the principles of the Greenback Labor party ? (28) What were the objections to the votes of South Carolina, Florida, and Louisiana in 1876? Geography Secondai-y authorities Sources Illustrative works Pictures REFERENCES See maps, pp. 516, 581. Wilson, Division and Beunion, §§ 140-142 ; Johnston, Politics, 242-205 ; Stanwood, Presidency, 350-418; Wilson, American People, V. 104-100 ; Cambridge Modern History, VII. 644-654 ; Gay, Bry- anVs History, V. 447-485, 512-543 ; Earned, History for Beady Beference, V. 3577 ; Curtis, Constitutional History, IL 397-440 ; Dewey, Financial History, §§ 159-l(;i, 171-180; Noyes, American Finance, 17-103 ; Taussig, Tariff History, 230-250 ; Stanwood, American Tariff Controversies, II. 192-219 ; Latan^, United States and Spanish America, 198-214 ; Wilson, General Grant, 310-329, 350-364. Hart, Source Book, §§ 133, 135-137, 140, — Contemporaries, IV. §§ 158-160, 108, 169, 177 ; MacDonald, Select Statutes, nos. 96-98, 100-108; Johnston, American Orations, IV. 296-328; Appleton's Annual Cyclopaedia, 1875-1884. See N. E. Hist. Teachers' Ass'n, Syllabus, So8, — Historical Sources, § 90. Anonymous, Democracy ; G. F. Atherton, Senator North ; P. L. Ford, Honorable Peter Stirling ; Gwendolen Overton, Heritage of Unrest (Indians); F. H. Burnett, Through One Administration. Harper's Weekly ; Harper's Monthly ; Scribner's Monthly. CHAPTER XXXIII. ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL ISSUES (1885-1897) The presidential election of 1884 marks the time when the two national parties gave up the outworn issues of the Civil War and reconstruction, and began to divide on the 453. Change pressing questions of revenue, expenditure, currency, ° ^"issues trusts, and especially on the protective tariff. The Re- (1882-1889) publican candidate was at last James G. Blaine ; the Democrats put up Grover Cleveland, who had. been elected governor of New York in the year 1882 by the unprecedented plurality of 192,000. The campaign abounded in fierce personalities. Blaine's enemies secured and published certain "Mulligan Letters," which, they considered, showed that he had used his office of Speaker for the private advantage of himself and his friends. Cleveland was supported not only by his own party, but also by the "Mugwumps," or independent Republicans, who expected him to stand for purer politics. For several days after the election the re- sult was in doubt — without New York Cleveland could not 626 Grover Cleveland, about 1890. 526 REORGANIZATION be elected, and in that state he had a phirality of only 1149, in a total vote of 1,167,000. The " Solid South," with Indi- ana, New Jersey, New York, and Connecticut, gave Cleve- land 219 electoral votes against 182 for Blaine from the other states. As Cleveland was the first Democratic President since Bu- chanan, his election seemed to his opponents a revolution, and it was freely predicted that he would pay off the Confed- erate debt or even reduce the negroes again to slavery. He was a resolute President who vetoed 301 bills, and followed Grant in defeating many private pension and relief bills ; but the Democrats never had a majority in the Senate during his first term, and the President could do little to secure legisla^ tion to carry out the purposes of his party. Nevertheless during Cleveland's administration and that of his successors many important non-political acts were passed. 454 Filnff '^^^ West at last saw the end of half a century of Indian ap the West difficulties, when the Apaches, the most ferocious of the " hostile tribes, were subdued in 1886. The next year Congress passed the Severalty Act, under which the best In- dians were encouraged to leave their tribes, take up separate farms, and become citizens. A part of the Indian Territory was set off as the Territory of Oklahoma (1890) ; and the open- ing of part of this new area of farm lands caused a frantic rush (April 22, 1889), from the border line to the interior, to stake out and take up farms and town lots. The reason for this stampede was that good farm lands owned by the government were almost all taken ; and the grazing lands were gone, or were controlled by ranchmen who had got posses- sion of the river fronts, indispensable for watering cattle. In Colorado, Utah, California, and other states, water companies were formed to irrigate land. This gave rise to lawsuits over " water rights," especially when people lower down the rivers began to ^'oniplain that the streams were diminishing. ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL ISSUES (1885-1897) 527 In 1902 the federal government stepped in and appropriated for large irrigation works the proceeds of the public lands in many western states. To protect government timber, and keep the streams from drying up, the federal government from 1891 to 1903 set off 47,000,000 acres of public land for forest reserves; and it had also set apart, as national parks forever, ohe upper Yellowstone and Yosemite valleys, and several groves of big trees in California. The West insisted on and secured six new states — namely, the agricultural states of North Dakota, South Dakota, and Washington (1889) ; and the mining and grazing states of Montana (1889) and Idaho and Wyoming (1890). Utah was not included, because the territorial government was not able to prevent the practice of polygamy, which was enjoined as a moral duty by the leaders of the Mormon Church. As several milder statutes failed. Congress passed the Edmunds-Tucker Act (1887), punishing polygamy with heavy penalties, and at- tempting to turn over to the public schools the property of the corporation called the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter- Day Saints {i.e. the Mormon Church). The church then offi- cially declared against polygamy, but it was not till January 4, 1896, that Utah was allowed to become a state, and then on the solemn pledge in the state constitution that polygamy should never be allowed. The South, like the West, went through great social and eco- nomic changes. After the war it recovered its supremacy in the world's cotton market. The thin and worn-out soils 455, Yb» were strengthened by the universal use of fertilizers ; ^^^ South and the formerly valueless cotton seed became a valuable by- product. Rice culture spread from South Carolina into Lou- isiana and Texas ; and, under the tariff, sugar growing became profitable in Louisiana. Many of the splendid forests of hard pine and other timber were reached, cut, and sold. Manufactures at last reached the South. The abundant 528 REORGANIZATION coal of northern Alabama was so near good ore that at Bir- mingham and elsewhere pig iron could be made cheaper than anywhere else in America ; and great rolling mills and rail mills grew up. In 1901 immense deposits of oil were dis- covered in Texas, furnishing a cheap fuel. Cotton mills were started on a great scale, but had to depend on the labor of the poor whites ; for few foreigners come into the southern states, and the negroes, though they perform most of the unskilled labor in the South, do not seem adapted to the factories. The South also enjoyed a large intellectual growth ; public Stanford University, California. (Gateway and cloisters.) schools were founded, including hundreds of high schools ; col- leges increased in number ; several states, notably Virginia, North Carolina, and Texas, fostered vigorous state univer- sities. For the negroes there were founded separate public schools (mostly elementary) ; and good private institutions at Hampton, Atlantk, Tuskegee, and elsewhere, which prepared the most ])romising negroes to be teachers, ministers, doctors, lawyers, and also mechanics and farmers. Education throughout the country made great advances after 456. Mod- 18()."); and nearly twenty colleges Avere founded exclu- «rn educa- tion sively for the education of women, while many of the old ECONOxMIC AND SOCIAL ISJ5UES (1885-1897) 52\) universities opened their doors to women. Tlie founding of Johns Hopkins University in 1876, on the German model, stirred up all the older endowed and state universities, and was followed by Tulane in New Orleans (1884), Leland Stan- ford (1891), and Chicago (1892). The methods of college education altered ; less classics and mathe- matics were required, and more sciences, modern lan- guages, philosophy, eco- nomics, and English; there was less routine and more elective work ; less rule and discipline, and more freedom ; less horseplay, and more ath- letics. Public schools, both city and rural, im- proved by new subjects of study, new methods of teaching, and better- trained teachers. New libraries appeared in all parts of the Union, both in the great univer- sities and in cities, espe- Vopyright^ l'K)2, hy C. C. LangiU. St. Patrick's Cathedral, New Yobk, opened in 1879. Designed by James Renwick. cially the Boston Public Library, the New York Public Library, the Newberry in Chicago; and a palatial building was erected for the enormous collection of the Library of Con- gress at Washington. Many small libraries were enlarged by gifts made by Andrew Carnegie, a man of large fortune, who also gave (1901) a great fund to endow scientific and historical research. .030 REf)RGANIZy\ riON American litoratiiro by 18U0 liud lost, its ^reat lights of the "golden age"; but a new snliool of writers arose — John 467. Litera- l^'i-ske, Henry Adams, James Ford Kliodes, and Alfred T. tureandart Malum among historians; liret Harte, W. J). Howells, George W. Cable, and Winston Churchill among novelists; "Mark Twain" (S. L. Clemens) and "Mr, Dooley" (Finley Peter Dunne) among satirists; among essayists and depieters of character, Joel Chandler Harris and Thomas Nel- son Tage ; and the best American illustrated monthly magazines are unrivaled in their kind. For the first time in American history, a gen- uine native school of art develo))ed, including Ab- bey, Sargent, and (Jliase, among the great artists of the world; MeMounies, St. CJaudeus, and Daniel French, sculptors for the ages; Hunt and Richard- Dcsigii.'.i by Hie-iiiiiclsoii. son and McKim, world- renowuetl architects. Americans, begrnning with Frederick Law Olmsted, learned to make beautiful grounds, parks, and boulevarils, and to adorn them with such memorials as the Washington iMonument in Washington, and such public build- ings as the Museum of Fine Arts in Chicago. Hundreds of new inventions, and improvements in old ones, 458 7 came into use after the Civil War: systems of heat- resflof in- ing buildings by hot air, steam, and hot water; artificial yen ion j^^ _ barbed wire fencing and wire nails ; house drain- age; building pajjer ; elevators for storing and loading grain; Tkinity Church, Boston, < nMii.i' H' i> IN 1K77. ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL ISSUES (1886-1897) 53] passenger elevators in high buildings; asphalt and wooden block pavement; plate glass windows of largo dimensions; improved lirearnis, especially the automatic machine guns of Hiram Maxim and others ; new explosives, especially dyna- mite ; sulky plows and other farm machinery ; compressed air drills for mining; steel safes and bank vaults; chemical dye- jtuffs; new metals and alloys. Many new safety appliances were adopted in the steam railroad service, especially the air brake, introduced by George Westinghouse in 1868, the automatic coupler, the continuous car |)latforin and vestibule, telegraphic train dispatcdiing, and auto- matic switches and signals. The system of "assembling" machines out of [)arts, each of which is made by the thou- sand in standard dimensions, has wonderfully cheapened many lines of mainifacturing : it is applied all the way from watch-making to locomotive building. It learls, howevei-, to subdivision and specializa- tion of labor, and tends to diminish all-round training of mechanics. Three machines deserve LiNOTvrK Machine. special mention: (1) the low ^^^^^^^ -^ ''"« "^ 'yi'« '" ""« P'^'c". from iriHlricciS " HCt " by iiho of a key- bicycle appeared about 1876, board and afterward "distributed" and has been followed by the automatically, automobile; (2) the typewriter, first put on the market in 1874, furnishes a new employment for thousands of men and women; (3) the type-setting and type-casting machines, per- fected after 1890, have quickened and clieapened the process of making books and newspapers. 532 REORGANIZATION The greatest inventive leap has been the use of electricity, especially in four forms : (1) electric lights, — first the arc, then the incandescent, — pushed into use by Charles F. Brush and Thomas A. Edison, who took out at Washington more than one thousand patents for various inventions ; (2) the tele- phone, first exhibited by Professor Alexander Graham Bell in 1876; (3) electric trolley cars taking power from a wire, made practicable about 1880 ; (4) electric motors for fixed machinery and for wheeled vehicles. Corresponding to the development of new mechanical proc- esses was the growth of new forms of business organization. 459. The Corporations were so numerous and so useful that it was trusts 3^ great step when (about 1850) the states began to stop making special charters, and allowed people to incorporate themselves under general laws. Such corporations enjoy two special privileges : the right to hold corporate property and to sue; and the limited liability of stockholders, relieving them from responsibility in their private property for the debts of the company. In return, the states have a right to regulate corporations in ways not applied to private partnerships. Nevertheless many things make it hard to keep them in con- trol : (1) The corporation may be so rich and powerful that it simply ignores the laws and government, as happened in the early days of the " Standard Oil Company " ; (2) the corpora- tion, though acting within the law, may have a monopoly of some line of business — such as sugar refining — and thus defy competition ; (3) one corporation may own another corporar tion, and mix up the accounts of the concerns, often to the disadvantage of the small owners of the stock ; (4) to float new enterprises, great bankers and capitalists sometimes get together in " syndicates " with secret and complicated interests and obligations ; (5) occasionally several corporations, instead of combining, make an agreement that the stock of all the corporations shall be held and voted by a body of trustees. ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL ISSUES (1883-1897) 533 The last case is, strictly speaking, the only real "trust"; but the name is loosely given to any large corporation or com- bination of corporations which is trying to control a large line of business — such as the meat trust and the tobacco trust. A very common form of " trust " is a company or group of companies which controls some public service, such as water, gas, or traction, and often holds a city at its mercy. The so-called trusts increased very fast after 1890, the most striking being the United States Steel Company, organized in 1901 with a capital of $1,100,000,000. The great corporations most in the public eye are the rail- road companies. Railway kings like William H. Vanderbilt, Jay Gould, James J. Hill, and E. H. Harriman have 460. Con- consolidated small roads into systems thousands of miles "'uortatitm in extent, especially the trunk lines from Chicago to (1881-1887) New York, and the transcontinental routes. Up to 1887 the only power which regulated the railroads was that of the state governments, sometimes working through railroad commissions, with power to investigate and supervise, or even to fix rates. The states, however, had no complete control over business passing from one state to another, for interstate commerce is subject to the federal government. The railroads, therefore, contrar}' to the established legal principle that a common carrier must take everybody's freight on equal terms, were in the habit of making discrimination between shippers : (1) they gave special rates to large shippers ; (2) they charged higher freights fo^ a shorter distance — say from Chicago to Syracuse — than for a longer distance on the same route — say from Chicago to New York ; (3) they formed " pools," or agree- ments, by which all the freight offered was arbitrarily divided among competing roads. The federal government for many years let the railroads alone, and gave its attention to water ways. Every year or two after 1870 a river and harbor bill passed Congress, and :34 REORGANIZATION became law, unless, as several times happened, it was vetoed. In 1879 Captain Kads built a system of jetties at the mouth of the Mississippi, which made New Orleans a deep-sea harbor. For the enormous lake trade in iron ore, coal, grain, and lumber, the government built a ship canal between Lake Superior and Lake Huron, around the falls of Sault Ste. Marie; deepened the channels through St. Clair Lake and the Detroit River; Locks of the Sault Canal, completed in 1896. and made harbors at Chicago, Milwaukee, Cleveland, Buffalo, and many smaller lake ports. Eventually public sentiment forced Congress to pass the "Cullom Act," or Interstate Commerce Act (February 4, 1887), to regulate commerce between the states, on the following principles: (1) the railroads were forbidden to make a higher charge to one customer than to another for the same service ; (2) they were forbidden to form "pools"; (3) all freight rates were to be publicly posted and could neither be raised nor lowered without notice ; (4) by the "short haul clause," no railroad could charge more for carrying freight a shorter distance than it charged for carry- ing freight over the same line to a greater distance; (6) the 461. Na- tional con- trol of interstate commerce ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL ISSUES (^1885-1807) 535 roads were to make sworn reports of their business to the government. To carry out this act, an Interstate Commerce Commission was provided with power to investigate and make decisions. Since 1887 Congress has passed other acts on inter- state trade, increasing the power of the commission ; prohibit- ing the roads from combining to restrain trade (1890); stopping the transportation of liquors into prohibition states (1890) ; compelling the roads to use a uniform car coupler (1893) ; and forbidding the circulation of mail or express matter intended for lotteries or gift concerns (1895). The advances to the Pacific railroads (§ 434) by 1899 amounted to $64,000,000 of the original bonds, and $72,000,000 of interest, paid by the United States. Under pressure from the government, the roads repaid nearly all of this money. The regulation of railroads suggested that Congress might also regulate any corporation or trust which did a foreign or interstate business. Accordingly Congress passed the 462. Regu- Sherman Anti-Trust Law (July 2, 1890), which penalized corpora- illegal combinations of manufacturing and trading com- tione panies, as well as of railroads. In some cases trusts used their monopoly to sell cheaper to foreigners than to home customers. The states also tried to regulate corporations in business done entirely within the limits of one state. Some states have gas, insurance, and other executive commissions; some rely on requiring corporation accounts to be filed ; some tax the trusts ; and New York state, in 1899, taxed the traction companies on the value of their privilege to use the streets. The labor unions grew as fast as the trusts. The first large unions were made up of all the men in a particular trade that would join — for example, the Brotherhood of Locomo- -„, - -q, tive Engineers. In 1886 the American Federation of andimmi- Labor was formed, to unite so far as possible the special trades unions into a national body, which should have authority to order men in one trade to strike in order to help strikers in hart's amer. hist. — 32 ")36 REORGANIZATION another tradp ; and the Federation thronf:jh strikos pressed the issue whether eni[)k)yers would "recognize the union," — that is, would make agreements with their employees only through officers of the union, — and would establish the "closed shop" — that is, would employ only union hands. The supply of labor was affected by a wave of immigration of races which, up to 1870, were not much known in America — Italians, French Canadians^ Poles, Bohemians, Hungarians, Bussian Jews, Slovaks, Armeni- ans, Greeks, and Syrians. The workingmen secured from Con- gress a series of acts somewhat restricting immigration. (1) Con- victs, idiots, and like unfit persons were shut out, and a head tax of fifty cents was laid on all immi- grants admitted (1882). (2) Con- gress excluded "contract labor- ers " who might come over under an agreement to take a specified job when they arrived (1885). LANDiNii OF iM.MKiKA.NTs, I'joo. (3) Polygamlsts, diseased persons, and persons unable to support themselv-es were shut out (1891). (4) The immigrant head tax was raised to two dollars (1903), That some foreigners were dangerous to society was shown by an anarchist outbreak in Chicago (May 4, 1886). After weeks of violent speeches, principally by foreigners, urging people to resist the government, a dynamite bomb was thrown in the Haymarket and killed seven policemen. The crime was supposed to result from the utterances of the anarchists ; several of them were convicted, and four were executed. After the assassination of McKinley by an anarchist, the immigra- tion of anarchists was prohibited (1903). ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL ISSUES (1885-1897) 53Y A test of the power of the new labor unions was a series of great strikes. The first came in 1886 on the Gould system of railroads leading southwest from St. Louis. In 1892, .„. - ^^ ^^ in a fearful strike at the Homestead Iron Works near strikes Pittsburg, a body of private guards, furnished by a de- tective agency, and sworn in as constables, were fired upon by the strikers, several of them killed, and wounded men were put to death by infuriated men and women. There were many strikes during 1893 and 1894, of which the worst began in a strike of the hands employed by the Pullman Car Works near Chicago. The American Railway Union, through their presi- dent, Eugene V. Debs, took up the dispute, and demanded that the company settle it with them, as representing organized labor. When the company refused, Debs called out the railroad men on a " sympathetic strike " ; and the men on one road after another refused to handle first Pullman cars, then the cars of the " tied-up roads," till the whole railway business of Chicago, and indeed of the whole great country west of Chicago, was in confusion. Non-union men (called " scabs " by the strikers) who were employed by the railroads were beaten, and some of them killed. The unions disclaimed responsibility for these acts of violence. As the government of Illinois did not keep order, President Cleveland made use of the only organized force adequate for such cases by calling out United States troops to prevent the obstruction of United States mails and of interstate commerce (July 8, 1894), This broke the strike, and the Pullman Com- pany then came to an understanding with its employees. A federal court served an injunction on Debs, forbidding him to interfere with interstate commerce. As he ignored this injunc- tion, Debs was imprisoned for contempt of court, and the Supreme Court of the United States held the sentence good. Economic reforms can be carried out only by wise and impartial governments, and people awakened to the need of 538 REORGANIZATION purifying national, state, and municipal politics. President Cleveland mad^ some progress in improving the civil service ; 465. Politi- but outside the "classified service" he sanctioned thou- forms sands of removals, especially among the postmasters, in (1883-1895) order to make room for party friends. Under Cleve- land's successor, Harrison, the chairman of the Civil Service Commission was Theodore Roosevelt, who gave the name of " Merit System " to the method of opening the public service to those who passed the best competitive examinations, and he followed up officials who violated the law; 44,000 offices were by 1893 placed in the classified service. Several other defects in the workings of the federal govern- ment were corrected in this period. A Presidential Succession Act (January 19, 1886) provided that in case of the death or disability of the President and Vice President, the Secretary of State should fill the vacancy, and if he were disabled, some other member of the Cabinet in a specified succession. The danger felt in 1877 in the count of electoral votes for President was removed by an act (February 3, 1887) for accepting as final the certificate of state electoral authorities. The Ten- ure of Office Act of 1867, which caused the impeachment of Johnson (§ 429), was completely repealed (March 3, 1887). The House of Representatives found its business blocked by " fili- bustering " motions and amendments meant to kill time ; and under the leadership of the Speaker, Thomas B. Reed, one of the ablest men of his time, adopted in 1890 a new code of rules giving the Speaker more power to stop such practices. The states felt the reforming spirit, and two of them — New York (1883) and Massachusetts (1884) — passed statutes for the Merit System ; and it was later introduced into Chicago (1895) and other cities. The cities tried to improve their governments by securing new cliarters from the legislatures. New York and Brooklyn and several smaller places united in 1897 in the city of " Greater New York/' second in popu- ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL IftSUKS (1885-1807) 539 lation and wealth only to London. To solve the difficulties of handling great numbers of people by private traction com- panies, independent subways were built by the cities of Boston (1898) and New York (1904) ; and Chicago, in 1903, took steps looking to public ownership of all the traction lines in the city. Several states made more stringent laws against fraud and ^^^- ,___:zx^-^^::^=^^ ,m ^m =-S^-'" -^"-■.'■i^- . _^ntr^^ A ,^-^,|Pp' ^.:, -^^fc, .