aass_EAuS. 

Book Γ p ) ' . 









I 



CONTENTS. 






Biographical Sketch oi 


1 Demosthenes 


PAGE 


ORATIONS 


AGAINST PHILIP. 




Preface 


„ 


1 


First Philippic 
First Olynthiac 
Second Olynthiac . 
Third Olynthiac 
On the Peace 


• 






. 20 

. 47 
. 60 
. 75 
. 86 


Second Philippic 

On the State of the Chersonesus 






. 98 
. 112 


Third Philippic 

Fourth Philippic 

On the Letter of Philip 


• 






. 136 
. 159 
. 196 


Conclusion . » 


. 






. 203 



ORATIONS ON OCCASIONS OF PUBLIC 
DELIBERATION. 

Preface 

On the Classes 

On the Megalopolitans 

For the Liberty of the Rhodians 

On the Regulation of the State 

On the Halonesus 

On the Treaty with Alexander 

Oration of Dinarchus against Demosthenes 

Appendix to the Notes on the Philippic Orations, con- 
taining an Account of the Exile and Death of Demo- 
sthenes ...*... 



207 
228 
248 
265 



316 
326 



357 



ORATIONS OF ^SCHINES AND DEMOSTHENES. 



iEschines against Ctesiphon 
Demosthenes on the Crown 



363 
462 



" In the Translation of Demosthenes, Leland unites the 
man of taste with the man of learning, and shows himself to 
have possessed not only a competent knowlege of the Greek 
language, but that clearness in his own conceptions, and that 
animation in his feelings, which enabled him to catch the real 
meaning, and to preserve the genuine spirit, of the most per- 
fect orator Athens ever produced." — Parr. 



BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 



OF 



DEMOSTHENES. 



The period in which Demosthenes florished may be 
justly styled the age of Athenian eloquence. This 
distinguished orator was born 882 years before the 
Christian era : he was the son of one of the princi- 
pal citizens of Athens, and inherited a considerable 
fortune ; but as he was only seven years of age at 
the time of his father's death, he remained nearly 
ten years under the care of guardians, who con- 
verted a part of his fortune to their own use, 
defrauded his tutors of their salaries, and thus de- 
prived him of those advantages of early education 
to which he was intitled. 

At the age of sixteen he first heard the orator 
Callistratus plead in an important cause, and, ex- 
cited by a spirit of emulation, from that time de- 
voted himself with the strictest assiduity to the 
study of eloquence. Isaeus was his first preceptor; 



VI BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 

but it is stated that he received assistance from 
Plato, and Callias the Syracusan, and that he also 
derived great advantages from the systems of rhe- 
toric taught by Isocrates and Alcidamus. 

In his eighteenth year he called his guardians to 
account ; and as they resorted to various methods 
of delay, he had thus many opportunities for exer- 
cising his talents at the bar, and at length succeeded 
in recovering a portion of his patrimony. 

From this period he took part in the public de- 
bates, in the hope of obtaining a share in the ad- 
ministration ; but in this he was at first wholly 
unsuccessful. The natural weakness of his voice 
rendered him unfit to address a popular assembly ; 
and he now began to prepare himself, by strong 
bodily exercise, for the labors of the rostrum, and 
studied to acquire that grace and dignity of action, 
without which the best oration could produce but 
little effect. For this purpose he constructed a 
subterraneous study, where he might form his 
action, exercise his voice, and adjust all his motions 
before a mirror. In this retirement he is said to 
have composed many of those orations which have 
excited the admiration of every succeeding age. 

Demetrius relates an account which he received 
from Demosthenes himself, of the remedies to which 



OF DEMOSTHENES. Vll 

the orator resorted with a view to remove the defects 
under which he labored at the commencement of 
his career. By accustoming himself to speak with 
small pebbles in his mouth, he overcame a natural 
hesitation ; by running or walking up a steep hill 
while pronouncing some passage in an oration, he 
succeeded in strengthening his voice ; and by fre- 
quently declaiming alone on the sea-shore, he pre- 
pared himself to harangue a tumultuous assembly. 

At other times, when he occasionally made or 
received visits, some part of the conversation which 
had passed formed a subject for exercising his 
growing talent. He also committed to memory 
the substance of speeches which he heard, and 
reduced them to regular periods and sentences, — a 
practice in which he was imitated by Cicero. 

Demosthenes was in his twenty-eighth year when 
he entered on public business ; and in the time of 
the Phocian war, at the age of thirty, he com- 
menced his orations against Philip, king of Macedon. 
The purposes for which these orations were originally 
pronounced — a summary review of the affairs of 
Greece, particularly of the divisions which so long 
subsisted between the states of Lacedaemon, Athens, 
and Thebes — and an account of the measures pur- 
sued by Philip to lay the foundation of a most ex- 



Vlll BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 

tensive empire, — will be found in the following 
Preface ;* and the Introductions to the several Ora- 
tions furnish the reader with an interesting view of 
the effects which they produced on the Athenians. 

To defend the cause of Greece against the artful 
policy of Pi ilip afforded the Orator a glorious sub- 
ject for his political ambition ; and he soon ac- 
quired great reputation for his eloquence and the 
bold truths which he uttered. He was admired in 
Greece, and courted by the king of Persia : Philip 
himself entertained a high opinion of him, and even 
his enemies acknowleged his superior talents and 
integrity. The key of politics he first touched, he 
kept to without variation. 

Panotitis asserts that most of the Orations of 
Demosthenes are written on a virtuous principle ; 
and Plutarch observes, " that he does not exhort 
his countrymen to that which is most agreeable, or 
easy, or advantageous, but points out honor and 
propriety as the first objects, and leaves the safety 
of the state as a matter of inferior consideration.' 7 
The r3j.utation he acquired placed him at the head 

* This is concluded by a brief sketch of the characters of 
Demades, Hyperides, Lycurgus, and ^Eschines, with some 
remarks on the peculiar excellences of Demosthenes as an 
orator. 



OF DEMOSTHENES. IX 

of the government of Athens : in this public ca- 
pacity he opposed the inclinations, and corrected 
the errors, of his countrymen. His eloquence is not 
distinguished by the arts of mild persuasion, but 
by a bold, manly, and energetic style, which failed 
not to fix the attention and to rouse the energies 
of his hearers, and to awaken that spirit of pa- 
triotism which is calculated to secure, the liberties 
of a people. 

In integrity of conduct he is acknowleged to have 
surpassed all his contemporaries except Phocion; 
and if he had not been suspected of want of cou- 
rage in the field of battle, and of receiving a bribe 
from Harpalus, he would have deservedly ranked 
with Cimon, Thucydides, and Pericles. 

In the battle of Chseronea, according to the 
testimony of Plutarch, he betrayed his pusillani- 
mity, quitted his post, and fled. But the charge 
of bribery, preferred against him at a later period of 
his life, strongly excited the Athenians against 
him, as will be seen in the Translator's Introduction 
to the Oration of Dinarchus. Demosthenes had 
long resisted the assaults of corruption from Philip, 
and boasted that all the gold of Macedonia could 
not tempt him ; but his enemies accused him of 
having received a present of a golden vase, accom- 



X BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. 

panied by twenty talents, from the handi of Bar 
pains,* which is said to have induced the Oratoi 

to feign indisposition in the assembly, and to nak< 
signs that he had lost his voice; on which it wai 
observed, that ' it Mas no common hoarseness he 
had got in the night— it was occasioned by swal- 
lowing gold and silver Γ I lis accuser was a venal 
orator; but the court of Areopagus condemned him, 
and he was compelled to retire from At 1 ,, ng, 

Pausanias, who entertained a high opinion of tin 
integrity of Demosthenes, treats the charge as a 
calumny, and offers strong proofs of his innoc 
— proofs which appear to have had din weight 
with the learned Translator in his Appendix to 
the Notes on the Philippic Orations, (see 
p. 357;) to which the reader is referred for a history 
of the Orator, from his public administration down 
to the fatal period of his life. 

* During the expedition of* Alexander to India, Harpalus 
had the charge of the Babylonian treasury, on which he 
committed great excesses : fearing the resentment of his 
master, he fled to Attica with five thousand talents, accom- 
panied by six thousand men, and sought refuge in Athens. 



THE 



ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES, 



PRONOUNCED 



TO EXCITE THE ATHENIANS AGAINST 
PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON. 



PREFACE. 



VIEW OF THE PRINCIPAL STATES OF GREECE — CHA- 
RACTERS OF DEMADES, HYPERIDES, LYCURGUS, AND 
ESCHINES, THE ORATORS — CHARACTER OF DEMO- 
STHENES. 

To animate a people renowned for justice, humanity, 
and valor, yet, in many instances, degenerate and 
corrupted ; to warn them of the dangers of luxury, 
treachery, and hribery ; of the ambition and perfidy of 
a powerful foreign enemy ; to recal the glory of their 
ancestors to their thoughts, and to inspire them ygith 
resolution, vigor, and unanimity ; to correct abuses ; to 
restore discipline ; to revive and enforce the generous 
sentiments of patriotism and public spirit; — these were 
the great purposes for which the following Orations 
were originally pronounced. The subject, therefore, 
may possibly recommend them to a British reader, 
even under the disadvantages of a translation, by no 
means worthy of the famous original. His candor may 
pardon them ; or sometimes, perhaps, they may escape 
him, if he suffers his imagination to be possessed with 
that enthusiasm, which our orator is, of all others , 

DEM. A 



2 PR] PACE. 

moat capable of inspiring ; and will, for a while, ml 
est himself in the cause of linens. 

To the bietorj of ( Ι π ι ce I must sup] - do 

stranger. '^ et, though it ma) not inform dim. bis 
iiinn m;i> possibly be assisted bj β summary review 
of the affairs and interests of that country ; particularlj 
of those divisions which bad a long time subsisted be 
tween its principal states, and on which Philip justly 
grounded bis hopes of success in bis attempts <<n their 
Liberties* 

These states were, Laced£mon, Athens and Thej 

The first, famous for her ancient kings, bad acquire d 
new splendor under the reign of Lycurgus. The 

(loin of the constitution which he established, and the 
exact obedience paid to his Laws, preserved the stats 
from those domestic divisions which prevailed in other 
places; and the remarkable temperance <»i Sparta, 
severity of her discipline, her public spirit, and concern 
for the liberty and happiness of other communit 

made her Long revered as the parent of Greece. Her 

constitution, however, was not without its faults. Hei 
government savored of the humor of her inhabit 

who extended the same harsh se\erit\ to their allies 
which they used towards each other. the] 

were devoted to arms : and their constitution reqi 
continual wars for the preservation of it. This made 
their government distasteful, and favored the ambition 
of the Athenians their rivals, who, though a more an- 
cient people, had, for many years, through their weak* 
ness or disorders, lived without any thought of com- 
mand. 



PREFACE. 3 

Athens was originally governed by kings, the last 
of whom sacrificed his life to the good of his country ; 
and on his death, the Athenians took occasion to abolish 
the royalty, and instituted their perpetual archons, 
which were changed to a decennial, and afterwards to 
an annual magistracy. The state, however, was not 
completely settled until Solon, by his wise laws, re- 
stored the love of labor and husbandry, opened a way 
for commerce, taught his countrymen to enrich them- 
selves, and found means to subdue their licentiousness 
by the rules of justice, order, and discipline. Athens, 
thus reformed, was in a fair way of growing great and 
illustrious, when one of the citizens found means to 
seize the supreme power. The struggles of the Athe- 
nians for liberty, against the successors of this man, 
was one occasion of the Persian war, the glorious ex- 
ploits of which are too well known to need a recital. 
The victories of Marathon, Salamis, and Plataea, the 
chief honor of which the Athenians assumed to them- 
selves, determined the character of that people ; in- 
spired them with the highest notions of glory and honor, 
and at last prompted them to set up for sovereign 
umpires of Greece. 

Sparta was willing to resign to them the command 
of the sea ; but they would be absolute in all ; and as 
they had delivered Greece from the oppression of the 
barbarians, they thought themselves intitled to oppress 
her in their turn. They called themselves protectors 
of the Grecian cities, but behaved like their lords ; till 
at last Sparta, urged by the complaints of several 
states, against the violence of Athens, began the famous 



4 PRE! U ι . 

Peloponnesian λ\ ar, which was carried on with various 
success twenty-seven years. The unhappj expedition 
of the Athenians into Sicilj first shook their power j 
and the victory <d' Lysander at ASgos-Potamos Entirely 
overthrew it. 

Bj this event, however, Greece only changed her 
masters. Sparta resumed the superiority ; but ha? 

new reign lasted onl) thirty years. The Spartans were 

possessed with such a prejudice in favor of their own 
form of government, that the) attempted to abolish 
democracy every where ; and while thej imposed their 

tliirty tyrants on Athens, established a govern 
of ten, in other states, composed of nun devoted to 
their interest. Thus they became more absolute, hut 
at the same time more odious. Their prosperity mad» 
them presume too much on their strength. Their 
forces were lent to support the pretensions of the 
younger Cyrus. Their king, Agesilaus, was sent into 
Persia, where the Great King could not put a etop 
to his progress, but by bribing the Greeks, and bj 
means raising up enemies against Sparta. 

The Greeks readily hearkened to his solicitations. 
The Athenians, at the head of the malcontents, 
to hazard every thing for libert\ ; and without reflect- 
ing on their late miserable condition, presumed to 
affront that state which had reduced them to it. They 
knew so well to make a right use of the oversight the 
Spartans had committed, in provoking the Great King, 
that, joining their force with the Persian fleet, they 
defeated them, and rebuilt their walls : nor did I 
lay down their arms till the Lacedaemonians were 
obliged, by a solemn treaty, to restore the Grecian 



PREFACE. 5 

cities to their liberty. For although the Lacedaemo- 
nians pretended a voluntary generosity in this affair, 
yet it appeared by the consequence, that fear only had 
obliged them to it ; as they took an opportunity, some 
time after, to oppress Thebes, though expressly com- 
prehended in the treaty. This raised the states of 
Greece against them. The Athenians (who always 
harbored the most inveterate hatred and jealousy of 
them, and had lately been particularly provoked by an 
attempt of one of their generals to seize their port) set 
themselves once more at the head of the confederacy, 
and took on themselves the whole expense of the war ; 
in which their arms were crowned with victories by 
sea and land — at Corinth, Naxos, Corcyra, and Leu- 
cas. Thus were the Spartans obliged to renew the 
treaty, and the cities of Greece again restored to an 
intire independency. — These bold efforts of the Athe- 
nians to reduce the Spartan power, and to regain their 
former sovereignty, are frequently extolled in the fol- 
lowing Orations, as the glorious effects of their concern 
for the liberties of Greece. 

And now the peace was just concluded, and the 
Greeks had the fairest prospect of enjoying it, when, 
on a sudden, theThebans started up, and asserted their 
claim to sovereign power. 

Thebes had, from the earliest ages, been ranked 
among the most considerable states. The natural slow- 
ness and heaviness of the inhabitants had, however, 
prevented them from aiming at any pre-eminence. In 
the Persian war, they even had the baseness to join 
with the barbarians : and in order to screen them- 



β Ρ ill. FACE. 

selves from the resentment of the Athenians, on this 

account, the\ afterwards attached themselves to Laoe- 

diiMiioii, and continued firm through the w hole coins• 
Of the PeloponnesiaD war. They shifted sides, how- 
ever, some time alter, and had some contests with the 

Lacedemonians* The seizing of their citadel, and the 
recovery of it out of the hands of the Lacedaemonians 
by Pelopidas, had created a mutual hatred between 
these two states: and the Thebans, naturally hard) 
and robust, and grown experienced since the Pelo- 
ponnesian war (from which time their arms had been 
constantly exercised), now at length began to enter- 
tain thoughts of commanding. They refused to accede 
to the treaty negotiated by the Athenians, unless they 
were acknowleged chief of Bceotia. This refusal not 
only exposed them to the resentment of the king of 
Persia (who was at that time particularly concerned 
that the Greeks should be at peace), but raised Athens, 
Sparta, and indeed all Greece against them. The La- 
cedaemonians declared war, and thinking them an easy 
victory, now that they were deserted by their allies, 
marched their forces a considerable way into the The- 
ban territory. Now it was that Epaminondas first 
shone out in all his lustre. He put himself at the 
head of the Thebans, and met the enemy at Leuctra, 
where he gave them a total overthrow. He then 
marched into Peloponnesus, and had well-nigh made 
himself master of the city of Sparta ; relieved some 
people who had been oppressed by the Spartans ; and 
by his justice and magnanimity, his extensive abilities, 
and zealous concern for his country, promised to raise 
the Thebans to the most exalted degree of power and 



PREFACE. 7 

dignity, when, in another engagement with the Lace- 
daemonians at Mantinea, he fell, as it were, in the arms 
of victory. 

The death of Epaminondas, and the peace which en- 
sued, slackened the zeal of the principal powers of 
Greece, and rendered them too secure. The Atheni- 
ans, particularly, (when they saw the fortune of La- 
cedaemon at the lowest ebb, and that on the part of 
Thebes, they were freed from all apprehensions by the 
death of the general, the soul of their counsels and de- 
signs,) were now no longer on their guard, but aban- 
doned themselves to ease and pleasure. Festivals and 
public entertainments engaged their attention, and a 
violent passion for the stage banished all thoughts of 
business and glory. Poets, players, singers, and 
dancers were received with that esteem and applause 
which were due to the commanders who fought their 
battles. They were rewarded extravagantly, and their 
performances exhibited with a magnificence scarcely to 
be conceived. The treasures which should have main- 
tained their armies were applied to purchase seats in 
their theatres. Instead of that spirit and vigor which 
they exerted against the Persian, they were possessed 
with indolence and eifeminacy ; they had no farther 
concern about the affairs of war than just to keep a few 
foreign troops in pay ; in short, treachery, corruption, . 
and degeneracy overspread the state. 

But while they were sinking into this condition, 
they found themselves unexpectedly engaged with a 
very formidable enemy, Philip, king of the Mace- 
donians, a people hitherto obscure, and in a manner 
barbarous ; but now, by the courage, activity, and 



8 PREFACE* 

consummate policy of their monarch, ready to Lay the 
foundation of a most extensive empire* 

Philip had been sent early into Thebes, as an host- 
age, where he was so happy as to improve his natural 
abilities by the instructions of Kpaminondas. The 
news of his brother Perdiccas being slain in a battle 
with the Illyrians determined him to fly to 4he relief 
of his country: he eluded the vigilance of his guards, 
and escaped privately to Macedon ; where, taking ad- 
vantage of the people's consternation at the loss oi 
their king•, and of the dangers they apprehended from 
an infant reign, he first got himself declared protector 
to his nephew, and soon after, king in his stead : and 
indeed the present condition of the Macedonians 
required a prince of his abilities. The Illyrians, 
flushed with their late victory, were preparing to march 
against them ; the Paeonians harassed them with per- 
petual incursions ; and, at the same time, Pausanias 
and Argeus, two of the royal blood, pretended to 
the crown ; the one supported by Thrace, the other by 
Athens. 

Under these circumstances, Philip's first-care was to 
gain the affections of his people, to raise their spirits, 
to train and exercise them, and to reform their mili- 
tary discipline. And now he began to discover those 
abilities which afterwards raised him to such a height 
of power, and which were not to be expected in a prince 
of the age of twenty-two years. 

The chief motive of the Athenians, in supporting the 
pretensions of Argeus, was the hopes of getting pos- 
session of Amphipolis, a city bordering on Macedon, 



PREFACE. 9 

which they had long claimed as their colony. It had 
sometimes been in their hands, sometimes subjected to 
Lacedasmon, according to the different changes of for- 
tune of these states. After the peace of Antalcidas, 
the Greeks acknowleged the pretensions of the Athe- 
nians ; and it was resolved that they should be put in 
possession of this city at the common charge. Pro- 
bably the people of Amphipolis refused to submit to 
their old masters ; for the Athenians were obliged to 
despatch Iphicrates thither with forces. But the kings 
of Macedon now began to dispute it with them. Per-^ 
diccas made himself master of it ; and Philip would 
very gladly have kept it in his own hands ; but this 
could not be done without weakening his army, and 
incensing the Athenians, whom his present circum- 
stances required him rather to make his friends : on 
the other hand, he could not think of suffering them to 
possess it, as it was the key to that side of his domi- 
nions. He therefore took a middle course, and declared 
it a free city ; thereby leaving the inhabitants to throw 
off their dependence on their old masters, and making 
it appear to be their own act. At the same time, he 
disarms the Paeonians by the force of presents and pro- 
mises ; and then turns his arms against the Athenians, 
who had marched to the assistance of Argeus. A battle 
ensued, in which Philip was victorious. By the death 
of Argeus, who fell in the action, he was freed from 
that dispute ; and by his respectful care of the Athe- 
nians, when he had them in his power, he so far gained 
on that people, that they concluded a peace with him. 
He now found himself strong enough to break with 
the Pagonians, whom he subdued ; and having gained 



10 PBBFA4 ι • 

ι complete victory orer the Ulyrians, be obliged then 
to restore all their conquests in bfacedon. He ilso 
shut up the entrance of liis kingdom against Pan- 

sanias: but having provided for the security of it, in 
the next place be thought of making it more powerful 
and florishing. 