^^^^^ Williamsburg Bridge, New York. (Completed in 1904 ; main span, 1600 feet.) bribery in elections, and for preliminary registration of voters. To protect the voter in his right to cast a secret ballot, the states began, in 1888, to provide the '' Australian ballot," an official list of all the accredited candidates, on which the voter in a booth by himself marks with a penciled cross the names or party tickets voted for. A majority of the states have adopted this ballot, and also laws against soliciting votes at or very near the polling place ;' the reform aids secrecy in vot- 540 REORGANIZATION ing, and tlius lielj)s iiulependent candidates. Many states have also passed laws to regulate the "caucus" or "primary meeting," so as to give all the voters of a party a chance to take part in nominating candidates. For many years the suffrage tended constantly to expand, till in 1869 it was extended to women in Wyoming. A num- ber of other far western territories and states adopted the same rule. About 1890 began a reaction against a general suffrage in the southern states, marked by a series of new constitutions providing educational and tax qualifications, intended to ex- clude most of the negroes. Another development in the states was the provision in many constitutions for the "initiative" and "referendum," — methods for proposing laws and for sub- mitting them to acceptance or rejection by popular votes. Side by side with the legislation by the nation and states on general economic and social problems went a long and fierce 466 Reve- struggle over national finance, especially the tariff and the nue and currency. President Cleveland set the political issue for the tariff -^ . '^ (1887-1890) the campaign of 1888 in his annual message of 1887, Contcmpo- in which he discussed only the tariff: "It is a condi- g2o ' tion which confronts us — not a theory," said he. The " condition " was an annual surplus which, in 1887, reached $56,000,000, and which was partly due to the high import duties. It locked up, in the treasury, currency needed for trade, and was a temptation to extravagant appropriations. The Democratic convention of 1888 unanimously renominated Cleveland ; the Republicans settled on IJenjamin Harrison, who had been senator from Indiana, and candidate for governor of that state. For the first time the Republican platform and party made high protection a party principle. By a plurality of 13,002 votes in New York, Harrison carried that state, and thus secured 2.33 electoral votes to 168, and was elected ; though the Cleveland men cast about 100,000 more popular votes than the supporters of Harrison. ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL ISSUES (1885-1897) 541 In the session of 1888-1889 a controversy arose about pen- sions. Congress had kept the promises made to the soldiers during the Civil War — that they and their families should not suffer want because of their service. Pensions were liber- ally voted to the widows and minor children of soldiers killed ; and to the living veterans suffering from permanent wounds or disability contracted in the service, if they needed help; and in 1889 the pensioners numbered 490,000 and drew $89,000,000 a year. A Dependent Pension Bill passed both houses (January 31, 1887), granting a pension to every sur- vivor of those who had served in the war if not able to support himself by physical labor. Cleveland vetoed it on the ground that there was no public need for pensioning men who had means or could be supported by their children. The first Congress under Harrison had a Republican major- ity in both houses, and began in 1890 to vote money freely : $20,000,000 of direct tax paid during the Civil War (§ 380) was refunded to the northern states ; public buildings were provided for small cities ; a ship subsidy act was passed, under which about $700,000 a year has since been paid; the Dependent Pension Act was passed, and the outgo for pensions jumped up to an average of $140,000,000 a year. A new navy had already been begun, and in 1893 the country possessed " the white squadron " of armed cruisers, besides gunboats and tor- pedo craft. In accordance with the Republican platform of 1888, a new tariff was drawn up by the Committee of Ways and Means, of which William McKinley was chairman, and the bill took its name from him. The Republicans argued the necessity of pro- tecting American manufacturers and laborers from foreign com- petition, and of reserving "the liome market" for American producers; the Democrats contended that the tariff kept up the prices to the consumer of protected products, was class legislation, and brought in an unnecessary and dangerous sur- i42 REORGANIZATION plus. The tariff of 1883 on dutiable goods averaged about 45 per cent; the McKinley tariff (passed October 1, 1890) raised it to about 49 per cent; but the "free list" of goods admitted without duty was larger iu the McKinley bill than in the previous tariff. The debates on the trusts and on the tariff brought out the fact that the South and AVest felt — with some reason — that 467. Free they got less than their share of the nation's pros- the'tarlff perity. Hence the formation (1887) of a Farmer's Alli- (1890-1895) ance, which carried the stanch Kepublican states of Kansas and Nebraska; and a National People's party was soon ?8 tJ.lo J.00 .70 .60 4SO v40 ^0 J20 .10 1900 tl.IO 1834 1840 .70 .CO .50 .40 .30 I9I0 1850 1860 1870 1880 1890 1900 Change in the Market Price of Silver. Distance from base line shows gold value of the silver in a .silver dollar. formed (May, 1891). The silver-producing states — Colorado, Montana, Wyoming, Idaho, and Nevada — joined the move- ment, because the price of their product Avent down from 89 cents in gold, for the weight of a standard silver dollar in 1878, to 73 cents iu 1889, and 07 cents in 1892. The combination ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL ISSUES (1885-1897) 543 showed its strength in 1890 by introducing a bill for the free coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to 1; which would have enabled owners of silver bullion to turn it into legal tender silver dollars. To head off this bill, Congress passed the Sherman Act (July 14, 1890), which provided that the Secretary of the Treasury should buy 4,500,000 ounces of silver bullion each month at the market price, paying for it in a new kind of paper notes. Thus a market was given to the silver producers^ and the currency was increased to satisfy the West and South. The McKinley tariff raised the prices on silk, woolen, and cotton goods of every kind, and thus brought its effect home to thousands of buyers. Hence the Democrats went hopefully into the campaign of 1892^ on the tariff issue, and again nomi- nated Cleveland, who won a sweeping victory. He had 277 electoral votes to 145 for Harrison and 22 for a People's party candidate, and a popular plurality of 380,000 ; and his party elected a majority in the House and Senate for 1893-1895. When Cleveland was a second time inaugurated (March 4, 1893), the treasury was in difficulties, which brought on the severest commercial crisis in twenty years. A panic was prevented only by the banks standing by one another, and calling on Congress for relief. As always happens in hard timies, the tariff revenues fell off ; the expenses of the govern- ment increased ; and the gold in the treasury ran down till it looked as though the holders of the paper notes would make a run on the treasury. A special session of Congress reluc- tantly listened to the appeals of President Cleveland and the bankers, and stopped the silver purchases (November 1, 1893). After a few months business revived. The Democrats kept their campaign promise of making a new tariff, which was framed in 1894 by William L. Wilson, chairman of the Ways and Means Committee ; but the Senate, under the lead of Gorman of Maryland, put in so many pro- tective duties that the President would not sign it, but let it 544 REOKGANIZATION become an act without his signature. The act included an income tax of 2 per cent on aK incomes exceeding $4000 a year, which of course bore hardest on the wealthy eastern and middle states. On a test case, the Supreme Court decided (May, 1895) that any income tax levied on income from real estate or personal })r()[)erty was unconstitutional unless dis- tributed in proportion to the population of the states, although Electric Towkr, in Kxi'< U FKAI.O, 1901. such a tax had been levied during the Civil War (§ 380) ; and the treasury was obliged to give up a revenue estimated at $40,000,000 a year. The customs dropped from $203,000,000 in 1893 to $132,000,000 in 1894 ; and for the first time since the Civil War there was a serious deficit, amounting to $70,000,000 ; for several years this deficit was re})eated, so that the ])ublic debt incieased $250,000,000 previous to the Spanish War of 1898. ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL ISSUES (1885-1897) 545 Notwitlistanding the hard times of 1893, a inagniiicent World's Columbian Exposition was held at Chicago dur- 468. ing that year. The buildings were superb and the ex- Ww-ld's hibits very striking, and 23,000,000 admissions were (1893-1904) recorded. Similar exhibitions were held on a smaller scale at Buffalo (1901) and at Charleston (1902), and a still larger and more elaborate one at St. Louis in 1904. Many new foreign questions arose after 1885, in which James G. Blaine, as Harrison's Secretary of State from 1889 to 1892, was a principal agent. Blaine was born in Penn- ^gg j^^^. sylvania in 1830, settled in Maine, went to Congress in America 1863, was Speaker from 1869 to 1875, and then Senator from Maine. He was always a strong partisan, believed in his own side and hated and attacked his political opponents. He was an effective debater, but made many enemies by saying bitter things — as when he called Senator Conkling of New York a "turkey cock." Blaine has often been compared with Henry Clay, whom he much resembled in his strong assertion of the rights of America, his power of making personal friends, and his long and unsuccessful ambition to be President ; but he was too quick and aggressive to be a good diplomat. Blaine could not get on with President Harrison, resigned in 1892, and died not long after, a disappointed man. The question of the Isthmus made no progress under Blaine's second secretaryship of state. In 1890 he called a Pan-American Congress at Washington, which recommended a Pan-American bank, a Pan-American railroad, and commercial reciprocity treaties. Some such treaties were negotiated but were never confirmed by the Senate, because reciprocity with our neigh- bors means that both sides shall reduce their tariffs. The difficulty of keeping on good terms with our Latin- American neighbors was shown by a dispute with Chile. Some of the men of the United States ship Baltimore were **ttacked on the streets of Valparaiso (October, 1891) ; one was 540 REORGANIZATION killod and several wounded'. Three months passed without a suitable apology, and President Harrison (January 25, 1892) sent a message to Congress suggesting war ; but on the same day the long-delayed apology came, and hostilities were avoided. Blaine inherited and aggravated another dispute which took several years to settle. The United States claimed that its 470. The possession of the seal fisheries in Alaska included the the fisheries ^^^^^le Bering Sea; and Canadian vessels which took (1886-1893) seals in the open sea were seized by our revenue cutters (1886). Blaine defended the seizure, on the ground that Bering Sea belonged to the United States, although John Quincy Adams in 1823 absolutely denied that anybody could shut up any part of the north Pacific Ocean. Then Blaine argued that the seals really were a kind of tame " seal herds," the property of the United States wherever they went, even in the open sea. In 1893 the controversy was settled by a board . of arbitration in Paris, which decided against the United States. The people of the United States were suddenly aroused in December, 1895, by an unexpected message from President 471. Ven- Cleveland, describing a long-standing boundary contro- boundarv versy between Venezuela and the British colony of Brit- (1896) ish Guiana, and stating that Cieat Britain had declined the mediation of the United States and refused to arbitrate the dispute. This action Cleveland and his Secretary of State, Richard Olney, construed to be an attempt by Great Britain to Co tn-Do control part of an American state, and hence contrary raries,IV. to the Monroe Doctrine. "To-day the United States," said Olney, "is practically sovereign on this continent, and its fiat is law upon the subjects to which it confines its irv terposition." The President unmistakably threatened war. A commission was appointed by the President to find out the true Venezuelan boundary. Great Britain was taken aback at this unexpected feeling on a dispute which seemed ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL ISSUES (1885-1897) 547 far removed from any interest of the United States, but grace- fully yielded and accepted arbitration; and the arbitrators decided (1899) that Great Britain was entitled to most of the territory claimed. Low prices for silver, wheat, and cotton kept the West and South poor; the People's party controlled several states, and took up as its special grievance the repeal of the 472. Eler- silver purchase in 1893. On this question the Democrats *^°° °^ ^®^^ were divided. Their regular convention met at Chicago (July, 1896), protested against the income tax decision, declared for the free coinage of silver, and nominated William J. Bryan of Nebraska, a remarkable speaker and leader. The People's party, including many former Republicans, also nominated Bryan for President, but put up a separate "middle of the road " man for the vice presidency ; the two parties, however, practically voted for the same electoral ticket. The "Sound M^oney Democrats " made a separate nomination. The Republican nominating convention at St. Louis in 1896 declared again for protection and adopted a plank against free coinage of silver, unless the principal nations of the world would agree to it; they nominated their logical candidate, William McKinley of Ohio. In the lively campaign of 1896 both McKinley and Bryan spoke frequently to immense audi- ences. The result was for a long time in doubt; but wheat unexpectedly rose in price, and Mr. McKinley gained in the farming states, and was elected by 271 electoral votes to 176, and a plurality of 600,000. He received the votes of all the northeastern and central states, North Dakota, California, Oregon, and four southern states ; and the Republicans got control of both houses of Congress. # Though the tariff played little part in the election. President McKinley summoned a special session of Congress, which passed the Dingley tariff (July 24, 1897), the third within seven years. This tariff restored and somewhat raised the 548 REORGANIZATION scale of the McKinley duties. Its enemies in Congress main- tained that it was passed in fulfillment of a promise to the protected industries that they should have some return for making large contributions to the campaign fund. A great increase in the world's production of gold put the currency question on a new basis so that it was not difficult to secure an act of Congress (March 14, 1900) establishing the single gold standard. The period from 1884 to 1897 was one of great excitement. Four times there was a change of parties in the White House ; 473. Sum- and the country saw four successive tariff acts : (1) the °^*^ act of 1883, which was rather more protective than the previous war tariff; (2) the act of 1890, which was highly protective; (3) the act of 1894, which was still protective, although the duties were reduced ; (4) the tariff of 1897, which was the highest of the series. The contest over the currency was marked by the Sherman silver purchase act (1890), the repeal of that act (1893), and the gold standard act (1900). The organization of labor and of capital came forward in a new shape, by the attempt to unite all the skilled labor of the country in a national labor union, and by the creation of cor- porations with immense capital, controlling whole lines of business. Congress passed several acts to control "trusts" doing an interstate business — the Interstate Commerce Act (1887), the Anti-Trust Act (1890), and the act for publicity of accounts (1903). Controversies with foreign countries related almost wholly to American questions, especially reciprocity, the Bering Sea sealing question, the isthmian canal, and the Venezuela boundary. War was several times possible, but tlie spirit of peace prevailed. Throughout the country there was prosperity notwithstanding the crisis of 1893 ; inventions increa"sed, the ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL ISSUES (1885-1897) 549 comforts of life were greater, education was better and more widely spread; it was a liappy country. TOPICS (1) Why did new issues come up in the presidential election of Suggestive 1884? (2) What does " mugwump " mean? (3) Why was the ^°^^'^^ South "solid" in 1884? (4) Why has the United States so rapidly disposed of the arable public land ? (5) Why have so many women's colleges been founded since 1865 ? (6) Why have there been so many inventions since 1865 ? (7) What is the ad- vantage of general laws for corporations over special charters ? (8) Why do so many river and harbor bills fail to get through Congress ? (9) What is tlie advantage of publicity in corporation accounts? (10) Why are "contract laborers" forbidden to i'urai- grate to this country ? (11) Why was the Tenure of Office Act repealed in 1887 ? (12) What are the advantages of the Australian ballot? (13) What is the objection to a surplus ? (14) Why was the French Panama Canal a failure ? (15) Political career of Blaine up to 1884. (16) President Search Cleveland's vetoes. (17) Rush for land in Oklahoma in 1889 ; in ^°^^'^^ 1891 ; in 1893. (18) Beauties of the Yosemite Park. (19) Beau- ties of the Yellowstone Park. (20) Description of the Library of Congress, (21) Mr. Dooley on American politics. (22) Winston Churchill's historical novels. (23) Debate on the Interstate Com- merce Act of 1887. (24) Haymarket mob in Chicago in 1886. (25) Speaker Reed's "counting a quorum," January, 1890. (26) Financial crisis of 1893. (27) Debates on the Wilson tariff of 1894. (28) Proceedings of the Pan-American Congress of 1890. (29) Nomination of Bryan in 1896. (30) Debate on the Dingley tariff of 1897. (31) Why did the Supreme Court disallow the income tax in 1895 ? REFERENCES See map, pp. 10, 11 ; Semple, Geographic Conditions, 310-396 ; Ford, National Problems. Wilson, Division and Reunion, §§ 142-148 ; Johnston, Politics, 265-279 ; Stanwood, Presidency, 419-569 ; Ford, National Problems ; Wilson, American People, V. 169-269 ; Cambridge Modern His- tory, VII. 655-674, 697-722 ; Gay, Bryant's History, V. 544-674 ; Larned, History for Beady Reference, V. 3581, VI. 145, 553, 684 ; Brown, Lower South, 247-271 ; Cable, Negro Question; Dewey, Geography Secondary- authorities 550 REORGANIZATION Illustrative works Fiixniriaf Ifis/nr>/, §§ IS|-l!if"i ; Xfiyfs, Amrrirdn Fi))a)tri\ 101- 264 ; Tiiiissif;, TnriXf llii't(>rii,'l'>\-\W ; Slanwdod, Aincn'can Tariff Controvprsies, II. 21!>-3'.)4 ; Mart, I'rartirnl Exsnys, !>8-l;!2. Sources Hart, Source Book, § 138, — Conlanporarien, IV. ij§ 101, 104- 167, 170-172, 178, 17!», 197-209; MacDonald, Select Statutes, nos. 109-127 ; American History Leaflets, no. 6 ; Johnston, Arnerican Orations, IV. 238-269, 329-420 ; Appleton's Annual Cijclopoedia, 1886-1897. See N. Eng. Hist. Teachers' Ass'n, Historical Sources, §§ 90, 91. Frank Norris, The Octopus, — The Pit ; Will Payne, Money Captain ; H. K. Webster, Banker and the Bear (corner) ; Merwin and Webster, Calumet " /i','' — Short Line War (labor, corpo- rations) ; Anonymous, The Breadioinners ; Octave Thanet, Heart of Toil ; J. A. Riis, Ho^o the Other Half Lives, — Children of the Poor; W. E. B. DuBois, Souls of Black Folk; P. L. Dunbar, Folks from Dixie ; C. W. Chesnutt, Marroto of Tradition (negroes) ; Eimma Rayner, Handicapped among the Free (negroes) ; C. E. Craddock, Prophet of the Great Smoky Mountain; Owen Wister, The Virginian (Western) ; M. H. Foote, Coeur d^Alene (mining), — Chosen Valley (irrigation); M. L. Luther, The Henchman. Pictures Harper's Weekly; Ha7'per''s Monthly; Scribner''s Monthly, Century. CHAPTER XXXIV. THE SPANISH WAR AND ITS RESULTS (1897-1903) A NEW era of national history began when our territory was extended by war with Spain in 1898. After the end of the Cuban insurrection in 1878, Cuba quickly recovered pros- 474. The perity, till the island had an export trade of $100,000,000 g^rreSiio^n a year, most of it to the United States./ Yet many of (1895-1898; the native-born Cubans were discontented, for in government and society they were considered inferiors by the "peninsu- lars," or native Spaniards; taxes were high; and the trade of the island was, so far as possible, kept in the hands of Spanish merchants. An insurrection broke out in Cuba in 1895, aided by a "Junta," a council of wealthy Cubans in the United States, who within three years sent from the United States more than twenty filibustering expeditions, with arms and men for the insurgents. The war was savage on both sides; the sugar plantations were devastated, and neither party could beat the other. The Spaniards held the western end of the island, and ordered the people outsidei the towns to come within the Span- ish lines into reconcentrado camps, where many of them miserably perished. Property was destroyed, often that of American citizens ; and some American residents, traders, and newspaper correspondents were arrested on proof or on sus- picion that they were helping the insurgents. A natural sympathy with a people struggling for independ- ence led a Senate committee, in 1896, to investigate the 475. Causes conditions of Cuba. Public feeling was aroused in Feb- • h 1^" ruary, 1898, by the publication of a private letter of the (1895-1898) hart's amer. hist. — 33 551 552 THE NEW REPUBLIC Spanish mi nisi or T>e Lome, which in translation seemed to speak slightingly of the President and the American govern- ment; and De Lome was obliged to resign his post. Demonstrations against the Americans in Havana led our government to send the battleship Maine to that city. On the night of February 15, 1898, the Maine was blown up Ijy an explosion, which killed 260 of the men ; and an American naval board of inquiry later reported that the ship was de- stroyed by a submarine mine. Our consul-general, Fitzhugh Lee, said: "I do not think it was put there by the Spanish government. I think probably it was an act of four or five subordinate officers." Yet there was a widespread feeling in the United States that the Spanish government was responsible. War was so likely that Congress placed at the disposal of the President $50,000,000 for national defense (March 9, 1898). President McKinley and Thomas B. Reed, Speaker of the House, were both anxious to prevent war; but there was a strong public feeling that Spain could not keep order in Cuba, could not subdue the insurgents, and could not protect Ameri- can property or even the shipping in Cuban harbors. The time seemed to have come to end the Spanish government in the western world. Senator Proctor of Vermont added to the flame by a speech describing the horrors which he had seen in Cuba (March 17, 1898). After some months of negotiation with Spain, in which guarantees of reform in Cuba were proposed by Spain, but 476. Out- thought insufficient, President McKinley sent a mes- s"ii8h **"* sage to Congress (April 11, 1898), in which he described War (1898). the loss of property and life, and said, "In the name Conteinpo- q£ humanity, in the name of civilization, in behalf of raries, IV. ■' ' • . i • i 576 endangered American interests, which give us the right and the duty to speak and act, the war in Cuba must stop.'* April 20, 1898, a joint resolution was passed directing the President to use the military and naval forces of the United THE SPANISH WAR AND ITS RESULTS 553 States to compel Spain to leave Cuba. To this measure was added the Teller resolution: "That the United States hereby disclaims any disposition or intention to exercise Congres- sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control over said island ex- ^^TTagT^'s cept for the pacification thereof, and asserts its determi- p- 4040 nation, when that is accomplished, to leave the government and control of the island to its people." On the outbreak of war. Commodore Dewey, in command of the American vessels in the Pacific, was ordered to find and fight the Spanish fleet sta- 477. Cam- tioned in the Philippine ^p^hmp^i^eS Islands. He had six ships (1898) (and a dispatch vessel), of which the largest was the cruiser Olympia, of 5870 tons. The Spanish fleet, consisting of four iron cruisers and one wooden one, besides auxiliary vessels, was found lying under the guns of the forts of Cavite, in Manila Bay. May 1, 1898, Dewey at- tacked: after four hours' spir- ited fight he set the Spanish fleet on fire ; and that night he was able to send home a brief dispatch to the effect that he had destroyed eleven vessels and the fort; that his squadron was uninjured, and that a few men were slightly wounded. Dewey anchored off the city of Manila, which for some time remained in the hands of the Spaniards. He brought with him to the island, Aguinaldo, a Philippine native of influence, who had been engaged in an insurrection against the Spanish power, and who raised a Philippine army to besiege the city on the land side. Manila was attacked by sea and land and WAN NEGR S U L U- S E A P^ J j O SULU BRITISH <'N^ ■>■ ' •■" tlORIH BORlfglV.- ^ rS LANDS CELEBES The Philippines. 