The reunion of Ainphipolis he considered as the 
principal means to this end ; and therefore, under 
pretence of punishing some wrongs, which be all• 
against that city, he laid siege to it. The moment tin \ 
perceived their danger the people of Vmphipolis sent 
two of their citizens to Athens to solicit succors ! hut, 
in order to prevent any opposition on the part of the 
Athenians, Philip gave them the strongest assurances 
that his sole design was to put them in possession of it 
the moment it was in his power : they therefor• suf- 
fered him to make a conquest of it. But, instead of 
performing his promise, he proceeded to take from 
them Pydna and Potidaea, with which be purchased 
the friendship of the Olynthians, whom it concerned 
him at that time to oblige: the golden mines of Cre- 
nides fell next into his hands, and contributed greatly 
to his successes. 

The Athenians could not but be alarmed at the pro- 
gress of this prince. His vigilance and activity, his 
policy and insincerity, now began to appear dangerous ι 
and councils were held to deliberate on the measures 
proper to be taken. But although the Athenians wen- 
possessed with delicac\ and sensibility, and entertained 
magnificent ideas of virtue and its duties, yet they 
wanted application, constancy, and perse\ ι ranee. The 
good qualities which had long been the boast of that 



PREFACE. 11 

people were now disappearing, while their faults in- 
creased. Hence it was that they easily suffered them- 
selves to be lulled into a false security. Besides, they 
had enough of difficulty to support their jurisdiction in 
other parts, and to bear up against a considerable revolt 
of their allies. 

This revolt produced the war called the social war, 
which lasted three years, and was succeeded by the 
Phocian or sacred war ; so called, because begun from 
a motive of religion. The Phocians had ploughed up 
some ground adjoining to the temple of Apollo at 
Delphos, which their neighbors exclaimed against as 
sacrilege, and was so judged by the council of am- 
phictyons, that venerable assembly, composed of repre- 
sentatives from the principal states of Greece, who sat 
twice every year at Delphos and Thermopylae. They 
laid a heavy fine on them; but, instead of submitting 
to the sentence, the Phocians alleged that the care 
and patronage of the temple belonged anciently to them ; 
and encouraged by Philomelus, one of their principal 
citizens, took up arms to assert their claim. The 
several states of Greece took part in this quarrel, as 
their interests and inclinations directed. Athens and 
Sparta, with some other of the Peloponnesians, de- 
clared for the Phocians. The Thebans were their 
principal opposers ; and were assisted by the Thes- 
salians, Locrians, and other neighboring states. At 
first Philomelus had some success ; but, in the second 
year of the war, the Thebans gave him a signal defeat, 
and he himself was killed in the pursuit. 

In the mean time, Philip took no part in this war. 
He was well pleased that the parties should exhaust 



12 PR Kl \( I . 

their strength ; and alio had an opportunity of securing 
and extending his frontier without interruption, by 
taking in such places as were either convenient or 

troublesome to him. Of this latter kind \\;is the city 
of Methone, which alter some resistance he took and 
demolished, annexing its lands to Macedon, During 

the siege he was in imminent danger of his life, haying 
lost one of his eyes by an arrow, lint it was not long 
before Philip had a fair opportunity of engaging as a 

party in the Phocian war. The Thessalians, a people 
susceptible of all impressions, and incapable of pre- 
serving any ; equally forgetful of benefits and inju- 
ries ; ever ready to submit to tyrants, and to implore 
the assistance of their neighbors to free them from 
slavery; had some time since been governed by Alex- 
ander of Pheras, the most detestable tyrant ever known 
in Greece. He was despatched by Tisiphonus, Lyco- 
phron, and Pilholaus, who seized the government, 
and became equally intolerable: so that the nobility 
of Thessaly, with the Aleuadae, descendants from Her- 
cules, at their head, declared against them, and im- 
plored the assistance of Philip. This prince willingly 
sacrificed the hopes of extending his conquests in 
Thrace to the honor of assisting the Aleuadae, whfl 
w r ere of the same race with him, and of imitating 
Pelopidas in giving liberty to Thessaly. He had also 
long wished to have the Macedonians considered as a 
Grecian people ; and as he thought no opportunity 
could be so honorable and favorable, as to affect an 
interest of the affairs of Thessaly, he readily marched 
against the tyrants, and soon divested them of all their 
authority. 



PREFACE. 13 

But Philip's apparent danger from the wound which 
he received at Methone imboldened Lycophron to re- 
sume the sovereign power. The Phocians (who, after 
the death of Philomelus, had renewed the war with 
all imaginable vigor under Onomarchus) espoused the 
cause of this tyrant, who had engaged the Thessalians 
to observe a neutrality ; and they in return supported 
him with all their power. Philip therefore now be- 
came involved in the general quarrel. At first, the 
Phocian general gained some advantages over him ; 
but he afterwards had such success, as enlarged his 
views, and inspired him with new hopes and expecta- 
tions. He thought of nothing less than the conquest 
of Greece ; and. under pretence of marching against 
the Phocians, made a bold attempt to seize the famous 
pass at Thermopylae, which he justly called the key of 
Greece. This roused the Athenians from their le- 
thargy. At the first news of his march they flew to 
the pass, and prevented his design, as he did not think 
it prudent to force his way. 

We may reasonably look on his retreat from Ther- 
mopylae as the era of Philip's hatred to the Athenians. 
He saw that they were the only people of Greece capa- 
ble of defeating his projects, or of giving him uneasi- 
ness in his own kingdom : he therefore provided him- 
self, with much diligence, a fleet composed of light 
ships, which might disturb their trade, and at the same 
time enrich his subjects by bringing in prizes. He 
also increased his army, and projected the destruction 
of the Athenian colonies in Thrace. At the same time 
he practised very successfully at Athens itself; and, 
by large appointments, secured some eminent orators, 



14 PRBI kCB. 

to charm the people w it li <l<lusi\<• hop. 

to frighten them with expensive estimates, while thej 
pretended a seal for the defence ol the it 

In a democratical government, like that of \t! ι 
bloqi enci w ;is the suit means of recommendii 
possessor to the attention and regard of Ins fellow* 

citizens, and of raising liim to all public bonOTS and 

advantages. The gradual improvements of Literature 

had introduced and perfected the arts of D 

persuading; and perhaps the disorders of the 

contributed to make them more important ; called 

forth a greater Dumber of public sp< akers, and opened 
a Larger field for their abilities. M;m\ ofthot 

who about that time took the lead in the \tl 

semhlies, arc lost to posterity. The characters, how- 
ever, of the most eminent have been transmitted, or 
may be collected from the writings of antiquity. 

Demadbs, by his birth and education, seemed ι 

tined to meanness and obscurity ; but as the Ath< 
assembly admitted persons of all ranks and 
tions to speak their sentiments, his ρ α re- 

commended him to his countrymen, and raised him 
from the low condition of a common mariner to the 
administration and direction of public affairs, 
private life was stained with those brutal 

which frequently attend the want of early culture, and 
an intercourse with the inferior and least refined p;irt 
of mankind. His conduct, as a leader and minii 
was not actuated by the principles of delicate honor 
and integrity ; and his eloquence seems to have re- 
ceived a tincture from his oiii;inal condition. He ap- 



PREFACE. 15 

pears to have been a strong, bold, and what we call a 
blunt speaker ; whose manner, rude and daring, and 
sometimes bordering on extravagance, had oftentimes 
a greater etfeet than the more corrected style of other 
speakers, who confined themselves within the bounds 
of decorum and good-breeding. 

Hyperides, on the contrary, was blessed with all 
the graces of refinement; harmonious, elegant, and 
polite ; with a well-bred festivity, and delicate irony ; 
excellent in panegyric ; and of great natural abilities 
for affecting the passions. Yet his eloquence seems 
rather to have been pleasing than persuasive. He is 
said to have been not so well fitted for a popular as- 
sembly, and for political debates, as for private causes, 
and addressing a few select judges. And even here, 
when he pleaded the cause of a woman, for whom he 
had the tenderest passion, he was obliged to call the 
charms of his mistress to the assistance of his elo- 
quence, and was more indebted to these for his suc- 
cess than to his own powers. 

Lycurgus had all the advantages which birth and 
education could aiford for forming an orator. He was 
the hearer of Plato, and the scholar of Isocrates. He 
seems to have been particularly affected by the charms 
of poetry and the polite arts ; nor was he less remark- 
able for diligence and attention ; yet his influence in 
the assembly seems, like that of Phocion, to have 
arisen rather from a respect to his character, and the 
general opinion of his virtue and integrity, than from 
his abilities as a speaker. 



16 PREFACE. 

i£sCHINE4 was an orator wliose style was full, dif- 
fusive, and sonorous. lie was a stranger to the flow- 
ing expressions and daring Ggures of Demosthenes, 
which he treats with contempt and ridicule. But, 
though more simple, he is less affecting ; and, bj 
being less contracted, lias not so much strength and 
energy : or, as Quintilian expresses it, ' earnis plus 
habet, lacertorum minus. ' But, if we would view his 
abilities to the greatest advantage, we must not coin- 
pare them with those of his rival. Then will his figures 
appear to want neither beauty nor grandeur. Hie ι 
and natural manner will then be thought highly pleas- 
ing ; and a just attention will discover a good degree 
of force and energy in his style, which, at first, appears 
only flowing and harmonious. 

But all the several excellences of his countrymen 
and contemporaries were at least equalled by Demo- 
sthenes. 1 His own no age or nation could attain to. 
From him critics have formed their rules ; and all the 
masters in his own art have thought it an honor to 
imitate him. To enlarge on his character would be 
to resume a subject already exhausted by every critic, 
both ancient and modern. Let it be sufficient to say, 
that energy and majesty are his peculiar excellences. 
From the gravity of Thucydides, the pomp and dignity 
of Plato, the ease and elegance, the neatness and sim- 
plicity of the Attic writers, he formed a style and 
manner admirably fitted to his own temper and genius, 

1 Nihil Lysise suhtilitate cedit ; nihil argutiis et acumine 
Hyperidi ; nihil lenitate ^schini, et splendore verborum. 

Cic. dl Orat. 