554 THE np:w republic Admiral Gborqe Dewkt. eventually taken (August 13, 1898) by a fleet under Dewey, and an American army under General Wesley A. Merritt. Al- though no promise was ever made to Aguinaldo by Dewey or any one else, he firmly expected that he would have the opportunity tc found a Philippine state, and h'ts troops remained in the trenches before Manila, side by side with the Americans. Cuba was very soon blockaded by a fleet under the command of Admiral Sampson, but the Spaniards could be forced to 478 Cam- ^^^^^e Cuba only by an army. As the United States had paign in only about 26,000 regular troops, the President called for " * ^ ^ 125,000 volunteers, and Congress authorized the increase of the regular army to 63,000 ; in a few weeks about 200,000 men were enlisted in the volunteers, consisting in good part of state militia regiments or smaller commands. The navy was well organized ; but the army was mostly not trained for Alger, campaigning, and the War Department was not prepared Spanish- ^ handle, clothe, or feed so many men. Secretary of War, 455 War Alger said, " It is doubtful if any nation rated as a first-class power ever entered upon a •CAii or mill 100 too aoo ATLANTIC war of offense in a condition of less mili- tary preparation than was the United States in 1898." Meanwhile a second Spanish fleet of four cruisers and three tor- Routes of Fleets to SAMTLioo DK Cuba. THE SPANISH WAR AND ITS RESULTS 555 pedo boats left Spain for Cuba. Admiral Schley with a flying squadron was sent out to look for the Spaniards, and with some difficulty ascertained that they had slipped into the harbor of Santiago de Cuba. Admiral Sampson then took command and blockaded the port. A few days later Lieuten- •ant Hobson gallantly tried to block the harbor by sinking the collier Merritiiac in the channel. A small force of 17,000 men was brought together in Tampa Bay under General Shafter, and landed on the south coast of Cuba, a little east of Santiago (June 22), whence it marched up to capture that city from the Spaniards. ' The army had no proper transportation or medical supplies, and the food was poor and sometimes scanty. No Cuban army could be found. The principal fight was at San Juan Hill (July 1, 1898), in which good service was done by the " Rough Riders," part of Roosevelt's dismounted cavalry regiment. On July 3, 1898, the Spanish fleet under Admiral Cervera made a dash out of Santiago. Admiral Sampson's flagship, New York, was out of range to the east- ward, and Admiral Schley was jiext in command. In execu- tion of Sampson's standing orders the American ships dashed at the enemy, and in a running fight forced ashore and destroyed all four of the cruisers and two torpedo boats, with little damage to any of the American ships. The credit for this victory is due to the vim and dash of all the officers and men engaged, and also to the foresight of Admiral Sampson, who made preparations to receive just such an attack. . The troops now pushed nearer to Santiago, and U. S. Ship Neit York in 1898. 656 THE NEW REPUBLIC that city with its garrison surrendered July 17, 1898. The island of Porto Rico was taken by 17,000 men under com- mand of General Miles, who landed July 25, on the southwest coast, moved eastward and took the city of Ponce, and then crossed the island to San Juan, There was little resistance, and the people welcomed the invaders. The Spaniards still had a force of about 50,000 men at Havana, and the little American army at Santiago was 479 End of ^'^''^ady seized with fever. It was not properly sup- the war plied with hospital tents and medicines, and ten of the 1898) general officers united in a so-called "round robin" -Alger, addressed to General Shafter, to say, " This army must Spanish- American be moved at once or it will perish." Accordingly it War, 265 ^g^g transported from Cuba to Long Island (August 7). Spain was evidently incapable of further resistance, and in her behalf negotiations were opened at Washington and on August 12, 1898, a " protocol," or agreement, Avas signed, under which Spain -was to evacuate Cuba, and to cede Porto Rico to the United States; the future of the Philippines to be settled by a later treaty of peace. The protocol came too late to stop hostilities at Manila, for the city surrendered August 13, before the news of peace arrived. For the definite treaty of peace President McKinley ap- pointed a special commission. That commission found its 480 Treaty ^^^^^ ^^^k the disposition of the Philippines, which were of peace very distant from the United States, and had a mixed population ranging from head-hunting savages to highly civilized Spanish-speaking gentlemen. Several methods of settlement were suggested: (1) Should the United States leave the islands or a part of them to Spain ? (2) Should an independent government of the natives receive control, as Aguinaldo's large following desired? (3) Should the islands be annexed outright to the United States ? The arguments for annexation were: (1) that they were a THE SPANISH WAR AND ITS RESULTS 557 rich and fertile region which the United States would be glad to possess ; (2) that the war with Spain had destroyed the government of the Philippines and made it the duty of the United States to give the people a just and orderly govern- ment ; (3) that the Philippines were so near the coast of Asia that they would give the United States a commanding position aud great influence in the opening up of trade with China and the interior of Asia, For some time the President hesitated. Annexation of dis- tant islands seemed a departure from all the previous policy of the government; but both McKinley and his new Secre- tary of State, John Hay, agreed that it was the course most likely to bring peace to the islands, and to give the United States a position in the Pacific. The treaty of peace, signed at Paris December 10, 1898, provided that " Spain relinquishes all claim of sovereignty over and title to Cuba," and ceded outright Porto Rico, the island of Guam in the Ladrones, and all the Philippine Islands. The United States was to pay $20,000,000 to Spain. A treaty does not go into effect until ratified by two thirds of the Senate, and for some time it was doubtful whether such a majority could be obtained for the annexation of the Philip- pines. Bryan, as a Democratic leader, came to Washing- ton and used his influence with Democratic senators to join in making the necessary two-thirds majority ; the treaty was ratified by the Senate February 6, 1899, and approved by the President February 7, but was not ratified by Spain till March 19, and was not proclaimed by the President till April 14, 1899. After the capture of Manila, Aguinaldo still hoped for inde- pendence, and kept up his forces outside the city of Manila. American troops were sent to Uoilo, on the island of Panay 481 . Phil- (December 24, 1898), showing an intention to hold the auesUon islands permanently. The Philippine leaders grew dis- (1899-1902) contented, and their soldiers brought on a fight (February 4, 558 THE NEW REPUBLIC 1899) ; hence, on tlie date of the ratification of the treaty by the Senate (February 6), an insurrection was going on against the United States. For two years Aguinaldo kept togetlier an organized force, until he was made a prisoner ; and the insur- rection continued in various parts of the islands until 1902. Street Scene in Manila, 1900. The treaty of 1899 declared that "the civil rights and poli- tical status of the native inhabitants of the territories hereby ceded to the United States shall be determined by the Con- gress." Accordingly a modified form of territorial government was created for Porto Rico (April, 1900), in which the majority of the upper house of the legislature is appointed by the Presi- dent; but the act did not make Porto Rico part of the United States, like Hawaii (§ 483). For the temporary government of the Philippines the President, on his own responsibility, appointed two successive commissions of civilians, and Congress later authorized him to establish a government at his discretion (March 2, 1901). He continued the former commission under Judge Taft, and it organized a government for the islands, and local governments wherever it was safe. THE SPANISH WAR AND ITS RESULTS 559 Troubles at once arose over the tariff in the dependencies. The question, so far as it concerned Porto Rico, was settled by the act of April 12, 1900, providing a special tariff for that island, but allowing it speedily to come into the regular tariff system of the United States — that is, to be free from all duties on trade with the states. In 1901 the Supreme Court supported this legislation by decisions in the " Insular Cases " in which the majority of the court (5 to 4) agreed: (1) that Congress could make a separate tariff for the dependencies; (2) that Porto Rico and the Philippines were not foreign countries; (3) that they were also not complete parts of the United States, unless Congress should choose to incorporate them. Acting on those principles, Congress made a special tariff of import duties in the Philippines (March 8, 1902), and fixed the duties on imports from the Philippines into the United States at three fourths the rates en similar imports from other countries. By another act (July 1, 1902) a bill of rights was adopted which contained substantially the guarantees of per- sonal liberty set forth in the federal Constitution, except the clauses for jury trials and for keeping and bearing arms ; and a permanent form of government — substantially that previously framed by the Commission — was created by Congress. Judge Taft was appointed civil governor under this statute, which also made provision for a future Philippine assembly. As Cuba was completely disorganized by the war, United States troops remained in the island. General Leonard Wood was appointed military governor, and within a few 482. Rela- months the island was restored to order; roads and tele- °^^cuba graphs were built, hundreds of schools were opened, and (1898-1903) prosperity slowly returned. What were to be the future rela- tions of the United States to Cuba ? Annexation was out of the question, in view of the Teller resolution of 1898. By the " Piatt Amendment '' (March 2, 1901), Congress laid down as 560 thp: new kei'ublic bases for the future government of Cuba the following prin- ciples : (1) Cuba must make no foreign agreements contrary to the interests of the United States ; (2) (Juba must not incur a debt that she could not pay ; (3) sites were to be ceded on the Cuban coast for United States naval stations ; (4) Cuban ports must not be allowed to be breeding places of disease. A Cuban constitutional convention agreed to these conditions (June 12, 1901), and formed a republic of which General Palma was elected first president. The control of the island was formally given up to the new government (May 20^ 1902), and the United States troops were withdrawn. Next came the question of the commercial relations of the two countries. The Cubans had lost their former market in Spain, and expected that the United States would make a reduction on the regula,r tariff duties on imports from Cuba. As the House paid no attention to urgent messages from both President McKinley and his successor. President Roosevelt, a treaty was negotiated (1903) for a 20 per cent reduction on regular import duties, and was ratified by the Senate with a proviso that it be subject to the approval of the House of Representatives, a very unusual method of securing a treaty. The interest of the United States in the Pacific led to several other annexations of territory. The Hawaiian Islands since 183. An- 1876 had enjoyed a favorable commercial treaty with us; •hePacific* ^^^ ^^ 1893, with the countenance of marines landed .1898-1899) from a United States ship, a party which included most of the people of American descent in the islands revolted from the native monarchy and set up a republic. President Cleveland would not agree to annexation, but a joint resolution of Congress (July 7, 1898) soon brought the Hawaiian Islands into the United States, and in 1900 they were organized as a territory. The United States, Great Britain, and (Jennany all had in- terests in the Samoa Islands ; honee a tripartite treaty had been agreed on (June 14, 1889), by which the three powers admin- THE SPANISH WAR AND ITS RESULTS 561 istered the islands together. The natives tried to fight out their own quarrels, aud this led to such confusion that in 1899 the three powers made a division treaty, by which the United States took the island of Tutuila with the harbor of Pango- Pango, the best in the group. Various small islands, Baker, Midway, Wake, Howland, and others, which lay in the mid- Pacific and had never been claimed by any other power, were annexed by the United States, as landing or telegraph stations. The United States and its Possessions. The results of the war of 1898 gave the United States a new place in the world's councils. In a conference held at the Hague, in Holland, to discuss means of preventing wars, 484. China the influence of the United States Avas high among the Qpgjj ^^^^ twenty-seven nations represented, and helped to bring (1898-1903) about a general treaty providing courts of arbitration (1899). That influence was also strong in China, where Prance, Great Britain, Germany, Japan, and Russia were all trying to take and keep Chinese territory. The Chinese grew alarmed, and in 1900 a revolution of the so-called Boxers broke out, which 562 THE NEW REPUBLIC swept over the northeast part of China, cost the lives of several hundred Europeans, and ended in a relief expedition made up of detachments sent by Great Britain, France, Germany, Japan, Kussia, Italy, and the United States, which marched up into the country and rescued the ambassadors and others wlio had been besieged in Peking (August 14, 1900). The European pow- ers wanted to take territory from China, but Secretary Hay, for the United States, insisted that they should accept the " Open Door " policy — that is, that no part of China be cut off from the general commerce of the world. By consum- mate American diplo- macy the other pow- ers were brought to accept the plan of the United States, During this period. President McKinley came more and more to the front as a man of power. He was born in Niles, 486. Wil- Ohio, in 1843, served with gallantry in the Civil War, and rose from a private to a major. In 1877 he was sent to Congress, whex^e he grew in reputation, and in 1889 was made chairman of the Ways and Means Committee ; that is, leader of his party on the floor of the House ; and to him was committed the task of drafting the new tariff in 1890. By a " gerrymander " he lost his seat in Congress, but in 1891 William McKinlkv, in I8'.t4. liam McKin ley, Presi- dent THE SPANISH WAR AND ITS RESULTS 563 he was elected governor of Ohio, and he was the logical candi- date of his party for the presidency in 1896. His intimate friend, Marcus A. Hanna, came into the Senate from Ohio, and was the President's right-hand man. McKinley was one of the most gracious and genial men who ever sat in the White House, and charmed almost everybody who met him. Cuba had been misgoverned for nearly four centuries, and when the people revolted and there seemed no end to a cruel contest, the United States restored peace by a short war, 486. Siim. in which the losses of killed and wounded on both sides ma.Tj were less than 6000, though the war cost the United States about $100,000,000 in taxes and $200,000,000 in increase of debt. In the process the United States acquired the island of Porto Rico, and thus became for the first time a West Indian power. It also took in the group of the Philippine Islands with 120,000 square miles and 7,000,000 inhabitants. The native Filipinos disliked the Spanish rule, and were no better pleased with American control. They revolted, and order was restored slowly and at great cost of life. The war left many troublesome questions, such as the tariffs between the new dependencies and the main country, and local government for the native peoples. On both these matters the United States adopted rules for the Porto Ricans and Filipinos which did not apply to the states of the Union or to the territories. As a result of the enlarged interest in the Pacific, Hawaii and several small islands were annexed ; and the United States for the first time took a leading part in an Asiatic question by insisting on a proper settlement of the Chinese difficulty. Changes in territory, and increase of area and population, were less significant than the springing up of the feeling that the United States was concerned in all that affected the future of the world. 664 THE NEW KEl'UBLIC Surrestive topics Search topics Geography Secondary authorities Sources Illustrative works Pictures TOPICS (1) Why were the Cubans dissatisfied with the Spanish govern- ment ? (2) What was the objection to the reconcentrado camps ? (3) Wliy was tlie Teller resolution of April, 1898, passed ? (4) Why was Aguinaldo brought to the Philippines ? (5) Why was not the United States better prepared for war? (6) Why was the army in Cuba defective in transportation and medical supplies ? (7) Why did Santiago surrender so quickly ? (8) Why did the United States pay $20,000,000 to Spain ? (9) Report of the Senate committee on Cuba in 1896. (10) Destruction of the battleship Maine. (11) Native govern- ment of Cuba during the insurrection. (12) The siege of Manila, 1898. (13) Hobson's sinking of the Mei-rimac. (14) The fight at San Juan Hill. (15) The Rough Riders. (16) Naval battle of Santiago. (17) The Schurman Commission on the Philippines. (18) The present government of the Philippine Islands. (19) The present government of Cuba. (20) Public services of William McKinley previous to 1896. (21) Why did President Cleveland oppose the annexation of Hawaii ? (22) What right had the United States to reform the government of Cuba ? REFERENCES See maps, pp. 553, 564, 561 ; Semple, Geographic Conditions, 397-435. Latan^, America the World Power, — United States and Spanish America, 174, 175, 214-220 ; Wilson, American People, V. 269- 300 ; Cambridge Modern History, VII. 674-686 ^ Lamed, History for Beady Reference, VI. 65, 171, 225, 258, 367, 583 ; Elson, Side Lights, II. 352-401 ; Dewey, Financial History, §§ 197-202 ; Car- penter, American Advance, 288-331 ; Callahan, C^iha, 453-497 ; Maclay, United States Navy, III. 39-440 ; Titherington, Spanish- American War ; Brooks, War with Spain. Hart, Source Book, §§ 141-145, — Contemporaries, IV. §§ 180- 196 ; MacDonald, Select Statutes, nos. 128-131 ; Old South Leaflets, no. 114 ; Hill, Liberty Documents, ch. xxiv. ; Caldwell, Territorial Development, 213-255 ; Appleton''s Annual Cyclopcedia, 1898-1903. See N. Eng. Hist. Teachers' Ass'n., Historical Sources, §92. F. P. Dunne, 3fr. Dooley in Peace and War, — Mr. Dooley in the Hearts of his Countrymen ; Stephen Crane, Wounds in the Pain. Leslie's Official History of the Spanish- American War: Haiper^s Weekly ; Harper'' s Pictorial History of the War loith Spain ; Collier'' s Weekly; Century; Scribner''s; McClure's. CHAPTER XXXV. WHAT AMERICA HAS DONE FOR THE WORLD The history of our beloved country can not be understood unless we think of it as the story of the progress pf ^g.^ .^j^^ great ideals and principles. Having followed it to the American * rac6 end of the nineteenth century, let us now consider what America has accomplished which will be transmitted to pos- terity. The United States has taught the world how to make a great modern nation out of a variety of races and peoples. According to the ^s_^ federal census of 1900, in the total " continental " population of 76,- 000,000 people, about 10,000,000 were born outside this country, 16,- 000,000 were chil- dren of foreign- ers, and 9,000,000 negroes. Yet all the elements of this enormous population had a common set of political traditions and methods, and, with few exceptions, held themselves to be Americans and devoted only to this country. About 43,000,000 Americans lived in the valleys of the Missis- sippi and of the Great Lakes. This middle West has come to 565 •^ B ^^ SettiedAre* to.1880. *• □ Dot8 Bhow re^ioDS settled betweep 1860 and 1900 Settled Area in 1900. 56G THE NEW REPUBLIC liave the most people, the most votes, and the most influence in national affairs ; but the East with its seaports and connection with Europe, and the far West with its farms, mines, and work- shops, are closely united. Even the old sectional feeling be- tween North and South seems almost spent, and one American race and spirit is developing throughout the broad land. The mixture of races is aided by the practice of moving freely from state to state. In 1900 14,000,000 persons born within the United States were living outside the state of their birth. The United States grew from about 400,000 square miles . in 1776 to 3,747,000 square miles in 1900 by the following additions of territory to the original thirteen states : (1) torial ex- the Northwest Territory, in part conquered by General pauBion George Rogers Clark in 1778, in part ceded by the treaty of 1783 ; (2) the country south of the Ohio River, in part pre- viously occupied by the Kentuckians and Tennesseeans, but chiefly gained by clever diplomacy in 1782 ; (3) Louisiana, pur- chased from France in 1803; (4) Oregon, discovered in 1792, explored in 1805, occupied as wild territory in 1811 ; (5) West Florida, conquered in 1810-1814 ; (6) East Florida, purchased in 1819; (7) Texas, annexed as a state in 1845; (8) New Mexico and California, conquered in 1846 and ceded by Mexico in 1848 ; (9) the Gadsden Purchase, bought from Mexico in 1853; (10) Alaska, bought in 1867; (11) the Hawaiian Is- lands, annexed by consent in 1898 ; (12) Christmas, Wake, Baker, Rowland, Midway, and other islands, earlier discovered but added as wild territory in 1898; (13) Porto Rico, Guam, and the Philippines, conquered in 1898 ; (14) Tutuila and some other small Samoan islands, wild territory confirmed as our sole possession in 1899. These acquisitions, most of them brought in peacefully, have given to the United States a magnificent frontage on the Atlan- tic, on the Gulf of Mexico, on the Great Lakes, and on the Pacific, with outlying island possessions and naval stations. 567 568 THE NEW KKITHLIC The United States in 1900 \v;is far the strongest force in North America, the leading power in the West Indies, and was on the way, through its control of a canal, to dominate Central America; while from the Philippines she spoke with authority on Asiatic questions. Much of the history of the United States is the story of the swift occupation of new territories. The English colonists 489 Recla- ^^^'^^ practically on the seacoast, but during the Revolu- mation of tion began the long process of clearing the wilderness just beyond the Appalachian ranges, and then of settling the country farther west. In 1787 the tide began to push into the Northwest. In 1800 Indiana and western Kentucky were the frontier; in 1810 the Mississipj)i River; in 1821 Missouri was admitted into the Union ; in 18o0 the extreme limits of settlement were the Missouri River and the lower Rio Grande. Already population was working backward from the Pacific coast, and by 1890 there was a continuous belt of states across the continent. The Indian tribes were pushed aside by this onset of back- woodsmen. A series of bloody wars, which made both sides more ruthless, destroyed the red man's power before 1880, though the total number of Indians has not nruch diminished. As the wheatfield and cornfield advanced, the forests fell. Swamps were drained, roads created, streams bridged, houses built, schoolhouses provided. Never has mankind seen such a speedy and complete conquest of the wilderness. This westward movement was in part an application of one of the greatest lessons which America has taught mankind, tlie 490 Per- I'ig^t of personal liberty, the right of every man and Bonal lib- woman to be free from arbitrary arrests, from unfair trials, and from unaccustomed punishments; and the broader right to move about, to work where one will, to go from place to place, and to engage in the trade or business for which a man or woman is capable. WHAT AMERICA HAS DONE FOR THE WORLD 569 To four classes of the American population these rights have not been freely given: (1) the tribal Indians, not settled on separate lands, are treated as a kind of big children; (2) the Chinese now in the country are subject to special restriction, and no more laborers are allowed to come; (3) Filipinos are practically not free to come to the main part of the United States, and in their islands are treated much like the Indians ; (4) the negroes, for a century and a half held in bondage, are still under many practical and some legal disabilities. The destruction of slavery was a great triumph for human freedom ; for slavery was always a denial of the fundamental principles of American liberty ; as Emerson says, " If you put a chain around the neck of a slave, you bind the other end around yourself." Slavery brought on the Civil War in 1861, and the Civil War destroyed slavery. America has set for the world an example of toleration of both political and religious opinions. A man may speak his mind on any public question ; he may call his neighbors ^gj intel- together in a public meeting ; he may publish his doc- lectual . . freedom trines in a newspaper; he is not subject to punishment for any opinion, unless he urges his friends to break the laws. The United States has enjoyed the same freedom in religion ; for the first time in the history of the world men have been free to preach and practice any form of religion which does not interfere with the morals or welfare of the community. Americans also have had thfe freest opportunity of education. The community provided public schools where all children might be educated at the expense of the state ; though if any one preferred to pay for a private tutor or private school, secular or denominational, he might do so. Thus every child has had a chance to make the most of himself; and the state has found the advantage of bringing up people who know hart'8 ambr. hist. — 34 570 THE NEW REPUBLIC something, wlio can express their ideas, and avIio can Teason. No other country in the world has made such a provision of endowed and public high schools, colleges, universities, and professional schools of science, law, medi- cine, and other subjects. No other country has had so- many libraries or such wide- spread habits of reading. Most of these advantages can be enjoyed by women on the same terms as men, Statue to a Founder of Schools, and the United States is the James McDonough, New Orleans. country which has employed the largest number of women teachers. Among modern nations, the United States is celebrated for its use of labor-saving machinery and devices. Americans 492. tJse of taught the world how to save farm labor, and American machinery farm machinery has been used the world over — mowers, reapers, and such marvels as the thirty-horse harvester, which goes through a field of wheat and delivers the grain ready thrashed in bags. Machinery has also been employed here for manufactures to a greater degree than anywhere else. The willingness of the American workmen to accept, use, and even invent new ma- chinery is one of the reasons for the prosperity of American manufactures. No other nation has made such elaborate use of electricity. Electric cars were first introduced into the United States ; the telegraph and the telephone are American inven- tions; and the telephone has extended into the farms to make life brighter in the remotest corners of the country. The use WHAT AMERICA HAS DONE FOR THE WORLD 571 of electric light is widely diffused ; and the water powers of the southern and the western mountains light distant cities. To America the world owes many forms of commercial organization. Railroad business has been revolutionized by American cheap steel and American railroad management, ^gg j^g._ The average trainload of freight, moved by one engineer, ness organ- one fireman, one conductor, and a small train crew, was in 1900 two or three times as large in America as in Europe. The best passenger ti-ains in the world were run on the "through routes in the United States. If we only had every- where good stations, clean, handsome, and large, we should have little to learn from Europe about transportation. American trusts, with all their difficulties and dangers, have shown a high degree of commercial skill. It is not an easy matter to induce a dozen large owners to unite in one company with one general manager, but there is sometimes a great saving in the expenses of management and of selling goods, in book- keeping and the cost of manufacture. Thirty-horse HARVKsiiiK. (.Ubuu ou Facitic elope.) 