PHILIPPIC THE FIRST. 36 

pretences both from generals and from soldiers, by a 
regular payment of the army, and by incorporating 
domestic forces with the auxiliaries, to be as it were 
inspectors into the conduct of the commanders : for 
at present our manner of acting is even ridiculous. If 
a man should ask, 'Are you at peace, Athenians? 7 
the answer would immediately be, ' By no means ! we 
are at war with Philip. 1 Have not we chosen the 
usual generals and officers, 2 both of horse and foot V 
And of what use are all these, except the single person 
whom you send to the field? the rest attend your 
priests in their processions. So that, as if you formed 
so many men of clay, you make your officers for show, 
and not for service. My countrymen ! should not all 
these generals have been chosen from your own body ; 
all these several officers from your own body, that 

1 We are at war with Philip.] So the orator affects to 
speak ; though I apprehend it does not appear from history 
that they were at that time directly at war with him. They 
had indeed joined with the Phocians, and Philip was at the 
head of the opposite confederacy. Thus far they were en- 
gaged against each other, though neither of them as princi- 
pals in the quarrel. The Athenians indeed might have made 
some attempts to recover Amphipolis ; they certainly made 
some ineffectual preparations to relieve Potidaea and Methone ; 
and, after Philip's attempt on Thermopylae, did station some 
forces on their frontiers, to oppose him, in case he renewed 
his attack. But still the war was not declared in form. But 
of this I shall speak more hereafter. 

°Z The usual generals and officers.] In the text they are men- 
tioned particularly. Ten taxiarchs (arparrjyoi or generals) 
and phylarchs,andtwohipparchs. Each of the ten tribes chose 
a new general every year ; and each of these (originally, when 
all went to the field,) had the command for one day in his 
turn. Philip was very pleasant on this number of command- 
ers. ' I never,' said he, ( could find but one general,' meaning 
Parmenio ; ' hut the Athenians can get ten every year.' An- 
ciently the people on extraordinary occasions chose a pole- 
march, to determine, when the opinions of the generals were 
equally divided. The taxiarch commanded the infantry : the 
phylarch the cavalry of his tribe. The whole body of horse 
was divided into two corps, each of which was command <Ή 
by a general of horse, or hipparch.— TourreiL 



36 ORATIONS OF DKMOSTHKNKS. 

our force might be really Athenian ? And yet, for an 
expedition in favor of Lcmnos, 1 the general must be ft 
citizen ; while troops engaged in defence of our own 
territories are commanded by Menelaus ! 2 I say not 
this to detract from his merit ; but to whomsoever this 
command had been intrusted, surely he should have 
derived it from your voices. 3 

,V Perhaps you are fully 4 sensible of these truths ; but 
Vould rather hear me on another point — that of the 
supplies ; what we are to raise, and from what funds. To 
this I now proceed. The sum therefore necessary for 
the maintenance of these forces, that the soldiers may be 
supplied with grain, is somewhat above ninety talents. 5 
To the ten gallies forty talents, that each vessel may 
have a monthly allowance of twenty minae. To the two 
thousand foot the same sum, that each soldier may re- 
ceive ten drachmas a month for corn. To the two hun- 
dred horse, for a monthly allowance of thirty drachmae 
each, twelve talents. And let it not be thought a small 
convenience that the soldiers are supplied with grain ; 
for I am clearly satisfied that, if such a provision be 
made, the war itself will supply them with everything 
else, so as to complete their appointment, and this 

1 In favor of Lemnos.] When, in the social war, the re- 
volters invaded it with a fleet of a hundred sail. — Tourre'd. 

c 2 By Menelaus !] Monsieur Tourreil says that this Mene- 
laus was the brother of Philip by another marriage. But, 
though Philip and his brother were not on good terms, yet it 
is not likely that the Athenians would have trusted one so 
nearly allied to their enemy. — Olivet. 

3 From -your voices.] The regular method of choosing all 
officers. However, the choice was sometimes left to the com- 
mander-in-chief. — Touvreil. 

4 Perhaps you are fully, &c] It is not impossible but that 
the people might have been struck with the freedom andean- 
dor of the orator, and given some marks of their approbation. 

5 Ninety talents.] The Attic talent is computed by Tourreil 
equal to 187/. 10s. ; by Prideaux, to 188/. 6s. ; by Arbuthnot, 
to 193/. 15s. It contained sixty minee, and each mina one 
hundred drachma?. By the computation of the orator, it ap- 
pears that the provisions he recommends to be supplied were 
to last one year. — : Mounteney. 



PHILIPPIC THE FIRST. 37 

without any injury to the Greeks or allies : and I my- 
self am ready to sail with them, and to answer for the 
consequence with my life, should it prove otherwise. 
From what funds the sum which I propose maybe sup- 
plied shall now be explained. * * * * * 

[Here the secretary of the assembly reads a scheme for raising 
the supplies, and proposes it to the people in form, in the 
name of the orator.] 

These are the supplies, 1 Athenians, in our power to 

1 These are the supplies, &c] Dionysius of Halicarnassus 
gives us the rest of this oration as a sixth Philippic, pro- 
nounced in the archonship of Themistocles. But it appears 
to me, as well as to the other interpreters, a natural conclu- 
sion of the first Philippic ; and therefore I could not prevail 
on myself to separate them. — Tourreil. 

The scholiast is of the same opinion, and flatly accuses Dio- 
nysius of a mistake. Mr. Mounteney has expressed greater 
deference for this critic. He supposes that this second part 
is not that which Dionysius quotes ; but that there was 
another oration, since lost, which began with the same words ; 
for he observes that the former part is plainly imperfect of 
itself, and the two parts are joined in all the copies and manu- 
scripts, and that naturally and consistently. 

I must confess (with all submission to these authorities) 
that although I could not presume to separate them, yet I am 
not quite satisfied that these two parts are one oration. In 
the first place, I cannot think that the first Philippic would 
end abruptly if this second part was away ; for we find in 
the first part all that the orator proposes to speak to in the 
beginning ; and it concludes (not unlike a speech in parlia- 
ment) with a motion in form, for such and such subsidies to 
be raised for the maintenance of such and such forces. And 
as to the manner in which the second part begins, supposing 
it a distinct oration, we cannot object to that, as Dionysius 
quotes an oration beginning exactly in the same manner. (See 
his letter to Ammaeus.) It might also be observed that in the 
beginning of the oration, having for some time exhorted the 
Athenians to change their conduct, and act with vigor, De- 
mosthenes says expressly that he intends to speak no more 
on that subject ; and yet this second part is intirely taken up 
with it : and lastly, there are some passages in the second 
part which I suspect do not agree to the particular time 
when the first oration against Philip was pronounced ; (and 
I imagine that some editors were sensible of this, by their 



38 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

raise. And, when you come to give your voices, de- 
termine on some effectual provision, 1 that you may 
oppose Philip, not by decrees and letters only, but by 
actions : and, in my opinion, your plan of operation, 
and every thing relating to your armament, will be 
much more happily adjusted, if the situation of the 
country which is to be the scene of action be taken 
into the account; and if you reflect, that the winds and 
seasons have greatly contributed to the rapidity of 
Philip's conquests; that he watches the blowing of the 
Etesians, 2 and the severity of the winter, and forms his 
sieges when it is impossible for us to bring up our 

placing theOlynthiac orations before this, which is called the 
first Philippic :) these passages I shall take notice of as they 
occur. 

As to any similitude between the two parts, I apprehend 
that is no more than what runs through all these orations, and 
may be accounted for from the similitude of the subject, 
without joining them. But if this second part be really a dis- 
tinct oration, spoken after the destruction of Olynthus (for 
this city was taken the year before the archonship of The- 
mistocles), how comes it that this event is not mentioned in 
it ? It had just then thrown the Athenians into the greatest 
consternation ; and, as it was the orator's business to encourage 
them, possibly he might have kept it out of view on purpose ; 
though perhaps he does hint at it obscurely, and as far as was 
consistent with prudence, as I shall observe by and by. 

1 Effectual provision.] In the Greek it is α αν νμιν αρεσκρ 
χειροτορησατς — choose those things which may be agreeable to yon. 
I own I do not see how their entering into the resolution 
they liked best would of consequence enable them to oppose 
Philip effectually. Perhaps it might be of disservice, for in 
other places the orator is ever cautioning them against follow- 
ing the bent of their inclinations. If we should make a very 
small alteration in the text, and for αρεσ/φ read apKe<rn — those 
things which may be sufficient for your purposes, I apprehend 
the sense would be better and more agreeable to Demosthenes. 
I have taken the liberty to translate after this reading. 

2 Of the Etesians.] Winds which blew regularly every year 
at the rising of the dog-star, when the Greeks were obliged 
to retire from action, on account of the excessive heats ; and 
which, as they blew from the north, of consequence opposed 
any attempt of invading Macedon, or sending any forces to 
those parts which were the seat of Philip's wars at first. 



PHILIPPIC THE FIRST. 39 

forces. It is your part then to consider this, and not 
to carry on the war by occasional detachments (they 
will ever arrive too late), but by a regular army con- 
stantly kept up. And for winter-quarters you may 
command Lemnos, and Thassus, and Sciathus, and the 
adjacent islands, in which there are ports and provi- 
sions, and all things necessary for the soldiery in abun- 
dance. As to the season of the year in which we may 
land our forces with the greatest ease, and be in no 
danger from the winds, either on the coast to which 
we are bound, or at the entrance of those harbors 
where we may put in for provisions, this will be easily 
discovered. In what manner, and at what time, our 
forces are to act, their general will determine, accord- 
ing to the junctures of affairs. What you are to per- 
form, on your part, is contained in the decree I have 
now proposed. And if you will be persuaded, Athe- 
nians, first, to raise these supplies which I have re- 
commended ; then, to proceed to your other prepara- 
tions, your infantry, navy, and cavalry ; and lastly, to 
confine your forces, by a law, to that service which is ap- 
pointed to them — reserving the care and distribution of 
their money to yourselves, and strictly examining into 
the conduct of the general ; then, your time will be no 
longer wasted in continual debates on the same sub- 
ject, and scarcely to any purpose ; then, you will de- 
prive him of the most considerable of his revenues : 
for his arms are now supported by seizing and making 
prizes of those who pass the seas. — But is this all ? 
No. — You shall also be secure from his attempts : not 
as when some time since 1 he fell on Lemnos and Im- 



1 Not as when some time since, &c] If this be really a part 
of the first Philippic, these hostilities must have preceded 
the attempt on Thermopylae (else the orator could not have 
distinguished them into those which happened some time ago, 
and that committed lately). Now I cannot tell how to recon- 
cile such open acts of hostility with the other parts of Philip's 
conduct at that time. There was a peace subsisting between 
him and the Athenians, which he affected to observe ; and so 
far does he appear from making any open and professed 



40 ORATIONS or DBM08THENES. 

I)rus, and carried away your citizens in chains: u< 
when he surprised your vessels at (ierastus, and spoil- 
ed them of an unspeakable quantity of riches : not aa 

w hen Lately he made a descent on the coast of Marathon. 

and carried oil' our sacred gallej ;' while you could 

neither oppose these insults, nor detach \our forces at 

such junctures as were though! convenient. 

And now, Athenians, what is the reason, think \e. 
that the public festivals 9 in honor of \Iiner\a and of 
Bacchus are always celebrated at the appointed time, 
whether the direction of them falls to the lot of men of 
eminence, or of persons less distinguished — festivals 
which cost more treasure than is nsnalh expended on 
a whole navy ; and more numbers and greater prepara- 
tions than any one perhaps ever cost — while your ex- 
peditions have been all too late, as that to Methone, 
that to Pegasae, that to Potida3a? The reason is this: 
every thing relating to the former is ascertained by 

attack on them, that, in the taking of Potidrea and Pydna, he 
would not act as principal, but as ally to the Olynthians ; and, 
when these cities were taken, dismissed the Athenian gar- 
risons, with all imaginable respect and honor ; and, on all 
occasions, courted and cajoled the Athenians. This then is 
one of those passages which I suspect do not agree to the 
particular time when the first Philippic was spoken. But if 
we suppose that this, which I call the second part, is really 
the oration which Dionysius quotes (and which was spoken 
to engage the Athenians to defend the islanders and the cities 
of the Hellespont against the attempts of Philip), then all the 
difficulty vanishes. The hostilities here mentioned agree very 
well to a time of open war. Now, Diodorus Siculus informs 
us that it was after Olynthus was taken that the Athe- 
nians declared war against Philip in form ; and we find, that 
immediately on this, he attacked them and their tributary 
states with such fury, that they were soon glad to sue for 
peace. 

1 Our sacred galley.] There were two of these appropriated 
to religious ceremonies (and all extraordinary emergencies 
and occasions of the state), the Paralian and the Salaminian. 
ilarpocration understands here the Paralian. — TourreU. 

L 2 Festivals, &c] For the Panathenaea and Dionysia (as 
these festivals are called in the original), 1 refer the reader to 
Potter, and other writers on the antiquities of Greece. 



PHILIPPIC THE FIRST. 41 

law ; and every one of you knows long before who is 
to conduct 1 the several entertainments in each tribe ; 
what he is to receive, when, and from whom, and what 
to perform. Not one of these things is left uncertain, 
not one undetermined. But in affairs of Avar, and war- 
like preparations, there is no order, no certainty, no 
regulation. So that, when any accident alarms us, 
first, we appoint our trierarchs ; 2 then we allow them 
the exchange ; then the supplies are considered. These 
points once settled, we resolve to man our fleet with 
strangers 3 and foreigners ; then find it necessary to 
supply their place ourselves. In the midst of these de- 
lays, what we are sailing to defend the enemy is al- 
ready master of; for the time of action we spend in 
preparing ; and the junctures of aifairs will not wait 
our slow and irresolute measures. These forces, too, 
which we think may be depended on until the new 
levies are raised, when put to the proof, plainly dis- 

1 To conduct, &c] In the original it is, who is the chor&gus, 
(that is, the citizen who provided the music, of which each 
tribe had a band,) and the gymnasiarch (he who presided over 
the wrestlers, and provided what was necessary for that enter- 
tainment). 

2 We appoint our trierarchs.] The rich citizens, who were 
obliged not only to command, but to equip a vessel of war at 
their own expense (either severally or jointly) for the ser- 
vice of the public. As this was an office of great expense, it 
was allowed to any one who was nominated to point out some 
citizen richer than himself, and to desire he might be substi- 
tuted in his place, provided he was willing to exchange for- 
tunes with that citizen, and then to take on him the office 
of trierarch. This is what Demosthenes calls allowing the ex- 
change (which in its nature must have occasioned confusion 
and delay). 

For a fuller account of these trierarchs, &c. I refer the reader 
to Potter's Archaeol. 

3 We resolve to man our fleet with strangers, &c] Μβτοιχοί, 
which I translate strangers, were those foreigners who were 
permitted to sojourn at Athens on certain conditions. 

This whole passage is an exact description of the proceed- 
ings of the Athenians in defence of Olynthus, and of the event. 
I had it in view when I observed that possibly we might find 
some obscure allusions to that affair. 



|| OB \ now 01 DBMOfl πι ι \ ι \, 

oover their i 1 1 s u f 1 i < ι ( 1 1 c % . U\ these menni hath h 

ri\ ed to sucli a pitch 01 in sol•• ι ice. as to send ;i lett• 
the Kulxeans, 1 conceived m sucli terms as flu 

[The letter is read.] 
λ\ hat hath now heen read is lor the most part true 

Athenians — too true 1 but perhaps not \tT\ agreeable 
in the recital, lint if, by fuppressing tbingfl ungi 
i'nl to the ear, the things themselves could be prevented, 

then the sole concern of a public speaker should be to 
please, if, on the contrary, these unseasonably pi' 
Ulg Speeches be really injurious, it is shameful, \the- 
nians, to deceive yoursehes, and, b\ deferring the 

consideration of every thing disagreeable, never enee 

to move until it be too bite ; and not to apprehend that 

tin 1 } who conduct a war with prudence are nol to fol- 
low, but to direct events ; — to direct them with the same 
absolute authority with which a general leads on his 
forces : that the course of affairs ma\ be determined 
by them, and not determine their measures, lint yon, 
Athenians, although possessed of the greatest power 1 
of all kinds, ships, infantry, cavalry, and treasure ; 
yet, to this day, have never employed an) of then 

1 Λ letter to the Eubcrans, bo•] This letter has not de- 
scended to us. It is probable from the context, that s< 

pressed in it a contempt for the Athenian power, aim' in- 
how- little dependence the Kubunn> could have on thai It 
And, if this be so, it conlirms an observation which I 
before (see a preceding note) : viz. that the Athenians bl 
yet e^iven Philip no remarkable opposition in Babose. The 
letter must have been written when Philip began to raise 
commotions in that island, in order to make himself master of 
it. I am induced to think, both from history and Demo- 
sthenes, that he did not make any -attempts of ties kind so 
early as the first Philippic, and therefore that this is no part 
of that oration. 

2 Possessed of the greatest power, Cxc] They could then 
command three hundred ships of w;ir, and those CSp a hls of 
encjacjincc a navy of douhle that number : they had twenty 
thousand foot, and two thousand eight hundred horse ; and 
their revenue amounted to above twelve hundred talents. — 
Tourreil and Mounteney . 



PHILIPPIC THE FIRST. 43 

seasonably, but are ever last in the field. Just as bar- 
barians 1 engage at boxing, so you make war with 
Philip ; for, when one of these receives a blow, that 
blow engages him : if struck in another part, to that 
part his hands are shifted : but to ward on° the blow, or 
to watch his antagonist — for this he hath neither skill 
nor spirit. Even so, if you hear that Philip is in the 
Chersonesus, you resolve to send forces thither ; if in 
Thermopylae, thither ; if in any other place, you hurry 
up and down — you follow his standard, But no useful 
scheme for carrying on the war, no wise provisions 2 
are ever thought of, until you hear of some enterprise in 
execution, or already crowned with success. This might 
formerly have been pardonable ; but now is the very 
critical moment, when it can by no means be admitted. 
It seems to me, Athenians, that some divinity who, 
from a regard to Athens, looks down on our conduct 
with indignation, hath inspired Philip with this restless 
ambition : for were he to sit down in the quiet enjoy- 
ment of his conquests and acquisitions, without pro- 
ceeding to any new attempts, there are men among you 
who, I think, would be unmoved at those transactions, 3 
which have branded our state with the odious marks 
of infamy, cowardice, and all that is base. But as he 
still pursues his conquests, as he is still extending his 
ambitious views, possibly, he may at last call you 
forth, unless you have renounced the name of Athe- 
nians. To me it is astonishing that none of you look 

1 As barbarians, &c] The learned reader will find a beau- 
tiful passage in Aulus Gellius (1. iii. c. 27.), where, on the 
contrary, a man of true prudence who engages in the business 
and dangers of the world, is compared to a skilful boxer, who 
is ever attentive to defend himself and annoy his adversary. — 
Τ our veil. 

2 Xo wise provisions, &c] I have followed the reading 
which Mr. Mounteney adopts — Uepi των πρα'γματων, &c. in- 
stead of χρημάτων. 

3 At those transactions, &c] The taking of Pydna and 
Potidcea and Amphipolis may warrant what the orator here 
says. Yet I should choose to apply it to their suffering Olyn- 
thus by their misconduct to fall under the power of Philip. 



14 OR ITIONS Off DBM08THBN1 Β. 

back to the beginning ' of this war, and consider that 
ire engaged in it to chastise the insolence of Philip; 
but that now it is become a defensive war, to secure us 
from his attempts : and that he will ever be repeat 
these attempts is manifest, unless some power ri^< 

oppose him. I>n(, if we unit in expectation ol this ; if 
we send out armaments composed of empt\ gallies, 
and those hopes with which some speaker ma\ have 
flattered yOU; can yon then think your interests well 
secured I Shall we not emhark I shall we not sail, with 
at least a part of our domestic force, now, since we 
have not hitherto? — But w here shall we make our de- 
scent I — Let us bul engage in the enterprise, and the 
vvar itself, Athenians, will show us where he is w fin- 
est. But if we sit at home, Listening to the mutual 
invectives and accusations of our orators, we cannot 
expect — no, not the least success, in any one particular. 
Wherever a part of our city is detached, although the 
whole he not present, the favor of the gods and the 
kindness of fortune attend to fight on our side ; hut 
when we send out a general, and an insignificant de- 
cree, and the hopes of our speakers, misfortune and 
disappointment must ensue. Such expeditions are to 
our enemies a sport, hut strike 4 our allies with dea<)l\ 
apprehensions : for it is not — it is not possible for any 
one man to perform every thing you desire. He ma\ 

1 Look hack to the beginning, &c] Τ shall trouble the 
reader but with one argument more in favor of my suspicion 
that this is no part of the first Philippic. The passage I now 
quote I cannot think is applicable to the transactions of the 
Athenians and Philip, before bis attempt on Thermopylae, 
when (from the time of A.rgeus' death) they acted against 
each other only indirectly ; and, instead of punishing Philip, 
the Athenians could not even prevail on themselves to de- 
fend those dominions which they claimed as their own. But 
it is a very exact description of what happened after their de- 
claration of war against Philip, which succeeded the taking of 
Olynthus ; for this declaration was made from a sense of the 
danger of Philip's growing power, a resentment of his infrac- 
tions, and a resolution to reduce him : and yet they wen 
quickly obliged to defend themselves against farther attempts. 