572 THE NEW REPUBLIC Nowhere in the world has there been such a large area of rich and productive territory without any artificial barriers to trade and intercourse. From end to end of the United States there was in 1900 one post-office system, two telegraph companies, four large express companies, one system of cur- rency, and one general system of transportation of through freight and through passenger cars. Neither state nor federal government could hinder free trade from one state to another; hence business men and commercial travelers moved from one end to the other of the land, looking for goods and for cus- tomers ; and freight was cheaply shipped wherever there was a market. For many years the United States was free from the old mediaeval idea of a guild controlling a whole trade, limiting 494 Free- ^^^® number of apprentices, and holding a monopoly of dom of employment in that trade. American boys and men have been allowed to choose their calling for themselves. The American principle is that a man is free to make his own contracts with his employer, except that laws may wisely limit the hours of labor, regulate child labor, and compel the em- ployer to look out for the safety of his workmen. On the other hand, for many years the American workman has been free to combine with his fellows in trades unions, and to strike if he feels like it. As workmen increase and employers organize, it is natural for the labor unions to be eager to enroll members, because their success depends on bringing into one society all the men who can do the work. Hence they feel that the nonunion man is acting against them ; and in a strike they go so far as to accuse him of steal- ing their jobs, and of taking the bread out of their mouths. The trades unions up to 1900 habitually made use of three devices which caused trouble in every strike: (1) they "picketed" the premises of employers, and tried to persuade nonunion applicants for work to keep away ; (2) they called WHAT AMERICA HAS DONE FOR THE WORLD 573 out men in "sympathetic strikes" — that is, strikes of men who have no grievance of their own, but wish to bring pressure to bear in aid of their brethren; (3) the " boycott " was freely used ; for instance, when the employees of a street railway struck, the strik- ers often refused to trade with or consort with peo- ple who rode on cars conducted by nonunion men. All these methods may be, and sometimes have been, used to limit the American freedom to choose one's own employ- ment, and to do business where one will. A Monument to Labor. Designed by Tilden ; San Francisco. association Americans have a freedom hardly known on the continent of Europe, to form societies for any legal purpose. Secret fraternities, such as the Masons, the Odd Fellows, and ^g. -, the Knights of Pythias, have millions of members. The dom of churches are, from one point of view, social organizations for common benefits. There are now many regular meetings of business men, such as the Bankers' Association and the annual conference of manufacturers of bolts and nuts. Simi- lar meetings are held by men of science and learning, among them the American Association for the Advancement of Sci- ence, the American Historical Association, and the National Educational Association. Ever since the war patriotic socie- ties have thriven, such as the Grand Army of the Repub- lic, the Loyal Legion, and the Daughters of the American Revolution. Similar societies have been organized in the 574 THE NEW REPUBLIC South, such as the Daughters of the Confederacy. All these organizations, extending from state to state, tend to break up local boundaries, and to make people feel that they belong to one country and have one purpose. Business, social, and labor organizations are all good, so far as they do not prevent or dwarf the freedom of individual effort, which is the touchstone of the wonderful progress of our country. The one organization within the United States to which everybody belongs, which everybody ought to love most, which is supreme over every other society, corporation, or union, which comes first, and must be obeyed first, is the country itself — the "commonwealth," as expressed through the local governments, the state governments, and the national government at Washington. Perhaps the largest contribution that America has made to the world is the proof, for the first time in history, that popular 496 Ponu- government is possible for a nation of great extent, with lar govern- a large population. This success is in part due to some of the following peculiarities of our American form of government: (1) The breadth of the suffrage, which is based upon the idea that if a man has a vote he will think about public affairs ; denial of the right to vote, by bribery, force, or fraud, is therefore a crime against civilization. (2) Equal representation of districts of equal population — a plain, com- prehensible method, which keeps people satisfied. (3) Party machinery and party politics, which help to keep government moving, so long as they are not worshiped for themselves. (4) Frequent elections, making it possible to bring public opinion to bear in a quick and effective way. The part of American government which has been most 497 Fed- imitated by other countries is our federal system, which eral govern- has in various ways shown itself both strong and flexi- ment ■, ■, ble: — (1) The national government has had a well-balanced Con- WHAT AMERICA HAS DONE FOR THE WORLD 575 gress, the best civil service in the country, and judges and courts of great dignity and weight. (2) Each state has organized itself according to its own con- stitution. In practice the state governments are very much alike, each possessing an elective gov- ernor, a legislature of two houses, and judges (usually elective), with power to declare statutes void because un- constitutional ; and the states furnish a good example of the wisdom of leav- ing local matters to local authorities, which must take the consequences of their own mistakes, each for itself. The cities have grown so large that they often overshadow the states which create them; at present they have little to teach the world because they have not learned to choose their officers and carry on their affairs for purely municipal purposes; they are torn in two by state and national party spirit. In many ways the treatment of the territories by the United States has been admirable; but we had in 498. Gov- 1900 many kinds of dependencies, some of which were very hard to manage: (1) the "territories," including Hawaii, which have had about as good government as the neighboring states; (2) Indian Territory, Alaska, and the small Pacific islands, under various kinds of paternal govern- ment, directed from "Washington; (3) the Indian reserva- tions, under the special wardship of the national government; (4) Porto Rico, with a special type of territorial government ; (5) the Philippine Islands, which have been subject to special Flatiron Building, New York, built in 1902. Height, 286 feet. ernment of depend- encies 576 THE xNEW REPUBLIC legislation ; the Filipinos have not yet attained the moderate self-government provided for Hawaii and Porto Rico. These differences and limitations are hard to reconcile with the general principles of free and equal popular government. Either we must look forward to granting all these dependent people as large a degree of self-government as our organized territories, or else we must give up the idea that " governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed." Of what advantage to us has been our study of American His- tory? Does it pass simply as a tale that is told, or has it a lesson 499 Sum- which will help Americans to lead happier lives and to be mary : the more useful in their day and generation ? As we follow American the story all the way from our seafaring and sea-fighting history ancestors, the most important lessons are the three prin- ciples which the French Revolution tried to express in the republican motto, " Liberty, Equality, Fraternity." Equality in the United States means an equal privilege be- fore the law for every man, woman, and child. It is the just boast of our country that all people who have their own way to make enjoy a better chance here, in the United States, than anywhere else in the world. Liberty means in the United States, not the freedom to do whatever one likes, but — with due respect to the rights of others — to take part in life as one judges best, to think and to act for oneself. That is what has made the great inventors, educators, and statesmen : they have worked out their own problems. Laws or customs must not deny even to the igno- rant child or man the chance to do the best that is in him ; nor must they tie the hands of the quick and the able. Fraternity xnesins combination; and in the whole liistory of America, perhaps the most wonderful thing is the spirit of orderly union. Tlie Pilgrims on the Mayffower agreed to act together, and to obey the majority ; the patriots of the Revo- WHAT AMERICA HAS DONE FOR THE WORLD 577 lution made state and national governments, which could pro- vide for the general welfare ; the Federal Convention enlarged and strengthened the Union ; the spirit of union saved the government from destruction by the Civil War, and has brought the two sections together again. Liberty, equality, and fraternity are all means to one end — the supremacy of law and order as the protector of the individual. Perhaps the greatest lesson of American history is that the only safe and sure way to bring about changes , and reforms is by an appeal to the moral sense of the nation, ' by the long course of political discussion, by ballots rather than by bullets. As Lincoln put it in his first inaugural : " Why should there not be a patient confidence in the works, IT. ultimate future of the people. Is there any better or ^^ equal hope in the world ? " Ours be Lowell's pledge of patri- otism : — "O Beautiful! my Country ! . . . What were our lives without thee ? Lowell, What all our lives to save thee ? Commemo- „-,.,, ., ration Ode We reck not what we gave thee ; We will not dare to doubt thee, But ask whatever else, and we will dare 1 " TOPICS (1) Why do Americans move so freely from state to state ? Suggestive (2) Why has the United States grown so rapidly in population ? (3) Why have the Indians lost their importance ? (4) Whence came the American ideas of personal liberty ? (5) Whence came the American ideas of religious toleration ? (6) Whence came the American ideas of freedom of opinion and speech ? (7) Why do American workmen accept new machinery ? (8) Why is American railroad management superior to foreign ? (9) Why can not a man contract to make himself a slave ? (10) Why does the government come before any religious, social, or business or- ganization in its right to the allegiance of Americans ? (11) Why is the suffrage so broadly extended in America ? (12) What are toiucs 578 THE NEW RErUBLIC Search topics the good things about party goveniineiit ? (1.'3) What are the defects of party government? (14) Why is city government harder to carry on well than state or national government ? (16) How many of the people of the United States are of Eng- lish, Scotch, or Welsh descent ? (16) Number of children edu- cated in private schools. (17) Number of children educated in church schools. (18) Picketing in strikes. (19) Sympathetic strikes. (20) Use of the boycott by workmen. (21) Use of the black list by employers. (22) Limitations on the right of free speech. (23) What limitations are there on the suffrage ? REFERENCES Geogrraphy Secondary authorities Sources See maps, pp. 561, 567. C. D. Wright, Practical Sociology ; James Bryce, American Commonwealth ; Alexander Johnston, American Politics ; A. B. Hart, Actual Government ; Emlin McClain, Constitutional Laio ; F. A. Cleveland, Groxoth of Democracy ; F. J. Goodnow, Politics and Administration ; H. A. Hinsdale, American Government ; R. L. Ashley, American Federal State. Herbert, Why the Solid South 9 ; Riis, Children of the Poor, — How the Other Half Lives; Booker Washington, Up from Slavery. CHAPTER XXXVI. THE TWENTIETH CENTURY At the beginning of the twentieth century the President of the United States was William McKinley, who was reelected in 1900 over _-. _ . 500. Presi- Bi-yan, by an dentRoose- electoral vote ^^ of 292 to 155, and began his second teiin with a prestige and influence which no President had enjoyed for many years ; but he was shot by an obscure assassin and died September 14, 1901, lamented by all his countrymen. He was succeeded by Vice- President Roosevelt. Theodore Roose- velt was born in New York in 1858, of Dutch descent. He graduated from Harvard College in 1880, and entered politics in the New York legislature in 1883, where he distinguished himself as a fighter for cheaper fares on the New York elevated roads. Then he raised cattle in 679 Copyright, lS$i, ly Pach Bros., N.T. Theodore Roosevelt, in 1898. r)80 THE NEW REPUBLIC North Dakota, and wrote books on open-air life and American history. From 1889 to 1895 lie was the leading spirit of the National Civil Service Commission. In 1897-1898 he was Assistant Secretary of the Navy, but entered the army, and was one of the few men who in the Spanish War attracted popular attention by military services on laud. His reputation in the war practically made him goveruor of New York (1899)5 and Vice President (1901). Roosevelt's distinguishing quali- ties have been the courage to hold and express an opinion, a quick resolution and firmness of decision, and uncommon open- ness and directness. As President, Roosevelt had an opportunity to improve the civil service. 84,000 persons were already in the classified service, open to competitive examination. In 1904, out nal affairs of 271,000 persons in the civil service, 143,000 were (1901-1904) classified or subject to examination; 7000 were subject to confirmation by the Senate, and 85,000 were country post- masters and clerks. President Roosevelt improved the consular service and practiced a system of promoting good diplomats from one post to another- In the southern states he followed the practice of forty years by nominating some colored men to office. To an outburst of denunciation from the South, he replied in -a public letter that he would not "shut the door of opportunity " on the members of the negro i-ace. In 1902 a desperate strike of the anthracite coal miners of Pennsylvania threatened to leave the eastern states without necessary fuel : President Roosevelt came forward as a medi- ator, and by consent of both sides appointed a commission which settled the strike. He was much aroused on the subject of trusts and monopolies, and through the attorney- general brought suit under the act of 1890 (§ 462) to prevent the " merger," or consolidation, of the Great Northern, Northern Pacific, and Chicago, Burlington, and Quincy rail- roads ; and the Supreme Court in 1904 held that the mergei THE TWENTIETH CENTURY 681 was illegal. A more stringent anti-trust act was passed in 1903, under which the government may require corporations which do an interstate business to submit their accounts to the government; for half the evils of trusts and combinations can be prevented if the trusts can be made to tell the public what they are doing. Toward the Philippines and Cuba Roosevelt favored a liberal commercial policy ; and he visited with his severe ofl&cial displeasure a few officers convicted of torturing or otherwise abusing the Filipinos. The Chief Isthmian Canal Routes. In 1898 the battleship Oregon was compelled to steam fifteen thousand miles from San Francisco to join Sampson's fleet in the West Indies ; and this incident again called attention 502. The to the need of an isthmian canal. The breakdown of the ^^ caruS Panama Company (§ 451) did not leave the field entirely (1899-J908) free, for the company still owned the land and the right to finish the canal ; but it convinced the people of the United States that the only way to get a canal was for the United States 582 THE NEW REPUBLIC to build it. The Nicaragua Canal Company asked Congress to take their route otf their hands. As a basis for intelligent action, Congress in 1899 authorized a special commission of experts, which reported (1900) in favor of the Nicaragua route, because they had been unable to come to satisfactory terms with the French Panama Company for its holdings on that route Since the British government and people during the Span- ish War showed the warmest sympathy with the United States, and a desire to remove all causes of friction between the two English-speaking countries, this seemed a favorable moment for disposing of the Clayton-Bulwer treaty. By the Hay- Pauncefote treaty (November 18, 1901), Great Britain gave up fully all claims to any share in the construction or control of a canal from the Atlantic to the Pacific. The United States was at last free to construct a canal, and public sentiment demanded action. The French company offered to sell its property and its rights for $40,000,000, and Congress passed an act (June 28, 1902) authorizing the President to accept those terms and to complete the canal at Panama ; but if he c6uld not secure control of the necessary land strip from Colombia " within a reasonable time and upon reasonable terms," he was to construct the canal on the Nicaragua route. He therefore ne- gotiated a treaty drawn by a representative of Colombia which would have given the United States sufficient control over the line of the canal ; but Colombia refused to ratify it (September 14, 1903). A few weeks later an insurrection broke out in Panama, a new republic was set up, November 3, 1903, and was recognized by the United States, November 6; and on February 23, 1904, a treaty with Panama was ratified for the construction of the canal. After the adjustment of the government of the Philippine 503. Elec- Islands under Governor William H. Taft in 1903, and tion of 1904 the settlement of the Isthmus question in 1904, both political parties bent their energies to the approaching presi- THE TWENTIETH CENTURY 583 dential election. The canipaigii turned principally upon the record of President Roosevelt, who was renominated by the Republicans; the main issues being imperialism, the tariff, and the relations of the two great parties to the trusts. In the election in November, Judge Alton B. Parker of New York, the Democratic candidate, carried the "Solid South" except Missouri and one elector in Maryland. Roosevelt car- ried all the other states in the Union, and had 336 electoral votes to 140 for Judge Parker, on a popular plurality of about 2,500,000 votes. The Socialist candidate, Eugene V. Debs, received 402,000 votes; the People's party candidate, Thomas E. Watson, had 118,000 votes; and the Prohibition candidate, Silas Swallow, had 259,000 votes. The increase of population, and a prosperity which lasted steadily after the recovery from the crisis of 1893, led to enormous accumulations of wealth by great corpora- tions. Even the loss of $ 400,000,000 worth of property nal affairs in the San Francisco fire, following a great earthquake of April 18, 1906, did not check the general growth of busi- ness. In spite of various laws regulating railroads (§§ 460- 462, 501) it was found difficult to secure convictions for the giving of special rates, or rebates from the regular rates, to powerful corporations. The President, therefore, urged upon Congress an act which was finally passed (June 29, 1906), giv- ing larger powers to the Interstate Commerce Commission, fixing new penalties for giving special rates to anybody, and abolishing passes. Public attention having been called to the want of care in the preparation of dressed meats, another act (June 30, 1906) compelled all manufacturers of meat products intended for shipment outside the state in which they are produced, to submit to inspection by Federal officials and to mark their cans and packages accordingly. On the same day the Pure Food Act was passed, prohibiting the transportation from one 584 THE NEW REl'UBLIC state to another of food products, drugs, liquors, etc., unless they bear labels sliowing exactly of what ingredients and materials they are made. The Territory of Oklahoma (§ 454) having become very populous, Congress passed an enabling act (1900) for the union of Oklahoma and Indian Territory and their admission as one state. Oklahoma accordingly became the forty-sixth state in the Union in 1907. After long debates in Congress, it was decided in 1906 that the Isthmian canal should be a lock canal, instead of being cut down below sea level ; and in November the President in person visited the Isthmus to see for himself the condition of the great enterprise. Early the next year Major George W. Goethals of the United States army was made chief engineer of the canal ; and under tlie management of army officers the work was carried on more rapidly than before. The destruction of many forests by fires and by lumbermen, and the scarcity of public lands available for settlement, were by this time matters of grave importance. It was found that large tracts had been secured fraudulently by various men and corporations ; and suits were begun which restored some of them to the public domain. In ]\Iay, 1908, on the President's invitation, a conference of state governors and other statesmen was held in Washington, to consider means for the conserva- tion of our natural resources. The discussions at this and later conferences paved the way for important legislation. The place of the United States as a great power was dis- tinctly set forth when, after more than a year of fighting ,/«, ^r ,j between Russia and Japan, those two powers accepted 505. World . politics President Roosevelt's suggestion to hold a conference * ~ in America, and in September, 1905, made a treaty which ended the war. A year later the friendly and peace- ful disposition of the United States was shown at a Pan- Americau Couference at Rio de Janeiro, at which Elihu THE TWENTIETH CENTURY 585 Root, Secretary of State, was the leader; and he publicly declared that " we neither claim nor desire rights, privi- leges, or powers we do not freely concede to every Ameri- can republic." Unfortunately the principles of peace and good order were not observed in Cuba, where a revolution broke out in August, 1906. Inasmuch as the regular govern- ment under President Palma could not maintain itself, Wil- liam H. Taft, Secretary of War, went to Cuba and tried to reconcile the two parties ; as that proved impossible, the United States again took control of the country, and ap- pointed Charles E. Magoon to act as provisional governor till a constitutional government could be reestablished by the Cubans. When this was done, the United States withdrew, for the second time, in January, 1909. The naval power of the United States was made prominent by a voyage of sixteen battleships and some smaller vessels around the world (1907-1909) — the first voyage of the kind ever made by so powerful a fleet. In 1908 both the great parties declared in favor of a revision of the tariff. William J. Bryan, who ran for the third time as the Democratic candidate for President, carried four 506. Presi* far western states m addition to those which voted for dential Parker in 1904. William H. Taft, of Ohio, the Republi- Election of ' ' ^ 19Q8 can candidate, was elected by 321 electoral votes to 162 for Bryan. His popular plurality was about 1,250,000 votes. The Socialist candidate, Debs, received about 450,000 votes; the Prohibition candidate, Chafin, about 240,000 ; three other can- didates less than 150,000 all told. The small vote of the Prohibition party does not indicate a flagging interest in the cause of temperance. On the contrary, in the period 1904-1909 several states, especially in the South, were added to the list of those that have state prohibition laws ; and in many other states a large proportion of the counties or towns voted for prohibition under " local option " laws. 580 THE NEW REPUBLIC dent Taft ^Ikj'*^N^^^I ^B' ¥ ^ l^*^yM^^^^| iM 1_ ^1 B^Rjir^*.-.vTjiJ 1^. ■ 1 AVilli;iiii 11. 'I^ift. w:i.s fitted for Jiis ollicc by 507. Presi- wide and varied ex- perience both as judge and administrator. After lii.s remarkable work in the Philippines (§ 481), he served four years as Secretary of War under lloosevelt. As President he interested himself in many of the policies of his predecessors, particu- larly as to the regulation of corporations and trans- portation lines, and the reform of administrative methods. The President sum- moned Congress in special session, March 15, 1909, to revise the tariff as had been promised in the Republican platform of 1908. After several months' discussion. Congress passed (August 5, 1909) the Payne-Aldrich tariff, which reduced some duties and somewhat increased others on cotton goods and some other imports. To make up for any loss of revenue, Congress laid a tax of one per cent on the net earnings of corporations above f 5000 per year. In 1910 Congress gave permission to New Mexico and Arizona to frame state consti- tutions, and in 1912 the admission of these states made the number in the Union forty-eight. Opposition inside the Republican party came up, partly from advocates of a lower tariff, partly from Republicans who thought Speaker Cannon unjust and liarsh, and partly from a group of western members headed by Senator LaFollette of Wisconsin, (lopyrUjM, 11MI8, hy Pack Bros. William H. Taft, in 1908. THE TWENTIETH CENTURY 687 who had been introducing new political methods in their states. These members were called by their enemies "Insurgents," and called themselves " Progressives." They succeeded (1910 eno mi, and 1911) in breaking down the great power of the speaker progressive which had lasted nearly a hundred years, and iii driving out of j)ublic life some of the old Kepublican leaders. Among the Democrats also there appeared Progressives. Between the Progressives and the regulars or "Stand-patters " there rose a contention over the new question of conservation, that is, the saving of forests, mines, water powers, and chances for irrigation, for the benefit of the general public. In the principle, nearly all public men agreed ; but there were fierce quarrels over details. President Taft started prosecutions against some of the most powerful trusts and corporations, and the Supreme Court held that several of them, includ- ing the Standard Oil Company, must break up into separate companies. At the instance of President Taft a Court of Commerce was created, the powers of the Interstate Commerce Commission were made larger, and that commission began to regulate the Pullman car company and the express companies. In 1912, bills for altering the taritf schedules on woolens, steel, and certain other commodities passed both houses of Congress but were vetoed by the President. The steady rise of prices, not confined to the United States, roused popular discontent. The movement of the Progressives was transferred to the Republican National Convention in 1912, where Theodore Roosevelt was a candidate for the nomination against 509. Elec- President Taft. Discontent with the old-fashioned polit- *i°"°f ^^^^ ical conventions had led in nine states to acts of the legisla- tures which set up additional primary elections for delegates from those states to the various national conventions. When the Republican National Convention met at Chicago, June 18, there were many contests between delegates pledged for Taft 588 THE NKW REPUBLIC and delegates pledged for Koosevelt, from the same states. When most of the contests were settled in favor of Taft men and Taft was renominated, the Roosevelt men called a conven- tion to meet in Chicago, August 5, 1912. They adopted the name of Progressive Party, nominated Theodore Roosevelt, and adopted a platform for sweeping political and social reform. The Democratic Convention met at Baltimore, June 25, 1912. The principal candidates for nomination were Champ Clark, Speaker of the House of Representatives, and Woodrow Wil- son, then governor of New Jersey. After seven days' session, and forty-six ballots, W^oodrow Wilson was nominated, chiefly through the influence of W. J. ]?ryau. The resulting election was the most exciting for many years. Debs, the So- cialist candidate, polled about 900,000 votes; Cha- tin, the Prohibitionist can- didate, about 200,000; Taft received about 3,500,000 popular votes, and 8 electo- ral votes ; Roosevelt re- ceived 4,100,000 popular votes and 88 electoral votes ; Wilson and Marshall (the Democratic candidate for Vice President) received (),.■ 500,000 popular votes, and 435 electoral votes, and were elected. Both branches of the Congress which would sit from 1913 to 1915 had Demo- cratic majorities. The Democratic party came back to power, for the first time since 1897, with a President of a new type- Woodrow Wilson, WoODUoW WlI.SON, IN IIU'J. THE TWENTIETH CENTURY 589 born in 1856, was a graduate of Princeton (1879). He studied law and practiced for a sliort time, and then served as .,„ „ ^ ... «10. Presi- professor of history and politics in several colleges ; dent Wilson (1913-1917) he was president of Princeton University from 1902 ^ to 1910. Then elected reform governor of New Jersey by the Democrats, he showed such strong qualities that he loomed up as a presidential candidate. He was the author of several books on American government and brought to his task as President a knowledge of the history and politics of his country, remarkable ability as a writer and speaker, and a high degree of political wisdom. As soon as President Wilson was inaugurated (March 4, 1913) he called Congress in special session. Under Oscar W. Underwood, of Alabama, the Democratic leader of the House of Representatives, a new tariff was framed (October 3, 1913), commonly known as the Underwood Tariff. This act simpli- fied the methods of calculating duties, and considerably re- duced the average rate of duty. It also provided for an income tax, as the growing needs of the national government called for larger revenue. This had been made possible by the adoption of the Sixteenth Amendment (February 25, 1913). A few weeks later a Seventeenth Amendment also was ratified, under which United States Senators thenceforward had to be chosen by direct popular vote. Another change in political methods was rapidly coming about through the movement for woman suffrage. By 1917 suffrage had been granted on equal terms to women and men in ten Pacific Coast and Rocky Mountain states, in Kansas, and in New York, and a movement was on foot to secure a constitutional amendment making the system national. The Owen-Glass Federal Reserve Act provided for a new organization of the banking system throughout the country (December 23, 1913). Twelve central banks were established, under the control of a central board and district boards, and 590 TIIK NKW i;i:imhlk: iiujst of the t'onnur uiitiuuul banks canu' under the new system. Congress then bent its energies to tlie furtlier regulation of trusts (§§ 4(J2, 501, o07), and for this purpose passed the Clay- ton Act (October 15, 1914). IJy another act (September 20; Congress, under strong pressure from the President, created a Federal Trade Commission, to prevent "unfair methods of competition in commerce."* It was intended to legulate other large corporations in much the same way as the Interstelgium and wherever else German occupation or power extended, they terrorized, robbed, and even made bond-servants of the non- fighting population. They supported the Turks in awful massacres of the Armenians. The Germans were furious over the trade in munitions of war from the United States, because the British by their com- mand of the sea could prevent those supplies from reaching Germany, while the Germans could not stop the flow to the Allies. Hence (February, 1915) the Germans began to use sub- marine warshij)S to sink any Allied merchant vessels that tried A rtUBMAItINK to reach Great Britain through a belt of the open sea which they called a " war zone." They also warned neutral vessels to keep out of that zone. This policy reached its climax May 7, 1915, when the great British merchant ship Lusitania was torpedoed and sunk, and 114 Americans were drowned, because the Germans did not give the non-combatant crew and passengers the ()])portunity to save their lives, to which they r>9(i THE M;\V KKri'HLIC were entitled l)_v intcniatioiuil Jaw. I'lesideut Wilson strongly protested, and tlie (iernians, after torpedoing several other ships with Americans on board, reluctantly agreed to cease sinking passenger ships without warning. All this time the (Germans were making a secret war on the United States through tlic (ierman and Austrian embassies in Washington, the consulates, and thousands of secret agents, spies, and assistants. They supported newspapers, circulated pro-German pamphlets, forged passports and ship's papers, fomented strikes, tried to arrange for blowing up the Welland Canal in Canada ; and on a German vessel which was lying in an American jjort, set up a factory of boml)s intended to sink ships at sea. Some German officials were convicted and sent to jail. Dumba, the Austrian ambassador, and several mem- bers of the German legation, were detected in such offenses, and exi)elled from the country which they so ill treated. The United States was also greatly interested in several internal questions. The method of direct votes commonly 515. Poll- called the initiative and referendum advanced through elections ^'"' ''"""^0' :""• ''>' 1-*1" ^I'^l reached about half the (1914-1917) states. An intelligeMce (jualifi cation for immigrants was made law over President Wilson's v(^to (1917) ; and a law was l)assed by ('ongress limiting cliild labor. A great railroad strike was threatened in 191 G and finally prevented by the Adamson l»ill which made concessions to the workers and was urged uj)()n Congress l)y the President. (Jicat pressure was ])iit upon Congress to make military prej>arations, and acts were passed for a Council of National Defense and for greater control of merchant shipping by the federal government. Progressive , and Republican national conventions were held in Chicago during the same week in June, 1916. The Kepul)- licans declined to take Roosevelt and the Progressives would nominate nobody else. In the end the Republicans nominated Charles E. Hughes, former governor of New York and a THE (JKEAT WAR 597 Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States, who was supported by Roosevelt. Woodrow Wilson was renominated by the Democrats at St. Louis without opposition. In the campaign one argument for Wilson was, " He kept us out of war " ; but Hughes also did not then urge war. The election was the closest since 1876 (§ 422). Wilson had 276 electoral votes and Hughes received 255. The popular vote was over 9,000,000 foi Wilson, 8,500,000 for Hughes, and 750,000 for the Socialist candidate ; while the Democrats re- newed their control of both House and Senate for 1917. The decision for war between the United States and Ger- many was finally made by the (lermans when (February, 1917) they deliberately returned to their policy of sinking sjg jjjg merchant ships without warning (§514), — not only United allied ships but neutral ships as well. Meanwhile Great tersthewar Britain had adopted a rigorous system of control or cap- (1917) ture of all shipments to neutral neighbors of Germany ; but most of the captured American cargoes were paid for by the British government at high rates. The Germans meant to push the war to a finish. They were determined to use their control of western Russia and Roumania to exploit those coun- tries and make them dependencies. They were anxious to end the war and count up their profits. They expected to ruin England by destroying the ships carrying food and munitions. The challenge was accepted by the United States. When Ambassador Bernstorff made known the German decision to use the submarines to destroy American commerce, the Presi- dent announced that in that case we must suspend diplomatic relations with Germany, and Bernstorff was sent home (Feb- ruary 3, 1917). By April 2, 1917, eight American ships had been torpedoed and the President came before Congress and declared that war was necessary. On April 6, a formal declara- tion was adopted, that war existed by the act of Germany. The war preparations were carried out under Secretary of 598 11 1 1". m:\v h kit 1 5 Lie War Uakt'iaiul Secretary <•{' the Navy Daniels, in close contact with the President. A naval force was promptly sent to Europe, commanded by Admiral Sims. Thousands of Ameri- cans had already eidisted in Canadian, French, and Jiritish units. Hundreds of thousands more volunteered for the Amer- ican army. On May 18 an act was passed, under pressure from the White House, for raising a great national army l)y " selec- tive conscription " of men between twenty-one and thirty-one years of age. l^efore the war was over, the limits were extended to include men between eighteen and forty-six years. In the war preparations party lines were forgotten ; J)emo- crats and Republicans supported the sweeping measures put forward by the President. Among them were an Espionage - Act (May 10), which included large powers over foreign ning the trade ; a Food Act (August 10), under which the Food War Administrator, Herbert C. Hoover, issued orders for limiting the C()nsumi)tion of wheat and other foodstuffs. The same act gave the right to fix the ])rices and distribution of coal, and, if necessary, to operate the mines. To save food. Congress provided for stopping the use of grain in making liquor ; then for temporary prohibition ; and it also sulv mitted a prohibition amendment to the constitution, which was ratified by the states in 1919, To meet the financial needs of the government, a war rev- enue act was passed which included very high taxes on incomes and on "excess profits." Also large sums were bor- rowed from the peo])le by the sale of Lil»ertv Bonds. \\'ithin eighteen months about 17 thousand million dollars was secured in this way, of which about 7 thousand million was advanced to the Allies for purchasing supplies in this country. The purpose of all this energy and expense was to render aid to the Allies, especially Great Britain, France, and Italy, who were very hard pushed on the western front. The vast stores of food, supplies, and munitions which the United THE (iHKAT WAK 599 /^^ ^f^^ States poured into Euiojic ciiwhlcd them to liold their sj^rouiid for a year after tae Tnited State's declared war. Meanwhile enormous eamps were Iniilt in various parts of the United States, otHeers' schools were established, and new branches of the service were pushed. In June, 1917, the first detachment of American troops landed in France. The first brush with the Germans was the fight at Seicheprey, near Verdun, early in 19l8. From March to July, 1918, the Germans made a last terrilic drive in northern France, and by the end of May were within strik- ing distance of Paris. At Chateau-Thierry the Americans had their first big light with the Germans and showed magnihc^nt lighting qualities. Slowly, by the com- bined efforts of all the armies, including 1,750,000 Americans then in France, tlie Germans were driven back, till they asked for terms of peace. On November 11, 1918, they signed an armistice which was a confession of absolute defeat by land and sea. The German Emperor fled to Holland and the German Empire collapsed. Bulgaria in the meantime had been conquered, Turkey was totally disabled, the Italians in the last days of the fighting crushed the Austrian army on their soil, and the Austro- Hungarian Empire broke to pieces. The vast American host with much of its material of war was carried across the ocean by convoys of transports so well protected by men-of-war and submarine destroyers that 518. Pre- not one man in a thousand was lost on the way. It was li^^iiiaries ,,.,,. . of peace this host of men and vast quantities of supplies, coming (1919) all the time, that Anally broke the hopes of the Germans, and compelled them to accept humiliating terms of peace. American Soldier Using Gas Mask (iUO 'I'llK NKW IJKrri'.LlC .laniuiry H, lUlS, President Wilsdii litid down iourteeii jKjiiits essential tor a permanent jx'ace, and in sul)se((uent addresses he added other ])oints. Tlie Germans in their re<]uest tor peace declared that they accepted all these points, and in the armistice of November 11 they agreed to withdraw their armies from all invaded countries, surrender many guns, railroad rolling stock, and practically their whole navy, admit Allied garrisons into western Germany, give up Alsace-Lorraine, and refrain from acts of destruction of property, looting of provisions and goods, and violence to non-combatants in the regions which they were evacuating. The expected Peace Conference assembled in Paris, in Jan- uary, 1919. President Wilson, whose bases for peace had been accepted in substance by both sides, headed the American delegation to Paris ; and there in })erson supported a great scheme of a League of Nations which should make future wars impossible. APPENDIX A BRIEF LIST OF BOOKS These books, obtainable at moderate cost, are well adapted for con- stant use on the teacher's desk. At least one work out of each of the five groups should be available for pupils* use. I. Methods and Materials American Historical Association, Committee of Seven, The Study of History in Schools. (N.Y. Macmillan. 1899.) Bourne, H. E., The Teaching of History and Civics in the Elementary and the Secondary School. (N.Y. Longmans. 1902.) Channing, E., Hart, A. B., and Turner, F. J., Guide to the Study and Reading of American History. (Boston. Ginn. 1914.) New England History Teachers' Association, A History Syllabus for Secondary Schools. (Boston. Heath. 1904. Part IV., on American History, sold separately.) New England History Teachers' Association, Historical Sources m Schools. (N.Y. Macmillan. 1902'.) II. Collections of Sources Caldwell, H. V., Survey of American History. (Chicago. Ains- worth. 1900.) Hart, A. B., ed., American History told by Contemporaries. (4 vols. N.Y. Macmillan. 1897-1901.) Hart, A. B., and Channing, Edward, eds., American History Leaflets. (36 nos. N.Y. Simmons. 1892-1907.) Hart, A. B., ed., American Patriots and Statesmen. (5 vols. N.Y- Collier's. 1916.) Hart, A. B., ed., Source-Book of American History. (N.Y. Mac- millan. 1900.) Hill, Mabel, ed.. Liberty Documents, with Contemporary Exposition and Critical Comments. (N.Y. Longmans. 1901.) MacDonald, W., Documentary Source Book of American History. (N.Y. Macmillan. 1908.) Ari'KNDIX A III. Hi(ii:i llisToiUKS Ba.s.sc'tl, J. S., Short llidory of the. U idled Stales. (N.Y. Macmillan. 1913.) Channing, Edward, Students' History of the United States. (3d. ed., rev., 1914. N.Y, Macinillaii.) Sparks, E. E., The United Stateti of A mcnca. (2 vols. N.Y. Putnama. 1904.) IV. Short Series of Histories Epochs of American History. (3 vols., rev. eds. about 1914. N.Y. Longmans.) Home University Library of Modern Knowledge. (N.Y. Henry Holt & Co.) 5 selected vols., namely: I. Andrews, CM., The Colonial Period. (1912.) II. Smith, T. C, The Wars between England and America. (1914.) III. MacDonald, W., From Jefferson to Lincoln. (1913.) IV. Paxson, F. L., The American Civil War. (1911.) V. Haworth, P. L., Reconstruction and Union. (1912.) The Riverside History of the United States. (4 voLs. Bostftn. Houghton Mifflin. 1915.) I. Becker, C. L., Beginning.'! of the American People. II. Johnson, A., Union and Democracy. III. Dodd, W. E., Expansion and Conflict. IV. Paxson, F. L., The New Nation. A Short History of Ike Armricati People. (2 vols. N.Y. Am. Book Co.) I. Greene, E. B., The Foundations of American Nntionatity. (In preparation.) II. Fish, C. R., The Development of American Nationality. (1913.) V. Biographies American Cru^^s Biographies. (15 vols. Phila. Jacobs. 1907- 1914.) American Slnte.sincn. (31 vols, and ailditioiial vols. Boston. Houghton Mifflui, 1907-1914.) Beacon Biographies. (31 vols. Boston. Small, Maynard. 1899- 1901.) Riverside Biographical Series. (14 vols. Boston. Houghton Mifflin. 1900-1902.) APPENDIX B GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY (Titles marked with an asterisk denote books especially desirable for a school library, besides those mentioned in the Brief List.) Adams, C. F., Charles Francis Adams (Amer. Statesmen). Bost. 1900. Adams, C. F., Three Episodes of Massachusetts Histo7-y. 2 vols. Bost. 1892. * Adams, Henry, History of the United States during the Administrations of Jefferson and Madison. 9 vols. N.Y. 1889-1891. Adams, Henry, John Randolph (Amer. Statesmen). Bost. 1900. Allen, Walter, Ulysses S. Grant (Riverside). Bost. 1901. * American Annual Cyclopaedia, IS61-187 5. 15 vols. N.Y. 1862-1876. Ames, H. V., ed.. State Documents on Federal Relations. Nos. 1-4. Phil. 1900-1902. Ammen, Daniel, The Atlantic Coast (Navy in Civil War). N.Y. 188;>. Andrews, C. M., Colonial SelfGovernment {A.vi\Gr.^sX\on). N.Y. 1904. Appletons'' Annual Cyclopa;dia, 1876-. N.Y. 1877-. Arber, Edward, ed.. Story of the Pilgrim Fathers. Lond. 1807. Babcock, K. C, Rise of American Nationality (Amer. Nation). N.Y. Bancroft, Frederic, William H. Seward. 2 vols. N.Y. 1900. Bancroft, George, History of the Formation of the Constitution. 2 vols. N.Y. 1882. Bancroft, George, History of the United States. Bost. 10 vols. 1834- 1874. Barnes, James, David G. Farragut (Beacon). Bost. 1899. Bassett, J. E., Federalist System (Amer. Nation). N.Y. * Bigelow, John, Samuel J. Tilden. 2 vols. N.Y. 1895. Birney, William, James G. Birney. N.Y. 1890. Botume, E. H., First Days amongst the Contrabands. Bost. 1893. Bourinot, J. G., Story of Canada. N.Y. 1896. Bourne, E. G., Spain in America (Amer. Nation). N.Y. 1904. Bowne, E. S., A GirVs Life Eighty Years Ago. N.Y. 1887. Brady, C. T., Stephen Decatur (Beacon). Bost. 1900. *Brigham, A. P., Geographic Influences in American History. Bost. 1903. Brooks, E. S., Story of our War icith Spain. Bost. 1899. Brooks, Noah, Short Studies in Party Politics. N.Y. 1895. * Brooks, Noah, Washington in Lincoln'' s Time. N.Y. 1895. * Brown, W. G., ^Hdreio JacA:so« (Riverside). Bost. 1900. Brown, W. G., The Lower South in American History. N.Y. 1902. Brown, W. G., Stephen Arnold Douglas (Riverside). Bost. 1902. Browne, W. H., George Calvert and Cecilius Calvert (Makers of Amer.). N.Y. 1890. * Bruce, Henry. General Houston (Makers of Amer.). N.Y. 1891. Bruce, Henry, General Oglethorpe (Makers of Amer.). N.Y. 1890. iv APPENDIX B Bruce, P. A., Economic History of Virginia. 2 vols. N.Y. 1896. * Bryant and Uay, Popular History of the United States. 5 vols. N.Y. 1878-1898. Burton, Richard, John Greenlenf Whittier (Beacon). Bost. 1901. *Ca.\Ae,G. W., Creoles of Louisiana. N.Y. 1884. Cable, G. W., Negro Question. N.Y. 1890. Cairnes, J. E., Slace Power. N.Y. 1862. Caldwell, H. W., ed., American Territoriol Development. Chic. 1900. Caldwell, H. W., ed., Great American Legislators. Chic. 1900. Caldwell, H. VV., ed., Survey of American History. Chic. 1900. Callahan, J. M., Cuba and International Relations. Bait. 1899. •Cambridge Modern History. (Vol. VII. The United States.) N.Y. 1903. Carpenter, E. J., American Advance. N.Y. 1903. •Carpenter, ¥. B., Six Months at the Uliite House. N.Y. 1866. Century Co., Battles and Leaders of the Civil War. 4 vols. N.Y. 1888- 1889. ♦Chadwick, F. E., Causes of the Civil War (Amer. Nation). N.Y. Chamberlain, N. H., Samuel Sewall. Bost. 1897. Chamberlin, J. E., John Brown (Beacon). Bost. 1899. ♦Channing, Edward, Jeffersonian System (Amer. Nation). N.Y. ♦Channing, Edward, Town and County Government in the English Colonies. Bait. 1884. Chesnutt, C. W., Frederick Douglass (Beacon). Bost. 1899. Cheyney, E. P., European Background (Amer. Nation). N.Y. 1904. Cist, H. M., Army of the Cumberland (Campaigns of Civil War). N.Y. 1882. Colby, C. W., ed., Selections from the Sources of English History. Lond. 1899. Conant, C. A., ^Zea;a«(?cr //ami7«o?i (Riverside). Bost. 1901. Coppee, Henry, frenera? TTiojnas (Great Commandei-s). N.Y. 1893, Cox, J. D., Atlanta (Campaigns of Civil War). N.Y. 1882. Cox, J. D., March to the Sea (Campaigns of Civil War). N.Y. 1882. * Curtis, G. T., Constitutional History of the United States. 2 vols. N.Y. 1889-1896. ♦Dana, C. A., Recollections of the Civil War. N.Y. 1898. Dana, R. H., Jr., Two Years before the Mast. Various eds. Davies, H. E., General Sheridan (Great Commanders). N.Y. 1895. Dawes, A. L., Charles Sumner (Makers of Amer.). N.Y. 1892. * Dewey, D. R., Financial History of the United States (Amer. Citizen). N.Y. 1903. Doubleday, Abner, Chancellorsville and Gettysburg (Campaigns of Civil War). N.Y. 1882. Douglass, Frederick, Life and Times. Rev. ed. Bost. 1893. * Doyle, J. A., English Colonies in America. 3 vols. pub. N.Y. 1889. Du Bose, J. W., Life of William Lowndes Yancey. Birm., Ala. 1892. ♦Dunning, W. A., Civil War and Reconstruction. N.Y. 1898. Dunning, W. A., Reconstruction (Amer. Nation). N.Y. GENERAL BIBLIOGKArilY V Eggleston and Seelye, Tecumseh and the Shmonee Prophet. N.Y. 1878. *Egg[esion, Edwanl, Beginners of a Nation. N.Y. IB'Jti. * Eggleston, P^dward, Transit of Civilization. N.Y. 1901. Eggleston, G. C, American War Ballads. 2 vols. N.Y. 1889. * Eggleston, G. C, A BebeVs Becollections. N.Y. 1878. Elliott, S. B., Sam Houston (Beacon). Bost. 1900. E\son,H.W., Side Lights on American History. 2 vols, N.Y. 1899-1900. Farrand, L., Basis of American History (Amer. Nation). N.Y. 1904. Fiske, John, American Bevolution. 2 vols. Bost. 1891. * Fiske, John, Beginnings of New England. Bost. 1889. * Fiske, John, Critical Period of American History. Bost. 1888. * Fiske, John, Z)isco?7er?/ o/ America. 