PHILIPPIC THE FIRST. 45 

promise, and harangue, and accuse this or that person : 
but to such proceedings we owe the ruin of our affairs. 
For when a general who commanded a wretched col- 
lection of unpaid foreigners hath been defeated ; when 
there are persons here, who, in arraigning his conduct, 
dare to advance falsehoods, and when you lightly en- 
gage in any determination, just from their suggestions, 
what must be the consequence ? How then shall these 
abuses be removed ? — By offering yourselves, Athe- 
nians, to execute the commands of your general, to be 
witnesses of his conduct in the field, and his judges at 
your return ; so as not only to hear how your affairs 
are transacted, but to inspect them. But now, so 
shamefully are we degenerated, that each of our com- 
manders is twice or thrice called before you to answer 
for his life, though not one of them dared to hazard 
that life by once engaging his enemy. No ; they 
choose the death of robbers and pilferers, rather than 
to fall as becomes them. Such malefactors should die 
by the sentence of the law. Generals should meet 
their fate bravely in the field. 

Then, as to your own conduct — some wander about, 
crying, Philip hath joined with the Lacedaemonians, 
and they are concerting the destruction of Thebes, and 
the dissolution ! of some free states ; others assure 
us he hath sent an embassy to the king ; 2 others, that 
he is fortifying places in Illyria. 3 Thus we all go 
about framing our several tales. I do believe, indeed, 
Athenians, he is intoxicated with his greatness, and 
does entertain his imagination with many such vision- 

1 The dissolution, &c] Wherever the Lacedaemonians had 
power they were always for establishing oligarchies, as has 
been observed in the preface to these orations. 

2 To the king.] So the king of Persia was called. — The 
intent of this embassy was supposed to be, to make such de- 
mands as must produce a war with the Persian, which Iso- 
crates had exhorted him to very early. 

3 He is fortifying places in Iilyria.] Possibly these rumors 
were spread by Philip's friends, to persuade the Athenians 
that his views and schemes were removed to a great distance 
from Athens. 



16 ORATIONS Of DEMOSTHENES. 

ary prospect», as In• sees DO power rising to Op] 

him, and is elated with his success. Bui I canaot be 

persuaded that lie hath so taken his measures that the 

weakest among us know what he is next to do (fork 

is the weakest among us who spread these rumors). — 
Let us disregard them: let us he persuaded of this, 
that he is our enein\ ; that he hath spoiled u.s ol OBI 

dominions; that we have Long been subject to his inso- 
lence ; that whatever w< expected to be done for us by 
others hath proved against us; that all the resource 
left is in ourselves ; that, if we are not inclined to carry 
our arms abroad, we may he forced to engage here: — 
let us be persuaded of this, and then we shall come to 
a proper determination ; then shall we be freed from 
those idle tales. For we are not to be solicitous to 
know what particular events will happen ; we need 
but be convinced nothing good can happen unless yon 
grant the due attention to affairs, and be ready to act 
as becomes Athenians. 

I, on my part, have never on any occasion chosen to 
court your favor, by speaking any thing but what I 
was convinced would serve you ; and, on this occa- 
sion, I have freely declared my sentiments, without 
art, and without reserve. It would have pleased me. 
indeed, that, as it is for your advantage to have your 
true interest laid before you, so I might be assured 
that he who layeth it before you would share the ad- 
vantage, for then I had spoken with greater alacrity. 
However, uncertain as is the consequence with respect 
to me, Τ yet determined to speak, because I was con- 
vinced that these measures, if pursued, must have 
their use : and, of all those opinions which are offered 
to your acceptance, may that be chosen which will 
best advance the general weal ! 



THE FIRST OLYNTHIAC ORATION : 

pronounced four years after the first philippic, in 
the archonship of callimachus, the fourth year of 
the hundred and seventh olympiad, and the twelfth 
of Philip's reign. 



INTRODUCTION. 

The former oration does not appear to have had any considera- 
ble effect. Philip had his creatures in the Athenian assembly, 
who probably recommended less vigorous measures, and were 
but too favorably heard. In the mean time, this prince pur- 
sued his ambitious designs. When he found himself shut out 
of Greece, he turned his arms to such remote parts as he 
might reduce without alarming the states of Greece : and, at 
the same time, he revenged himself on the Athenians, by 
making himself master of some places which they laid claim 
to. At length his success imboldened him to declare those 
intentions which he had long entertained secretly against the 
Olynthians. 

Olynthus (a city of Thrace, possessed by Greeks originally 
from Chalcis, a town of Euboea, and colony of Athens) com- 
manded a large tract called the Chalcidian region, in which 
there were thirty-two cities. It had risen by degrees to such 
a pitch of grandeur, as to have frequent and remarkable con- 
tests both with Athens and Lacedaemon. Nor did the Olyn- 
thians show great regard to the friendship of Philip when he 
first came to the throne, and was taking all measures to secure 
the possession of it ; for they did not scruple to receive two 
of his brothers by another marriage, who had fled to avoid the 
effects of his jealousy ; and endeavored to conclude an alli- 
ance with Athens against him, which he, by secret practices, 
found means to defeat. But as he was yet scarcely secure on 
his throne, instead of expressing his resentment, he courted, 
or rather purchased, the alliance of the Olynthians, by the 
cession of Anthemus, a city which the kings of Macedon had 
long disputed with them, and afterwards, by that of Pydna 
and Potidaea, which their joint forces had besieged and taken 
from the Athenians. But the Olynthians could not be in- 
fluenced by gratitude towards such a benefactor. The rapid 



48 ι\ ι.;ΐ)ΐ)ΐι ΓΙΟΝ. 

progress of his arm - and hi - Lai ing . trmed 

them exceedingly. He bad already made di on 

their territories, :m<l now be I them frith leu 

reserve. They therefore despatched an 

to propose an alliance, and request assistance 

which tlie\ were equally concerned to op] 

Philip affected the bi itment ;it t : i 

their mutual engagements to adhere to each other in war and 

peace; invei-hed ;i:.;iin-t 1 1 U ■ ι r l.ar! >< ,\ \ ; ' liom 

lie called the conspirators ; and, under ι > r« • ' . • 1 1 < . • of pnnii 
their infractions, pursued his hostilities with double ri 
made himself ma ι .•• of their cities, and threatened 

the capital with a 

In the mean time, the ( Myiitln. I the Atlo : 

for immediate Buccors. Their ambas tadors opened their ι 

mission in an assembly of the people, who had tie• right either 

to agree to, or to reject then demand. \s the im 

the occasion increased the number oi 

orators bad debated the affair before Demostl ■ . In 

the following oration, therefor•', 

already informed; urges the n. < . ι the 

( »1\ nthiane, and confirms his opinion by powerful 

lays open the designs and practices of Philip, and tat» 

remove their dreadful apprehensions of his power. II» 

eludes with recommending to them to reform abi 

ancient discipline, and to put an end to a! 



OLYNTHIAC THE FIRST. 



In many instances, Athenians, have the gods, in my 
opinion, manifestly declared their favor to this state : 
nor is it least observable in this present juncture. For 
that an enemy should arise against Philip, on the very 
confines of his kingdom, of no inconsiderable power, 
and, what is of most importance, so determined on 
the war, that they consider any accommodation with 
him, first, as insidious ; next, as the downfal of their 
country : this seems no less than the gracious inter- 
position of Heaven itself. It must, therefore, be our 
care, Athenians, that we ourselves may not frustrate 
this goodness: for it must reflect disgrace, nay the 
foulest infamy on us, if we appear to have thrown 
away not those states and territories only which we 
once commanded, but those alliances and favorable 
incidents which fortune hath provided for us. 

To begin on this occasion with a display of Philip's 
power, or to press you to exert your vigor, by mo- 
tives drawn from hence, is, in my opinion, quite im- 
proper. And why ? Because whatever may be oifered 
on such a subject sets him in an honorable view, 
but seems to me as a reproach to our conduct : for 
the higher his exploits have arisen above his former 
estimation, the more must the world admire him ; 
while your disgrace hath been the greater the more 
your conduct hath proved unworthy of your state. 

1 I have disposed the Olynthiac orations in the order pointed 
oat by Dionysius of Halicarnassus : and it plainly appears 
that this should precede the others ; for in this Demosthenes 
solicits the immediate conclusion of an alliance with Olyn- 
thus : in the others he supposes the alliance already con- 
cluded, and insists only on the necessity of effectually fulfil- 
ling their engagements. 

DEM. D 



><» ΟΙ Ι ΡΙΟΝβ ΟΙ DEM081 Η ι 

These things therefore I shall pass over. He, ind 
who examinee justly, must find the source of .ill his 
greatness here, oof in himself. Bui the^ervicei \k 
ΙκιίΙι bere received, from those whose public adminis- 
tration hath been devoted to liis interest those 
rices vrhicli yon must punish, I do not think it 
sonable to display. There are other points of m* »r* 
moment for yon all to bear, and which must excite tin 
greatest abhorrence of bim in ever) reasonable mind• 
— These I shall lay before you« 

And now, should I call him perjured and pei /idniis. 

and not point out the instances of this his guilt, it 
might be deemed the mere virulence of malice ; and 

with justice. Nor will it engage too much of y OUT at- 
tention to hear him full) and clearly convicted, fr< m a 

full and clear detail of all his actions. \nd this I think 
useful on two accounts: first, that he may ap] 
as lie really is, treacherous and false; and then, that 
they who are struck with terror, as if Philip WHB » 
thing more than human, may see that he hath exhausted 
all those artifices to which lie owes his present el. 
tion, and that his affairs are now read} to decline* 
For I myself, Athenians, should think Philip π 
to be dreaded and admired, if I saw him raised bj ho- 
norable means. But ί find, on reflectioi , that at the 
time when certain persons drove out the Olynthtans 
from this assembly, when desirous of conferring with 
you, he began with abusing our simplicity by his pro- 
mise of surrendering Amphipolis, .and executing the 
secret article l of his treaty, then so much spoken 
that, after this, he courted the friendship of the Olyn- 

1 The secret article, &c] When Philip had declared Am- 
phipolis a free city, the Athenians, who wore desirous of 
recovering it, sent ambassadors to Philip to solicit hifl Μ 
ance for that purpose; and on this condition promised to 
make him master of Pydna. But, lest the people of Pydna, 
who were averse to Philip's government, should take the 
alarm, the whole negotiation was transacted secretly in the 
senate, without being referred as usual to the .^senibly of tin- 
people. — This account llpian and Suidas cite from Theop< 
pus. 