2 vols, Bost. 1892. * Fiske, John, Dutch and Quaker Colonies. 2 vols. Bost. 1899. Fiske, John, Mississippi Valley in the Civil War. Bost. 1900. Fiske, John, JVeiv France and New England. Bost. 1902, * Fiske, John, Old Virginia and her Neighbours. 2 vols, Bost. 1897. Fithian, P, V., Journal and Letters, 1767-1774. Princeton, 1900. Force, M. F., From Fort Henry to Corinth (Campaigns of Civil War). N.Y. 1881. Force, M. F., General Sherman (Great Commanders). N.Y. 1899. Ford, P. L., The Many-sided Franklin. N.Y. 1899. *Ford, P. L., The True George Washington. Phil. 1902. Ford, W. C, National Problems (Amer. Nation). N.Y. Foster, J. W., American Diplomacy in the Orient. Bost. 1903. * Foster, J. W., Century of American Diplomacy. Bost. 1900. * Frothingham, R., Bise of the Bepublic of the United States. Bost. 1872, Garrison, G. P., Texas (Amer. Commonwealths). Bost. 1903. Garrison, G. P., Westward Extension (Amer. Nation). N.Y. Gay, S. H., James Madison (Amer. Statesmen). Bost. 1900. Gilman, D. C, James Monroe (Amei". Statesmen). Bost. 1900, Gordy, J. P., History of Political Parties in the United States. 2 vols. pub. N.Y. 1900-1902, Goss, W. L., Becollections of a Private. N.Y. 1891. Gould, A. B., Louis Agassiz (Beacon). Bost, 1901, Grant, Anne, Memoirs of an American Lady. Albany. 1876. * Grant, U. S., Persona/ iJfemojVs. 2 vols. N.Y. 1885-1886. Graydon, Alexander, Memoirs of a Life chiefly passed in Pennsylvania. Harrisburg. 1811. Greene, E. B., Provincial America (Amer. Nation). N.Y, 1905. Greene, F. V., General Greene (Great Commanders). N.Y. 1893. Greene, F. V., The Mississippi (Campaigns of Civil War). N.Y. 1882. * Greene, G,W., Historical View of the American Bevolution. Bost, 1865. Griffis, W. E., Sir William Johnson (Makers of Amer.). N.Y. 1891. Hale, E. E>, Jr., James Bussell Lowell (Beacon). Bost. 1899, Hapgood, Hutchins, Paul Jones (Riverside). Bost, 1901. Hapgood, Norman, Abraham Lincoln. N.Y, 1899. Hapgood, Norman, Daniel Webster (Beacon). Bost. 1899, *Hart, A. B., Foundations of American Foreign Policy. N.Y. 1901. Vi ATPENDIX B Hart, A. B., Pnictiral Essitijs on Aincriran Govrrnmcnt. N.Y. 1803. Hart, A. H., ShIiudh J'nrtlaitd Cluise (Aiiier. Statesmen). B(jst. 19(J(). Hart, A. B., Slavery and Aholition (Ainer. Nation). N. V. * Hart, A. B., ed., Source Readers in American History. 4 vols. N.Y, 190-2-1903. * Hart, A. B., ed.. The American Nation; a History from Original Sources by Associated Scholars. 28 vols. N.Y. 1904- Voiimies sold separately, and mentioned in this book by the names of ilie authors. Helper, H. R., Impending Crisis. N.Y. 1857. Herbert, II. A., Why the Solid South ? Bait. 1890. Higginson, T. W., Ariyiy Life in a Black Regiment. Newed. Bost. 1882. Higginson, T. W., Book of American Explorers. Bost. 1877. Higginson, T. W., Francis Higginson (Makers of Anier.). N.Y. 1801 ♦Higginson, T. AV., Larger Histoi-y of the United States. N.Y. 188rf. Hinsdale, B. A., Old Northwest. N.Y. 1888. Hodges, George. William Penn (Riverside). Bost. 1901. Hollis, I. N., llie Frigate " Constitution.'" Bost. 1900. Hoist, Hermann von, John C. Calhoun (Amer. Statesmen). Best 1900. Hosmer, J. K., Appeal to Arms (Amer. Nation). N.Y. Hosmer, J. K., Louisiana Purchase. N.Y. 1902. Hosmer, J. K., Mississippi Valley. Bost. 1901. Hosmer, J. K., Outcome of the Civil War (Amer. Nation). N.Y. Hosmer, J. K., Samuel Adams (Amer. Statesmen). Bost. 1900. Hosmer, J. K., Thomas Hutchinson. Bost. 1890. * Houston, D. F., Nulli^/ication in South Carolina. N.Y. 1896. Hovey, Carl, Stonewall Jackson (Beacon). Bost. 1900. Howard, G.E., Preliminaries of the Revolution (Amer. Nation). N.Y. 1905. Howard, 0. 0., General Taylor (Great Commanders). N.Y. 1892. Hughes, R. M., General Johnston (Great Commanders). N.Y. 1893. Humphreys, A. A., From Gettysburg to the Rapidan (Campaigns of Civil War). N.Y. 1883. Humphreys, A. A., Virginia Campaign of ''64 and ''65 (Campaigns of Civil War). N.Y, 1883. * Hunt, Gaillard, ,/rtmes 3/adjson. N.Y. 1902. Johnson, B. T., General Washington (Great Commanders). N.Y. 1894. *Joiinston, Alexander, ^mer/cara Orrtijons. 4 vols. Rev. ed. N.Y. ISJKi- 1897. Jones, J. B., ^ Rebel War Clerk's Diary. Phil. 1866. Keasbey, L. M., Nicaragua Canal and Monroe Doctrine. N.Y. 1896. Kendall, Elizabeth, Source- Book of English History. N.Y. 1900. King, Grace, Jean Baptiste Le Moyne, Sieur de Bienville (Makers of Amer.). N.Y. 1892. ♦Landon, J. S., Constitutional History and Government of the United States. Rev, ed. Bost. 1900. ♦Lamed, J. N. , History for Ready Reference. vols. Springfield, Mass. 1894-1901. Latan6, J. H., America the World Power (Amer. Nation). N.Y. GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY VII * Latane, J. H., Diplomatic Relations of the United States and Spanish America. Bait. 1900. Lecky, W. E. H., American Revolution (ed. J. A. Woodbuni). N. Y. 1898. Lee, Fitzhugh, General Lee (Great Commanders). N.Y. 1894. Lighton, W. R., Lewis and Clark (Riverside). Bost. 1901. Linn, W. A., Horace Greeley. N.Y. 1903. Linn, W. A., Story of the Mormons. N.Y. 1902. * Locke, M.S., Anti-Slavery in America, 1619-1808. Bost. 1901. * Lodge, H. C, Alexander Hamilton (Amer. Statesmen). Bost. 1900. * Lodge, H. C, Daniel Webster (Amer. Statesmen). Bost. 1900. * Lodge, li.C, George Washington {Am&v.^tdX&smQn). 2 vols. Bost. 1900. Lodge, H. C, Story of the Revolution. 2 vols. N.Y. 1898. Also new ed., in 1 vol., 1903. Longstreet, James, From Manassas to Appomattox. Phil. 1896. Lothrop, T. K., William Henry Seward (Amer. Statesmen). Bost. 1900. Lucas, C. P., Historical Geography of the British Colonies. Vol. V. Pt. i. Oxford. 1901. McCall, S. W., Thaddeus Stevens (Amer. Statesmen). Bost. 1900. McCartliy, C. H., Lincoln'' s Plan of Reconstruction. N.Y. 1901. *UcCv&AY,YA^2i\x\, History of South Carolina. 4 vols. N.Y. 1897-1902. McCulloch, Hugh, Men and Measures of Half a Century. N.Y. 1888. MacDonald, William, Jacksonian Democracy (Amer. Nation). N.Y. McDougall, M. G., Fugitive Slaves. Bost. 1891. McLaughlin, A. C, Confederation and Constitution (Amer. Nation). N.Y. 1905. McLaughlin, A. C, Leviis Cass (Amer. Statesmen). Bost. 1900. *Maclay, E. S., History of American Privateers. N.Y. 1899. Ma.c\Ay,'E.S., History of the United States Navy. 3 vols. N.Y. 1901-1902. *McMaster, J. B., History of the People of the United States from the Revolution to the Civil War. 5 vols. pub. N.Y. 1883-. Macy, Jesse, Political Parties in the United States. N.Y. 1900. Mahan, A. T., Admiral Farragut (Great Commanders). N.Y. 1892. Mahan, A. T., Gulf and Inland Waters (Navy in Civil War). N.Y. 1883. U?ih&n, A.T., War of 1812. Bo.st. 1905. Major, R. H., Prince Henry the Navigator. Lond. 1868. Markham, C. R., Christopher Columbus (Great Explorers). Lond. 1892. Mathes, J. H., General Forrest (Great Commanders). N.Y. 1902. Matthews, Brander, Poems of American Patriotism. N.Y. 1882, *May, S. J., Ayitislavery Conflict. Bost. 1869. Merwin, H. C, Aaron Burr (Beacon). Bost. 1899. Merwin, H. C, Thomas Jefferson (Riverside). Bost. 1901. Michie, P. S., General McClellan (Great Commanders). N.Y. 1901. * Moore, Frank, Diary of the American Revolution. 2 vols. N.Y. 1860. More, P. E., Benjamin Franklin (Riverside). Bost. 1900. * Morse, J. T., Alexa7ider Hamilton. 2 vols. Bost. 1876. Morse, J. T., Benjamin Franklin (Amer. Statesmen). Bost. 1900. * Morse, J. T., John Adams (Amer. Statesmen). Bost. 1900. Morse, J. T., John Quincy Adams (Amer. Statesmen). Bost. 1900. Viu APPENDIX B * Morse, J. T., rAomas Jp/Teraon (Ainer. Statesmen). Bost. 1900. Myers, Gustavus, History of Tammany Hall. N.Y. 1901. ♦Nicolay, J. G., Outbreak of Rebellion (Campaigns of Civil War). N.Y. 1881. Noyes, A. I)., Thirty Years of American Finance. N.Y. 1898. * Old South Leaflets. General series. 150 nos. pub. Bost. 1888-. *0\m8\.Qd,Y.L.., Seaboard Slave States. New ed. 2 vols. N.Y. 1904. * Page, T. N., The Old South. N.Y. 1802. Palfrey, F. W., Antietam and Fredericksburg (Campaigns of Civil War). N.Y. 1882. Vans, Comte de, History of the Civil War. 4 vols. Phil. 1875-1888. Parkinan, P'rancis, Conspiracy of Pontiac. Kev. ed. 2 vols. Bost. 1870. Parkman, Francis, Count Frontenac and New France under Louis XIV. Bost. 1877. * Parkman, Francis, i/a//-Ce«<«ry o/ C'oji.^jcf. 2 vols. Bost. 1892. •Parkman, Francis, The Jesuits in North America. Bost. 1867. ♦Parkman, Francis, La Salle and the Discovery of the Great West. Rev. ed. Bost. 1887. ♦Parkman, Francis, Montcalm and Wolfe. 2 vols. Bost. 1884. Parkman, Francis, Old Rcfjime in Canada. Rev. ed. Bost. 1895. Parkman, Francis, Oregon Trail. Rev. ed. Bost. 1802. Parkman, Francis, Pioneers of France in the New World. Rev. ed. Bost. 1887. Parton, James, General Jackson (Great Commanders). N.Y. 189.3. Paxson, F. L., Independence of the South American Republics. Phil. 1903. Payne, E. J., ed.. Voyages of the Elizabethan Seamen. 2 vols. Oxford. 189.3-1000. Peck, C. H., Jacksonian Epoch. N.Y. 1890. Pellew, George, John Jay (Amer. Statesmen). Bost. 1900. Pennypacker, I. R. , General Meade (Great Commanders). N.Y. 1901. Phillips, U. B., Georgia and State Rights. Wash. 1902. ♦Pike, J. S., Prostrate State. N.Y. 1874. Pond, G. E., Shenandoah Valley in 1864 (Campaigns of Civil War). N.Y. 1883. Quincy, Edmund, .Tosiah Quincy. Bost. 1867. *Qmncy, Jos'\a,h, Figures of the Pa.1t. Bost. 1883. Raymond, R. W., Peter Cooper (Riverside). Bost. 1001. Reddavvay, W. F., The Monroe Doctrine. Cambridge, Eng. 1898. ♦Rhodes, J. F.,if<.s«or?/ of the United States from the Compromise of 1850. 5 vols. pub. N.Y. 1893-. Riddle, A. G., Recollections of War Times. N.Y. 1895. *mis,;i. A., Children of the Poor. N.Y. 1892. Riis, J. A., How the Other Half Lives. N.Y. 1800. Roosevelt, Theodore, Gouverneur Morris {kmer.^X:a.Xjesme\\). Bost. 1000. Roosevelt, Theodore, TVrtWfMrrtr f)/ /cS7,'?. 3d ed. N.Y. 1883. Roo.sevelt, Theodore, Thomas H. lieiiton (Amer. Statesmen). Bost. 1900. ♦Roosevelt, Theodore, irt«nhall consist of a Member or Members from two thirds of the States, and a Majoiuty of all the States shall be necessary to a Choice. In every Case, after the Choice of the President, the Person having the greatest Number of Votes of the Elec- tors shall be the Vice President. But if there should remain two or more who have equal Votes, the Senate shall chuse from them by Ballot the Vice President.] i [§ .3.] The Congress may determine the Time of chusing the Electors, and the Day on which they shall give their Votes ; which Day shall be the same throughout the United States. [§ 4.] No Person except a natural born Citizen, or a Citizen of the United States, at the time of the Adoption of this Constitution, shall be eligible to the Office of President ; neither shall any Person be eligible to that Office who shall not have attained to the Age of thirty five Years, and been fourteen Years a Resident within the United States. [§ 5.] In Case of the Removal of the President from Office, or of his Death, Resignation, or Inability to discharge the Powers and Duties of the said Office, the Same shall devolve on the Vice President, and the Congress may by Law provide for the Case of Removal, Death, Resignation, or Inability, both of the President and Vice President, declaring what Officer shall then act as ' SMDersedeil by Twelfth AuieuJuieat. XX APPENDIX D President, and sncli Officer sliall act ac'cordingly, until the Disability ho removed, or a President siiall be elected. [§ a.] The President shall, at slated Times, receive for his .Services, a Com- pensation, which shall neither be eiicreased nor diminished during the Period for which he shall have been elected, and he shall not receive within that Period any other Eiuolunieut from the United States, or any of them. [§ 7.] Before he enter ou the E.xecutiou of his Office, he shall take the fol- lowing Oath or Affirmation : — *' I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the Office of "President of the United States, and will to the best of my Ability, preserve, "protect and defend the Constitution of the United States." Section. 2. [§ 1.] The President shall be Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States, and of the Militia of the several States, when called into the actual Service of the United States; he may require the Opin- ion, in writing, of the principal Officer in each of the e.xecutive Departments, upon any Subject relating to the Duties of their respective Offices, and he shall have Power to grant Reprieves and Pardons for Offences against the United States, except in Cases of Impeachment. [§ 2.] He shall have Power, by and with the Advice and Consent of the Senate, to make Treaties, provided two thirds of the Senators present concur; and he shall nominate, and by and with the Advice and Consent of the Senate, shall appoint Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls, Judges of the supreme Court, and all other Officers of the United States, whose Appoint- ments are not herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be established by Law : but the Congress may by I-aw vest the Appointment of such inferior Officers, as they think proper, in the President alone, in the Courts of Law, or in the Heads of Departments. [§ 3.] The President shall have Power to fill up all Vacancies that may happen during the Recess of the Senate, by granting Commissions which shall expire at the End of their next Session. Section. 3. He shall from time to time give to the Congress Information of the State of the Union, and recommend to their Consideration such Meas- ures as he shall judge necessary and expedient ; he may, on extraordinary Occasions, convene both Houses, or either of them, and in Case of Disagree- ment between them, with Respect to the Time of Adjournment, he may adjourn them to such Time as he shall think proper: he shall receive Am- bassadors and other public Ministers; he shall take Care that the Laws be faithfully executed, and shall Commission all the Officers of the United States. Section. 4. The President, Vice President and all civil Officers of the United States, shall be removed from Office on Impeachment for, and Con- viction of, Treason, Bribery, or other high Crimes and Misdemeanors. ARTICLE. III. Section. 1. The judicial Power of the United States, shall be vested in one supreme Court, and in such inferior Courts as the Congress may from time to time ordain and establish. The Judges, both of the supreme and inferior CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES xxi Courts, shall hold their Offices during good Behaviour, and shall, at stated Times, receive for their Services, a Compensation, which shall not be dimin- ished during their Continuance in Office. Section. 2. [§ 1.] The judicial Power shall extend to all Cases, in Law and Equity, arising under this Constitution, the Laws of the United States, and Treaties made, or which shall be made, under their Authority; — to all Cases affecting Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls; — to all Cases of admiralty and maritime Jurisdiction ; — to Controversies to which the United States shall be a Party; — to Controversies between two or more States; — between a State and Citizens of another State ;i — between Citizens of different States, — between Citizens of the same State claiming Lands under Grants of different States, and between a State, or the Citizens thereof, and foreign States, Citizens or Subjects. [§ 2.] In all Cases affecting Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Con- suls, and those in which a State shall be Party, the supreme Court shall have original Jurisdiction. In all the other Cases before mentioned, the supreme Court shall have appellate Jurisdiction, both as to Law and Fact, with such Exceptions, and under such Regulations as the Congress shall make. [§ 3.] The Trial of all Crimes, except in Cases of Impeachment, shall be by Jury ; and such Trial shall be held in the State where the said Crimes shall have been committed ; but wheu not committed within any State, the Trial shall be at such Place or Places as the Congress may by Law have directed. Section. 3. [§ 1.] Treason against the United States, shall consist only in levying War against them, or in adhering to their Enemies, giving them Aid and Comfort. No Person shall be convicted of Treason unless on the Testi- mony of two Witnesses to the same overt Act, or on Confession in open Court. [§ 2.] The Congress shall have Power to declare the Punishment of Treason, but no Attainder of Treason shall work Corruption of Blood, or Forfeiture except during the Life of the Person attainted. AKTICLE. IV. Section. 1. Full Faith and Credit shall be given in each State to the pub- lic Acts, Records, and judicial Proceedings of every other State. And the Congress may by general Laws prescribe the Manner in which such Acts, Records and Proceedings shall be proved, and the Effect thereof. Section. 2. [§ 1.] The Citizens of each State shall be entitled to all Privi- leges and Immunities of Citizens in the several States. ^ [§ 2.] A Person charged in any State with Treason, Felony, or other Crime, who shall flee from Justice, and be found in another State, shall on Demand of the executive Authority of the State from which he fled, be delivered up, to be removed to the State having Jurisdiction of the Crime. [§ 3-] [No Person held to Service or Labour in one State, under the Laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in Consequence of any Law or Regula- tion therein, be discharged from such Service or Labour, but shall be delivered up on Claim of the Party to whom such Service or Labour may be due.] 3 * Limited by Eleventh Amendment. ^ Extended by Fourteenth Amendment. ' Superseded by Thirteenth Amendment so far as it relates to slaves. XXll Ari'KNDIX I) Section. 3. [§ 1.] New States may be ariinittcfl by the Conciress into this ('iiioii; but no new State shall he formed or erecteti within the Jurisdirtion of any other State; nor any State be formed by the Junction of two or more States, or Parts of States, without the Consent of the Legislatures of the States concerned as well as of the Congress. [§ 2.] The Congress shall have Power to di.spose of and make all needful Rules and Regulations respecting the Territory or other Property belonging to the United States; and nothing in this Constitution sliall ho so construed as to Prejudice any Claims of the United States, or of any particular State. Skction. 4. The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican Form of Government, anrl shall protect each of them against Invasion; and on .Application of the Legislature, or of the Executive (when the Legislature cannot be convened) against domestic Violence. ARTICLE. V. The Congress, whenever two thirds of both Houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose Amendments to this Constitution, or, on the Application of the legislatures of two thirds of the several States, shall call a Convention for proposing .Amendments, which, in either Case, shall \w valid to all Intents and Purposes, as Part of this Constitution, when ratitiem|iorarv provision. ' Kxtendeil by Fourteenth Amendment, Section 4. COI^STITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES xxiii ARTICLE. VII. The Ratification of the Conventions of nine States, shall be suflScient for the Establishment of this Constitution between the States so ratifying the Same. [Note of the draughtsman as to interlineations in the text of the manuscript.] Attest William Jaokbon. Done in Convention by the Unanimous Consent of the States present the Seventeenth Day of Sep- tember in the Year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and Eighty seven and of the Independance of the United States of America the Twelfth In Witness whereof We have hereunto subscribed our names. Secretary. q^ WA8HINGT0N- Presidt aiid deputy from Virginia. [Signatures of members of the Convention.] 1 [AMENDMENTS.] ARTICLES in addition to and Amendment of the Constitution of the United States of America, proposed by Congress, and ratified by the Legis- latures of the several States, pursuant to the fifth Article of the original Constitution.2 [ARTICLE I.] 3 Congress shaH make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or pro- hibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press ; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances. [ARTICLE II.] A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed. [ARTICLE III .J No Soldier shall, in time of peace be quartered in any house, without the consent of the Owner, nor in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law. [ARTICLE IV.] The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no Warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by Oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized. ' These signatures have no other legal force than that of attestation. 2 This heading appears only in the joint resolution submitting the first ten amendments. 3 In the original manuscripts the first twelve amendments have no numbers. Xxiv APPENDIX 1) [ARTICLE v.] No person sliall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a Grand Jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the Militia, when in actual service in time of War or public danger; nor shall any person be subject lor the same offence to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensation. [ARTICLE VI.] In all criminal prosecutions the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and i^ause of the accusa- tion ; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the Assistance of Counsel for his defence. [ARTICLE VII.] In suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved, and no fact tried by a jury shall be otherwise re-examined in any Court of the United States, than according to the rules of the common law. [ARTICLE VIII.] Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted. [ARTICLE IX.] The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be con- strued to deny or disparage others retained by the people. [ARTICLE X.] - The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively or to the people. 1 [ARTICLE XL] 2 The Judicial power of the United States shall not be construed to extend to any suit in law or equity, commenced or prosecuted against one of the United States by Citizens of another State, or by Citizens or Subjects of any Foreign State. ' Amendments First to TimiIIi apprar to have been In force from Nov. 8, 1791. * Proclaimed to l>c in force .Jan. 8, 179s. CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES XXV [ARTICLE XII.] 1 The Electors shall meet in their respective states, and vote by ballot for President and Vice-President, one of whom, at least, shall not be an inhab- itant of the same state with themselves ; they shall name in their ballots the person voted for as President, and in distinct ballots the person voted for as Vice-President, and they shall make distinct lists of all persons voted for as President, and of all persons voted for as Vice-President, and of the number of votes for each, which lists they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the seat of the government of the United States, directed to the President of the Senate; — The President of the Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open all the certificates and the votes shall then be counted ; — The person having the greatest number of votes for President, shall be the President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of Electors appointed; and if no person have such majority, then from the persons having the highest numbers not exceeding three on the list of those voted for as President, the House of Representatives shall choose immediately, by ballot, the President. But in choosing the President, the votes shall be taken by states, the representation from each state having one vote ; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or members from two-thirds of the states, and a majority of all the states shall be necessary to a choice. And if the House of Representatives shall not choose a President whenever the right of choice shall devolve upon them, before the fourth day of March next following, then the Vice-President shall act as President, as in the case of the death or other constitutional disability of the President. — The person having the greatest number of votes as Vice-President, shall be the Vice-President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of Electors appointed, and if no person have a majority, then from the two highest num- bers on the list, the Senate shall choose the Vice-President; a quorum for the purpose shall consist of two-thirds of the whole number of Senators, and a majority of the whole number shall be necessary to a choice. But no person constitutionally ineligible to the office of President shall be eligible to that of Vice-President of the United States. ARTICLE XIII.2 Section 1. Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punish- ment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction. Sec- tion 2. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation. ARTICLE XIV.3 Section 1. All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State 1 Proclaimed to be in force Sept. 2.5, 1804. 2 Proclaimed to be in force Dec. 18, 1865. Bears the unnecessary approval of the President. * Proclaimed to be in force July 38, 1868. xxvi appp:ndix d wherein they reside. No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or innnunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws. Section 2. Representatives shall be apportioned among the several States according to their respective numbers, counting the whole number of persons in each State, excluding Indians not taxed. But when the right to vote at any election for the choice of electors for President and Vice President of the United States, Representatives in Congress, the Executive ami Judicial ofticers of a State, or the members of the legislature thereof, is denied to any>of the male inhabitants of such State, being twenty-one years of age, and citizens of the United States, or in any way abridged, except for participation in rebellion, or other crime, the basis of representation therein shall be reduced in the proportion which the number of such male citizens shall bear to the whole number of male citizens twenty-one years of age in such State. Section 3. No person shall be a Senator or Representative in Congress, or elector of President and Vice President, or hold any oflSce, civil or military, under the United States, or under any State, who, having previously taken an oath, as a member of Congress, or as an officer of the United States, or as a member of any State legislature, or as an executive or judicial ofticer of any State, to support the Constitution of the United States, shall have engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the same, or given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof. But Congress may by a vote of two-thirds of each House, remove such disability. Section 4. The validity of the public debt of the United States, atithorized by law, including debts incurred for payment of pensions and bounties for services in suppressing insurrection or rebellion, shall not be questioned. But neither the United States nor any State shall assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred in aid of insurrection or rebellion against the United States, or any claim for the loss or emancipation of any slave; but all such debts, obligations and claims shall be held illegal and void. Section 5. The Congress shall have power to enforce, by appropriate legislation, the provisions of this article. ARTICLE XV.l Section 1. The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude. — Section 2. The Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appro- priate legislation. — ARTICLE XVI.- The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes on incomes, from whatever source derived, witiiout apiiortionmciil among the several States, and without regard to any <'ensus or enumeration. ^ Proclaimed to be in force Mar. 80, 1870. » rroclaiuied to be In force Feb. 26, 1918. CO^STITUTIUA- OF TJIH U^^ilTEJ) STATKS xxvii ARTICLE XVIH The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two Senators from each State, elected by the people thereof, for six years ; and each Senator shall have one vote. The electors in each State shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State legislatures. When vacancies happen in the representation of any State in the Senate, the executive authority of such State shall issue writs of election to fill such vacancies: Provided, That the legislature of any State may empower the executive thereof to make temporary appointments imtil the people fill the vacancies by election as the legislature may direct. This amendment shall not be so construed as to affect the election or term of any Senator chosen before it becomes valid as part of the Constitution. ARTICLE XVIII 2 Section 1. After one year from the ratification of this article the manu- facture, sale, or transportation of intoxicating liquors within, the importa- ti(jn thereof into, or the exportation thereof from the United States and all territory subject to the jurisdiction thereof for .beverage purposes is hereby prohibited. Section 2. The Congress and the several States shall have concurrent power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation. Section 3. This article shall be inoperative unless it shall have been ratified as an amendment to the Constitution by the legislatures of the several States, as provided in the Constitution, within seven years from the date of the submission hereof to the States by the Congress. ' Proclaimed to he in force May .31, 191.3. 2 Ratified by the necessary number of States January 16, 1919. APPENDIX E rROCLA.MATlOX OF KMAXCII'ATIOX (Jamakv 1, 1S6:5) [From the facsimile in Xicuiay and Hiiy, Ahrahain Lincoln, A History, VI, 422.] m THE PRESIDENT OF THE UXITED STATES OF AMERICA: .1 Proclam lion. Whereas, on the twenty second day of Septemlior, in tlie year of our Lord one thousand eit^ht hundred and sixty two, a prochiniation was issued l)y the President of tlie United States, containing, among other things, the following, to wit : "That on the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any State or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then he in reliellion against the L^nited States, shall he then, thenceforward, and forever free ; and the Executive Government of the United States, including the military and naval authority thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom. "That the Executive will, on the first day of .January aforesaid, by procla- mation, designate the States and parts of States, if any, in which the people thereof, respectively, shall then i^e in rebellion against the L^nited States ; and the fact that any State, or the people thereof, shall on that day lie, in good faith, represented in the Congress of the United States by members chosen tliereto at elections wherein a majority of the qualified voters of such State shall have participated, shall, in the aliscnce of strong countervailing testi- mony, l)e deemed conclusive evidence that such State, and the people thereof, arc not then in rcliellion against the Ihiited States." Now, therefore I, .\braham Lincoln, President of the United States, by virtue of the power in me vested as Commander-in-cliief. of the .\rmy and Navy of the United States in time of actual armed rebellion against [the] auliiorily anil government of the United States, and as a fit and necessary war measure for sui)i)ressing said rebellion, do, on this first day of .Linuary, in the year of oiu" Lord iin(> thousand eight hundred and sixty three, and in xxviii PEOCLAMATTOX OF EArAXCirATION xxix at'cordanrc with my piiri)i).se so Id do puhlicly proclaimed for tin- full period of one hundred days, from the day first above mentioned, order and desig- nate as the States and parts of States wherein the people thereof respectively, are this day in rebellion against the United States, the following, to wit : Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana, (except the Parishes of St. Bernard, Plaque- mines, Jefferson, St. John, St. Charles, St. James, Ascension, Assumption, Terrebonne, Lafourche, St. Mary, St. Martin, and Orleans, including the City of New Orleans), Mississippi, Alabama, Florida, Georgia, South-Carolina, North-Carolina, and Virginia, (except the forty eight counties designated as West Virginia, and also the counties of Berkley, Accomac, Northampton, Elizabeth-City, York, Princess, Ann, and Norfolk, including the cities of Norfolk & Portsmouth) ; and which excepted parts are, for the present, left precisely as if this proclamation were not issued. And by virtue of the power, and for the purpose aforesaid, I do order and declare that all persons held as slaves within said designated States, and parts of States, are, and henceforward shall he free ; and that the Executive government of the United States, including the military and naval authorities thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of said persons. And I hereby enjoin upon the people so declared to be free to abstain from all violence, unless in necessary self-defence ; and I recommend to them that, in all cases when allowed, they labor faithfully for reasonable wages. And I further declare and make known, that such persons of suitable condi- tion, will be received into the armed service of the United States to garrison forts, positions, stations and other places, and to man vessels of all sorts in said service. And upon this act, sincerely believed to be an act of justice, warranted by the Constitution, upon military necessity, I invoke the considerate judgment of mankind, and the gracious favor of Almighty God. In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. Done at the city of Washington, this first day of January, in the [l.s.] year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty three, and of the Independence of the United States of America the eighty- seventh. Abraham Lincoln By the President; William H. Seward, Secretary of State XXX STATr.S OK rilK L'XION ^ o 1— 1 tz; fe P 1— 1 o H '/^, i^ w O Ph Pm CZJ <1 W H o -. '"' y-i W ?5 ri rH CI CO >> (a O >. 2 >. b. — < >> ^ Ui H >> o 2-c C T. w ■< G.' 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Q a o o -^ o O a a a a O o S j2 o c a c o Qj "T c O Q +J c^ '.^t. ■£ h ;h r^ u _M M b u _b/D _bc t^ s- 'S o ti M _blj .Sf t^ JH 13 r; S .Sf h ^ ^ " '^ t- o3 E« O) ce OJ ri CD 'S '5 OJ *E Hi IS s cS 'h 'E 'b cS O) *iH OJ cS C^ (3J OeuipLiHetiHaHHOOHOO(iHPLi»i5 Ph O O O (ii H a H t» O H eu ct, H 00 00 1 00 C-1 oc 36 X 2 CI 05 X 11 CE5 1 I— o 2 ,S5 X 55 1 f2 * Q 5g "* 5ft 00 00 X S" ;i o' o x" '"' CO ■^" of 01 r-l Tir of " oi "* .a rt 2 § S 9J a a < > o 12; c3 1 a > o o o ?5 12; > a a a cS > O a >5 a Hi S l-s 1 I- 00 00 X ^ z 1 o 00 X 01 JO C2 1 X 03 X X CO X *"* *"■ *"• 1"* T-< r^' r-T 'c" of -r rf o" of ^* -" of ■s of to* ?i ^ ^ 0) ^^ '^ C-) OI CO 1— t 01 1— 1 CI ^ •Hi ji ^ "P o n ^ ;-< a X! ^ 3 3 ^ o3 c5 0) 3, 3 § a a a 0) ►^ < ID t4 c4 ^ H e« (n ',3 \ ^ .2 c« .5 -e .s -5 eS 1 2 ^ <3 1 a _a 3 '35 a o 5 Si cS S >5 to 1-5 & o a; o O a o O M a Q c4 S o a a "3 cS *?» to a OJ o a Q a m a CO to CO 1 o e .5 '3 a o a "a? c5 •" to a t §2 S § ^ o !a S O O ^ o .a O Cm (iS o a: o S 5 > > ?: ^^^ CO CO eT o" ^ ,^ I- CO o eo t" rH e» Oi I~ CO CO N CO oo~ o~ CD~ ao~ tfS~ ^ o e«^ iO O >* « CO C4 o ■* CO eo ^ t-> t-< CO -1 ^ CO I-l •* rH N 'J' r-t rH ■* CO CO ^ INDEX Diacritic marks : 3 as lo late ; i a» In /at ; u as in far ; & as In care ; & as In hut ; a as In fall ; e, eli as in cask, c/iasm ; f as in ice ; e as in me ; e as in met, herry \ g as in eeil ; 6 as in <«;•«/ ; g as in gem ; g as in ^o ; i as in tin ; i as in police ; n, the Ki-eiicli nasal ; fl as in note \ 6 as in not ; 6 as in son ; 6 as in for ; o as in rfo ; § as in ueicn ; fli as in the ; a as in tune; u as in »t«/; h as in r«rf< (=o); u as in full; u= French u; y'as in wiy. Single Italic letters are silent. Abolitionists, 298, 347-351. in election of 1844, 358. underground railroad, 873, 378. AcaMia, 00, 125, 128, 129. Acts of Trade, 103; nee Navigation Acts. Adauis, Charles Francis, 440, 460. Adams. Henry, 530. Adams, John, biography, 254, 255. Constitution, 218. Declaration of Independence, 157, 153. defends British soldiers, 142. on democracy, 226. President, 2r>4-259, 263. Vice President, 235, 246. Adams, John Quincy, President, 310-313, 830, 3:12. representative in Congress, 811, 349. Secretary of State, 306, 308, 301. Adams, Samuel, 155, 156, 144, 145, 149, 151. Agamen'ticus, 60. Agriculture, tiee Farming. A-gwi-naldo, 553, 554, 556. 557, 558. A/.\-la-<;ha-peU6', treaty of, 127. Al-a-bii'ma, 298, 301, 406, .xxx. Alabama, 439 ; claims, 505, 506. Al'a-mance, battle of, 144. A'la-mo, 3;31. Alaska, iiurchased, 499. Al'ba-ny (al'-), settled, 67. Albany Congress, 128. Al'be-marle settlement, 84. Al'ger, Kussell A., 5bi. AI-gon'()uin Indians, 27, 66. Alien and Sedition acts, 256, 257. Al'le-f'hg-ny Uiver, 127. Allen, Ethan, 153. Al-Wu-^e', Father Claude Jean, 69. Al-ta-ma-ha' (al) River, IDS. Am'u-das, Philip, 40. Amendmenis to federal Constitution, 237, 2-MH. 2.V.», 492, 49."., 503, 609, 688. America, origin of name, 35. American party, 388. American system, of Clay, 29T. Amnesty, 467, 494, 504. Anajsthesia, discovery of, 429. .\ narehists, 586. Anderson, Major Robert, 405, 411, 414. An'dersonville jirison, 473. An'dru, Major John, 177. .\n'dros. Sir Kduiiind, S7, 88. .\nnap'olis (Md.) Convention, 206. Annapolis, N.S., 00, 122. .\n't//o-ny, Susan B., 340. An-tte'tam, battle of, 451. Anti-Federalists, 214, 245. .\nti-masonic party, 313. Antino'mians, in Massachusetts, 65. Anti-Rent disturbances, .354. Antislavery people, 201, 347; see Slavery. A-pii'che Indians subdued, 526. Appala'chian Mountains, 20. Appiimat'tij.v, 485. Architecture, 530, 575 ; see Church buildings, an18, 546, 560. Cliff dwellings. 25. Clinton, De Witt, 294. Clinton, George, 217, 270, 284. Clinton, Sir Henry. 174. 177. Coal mining, 2S9, 427, 428. INDEX XXXV Coinage, 242, 334, 508, 513, 548. Cold Harbor, battle of, 474, 475. Colleges, 93, 116, 228, 296, 339, 423, 424, 528, 529, 570. Co-loin'bi'-a, independence of, 307, 808. treaties with, 366, 582. Colonial trade, 74, 75, 103, 114 ; see Naviga- tion Acts. Colonies, English, 40, 45-6;}, 74-163. government, 75, 103, 110-113, 118. life and industry, 91-105, 114-116. people, 91. See names of colonies. Col-o-rii'do, admitted, 501, xxx. Columbia, S.C, captured, 484. Columbia College, 116. Columbia River discovered, 268. Columbian exposition, in Chicago, 545. •Columbus, Christopher, 31-35, 43. Commerce, colonial, 101-105, 114. growth, 222, 223, 233, 303, 304, 392. Indian trade, 104. neutral, 250-252, 271-273, 278. Pacific, 370, 371. under Confederation, 199. under Constitution, 211, 213, 242, 572 ; see Tariff, and Interstate commerce. Commercial panics and crises, 311, 334, 335, 393, 507, 543. Commercial treaties, 197, 252, 272, 286, 303, 330, 371, 545, 060. Committees of Correspondence, 145. Communal societies, 340-342. Compromise of 1820, 299. Compromise of 1850, 374-377. Compromises of the Constitution, 210. Concord, battle of, 151, 152. Confederacy, Southern, 406-422, 483-489. government, 406, 4^9, 440. military strength, 436, 437. Confederates, punishment of, 491-493. Confederation, 189-204. defects, 202-204. Confiscation, in Civil War, 455, 456. in Kevolution, 166, 185. Congress, Albany. 128. Congress, Continental, 149-163, 172, 179, 182, 185. Congress, Stamp-Act, 140. Congress of the Confederation, 189-206, 213, 235. Congress under the Constitution, 211-213, 235-243. powers over slavery, 388. reconstruction by, 494-497, 508. Connect'icut, colony, 57, 60, 77, 79, 87-89, 107. western claims, 182, 192, 244. Connecticut Compromise, 210, 211. Constitution, 280, 281. Constitution of U.S., xiv. amendments to, 237, 238, 259, 492, 495, 503, 504. analysis of, 212, 218. making of, 206-218.. ratification, 213-217. theories of, 822, 323. Constitutional Union party, 402. Constitutions of the states, 159, 160, 422, 540. Continental Congress, First, 149, 150. Second, 152, 153, 156-163, 172, 179, 182, 185. Contraband, 250. "Contrabands," slaves, 455, 456. Convention, federal, 206-214, 217, 218. Conventions, party, 226, 320. Conway Cabal, 173. Cooper, James Fenimore, 342, Cooper, Peter, 827. " Copperheads," 472. Corinth, captured, 445. Corn-wal'lis, Lord, 177-1T9. Co-ro-nii'do (-ftio), Francisco Vasquez dfi, 87»' Corporations, 224, 515, 516, 532, 533, 571. control of, 635, 548, 581. Cor'tez, Hernando, 36. Corwin amendment, 409. Cotton, 221, 222, 420, 430, 527. Cotton gin, 222. Council, colonial. 111. Council for New England, 52, 58, 57, 59. County government, 112, 297. Cou-reuTs' de bois (bwa), 74. Courts, 111, 112, 238. Cowpens, battle of, 178. Crater, at Petersburg. 475. Crawford, William H., 306, 309, 810. Creeks, 27, 132, 331, 382. war with, 279. Cre-A\t' Mo-bi-lier' (-lya'), 507. Cr^vecoeur (krav-ker'). Ft., 72, Crime of 1878, 508. Criminals, 225, 838. Crit'ten-den, John J., 410. Cromwell, Oliver, 60. Crown Point, fortified, 126. Cro-ziii!', Anthony, 124, 125. Cuba, proposed annexation, 877, 378, 884. relations to U.S., 551-560. revolts against Spain, 507, 521, 551-557. Ciun'berland Road, 294. Currency, see Coinage, and Paper money. Cush'ing, Caleb, 371. Custer, Gen. George A., 502. Cutler, Manasseh, 195. Cut'tyhunk, 42. €!*y-a-h6'ga River, 28. Dakota territory, 501. Dale, Sir Thomas, governor, 48. Danish West Indies, 499. XXXVl INDEX Dare, Virginia, 40. Da-ri-en', town iu Soutli America, 36. Dart'mofitii College, 110, 3(IC. DSv'enport, Kev. -John, 57. Davis, Jefl'erson, biograpliy, 439, 440. Buchanan and, 404. captured, 4S6. held for treason, 491, 497. President of confederacy, 40C, 439, 440. resolutions of isOO, 401. secession views, 40S, 409. Deanf, Silas, 174. Dear 'born. Ft., 289. Debs, Eugene V., 537, 583,886. Debtors' laws, 200, 225, 338. Declaration of Independence, 157-159, xi. Declaration of Kights, 149. Deerfleld, attacked, 125. D« Grasse, Admiral, 179. De Kalb', Baron, 1C7, 178. Delaware, 08, 81, 84, 107, xxx. Delfs-ha'ven, 50. Dg Lotus, Spanish minister, 552. Democracy, iu America, 110, 220, 227, 31C, 421. Democratic Clubs, 250, 253. Democratic i)arty, earliest, 246, 253 ; see Re- publican party (Deniocralic). Jacksonian. 330, 380. recent issues, 525, 540, 541, 547, 583. slavery and, 388, 389, 401-403. Denver, founded, 427. Dependencies, government of, 575, 576. Deposit Act of 1830, 334. Deg-er-ut', state of, 394. Dfi So' to, Ferdlnando, 37. De« Plain««' Kiver, 24. D'Es-tajN{/, Admiral, 177. Dfi-troit', founded, 124. in War of 1812, 280, 282. Dew'ey, Admiral George, 553, 554. Diaz (de'as). Bartholomew, 81. Dickinson, John, 141, 149, 161, Dingley tariff, 547. Din\vi(i'(lie, Gov. Robert, 127. Direct tax, 442, 541. Discovery of America, 17, 31-43. aids to, 14. causes, 13-16. District of Columbia, 289, 877. Dix, Dorothea, 388, 339. Dixie's Land, 109. DSn'elson, Ft., captured, 444, 476. Don'gan, Gov. Thomas, SO. Dooley, Mr., MO. Dorr, Thomas W., 855. Doiig'las, Stephen \., biography, 886. Lincoln and, 396, 397, 416. presidential candidate, 401-403, 380, 389. slavery views, 385-867, 395-897. 401. Draft, in North, 437, 460 ; riots, 472. iu South, 473. Drake, Sir Francis, 39-11. Dred Scott decision, 391, 392. Dress, 92, 102, 13S, 139, 228. Du-ane', William John, 329. Dun-more', Gov. John Murray, 144. Dunne, Finley Peter, 530. Du-pont', Admiral S. F., 44;}. Du-quesne' (-kan'). Ft., 127, 129. Dustin, Hannah, 124. Dutcli, colonies, 67, 68, 73, 78. freedom from Spain, 39, 67, OS. in Connecticut valley, 57, 60. in Revolutionary War, 175. settlers, 67, SO, 91, 220. Dutch West India Company, 67, 78. Eads, Capt. James B., 534. Early, Gen. Jubal A., 475, 477. Eaton, Theophilus, 57. Ed'ison, Thomas A., 582. Education, 92, 93, 227, 228, 889, 340, 423, 424, 628, 529, 569, 570. in Northwest, 296. Edwards, Rev. Jonathan, 115. Elections, see Voters, and Presidential elec- tions. Electoral Commission, 512. Electoral Count Act, 538. Electric devices, 532, 570 ; see Telegraph. El'i-ot, John, 80. Elizabeth, Queen, 40. Emancipation proclamations, 459, 492, xxvii. Embargo Act, 273, 275. Em'erson, Ralph Waldo, 425, 342. Emigrant aid companies, 387. England, changes in government, 29, 60, 77, 88, 126. claim to North America, 42, 73, 75. colonies of, see Colonies, and Colonial. discoveries, 35, 88, 39, 42, 43. war with France, 66, 122-188. war with Spain, 38-43. See also Great Britain. Enumerated goods, 103. Eph'rata, Pa., settled, 82. Equality, 576. Era of good feeling, 306. Er'icsson, John, 447. Erie Canal, 294, 295. Er'ikson, Leif, 31. Er'skine, British minister, 277. European basis of American history, 13-17. 28, 29. Ev'ans, Oliver, 222, 225. Ew'ell, Gen. Richard S., 477. Executive Departments, organized, 287. Ex'eter, N.II., settled, 59. Exploration, of coast, «e« Discovery. INDEX xxxvu Exploration, of interior, 26S, 269, 356, 501. Expositions, 511, 545. Express companies, 430. Fairbanks, Charles W., 583. Fair Oaks, battle of, 448. Farmer's Alliance, 542. Farming, 98-100, 221, 420, 421, 527. macliinery, 326, 428, 5T0. Far'ragut, David G., 446, 478, 479. Federal Convention, 206-214, 217, 218. Federalist, 214. Federalist party, 214, 246, 254-259, 306. Fer'guson, Maj. Patrick, 178. Filipi'nos, 563, 569. Fillmore, MiUard, 375, 378, 389. Finance, in Civil War, 441, 442. in Revolution, 185, 186. in War of 1812, 284. recent, 498, 513. under Confederation, 196, 199. under Constitution, 213, 239-243. See also Public Debt, Tariff, etc. Fire eaters, 384. Fisiier, Ft., captured, 479. Fisheries, 101, 184, 222, 303, 506. Fiske, John, 530. Fitch, John, 225. Fitz-hu0'/i', Col. William, 100. Five Nations, see Iroquois. Flag, Confederate, 466. United States, 189, 159. Fletcher, Gov. Benjamin, 105. Florida, British, 130, 131, 153, 181, 184. discovery of, 36. French in, 38. purchased by U.S., 307. Seminole vrar, 332. Spanish, 36, 38, 130, 184, 307. state in U.S., 374, xxx. Floyd, John B., 405. Foote, Andrew H., 444. Forests of United States, 20, 22, 527. Forrest, Gen. Nathan B., 466. Fort Astoria, Sumter, etc., see Astoria, Sumter, etc. Fort Wayne, 24, 290. Forty-niners, 370. Foundations of American History, 13-29. Fox, Charles James, 135. France, ally of U.S., 174-179, 184, 185, 187, 249. changes in government, 29, 249, 257. claim to North America, 42, 73, 75. colonies, 65, 66, 69-75, 130, 265-267. depredations on U.S. commerce, 251, 255, 257, 272, 273, 278, .330. discoveries, 37, 38, 66, 69-73. Mexican empire, 499. apoliation claims, 380, France, treaties with, 174, 257. war with England, 66, 122-183, 174-187, 249, 271. war with Iroquois, 66. war with U.S., 257. X. Y. Z. controversy, 255, 256. Franklin, battle of, 484. Franklin, state of, 194. Franklin, Benjamin, biography, 117, 118. Declaration of Independence, 157. Federal Convention, 207, 210, 212. minister to France, 174, 183, 185. plan of union, 128, 161. writings of, 117, 229. Fraternity, 576. Freebooters, 38, 39. Free coinage, 513 ; see Coinage and Silver. Free Democrats, 380, 389. Freedman's Bureau, 492, 503. Freeman's Farm, battles at, 170. Freeport doctrine, 397. Free-soil party, 372, 380. Fr6-mont', John C, 357, 36.5, 889, 456, 480. French, see France. French and Indian War, 127-131. French settlers, 85, 01, 124, 125. Fre-neau' (-no'), Philip, 228. Frob'isher, Sir Martin, 38. Fron'te-nac, Ft., 71, 129. FroN-te-nac', Governor, 71. Fugitive Slave Act, of 1793, 273, 378. of 1850, 377-379,459. Fugitive slaves, 373, 378, 379. Fulton, Robert, 274. Fur trade, 68, 73, 86, 222. Gabriel insurrection, 347. Gadsden Purchase, 566. Gage, Gen. Thomas, 146, 150, 153, Gal'latin, Albert, 262, 277. Ga'ma, Vas'co da, 33, 43. Garfield, James A., 520, 464. Garrison, William Lloyd, 348, 849. Gaspe Peninsula, 20. Gaspee, 144. Gates, Gen. Horatio, 170, 171, 173. 178. Genfet (zh'-na'), Edmond, 249, 250. G8n'o-a, trade routes, 15. Geography of U.S., 17-23, 29. George III., 135, 136, 151, 165. Georgia, colony, 108, 132, 177. Indian troubles, 244, 331, 332. western claims, 182, 192, 245. German settlers, 82, 91, 108, 125, 143, 193, 220, 500. Germsntown, founded, 82; battle, 171. Ge-ron'i-mo, Indian chief, 28. Ger'ry, Elbridge, 212, 255. Gerrymander, 316. Gettysburg, battle of, 462, 463. XXXVlll INDEX G/tent, treaty of, 285. Uid'dings, Joshua R., 349. Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, 3S, 40. 6irty, Simon, 180. Glad'stone, on the Confederacy, 457. Gna'den-hut-ten, 183. Goffe, William, 77. Gold, mining, 369, 370, 427, 600. money, see Coinage. Good Hope, Ft., at Hartford, Conn., 57, 60. Good 'year, Charles, 429. Gordon, Gen. John B., 477. Gor'ges, Ferdinando, 60. Gorman, Arthur P., 543. Gor'such, 878. Gusnold, Bartholomew, 42, 46. Gould, Jay, 538. Government, colonial, 7.5, 103, 110-113, 118; see names of colonies. dependcncie.s, 575, 576. military, 471, 497, 503. 8Ute, 160. .SI 6, 422, 538-540, 575. territorial, 195. U. S., lSO-218, 235-243, 574, 575. Governors, colonial, 111, 112, 153. Gra-nfi'da, 17. Grangers, 512. Grant, Ulysses 8., biography, 475, 476, 503. campaigns in East, 474-476, 4s5, 486. cami)aigns in West, 444-446, 400, 461, 465. President, .502-508, .501. presidential candidate, 502, 505, 511, 519. protects Confederates, 491. Gray, Capt. Pvobert, 268. Gray.son ordinance, 192. Great Britain, 126; nee England. boundary controversies, 355, 361, ,506. depredations on U.S. commerce, 2.50, 251, 271-273. difficulties with (1783-88), 197-199. during Civil War, 440, 441, 4.59, 460. Isthmian canal, 366, 367, 393, 582. treaties (1783) 184, (1794) 251, 252, (1SI4) 285, (1818)303, (1871)506. "Venezuelan boundary, .546. wars with Franco, 126-1.33, 174-1 «7, 249. 271. wars with U.S., 150-187, 277-287. Great Plains, 21. Greeley, Horace, 343, 459, 505. Green, DufT, 318. Greenback Labor party, 513. Greenback party, .512. Greenbacks, 471, 498, 508, 513. Greene, Gen. Nathanael, 178, 186. Greenville, treaty of, 244. Grenville, George, 138. Griffon (gre-fdN*), 71. Guam (gwani), 557. Gufi-na-hfin', 82. Ouerriere (gar-ryftr'), 280. riuT-a'na, Dutch, 68. (TMil'ford, battle of, 178. Gn'ten-bfirg, printer, 14. Hadley, Mass., attacked, 86. Hugu« Conference, 561. //ail Columbia, 256. Hiu'ti, 33, 133, 266. Hak'lityt, Kichard, 42. Halleck, Gen. Henry W., 445, 450, 474. Hani'ilton, Alexander, and Adams, 253. biography, 239, 240. Burr and, 270. Constitution, 206, 207, 210, 214, 217. Jefferson and, 239, 243, 24.5, 246. Secretary of the Treasury, 239-243. Washington and, 253. Hamilton, Henry, 180, 181. Hampton Roads conference, 486. Hancock, John, 140, 222, 142, 150, 215, 216. Hancock, WinBeld S., 519, 520. Hanna, Marcus A., 563. Harinar, Gen. Josiab, 243. Harnden, William F., 430. Harpers Ferry, 397, 451. Harriman, E. H., 5iJ3. Harris, Joel Chandler, 5.30. Harrison, Benjamin, .540, ,541, .546. Harrison, William H., 279, 251, 232, 286, 853 \UiHe, Bret, .530. Hartford, 57, 60; Convention, 285. Harvard College, 93. Hat'teras, Ft., cai)tured, 443. Ha- van 'a, captured by British. 130. Hfi'ver-Ztill, Mass., attacked, 124. Ilii wrji'ian Islands, .370, 560, 561. Hawkins, Sir John, .39. Hawthorne, Nathaniel, 425, 342. Hay, John, .5.57, 562, 582. Hav-Pauncefote treaty, 582. Hajvy, liufti'erford B., 511-513, 519, 521. Hayn«, Robert Y., 319. Henderson, Richard, 160. Hen'nepin, Father, 72. Henry, Ft., captured, 444. Henry, Patrick, 137, 140, 149, 155, ISO, 216. Henry VII., .35. Henry the Navigator, Prince, 16. Hi'r'kinior, e, Richard. 429. Hnlland, or the Netherlands, see Dutch. Udlmei, Oliver Wendell, 425. INDEX XXXIX Holy Alliance, 307, 308. Homestead Act, 500. Hood, Gen. John B., 478, 494. Hooker, Gen. Joseph, 462, 465. Hooker, Kev. Thonoas, 57. Hopkins, Esek, 175. Hopkinson, Joseph, 256. House of Representatives, 211, 235, 538, xxx. Houses, 91, 92, 143, 223, 230, 295. Hoiis'ton, Sam, 331, 406, 408. Howe, Elias, 429. Howe, Sir William, 167-172, 174. Howells, W. 1)., 530. Howland Island, 561. Hudson, Henrv, 07, 73. Hudson Bay, 73, 74, 125. Hudson Kiver, explored, 67. Hudson's Bay Company, 73. H&'gMe-not colonists, 38, 85, 91, 143, 220. Hull, Gen. William, 280. Humanitarian reform, 338-351. Hunter, Gen. David, 456. Hurons, Indians, 69. Hutchinson, Anne, 55, 59. Hutchinson, Thomas, 140, 144, 146. I-ber-vil/e', Sieur (syer) d', 124. I'daho, 501, 527, xxx. Hlinoi*', 182, 298, 301, xxx. French in, 72, 73. I-lo-i'lo, 557. Immigration, 333, 419, 500, 536. Impeachment of President Johnson, 497. Impending Orixis, 401. Implied powers, 213, 243, 246, 267, 306. Impressments, 251, 271, 280, 285. Incas, 26. Income tax, 442, 544. Indented servants, 99. Indents, 185. Independence, 155-160. Independent treasury, 335, 359. Independents (sect), 49, 60. Indian Territory established, 332. Indian Wars, in aid of French, 122-125, 127- 129. in New England, 57, 58, 86, 87, 125. in New York, 78. in Virginia, 48, 84. Pontiac's, 132. with U.S. (1789-94) 243, 244, (1811) 278, 279, (1832) 332, (1872-76) 501, (1886)526. Indiana, state, 298. 