FIRST OLYNTHIAC ORATION. 51 

thians by seizing Potidaea, where we were rightful 
sovereigns, despoiling us his former allies, and giving 
them possession : that, but just now, he gained the 
Thessalians, by promising to give up Magnesia ; l and, 
for their ease, to take the whole conduct of the Pho- 
cian Avar on himself. In a word, there are no people 
who ever made the least use of him but have suffered by 
his subtlety ; his present greatness being wholly owing 
to his deceiving those who were unacquainted with 
him, and making them the instruments of his success. 
As these states therefore raised him, while each ima- 
gined he was promoting some interest of theirs, these 
states must also reduce him to his former meanness, 
as it now appears that his own private interest was 
the end of all his actions. 

Thus then, Athenians, is Philip circumstanced. If 
not, let the man stand forth who can prove to me I 
should have said to this assembly that I have asserted 
these things falsely ; or that they whom he hath de- 
ceived in former instances will confide in him for the 
future ; or that the Thessalians, who have been so 
basely, so undeservedly enslaved, 2 would not gladly 
embrace their freedom. — If there be any one among 
you who acknowleges all this, yet thinks that Philip 
will support his power, as he hath secured places of 
strength, convenient ports, and other like advantages, 
he is deceived. For when forces 3 join in harmony 

1 Magnesia.] He bad made himself master of this city when 
he marched into Thessaly against the tyrants. The Thessa- 
lians remonstrated against this proceeding, but suffered them- 
selves to be amused by his assurances that he would give it 
up ; while he really determined to keep possession of it. — 
Tourreil. 

2 Enslaved.] When Philip had dispossessed the tyrants of 
Thessaly he began to set himself up in their place ; but not 
by open force. He was so complete a master of dissimulation, 
appeared so gentle, so affable, so humane, so amiable, even 
to the conquered, that the Thessalians gave themselves up to 
him with an intire confidence, which he knew how to take 
the advantage of. — Tourreil. 

3 For when forces, &c] I need not take notice to the 



52 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

and affection, and one common interest unites the con- 
federating powers, then they share the toils with ala- 
crity, they endure the distresses, they persevere. But 
when extravagant ambition and lawless power (as in 
his case) have aggrandised a single person, the first 
pretence, the slightest accident, overthrows him, and 
all his greatness is dashed at once to the ground : for 
it is not — no, Athenians, — it is not possible to found 
a lasting power on injustice, perjury, and treachery. 
These may perhaps succeed for once, and borrow for 
a while from hope a gay and florishing appearance : 
but time betrays their weakness ; and they fall into 
ruin of themselves. For, as in structures of every 
kind, the lower parts should have the greatest firmness, 
so the grounds and principles of actions should be just 
and true. But these advantages are not found in the 
actions of Philip. 

I say then that you should despatch succors to the 
Olynthians (and the more honorably and expeditiously 
this is proposed to be done, the more agreeably to my 
sentiments), and send an embassy to the Thessalians, 
to inform some, and to enliven that spirit already 
raised in others (for it hath actually been resolved to 
demand the restitution of Pagasae, 1 and to assert their 
claim to Magnesia) : and let it be your care, Athenians, 
that our ambassadors may not depend only on words, 

learned reader how highly this passage is ornamented in the 
original, by the beauty of the metaphors, the grandeur of the 
composition, and the fineness of the sentiment. The word 
ανβχαιτισ*, by which he expresses the downfal of Philip, I 
apprehend, is not to be rendered into our, or perhaps any 
other language. It gives us the idea of a generous steed, 
tossing his mane, impatient of the bit, and casting his rider 
to the ground ; which at once expresses the subjection of the 
states conquered by Philip, their impatience of his govern- 
ment, their bold effort to regain their liberty, and the downfal 
of their master. The change of tenses (α^χαιτισΈ και SicKvaev) 
adds greatly to the force and beauty : it seems as if the de- 
struction of Philip was too quick for words. 

1 Pagasee.] A city of Thessaly, which he had made himself 
master of five years before. — Tourreil. 



FIRST OLYNTHIAC ORATION. 53 

but give them some action to display, by taking the 
field in a manner worthy of the state, and engaging in 
the war with vigor : for words, if not accompanied by 
actions, must ever appear vain and contemptible ; and 
particularly when they come from us, whose prompt 
abilities, and well-known eminence in speaking, make 
us to be always heard with the greater suspicion. 

Would you indeed regain attention and confidence, 
your measures must be greatly changed, your conduct 
totally reformed ; your fortunes, your persons, must 
appear devoted to the common cause ; your utmost 
efforts must be exerted. If you will act thus, as your 
honor and your interest require, then, Athenians, you 
will not only discover the weakness and insincerity of 
the confederates of Philip, but the ruinous condition of 
his own kingdom will also be laid open. The power 
and sovereignty of Macedon may have some weight 
indeed when joined with others. Thus, when you 
marched against the Olynthians under the conduct of 
Timotheus, it proved an useful ally ; when united with 
the Olynthians against Potidaea, it added something to 
their force ; just now, when the Thessalians were in 
the midst of disorder, sedition, and confusion, it aided 
them against the family of their tyrants (and in every 
case, any, even a small accession of strength, is, in 
my opinion, of considerable effect). But of itself, un- 
supported, it is infirm ; it is totally distempered : for 
by all those glaring exploits, which have given him 
this apparent greatness, his wars, his expeditions, he 
hath rendered it yet weaker than it was naturally : 
for you are not to imagine that the inclinations of his 
subjects are the same with those of Philip. He thirsts 
for glory : this is his object, this he eagerly pursues, 
through toils and dangers of every kind ; despising 
safety and life, when compared with the honor of 
achieving such actions as no other prince of Macedon 
could ever boast of. But his subjects have no part in 
this ambition. Harassed by those various excursions 
he is ever making, they groan under perpetual ca- 
lamity ; torn from their business, and their families, 



54 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

and without opportunity to dispose of that pittance 
which their toils have earned ; as all commerce is shut 
out from the coast of Macedon by the war. 

Hence one may perceive how his subjects in general 
are affected to Philip. But then his auxiliaries, and 
the soldiers of his phalanx l have the character of won- 
derful forces, trained completely to war. And yet I 
can affirm, on the credit of a person from that coun- 
try, incapable of falsehood, that they have no such su- 
periority : for, as he assures me, if any man of expe- 
rience in military affairs should be found among them, 
he dismisses all such, from an ambition of having every 
great action ascribed wholly to himself (for, besides 
his other passions, the man hath this ambition in the 
highest degree) : and if any person, from a sense of 
decency, or other virtuous principle, betrays a dislike 
of his daily intemperance, and riotings, and obsceni- 
ties, 2 he loses all favor and regard ; so that none are 
left about him but wretches, who subsist on rapine 
and flattery, and who, when heated with wine, do not 
scruple to descend to such instances of revelry as it 
would shock you to repeat. Nor can the truth of this 
be doubted ; for they whom we ail conspired to drive 
from hence, as infamous and abandoned, Callias, the 
public servant, 3 and others of the same stamp ; buf- 

1 The soldiers of his phalanx.] In the original, 7reJeratpoi, 
fellow -soldiers ; a term invented for the encouragement of this 
body, and to reconcile them to all the severities of their duty. 
Such kind of familiarities cost but little, and are often of con- 
siderable service to a prince. — TourreiL 

2 Obscenities.] In the original, χορΰακισμους. Certain la- 
scivious dances, so called from the name of a satyr, said to have 
invented them. Theophrastus mentions it as a part of the 
character of a man utterly abandoned, that, when inflamed by 
wine, he is even capable of dancing the chordax. — Tourreil. 

In this description of the dissolute manners of Philip and 
his court, one would imagine that the orator had aggravated 
a little ; yet we have the whole description still more height- 
ened in history. The learned reader will find it in Athenaeus, 
book vi. — Tourreil. 

3 The public servant.] One of those public slaves, who at- 



FIRST OLYNTHIAC ORATION. 55 

foons, composers of lewd songs, in which they ridicule 
their companions ; these are the persons whom he en- 
tertains and caresses. And these things, Athenians, 
trifling as they may appear to some, are to men of just 
discernment great indications of the weakness both of 
his mind and fortune. At present, his successes cast a 
shade over them ; for prosperity hath great power to 
veil such baseness from observation. But let his arms 
meet with the least disgrace, and all his actions will be 
exposed. This is a truth, of which he himself, Athe- 
nians, will, in my opinion, soon convince you, if the 
gods favor us, and you exert your vigor : for, as in 
our bodies, while a man is in health, he feels no effect 
of any inward weakness ; but, when disease attacks 
him, every thing becomes sensible — in the vessels, in 
the joints, or in whatever other part his frame may be 
disordered ; so in states and monarchies, while they 
carry on a war abroad, their defects escape the general 
eye ; but when once it approaches their own terri- 
tory, then they are all detected. 

If there be any one among you who, from Philip's 
good fortune, concludes that he must prove a formi- 
dable enemy, such reasoning is not unworthy a man 
of prudence. Fortune hath great influence, nay, the 
whole influence, in all human aifairs : but then, were I 
to choose, I should prefer the fortune of Athens (if 
you yourselves will assert your own cause with the 
least degree of vigor) to this man's fortune ; for we 
have many better reasons to depend on the favor of 
Heaven than this man. But our present state is, in 
my opinion, a state of total inactivity ; and he who will 
not exert his own strength cannot apply for aid either 
to his friends or to the gods. It is not then surprising 
that he who is himself even amidst the dangers and 
labors of the field ; who is every where ; whom no op- 
tended the Athenian generals in the field. They chose slaves 
for this business, that, if there was occasion for their evidence 
on any public inquiry into the conduct of the war, they might 
be put to the torture, from which free citizens were ex» 
empted.—Ulpian. 



56 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

portunity escapes ; to whom no season is unfavorable ; 
should be superior to you, who are wholly engaged in 
contriving delays, and framing decrees, and inquiring 
after news. I am not surprised at this ; for the con- 
trary must have been surprising : if we, who never act 
in any single instance as becomes a state engaged in 
war, should conquer him, who, in every instance, acts 
with an indefatigable vigilance. This indeed sur- 
prises me ; that you, who 1 fought the cause of Greece 
against Lacedaemon, and generously declined all the 
many favorable opportunities of aggrandising your- 
selves ; who, to secure their property to others, parted 
with your own, by your contributions, and bravely 
exposed yourselves in battle, should now decline the 
service of the field, and delay the necessary supplies, 
when called to the defence of your own rights : that 
you, in whom Greece in general, and each particular 
state hath often found protection, should sit down 
quiet spectators of your own private wrongs. This I 
say surprises me : and one thing more ; that not a man 
among you can reflect how long a time we have been 
at war with Philip, and in what measures this time 
hath all been wasted. You are not to be informed 
that, in delaying, in hoping that others would assert 
our cause, in accusing each other, in impeaching, then 
again entertaining hopes, in such measures as are now 
pursued, that time hath been intirely wasted. And 
are you so devoid of apprehension, as to imagine, when 
our state hath been reduced from greatness to wretch- 
edness, that the very same conduct will raise us from 
wretchedness to greatness ? No : this is not reasonable, 
it is not natural ; for it is much easier to defend than 
to acquire dominions. But now, the Avar hath left us 
nothing to defend : we must acquire. And to this 
work you yourselves alone are equal. 