301, xxx. territory, 244, 273, 298. Indians, aboriginal life, 23-28. behavior in slavery, 99. controversy wth Georgia, 331, 832. government, 28. in Revolution, 167, 170, 179, 180, 183. relations with whites, 74, 75, 568, 569. Indians, removal of, 331,332, 568. Severalty Act, 526. trade, 104. " tribes," 28. warfare, 27, 28, see Indian Wars. See also names of tribes. Industrial exhibitions, 511, 545. Industries, 221-225, 323, 427^131, 570. in South, 527, 528. Initiative, 540. Insane, care of, 225, 339. Insurance companies, 515. Intercolonial wars, 122-133. Internal improvements, 293, 294, 326, 327, 533, 534. Interstate commerce, 199, 534, 535. Intolerable Acts, 146. Inventions, 222, 224, 225, 323, 326, 428, 429, 580-532, 570. I'owa, 374, xxx. Iron, 289. 323, 427, 428, 518, 528. Ir-0-quoi.s', 68, 69, 27, 66, 123, 129, 132, 179, 180. Irrigation, 526, 527. Irving, Washington, 342. Isabella, town in Haiti, 33. Isabella of Castile, 16, 31, -32. Island No. 10, captured, 444. Isthmian Canal, 366, 867, 393, 499, 581, 582. Jackson, Andrew, biography, 310, 317. general, 279, 283, 286, 307. President, 3i 6-320, 327-336. presidential candidate, 310, 313, 320. Jackson, Dr. Charles T., 429. Jackson, James, 277. Jackson, Gen. Thomas J. ("Stonewall"), 442, 449, 450, 462, 477. Jamai'ca, 83, 60. James, Capt. George S., 414. James II. of England, 87, 88. Jamestown, 47-49, 84. Japan, treaty with, 371. Jasper, Sergeant, 167, 169. Java, 281. Jay, John, 149, 183, 200, 214, 238. treaty with Great Britain, 2£1, 252. Jefferson, Thomas, biography, 261, 262. Declaration of Independence, 157. Hamilton and, 239, 243, 245, 246. Kentucky Resolutions, 256. on National Bank, 243. on slavery. 226. on treaty with France, 249. ordinance for western territory, 194. President, 258, 261-277. Vice President, 254. Washington and, 253. writinf.'S of, 229. Jesuits in America, 66, 69, 71. xl INDEX Jews, 9T, 281. Jogues (fAiog), Father Isaac, 69. Johns HopkiiiJ University, 529. JohDBOu, Andrew, governor, 444. President. 494, 495, 497. Vice President, 4S0. Johnson, Sir William, 12.3, 129, 132. Johnston, Gen. Albert .Sidney, 445. Johnston, Gen. Joseph E., 47S, 442, 448, 477, 484, 4S6. Joliet (zlio-lya'), Louis, 71. Jones, John Piiul, ]".'). Juan (hoo-an') dg Fu'ca, Strait of, 23. Ka-naw7(a River, 144. Kan'kakee River, 72. Kansas, 387, 388, .39r>, 407, xxx. Kansas-Nebraska Bill, 3b7. Karl-sefni, 31. Kaskas'kia, 124, 181. K«5r'ney, Dennis, 519. Kefir'ny, Stephen W., 3ft4. Kemble, Fanny, 343, .344. Ken-e-saw' Mountain, battle of, 477. Kent Island controversy, 56. Kentucky, in Revolution, ISO, HI. settled, 143, 144, 160, 161, ls>3, 193, 194, 293, 301. state, 246, x.\x. Kentucky Resolutions, 256, 257. Key, Francis S., 2S!J. Kidd, Capt. William, 105. King George's War, 126. King Philip's War, 86, 87. King William's War, 122. Kings Mountain, battle of, 178. Kitchen Cabinet of Jackson, 318. Knights of Labor, 519. Knights of the Golden Circle, 472. Know-nothings, 388. Knox, Henry, 237. Knoxville, in Civil War, 463, 466. Koo'te-nui River, 360. Kos-pi-us'ko, Thaddeus, 167. Ku Klux Klan, 505. Labor, 99, 100, 221, 428, 518, 519, 535-,'>37, 570-572. La-fhine' Rapids, named, 38. Ladies' aid societies, 470. La-dron«s', discovered, 36. La-fa-yet<«', Marquis de, 167, 179, 186. Lairu rams, 460. T.ake Erie, battle of, 281. La Pla'ta, independence of .3ii7, 808. La ShUe', Robert Cavalier, Siewr de, 70-73. Laudonni6re (lo-do-nyAr'), 38. Laurens, Henry, 183, 206. Law, .John, 125. Lawrence, Kaa., sacked, 388. Letfd'ville, Colo., 500. he BoeMf, Ft., 127. Lecomp'ton constitution, 895. Lee, Annah, 231. Lee, Gen. Charles, 169, 174. Lee, Fitzhugh, 562. Lee, Gen. Henry, 178. Lee, Richard Henry, 157. Lee, Gen. Robert E., biography, 476, 477. captures Brown, '6'Ji. in Civil War, 448-452, 462, 46:3, 474-477 485, 486. Legislature, colonial. 111 ; «ee Government. Leif the Lucky, 31. Lfis'ler, Jacob, 89. Le'land Stanford University, 529. Lg-on', Pon'cs (-tha) dg, 36. Leopard, 272, 273. Lesseps, Ferdinand de, 521. Lewis, -Meriwether, 268, 269. Lexington, battle of, 151, 152. Libby prison, 473. Liberal Republicans, 505. Li-be'ri-a, 293. Liberty, 568, 569, 572, 573, 576. Libert;/, 142. Liberty party, 86S, 372. Libraries founded, 340, 529. Life, American colonial, 91-105. during Civil War, 470-473. in 1780-1 SOO, 220-233. in 1861, 420-431. in the South, .343, 421, 424, 478. in the West, 292-296, 301, .333. Indian, 23-28. Lincoln, Abraham, biography, 896, 457, 468. death, 487. debates with Douglas, 396, 837. elected President, 403, 481. emancipation, 4.'>6-4.')9, 493. on secession, 409, 410, 412. on the Union, 1.59. President, 411-414, 4.33, 488, 441, 4.56-459, 474, 486, 493, 497. representative in Congress, 363, 373. . Lincoln, Gen. Benjamin, 177. Lin'otvpe machine, 531. Literature, 93-96, 105, 228, 229, 342, 345 424-426, 530. Livingston, Robert R., 157, 266, 267, 269. Local government, 112, 113. in West, 296, 297. See aluo Cities. I.ocke, John, 85. Logan, Indian chief, 144. London ("otnpany, 45-50. Long, Maj. Stephen IL, .356. Long Island, battle of, 167-169. settled, 57, 6", 79. Longfellow, Henry W., 424. INDEX xli Longrstreet, Gen. James, 463, 477. Lookout Mountain, battle, 465. " Loose Construction," 246. Lo'pgz (-pas), in Cuba, 378. Lord Dunmore's War, 144. Lords of Trade, 77, 103, 137. Louisburg, 126, 127. 129. Lo«-i si-a'na, province, 72, 73, 124-127, 130, 265-267. Purchase, 266, 267, 269. state, 268, 301, xxx. LifM'is-ville, 183, 423. Lovejoy, Elijah, 349. Low'eh, F. C, 225. Lowell, James Russell, 348, 363, 425, 342. Loyalists (Tories), 166, 167, 177-180, 185, 186. Lundy, Benjamin, 29S. Lundys Lane, battle of, 283. Ly-ce'um, 340. Lyon, Capt. Nathaniel, 415, 444. McClellan, Gen. George B., 443, 447-451, 480, 481. McClcrnand, Gen. John A., 461. McCormick, Cyrus H., 428, 826. MacDon'ouy/i, Com. Thomas, 283. McDowell, Gen. Irvin, 442, 443, 448, 449. Macedonian, 281. Mark'inac mission, 69. McKinley, William, 562, 563, 547, 552, 556, 560, 579. McKinley tariff, 541, 642, 543. Ma-com&', Gen. Alexander, 283. Macon Bill No. 2, 278. Madison, Dolly, 277. Madison, James, and the Constitution, 207- 209,211,214,216. President, 277-280, 284, 294. Virginia Resolutions, 256. Ma-drid', treaty of, 73. Magazines, 229, 296, 342, 425. Ma-gel'lan, Fernando, 86, 34. Ma-han', Alfred T., 530. Ma-ho'ning River, 24. Maine, and Massachusetts, 60, 87, 107. boundary controversy, 355, 856. prohibition law, 840. settlements in, 42, 43, 46, 60. state, 299, xxx. Maine, destroyed, 552. Malvern Hill, battle of, 449. MandevilWs Travels, 16. Ma-nil'a, 130, 553, 554, 556, 558. Mann, Horace, 339. Manufactures, 136, 222, 224, 225j (1812-16) 279,808, 804; (1840) 323 ; 428-^0, 531, 570. in South, 527, 528. Marcy, William L., 380, 384. Ma-ri-et'ta, O., founded, 196. Mar'i-on, Gen. Francis, 178, 177, 186. Mar-quette'(-ket'), Father Jacques, 71. Marshall, James W., 369. Marshall, John, 305, 882, 255. Maryland, colony, 55, 56, 78, 108, 109. insurrections in, 60, 84. ratifies articles of confederation, 182, 183. Mason, George, 212. Mason, James M., 441. Mason, Capt. John, 57. Mason, John Y., 384. Mason and Dixon's line, 109. Massachusetts, colony, 52-55, 59-62, 77, 79, 86-SS, 107, 109. education in, 93, 839. in Revolution, 137, 142, 145, 146, 149-154, Plymouth colony added to, 107. Shays's Rebellion, 200. western claims, 182, 191, 192. MaSi'er, Cotton, 94, 96. Maxim, Hiram, 531. Maximilian, of Mexico, 499. Mayflower, 50, 51. Mead«, Gen. George G., 462, 463,474. Meade, Bishop William, 426. Mecklenburg Declaration, 156. Memphis, captured, 445. Me-ngn'dez (dath), 38. Merchant, colonial, 101. Merit system, 588. Merrimac and Monitor, 447, 448. Merritt, Gen. Wesley A., 554. Met'acom, 86. Mexico, independence, 307, 308. Indians in, 26. Napoleon IIL and, 499. Spanish, 36, 37. war with U.S., 361-367. Mi-am '1 River, 127. Miamis, Ft., Mich., 72. Mifhigan, 69, 374, xxxi. Midnight judges, 263. Midway Island, 561. Mil'an Decree, 272. Miles, Gen. Nelson A., 556. Military Academy founded, 839. Military government, in Civil War, 471, 497, of southern states, 503. Milligan, Dr., 471. Milwau'kee, 423. Mimras, Ft., 279. Mining, 289, 427, 500. Minnesota, 407, xxxi. Mint, established, 242. Min 'u-it, Peter, 67. Minutemen, 150, 152. Miquelon (me-k'-loN*), 131. Missionary Ridge, battle of, 465, 466. Missionary societies, 339. Mississippi, 246, 298, 301, xxxi. Mississippi River, discovered, 37. xlii INDEX Mississippi River, explored, 71, 72. jetties, 5*i. right to navigate, 197, 252, 266. valley, 20, 21. Missouri, 298, 299, xxxi. Missouri compromise, 299-301, 885, 887, 391. Mo-bile", founded, 124. forts captured, 283, 478, 479. Mo'doc Indians, 501. Mo'hawks, 68 ; «<« Iroquois. Molasses Act, 115, 138. Money, ««6 Coinage, and Paper money. Monitor, 447, 44S. Mon'moiith, battle of, 174. Mo-non-ga-he'la K., 290. M6n-roe', .James, 266, 267, 306-309. Monroe Doctrine, 308, 309, 546. Monta'na, 500, 501, 527, xxxi. Mont-calm', Marquis de, 130. Mon-to-rgy', battle of, 364. Montg6m'ery, Gen. Uichard, 154. Mont-re-al*, 38, 66. captured, 130, 154. MoN<«, Siewr Ae^ 65, 66. Moravians, 82, 94, 96, 103. Morgan, Gen. Daniel, 178. Morgan, Gen. John, raid in Ohio, 466. Mormons, 341, 394, 395, .527. Morrill tariff, 441. Morris, Gouverneur, 212. Morris, Uobert, 169, 196, 197. Morse, Samuel F. B., 429. Morton, Dr. William T. G., 429. Moj'by, Col. John S., 466. Motley, John Lothrop, 425. MoMl'trie, Col. William, 167. Mounds, 25. Mount Desert Island, settled, 66. Mount Vernon, Washington's home, 236. Mugwumps, 525. Muh'lonberg, Frederick, 235. Mur'freesboro, battle of, 446. Museums, founding of, 340. Mus-ko'gee Indians, 27. Napoleon, 257, 265, 282. Louisiana, 26.5-267. .seizes tl. S. ships, 272, 27.3, 278. Napoleon III., in Mexico, 456, 499. Narragan'sett Indians, 57, 61, 87. Nar-va'g/. (-ath), Panfllo de, 86. Nashville, founded, 183. in Cinl War, 444, 484. Nashville Convention, 374. Nu^7(-i-t6fh<'»', Ft., 125. National debt, see Public debt. National road, 294. Natural resources of U.S., 17-25, 29, 289, 426. 427. Naum'keag settlement, 62. Ncu-voo', .341, 894. Naval Academy founded, 889. Navigation, about U.'W, 14. Navigation acts, 60, 75, 77, laS, 186. Navy, in Civil War, 438, 439, 443-448, 462. 466, 478, 479. in Kevoluticn, 175. in War of 1812, 280, 281. in war with France, 267. Jefferson and, 266, 271. modern, 541, 553-555. • Nebraska, 3S6-3S7, 501, xxxi. Negro Seamen Act, 407. Negroes, xee Slavery. after Civil War, 492, 494, 495, 569. colonization of, 298. schools, 528. suffrage, 495, 496, 60iJ-606, 540. troops in Civil War, 460. Netherlands, nee Dutch. Neutrality, 249-2.52, 271-273. Ne-va'da, .501, xxxi. New Albion, 39. New Amsterdam, 67, 68, 78, 79. New England, Council for, 52, 5;}, 57, 59. Indian wars in, 57, 5S, 86, 87, 125. settled, .5n-.55, 57-63. slave trade, 114, 115. struggle for charters. S6-S9. War of 1812, 284, 28.5". See also names of separate states. New England Confederation, 61, 87. yew England Primer, 96. New France, 66, 74 ; see Canada. New GraniiMa, .307, 366. New Hampshire, 59, 87, 107, xxxi. New Haven, 57, 61. 77. New Jersey, 80, 107. xxxi. New Mexico, 366, 372-375, 381, 586, xxx. Now Netherland, 67, 63, 78. New Or'le-ans, 125, 130, 266, 267, 422. battle of, 2a3. captured in Civil War, 447. New Sweden, 6S. New York (city), draft riots, 472. growth, 79. 220, 29.5, 423, R39. In Revolution, 145, 167, 169, 184. Tweed Ring, 514. New York (state), " Anti-Kent," 354. colony, 7'^SO,'S9, 107, 109. in Revolution, 141, 170. settled, 67, 68. western claims, 182. 191. New York Harbor, discovered, 87, 67. Newark, settled, 80. Ncwburg Addresses, 184. Newfoundland, 40, 125. Newport, founded, 59. in Revolution, 169, 17.5, 17T. Newspapers, 94, 229, 843. INDEX xliii Ni-ca-ra'gua Canal, 366, 893, 522, 5S1, 582. Ni-co-lg<', Jean (zhaN), 69. Nic'oUs, Gov. Richard, 79. Nina (nen'ya), 32. Nominating conventions, 226, 320. Non-importation, 140, 142, 147, 272. Normal school, first, 339. North, Lord, 153, 165, 166, 174, 183. North Carolina, colony, 84, 85, 108, 123. in Revolution, 143, 144, 156, 177, 178. western claims, 182, 192, 194. North Dakota, 527, xxxi. Northwest Ordinance, 195. Northwest passage, 3S. Northwest Territory, 195, 243, 244. Nova Scotia, 125, 153. Nullification, 257, 313, 319-323. of Fugitive Slave Act, 379, 381. O'berlin College, 340, 349. O'gle-thorpe, George, 108, 126. Ohio, admitted, 245, xxxi. settled, 193, 244, 289, 293, .301. Ohio Company, 127. Ohio Company of Associates, 195, 193. Oil wells, 427, 528. Ok-la-ho'ma, 526, 584. O^m'sted, Frederick Law, 530. Olney, Richard, 546. 0-neI'das, 68; xee Iroquois. On-on-dii'gas, 68; see Iroquois. O-pcq'wan Creek, battle of, 479, Orange, Ft., 67. Orders in Council, 272. Ordinance of 1787, 195. Or'e-gon, 360, 361, 372, 407, xxxi. explored, 268, 269. joint occupation, 303, 356. O-ris'ka-ny, battle of, 170. Or'le-ans, Island of, 265. Orleans, Territory of, 268. Os-a-wat'o-mie (-wot'-), fight, 388. Oggood, Samuel, 237. Ost-end' Manifesto, 384. Os-we'go, Ft., captured by French, 129. Otis, James, 137. O'lcen, Robert, 341. Pacific Ocean, discovered, 36. Pacific railroads, 393, 502, ,535. Page, Thomas Nelson. .5:50. Paine, Thomas, 1.56, 191. Pak'en-Aam, Gen. Edward M., 283. Pal'ma, Gen. Toinas Estrada, 560. Pii'lo Al'to, battle of, 364. Pa'los, 32. Pan-a-mii' Canal, 366, 367, 521, 522, 581, 582. Panama Congress, 311. Panama republic, 582. Pan-American Congress, 545, 311. Pan-American policy of Blaine, 522. Pa-nay', 557. Panics, 311, 334, 393, 507. Paper blockade, 250. Paper money, 115, 185, 186, 200, 498, 508. in Civil War, 442, 471, 473. Paris, peace of (1763), 130. treaty of (1782), 183, 184. Parish, government of, 112. Parker, Judge Alton B., 583. Parker, Theodore, 348. Parkinan, Francis, 425. Parliament, 60, 77, 103, 111, 115, 126, 138-141, 146, 15:3, 174. Parson's Cause, 137. Parties, see Federalist, Democratic, etc. Party management, 226, 227, 316, 320, 422, 540. Patent, defined, 40. Piit'er-so/, William, 207. Pa-troons', 68, 354. Peace Congress (1861), 410. Pea Ridge, battle of, 444. Pemberton, Gen. John C, 461. Peninsular Campaign, 447—450. Penn, William, 80-84, 94, 107, 109, 113. Pennsylvania, 80-84, 109, 193, xxxi. Whisky Insurrection, 252, 253. Pensaco'la, 124, 307. Pensions, 541. People's party, 542. Pep'jier-ell, William, 126, Pe'quot War, 57, 58. Per-dT'do River, 265. Perkins, Jacob, 225. Por'ry, Com. Matthew C, 371. Perry, Oliver H., 281. Personal Liberty Bills, 379, 381. Pe-ru', 26, 36, 37, 307, 308. Petersburg, siege of, 475, 484, 4S5. Pet'i-gru, James L., 408. Philadelphia, 82, 83, 107, 220, 238, 239, 423, 514. Centennial exposition, 511. in Revolution, 145, 152, 171, 174. Philip, King, Indian, 86, 87, 28. Phil'ip-pine Islands, acquisition of, 556-658. 563. discovered, 36. government, 558, 5.59, 575. Phillips, Wendell, 34S. Phillips academies, 228. Phips, William, 101, 122. Photography, 429. Pickering, timothy, 195, 255. Pickett, Gen. George E., 463. Pierce, Franklin, 380, 384, 388. Pike, Lieut. Zeb'ulon, 269. Pikes Peak, discovered, 269. Pilgrims, 49-51. Pinckney, Charles C, 266, 277, xliv INDEX Pi-nfi'da, 86, 84. Pin'ta,S2. Pirates, 104, 105, 263. Pitt, William (Chatham), 129, 135, 141, 165, 106. Pittsburg, 143, 289, 423, 428. Pittsburg- Landing, battle near, 445. Pi-/,ar'ro, Francisco, 86. Planter, colonial, 100, 108. Plassey, battle of, 129. Piatt Amendment, 559. Plattsburg, battle of, 283. Plym'outh Colony, 50, 60, 61, 77, 107. Plymouth Company, 45, 46, 52. Pocahon'tas, 47. Poe, Edgar Allan, 342. Point Pleasant, battle of, 144. Pokanokets, Indians, S6. P6;k, James K., 358-367, 377. Pollard, Edward Albert, 844. Polo, Marco, 15. Pon'ti-ac, 132, 28. Pony express, 430. Poor Riclutrd's Almanac, 117. Poor whites, .343, 421. Pope, Gen. John, 444, 450. Pope's bull of 1493, 33. Poi)'Aam, Chief-justice, 46. Popular sovereignty, 872, 3S5. Population (1700) 91, (1754) 128, (1776) 167, (1790) 220, (1S20) 289, 290, (1 860) 419, 42(t. (1900)565,568; see aUo Life. Port Gibson, captured, 461. Port Hudson, captured, 461. Port Hoyal, N.S., founded, 66. captured by English, 66, 122, 125. Port Royal, S.C, French in, 38. Portages, Indian, 23, 24. Porter, Capt. David, 283. Porter, Com. David D., 446. PSrtola'r.o, 14. Por'to Ui'co, 33, 556-559. Portugal in 1450-1500, 29. discoveries, 16, 33-85. Post Office, 152, 430, 518. Po-to-si', in Peru, 87. Powell, Major, 501. Pow-ha-tfin', 47, 28. Prairies, 20, 31. Preemption Act, 3.35. Pres'cott, Col. William, 154. Prescott, William II., 842, 426. President. 212, 2.35-238. Electoral Count Act, 538. Presidential Succession Act, 588. Presidential election (1789) 235, (1792) 246. (1796) 254, (1800) 25S, (1804) 270, (ISOs) 277, (1812) 284, (1816) 306, (1820) 306, (1824) 809, 310, (1828) 813, (1832) 320, (1836) 884, (1840) 368, (1844) 858, (1848) 871, 872, (1862) 880, (18.')«) 889, (18«)) 403, (1864) 480, 481, (1868) 502, (1S72) 605, (1876) 511, 512, (1-.-.0) 520, (1SS4) 626, 526, (1888) 540, (1892) 543, (1896)547, (1900) 579, (1904) 588. PresqM« luXe, fort at, 127. Princeton, battle of, 169. Princeton College, 116. I'ring, Martin, 42. Printing, first in U.S., 94. Prisoners, in Civil War, 4-38, 478. • in Kevolution, 172. Privateering, 104, 17.5, 257, 283-286. Proclamation line of 1763, 131, 132. Proctor, Senator, 552. Prohibition. 340, 585. Proi)rietary, o^ proprietor, 56, 110, IIL Providence, founded, 59. Provincial Congress, 150, 153, 169. Pru-dAomwe', Ft., 72. Public debt, (1776-84) 186, 186, 196, (1790) 240, 241, (1812-14) 262, 284, (1886) 3.^4, (1861-66) 442, 498, (1898) 544, 663. Public lands, 182, 191-193, 290, 88i-45. Re-c6n-cen-tra'dos, 551. Reconstruction, 491-497, 608-605, 509. Redemptioners, 99. Heed, Thomas B., (38, 652. _{ INDEX xlv Referen'dum, 540. RefortiiatioD, Protestant, 37. " Regulators " of North Carolina, 143. Religion, see Churches. Rg-nais-saNfe', 13. Republican party (Democratic), 253, 306 ; see , Democratic. Republican party (later), 389, 402, 403, 525, 540, 541. Requisitions, 185, 191. He-sa'ca dg la Piil'ma, battle of, 864. Restoration of Charles II., 11. Re-ver«', Paul, 150. Revolution, American, 135-188. Revolution in England, 8S. R/tett, Colonel, 104. Rhode Island, colony, 59, 77, 87-89, 107. Dorr Rebellion, 354, 855. Rhodes, James Ford, 530. Ribault, Jean (zhaN re-bo'), 38. Richmond, in Civil War, 439, 448, 485. River and harbor bills, 327, 5i33. Roads, 223, 224, 290-295, 825, 356. Ro-a-noke' Island, 40. Robertson, James, 144. Robinson, Rev. John, 49. Rochambeau (ro-shaN-bo'), Count de, 179. Roch'ester, N.Y., founded, 290. Rock'e-fel-ler, John D., 515. Rocky Mountains, 21. Rooj'evelt, Theodore, 579-583, 560, 538. 555. Ro'ge-crans, Gen. William S., 445, 463-465. " Rough Riders," 555. Rule of 1756, 251. Ruragey, James, 225. Russian America, 303, 309, 499. Rutledge, John, 149. Rygwick, treaty of, 122. Sa'ga, Icelandic, 31. St. Au'gus-tine, 38, 74, 125, 126. St. Clair, Gen. Arthur, 195, 24^3. St. Croia! settlement, 66. St. Germain (saN-zhar-maN*), treaty of, 66. St. Joseph, Ft., 124, 182. St. Leg'er, Col. Barry, 170. St. Louis, 290, 423, 545. St. Louis, Ft., 73. St. Marys settlement, 56. St. Pierre (saN-pyar'), 131. St. Xav'i-er (sant zav'i-er) mission, 69. Salem, Mass., 52, 98, 146. Salt Lake City, 394. Sa-mo'a Islands, 560, 561. Sampson, Admiral William T., 554, 555. San Francisco, 423. San Gabriel, battles near, 365. San ll-d§-fr>M'so, treaty of, 265. San Juan Uioo-iin') Island, 500. San Juan dg Ulloa (ool-yO'a), 89. San Juan Hill, battle of, 555. Siin Mar-tin', Gen. Jos6 de, 307. San Siil-va-dor', 32. Sandys, Sir Edwin, 48. Sanitary Commission, 470. San'ta An'na, General, 880, 368, 364, 865. Santa F6, 37, 364. Santa Ma-ri'a, 82. Siin-ti-a'go dg Cuba, 555. Siin 'to Do-min'go, 33, 41, 507. Sarato'ga, surrender at, 170. 'ianlt Ste. (sant) Ma'rie, 09, 534. Savannah, founded, 108. in Revolution, 177, 179. taken by Sherman, 4S1. Say and Seal, Lord, 57. Saybrook, founded, 57. Scalawags, 504. SeAe-nec'ta-dy, attacked, 122. So// ley. Admiral Wintield S., 555. SeAo'field, Gen. John A., 4S4. Schools, see Education. SMuy'ler, Gen. Philip, 170. SeAiiyl'kill River, 172. Sci-o'to Company, 193. Scotch settlers, 80, 85, 91, 108. Scotch-Irish settlers, 82, 91, 143, 193, 220. Scott, Gen. Winfield, 283, 820, 3W, 380, 411. Seabury, James, 230. Seafaring, colonial, 101, 103, 104. Seal fishery difticulty, 546. Secession, 404-412, 415-417, 488. effect of, 493, 494. Sectionalism, 886, 343-351, 566. Sedition Act, 256, 257. Sem'i-noles, 182, 807, 882. Senate, 285. Sen'e-cas, 68; see Iroquois. Separatists, 49, 60. Se-ra'pis, captured by Jones, 175. Seven Pines, battle of, 448. Seven Tears' War, 129-181. Severalty Act, 526. Se-vier', John, 144, 178, 194. Sev'ille, 83, 74. Sew'ard, William H., 877, 875, 408, 404, 409. Secretary of State, 411, 413, 499. Sey'mowr, Horatio, 502. Sha'draeA, 378. Shafter, Gen. William R., 555, 556. Shakers, 231, 341. Sharpsburg, battle near, 451. Shays's Rebellion, 200. Shenando'ah, 489. Shenandoah valley, 449, 479. ShSr'i-dan, Gen. Philip H., 479, 480, 485. Sherman, John, 401, 513, 535, 543. Sherman, Roger, 157. Sherman, Gen. William T., 481-184, 445, 446, 461, 465, 477, 478, 486. INDEX Sherman, march to the sea, 481, 482. Sherman Act (silver), 5+5. Bherinan Antl-Tru.st Law, KJ."). Shi'loh, battle of, 445. Ships (1450) 14, (158S) 41, (1700) 122. growth of shipping, 101, 3y2, 439. subsidy acts, 892, Ml. See Steamboats. Si-er'ra Le-o'ne, 16. Si-Or'ra \e-vii'(la, 22. Silver, coinage, 242, XU, 508, 518, &12, M3, 547. mines, 427, 500. Bwiix Indians, 72, 501. Sitting Bull, 501. Six Nations, 12;J ; see Iroquois. Blade, William, 349. Slater, Samuel, 225. Slave insurrections, 100, 347. Slave trade, colonial, 89, 114, 115. foreign, prohibited, 201, 274. In Constitution, 211. In District of Colunibia, prohibited, 377. Slavery, abolished in North, 201, 202. abolished in South, 455-460, 491-493. abolished in territories, 456. agitation (1801-1807) 273, 274, (180S-1S21) 298-301, (ia30-1844) 847-351, (1840-1 S,V2) 872-381, (1853-1860) 38''-392, 395, 397- 899, (1860) 401^03, 406-410. arguments for and against, 345-351. colonial, 99, 100, 48, 85, 108. condition of slaves, 221, 343-845. fugitive slaves, see Fugitive. powers of Clongress over, 388. representation of slaves in Congres.s, 21ii. 211. Spanish-American, .39. Texan, .330, 331 , 35y. Sli-delj', ,Iohn, 361, 862, 441. Smith, Caleb B., 412. Smith, Uerrit, 847. Smith, ("apt. John, 47, 94. Smith, Joseph, 341. Smuggling, colonial, lo3, 104, 136. Social reform.s, 225, 226, 338-351. Socialist party, 583. Soil, 17,21,29, 289. Solid South, 520. Sons of Liberty, 140. S6'to, Ferdinando de, 37. So'it-le', Pierre (pyar), 3S4. Sound Money Democrats, 547. South America, discovered, 83. independent, 807, 808. Spanish In, 87. South Bend, settled, 290. South Carolina, colony, 85, 108, 128, 125. French in, 88. nuUiflcatioo, 819-821. South Carolina, devolution in, 177-179. secession, 404, 40.'), 411. western claims, 1IS2, 192. South Dakota, .527, xxxi. Spain, Black HTj/TJor difficulty, 3M. boundary controversies with, 269, 270. claim to North America, 42, 73, 'U. colonies, 36-3S, 74, 124, 130, 307 ; xr^ Cuba. conditions in 1492, 17, 29. illscoverles, 31-;«, 30, 37. in Revolution, 175, ISl, 182, 184. treaties (1795) 197, 252, (1819) 307, (1898) 557. war with England, 88-43, 125, 126, 175, 181, 182, 184. war with U.S., 551-557, 563. West Florida dispute, 269, 270. S|)ecie Circular, 334. Specie payments, 509, 613. Spice Islands, 16. Spoils system, 227, 818. Spotswood, Gov. Alexander, 105. Spottsylvania, battle of, 474. Stamp Act, 13S-141. Stamp Act Congress, 140. Standard Oil Company, 515. Standish, Capt. Miles, 51. Stanton, Edwin .M., 40.'>, 411, 4.37. Stanwix, Ft., treaty, 132. Stark, Gen. John, 170. Star-Spangled Banner, 283. States, governmentof, l.'J9, 10<1, 316, 422, .'clS- 540, 575. receive money from U.S., 835. relations to U.S., 211,218. table of, XXX. See Secession, Reconstruction, etc., and names of the states. Steamboats, 22.S, 274, 275, 293, 326, 392, 430, 517. Steel making, 222, 518. Slc[ihens (stfi'venz), Alexander H., 406, 408, 409, 486. Stcu'ben, Baron von, 167. Stevens, Tha. ViryiniiiK, 507. Voters, no, 262. 316, 639, 540, 574. negro, 495, 496, 503-506, 640. Wa'bSsh River, 24, 71. Walie I.sland, 561. Walker, Robert J., 359. War for Independence, 150-188. War of 1812, 279-287. Ward, Arteuius, 425, 426. Warren, Gen. Joseph, 154. Wars, see Indian wars, and wars by name. War'wjick, Earl, 59. War' wick, U.I., founded, 59. Wasliington (city), 283, 422. treaty of, 506. Wasliington (state), admitted, 527, xxxi. Wasiiington, Ft., 169. Washington, George, biogiapby, 173, 174, 208. Constitution, 203, 207-209, 216. death, 257. farewell address, 253. French and Indian War, 127. President, 235-237, 243, 246, 249, 251-2.54. Revolution, 142, 151, 154, 167-174, 178, 179, 184, 186, 187. writings of, 229, 253. Washingto'nian societies, 340. Wa-tau'ga settlement, 143, 144, 179. Wat'ling (wot'-) Island, 33. Waxhaw Creek, battle of, 177. Wayne, Gen. Anthony, 177, 244. Webster, Daniel, 822, 823, 812, 319, 356, 374. Webster, Noah, 342. Webster-Ashburton treaty, 856. Weed, Thurlow, 377. Welles, Gideon, 412. Wesley, John and Charles, 116. West Florida, 265, 266, 269, 270 ; see Florida. West Indies, 37, 60, 73. West Point, in Revolution, 177. Military Academy, 8.39. West Virginia, 467, xxxi. Western Reserve, 192, 244. Western Union Telegraph Company, 518. West'inghouse, George, 531. Wfiy'mouth, George, 48. Whal'Iey, Edward, 77. Wheelwright, John, 59. Whig party, 858, 880, 381, 388, 389. Whisky insurrections, 252, 253, 200- Wliisky Ring of 1875, 507. White, John, 40. White Plains, battle of, 169. Whit«'field, Rev. George, 116. Whitman, Dr. Marcus, 356, 857. Whitney, Eli, 221. Whit'ti-er, John G., 348, 424 Wigglesworth, Michael, 96. Wigwam, 27, 501. Wilderness campaign, 474. Wilderness Roa