This, then, is my opinion. — You should raise sup- 
plies ; you should take the field with alacrity. Prose- 
cutions should be all suspended until you have reco- 

1 See note 2 p. 23. 



FIRST OLYNTHIAC ORATION. 57 

vered your affairs : let each man's sentence be deter- 
mined by his actions : honor those who have deserved 
applause : let the iniquitous meet their punishment : 
let there be no pretences, no deficiences on your part; 
for you cannot bring the actions of others to a severe 
scrutiny unless you have first been careful of your own 
duty. What indeed can be the reason, think ye, that 
every man whom ye have sent out at the head of an 
army hath deserted your service, and sought out some 
private expedition (if we must speak ingenuously of 
these our generals also) ? The reason is this : when 
engaged in the service of the state, the prize for which 
they fight is yours. Thus, should Amphipolis be now 
taken, you instantly possess yourselves of it : the com- 
manders have all the danger, the rewards they do not 
share. But, in their private enterprises, the dangers 
are less ; the acquisitions are all shared by the generals 
and soldiers ; as were Lampsacus, Sigaeum, 1 and those 
vessels which they plundered. Thus are they all de- 
termined by their private interest. And, when you 
turn your eyes to the wretched state of your aifairs, 
you bring your generals to a trial ; you grant them 
leave to speak ; you hear the necessities they plead ; 
and then acquit them. Nothing then remains for us 
but to be distracted with endless contests and divisions 
(some urging these; some, those measures), and to feel 
the public calamity : for in former times, Athenians, 
you divided into classes, 2 to raise supplies. Now the 

1 Lampsacus, Sigaeum, &c] Chares received these two 
cities of Asia Minor from the Satrap Artabazus, in return for 
his service. (See note 2 p. 27.) This general, instead of em- 
ploying the fleet he had been intrusted with for the reco- 
very of Amphipolis, according to his instructions, joined 
with some pirates, and committed considerable outrages in 
the iEgean Sea. He was accused of this at his return, but 
escaped, by flying from public justice, until his faction grew 
powerful enough to reinstate him in his former command. — 
Tourreil. 

2 Classes, &c] ^υμμοριαι. Each of the ten tribes elected 
one hundred and twenty of the richer citizens, out of their 
own body, who were obliged to perform the public duties, 



58 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

business of these classes is to govern; each liatli Μ 
orator at its head, and a general, \nJio is his creature; 
the Three Hundred are assistants to these ; and tin 
of you divide, some to this, some to that party. You 
must rectify these disorders: you must appear your- 
selves : you must leave the power of speaking, of ad- 
vising•, and of acting, open to every citizen. But if 
you suffer some persons to issue out their mandates, as 
with a royal ! authority ; if one set of men be forced to 
fit out ships, to raise supplies, to take up arms, while 
others are only to make decrees against them, without 
any charge, any employment besides, it is not possible 
that any thing can be effected seasonably and success- 
fully ; for the injured party ever will desert you ; and 
then your sole resource will be to make them feel your 
resentment instead of your enemies. 

To sum up all : my sentiments are these : — That every 
man should contribute in proportion to his fortune ; 
that all should take the field in their turns, until all 
have served ; that whoever appears in this place should 
be allowed to speak ; and that, when you give your 

and to raise supplies for the exigences of the state, out of 
their private fortunes. The twelve hundred persons thus 
chosen were divided into two parts, and each of these into 
ten classes, called συμμυριαι. These were again subdivided 
into two parts, according to the estates of those who com- 
posed them. And thus out of the ten first classes were ap- 
pointed the Three Hundred, that is, such a number of the 
wealthy citizens, who were on all occasions to supply the 
commonwealth with money, and with the rest of the twelve 
hundred to perform all extraordinary duties in their turns. 
It seems, however, that in the time of Demosthenes these 
classes sought pretences to avoid their duty, and contended 
for the power of throwing the whole weight of public busi- 
ness on each other. 

1 As with a royal, &c] Eubulus, Aristophon, Hyperides, 
and Lycurgus, governed every thing with an absolute power 
in the assemblies : the conduct of military affairs was intirely 
engrossed by Diopithes, Menestheus, Leosthenes, and Chares. 
Thus the administration of affairs was shared among a few 
men as it were by lot; so that the popular government dege- 
nerated into an oligarchy. — See Plutarch, in Phocion. — Tour. 



FIRST OLYNTHIAC ORATION. 59 

voices, your true interest only should determine you, 
not the authority of this or the other speaker. Pursue 
this course, and then your applause will not be lavished 
on some orator the moment he concludes ; you your- 
selves will share it hereafter, when you find how greatly 
you have advanced the interests of your state. 



THE SECOND OLYNTHIAC ORATION: 



PRONOUNCED IN THE SAME YEAR. 



INTRODUCTION. 

To remove the impression made on the minds of the Athe- 
nians by the preceding oration, Demades and other popular 
leaders in the interest of* Philip rose up, and opposed the 
propositions of Demosthenes with all their eloquence. Their 
opposition, however, proved ineffectual ; for the assembly 
decreed that relief should be sent to the Olynthians; and 
thirty gallies and two thousand forces were accordingly de- 
spatched, under the command of Chares. I>ut these succors, 
consisting intirely of mercenaries, and commanded by a gene- 
ral of no great reputation, could not be of considerable ser- 
vice ; and were besides suspected, and scarcely less dreaded 
by the Olynthians than the Macedonians themselves. \n the 
mean time, the progress of Philip's arms could meet with lit- 
tle interruption. He reduced several places in the region of 
Chalcis, rased the fortress of Zeira, and, having twice defeated 
the Olynthians in the field, at last shut them up in their city. 
In this emergency they again applied to the Athenians, and 
pressed for fresh and effectual succors. In the following 
oration Demosthenes endeavors to support this petition, and 
to prove that both the honor and the interest of the Athenians 
demanded their immediate compliance. As the expense of 
the armament was the great point of difficulty, he recommends 
the abrogation of such laws as prevented the proper settle- 
ment of the funds necessary for carrying on a Avar of such im- 
portance. The nature of these laws will come immediately to 
be explained. 

It appears, from the beginning of this oration, that other 
speakers had risen before Demosthenes, and inveighed loudly 
against Philip. Full of the national prejudices, or disposed 
to flatter the Athenians in their notions of the dignity and 
importance of their state, they breathed nothing but indig- 
nation against the enemy, and possibly, with some contempt 
of his present enterprises, proposed to the Athenians to 
correct his arrogance, by an invasion of his own kingdom. 
Demosthenes, on the contrary, insists on the necessity of 
self-defence ; endeavors to rouse his hearers from their se- 
curity, by the terror of impending danger ; and affects to 
consider the defence of Olynthus as the last and only means 
of preserving the very being of Athens. 



OLYNTHIAC THE SECOND. 



I am by no means affected in the same manner, Athe- 
nians, when I review the state of our affairs, and when 
I attend to those speakers who have now declared their 
sentiments. They insist that we should punish Philip : 
but our affairs, situated as they now appear, warn us 
to guard against the dangers with which we ourselves 
are threatened. Thus far therefore I must differ from 
these speakers, that I apprehend they have not pro- 
posed the proper object of your attention. There was 
a time, indeed, I know it well, when the state could 
have possessed her own dominions in security, and 
sent out her armies to inflict chastisement on Philip. 
I myself have seen that time when we enjoyed such 
power. But now, I am persuaded we should confine 
ourselves to the protection of our allies. When this 
is once effected, then we may consider the punishment 
his outrages have merited. But, till the first great 
point be well secured, it is weakness to debate about 
our more remote concernments. 

And now, Athenians, if ever we stood in need of 
mature deliberation and counsel, the present juncture 
calls loudly for them. To point out the course to be 
pursued on this emergency I do not think the greatest 
difficulty : but I am in doubt in what manner to pro- 
pose my sentiments ; for all that I have observed, and 
all that I have heard, convinces me that most of your 
misfortunes have proceeded from a want of inclination 
to pursue the necessary measures, not from ignorance 
of them. Let me intreat you, that, if I now speak with 
an unusual boldness, you may bear it, considering only 
whether I speak truth, and with a sincere intention to 
advance your future interests ; for you now see, that 



ί>\> <>h\tk>vs οι DBM08TH1 

b) BOme orators, who stinU hut in gain \nur faVOT 

affairs have hern reduced to the extremity ofdistri 

J think it necessary, in the first place, to r< 
Late transactions to your thoughts. Yon maj rem* 
her. Athenians, that about three or four years since 
you received advice thai Philip was in Thrace, and 
had laid siege to the fortress I then 

the month of November. 1 Great commotions and de- 
bates arose: it was resolved to send out fort} 

that all citizens under the age of fi\ e-aml-lOri \ ■ should 

themselves embark; and that si\t\ talents should be 
raised. Thus it was agreed ! that year passed a* 
then came in the months July, 1 itigust, September. 

J η this last month, λ\ ith great difficulty, when 

teries had first heen celebrated, \ou sent on! Ciiaride- 

mus, 4 with jusl ten vessels, unmanned, and five talents 

of silver. For when reports came oi tli. and 

the death of Philip (both of these wen• affirmed), you 
laid aside your intended armament, imagining, thai at 

1 Of November.] The reducing the Attic months to 
Julian lias occasioned some dispute among the Learned. 
I thought it best to make use of Roman oamee in the tra 

tion, 1 have followed the reduction ofS< 

9 Under the age of five-and -forty, 6cc.1 Ί his expresses 
their zeal, and their apprehensions of the oai tie- 

laws of Athens a citizen was exempted iron, 
at the age of forty, except on some very 

:> July, fitC•] That is, the tirst months of t? • 
the reader is to observe, that the At τ 

that new moon whose lull moon immediately ! the 

summer solstice. 

i Charidemus.] That is, the worst of all > Is j a 

foreigner, a soldier of fortune, who had sometui 
against you, sometimes betrayed your cause, and who, on 
many occasions, had proved himself u] 
dence you reposed in him. — Monsieur Tonrreil trai 
passage tlms : ' Ce fut en ce dernier moia qu'imnn diatement 
apres la celebration (h- d'ici Cha- 

rideme, 1 6:c. Here there are two unfortune hich 

express haste and expedition: whereas the description in 
the original labors on in the elowesl and heaviest manner 
possible. Every single word marks out the tedious- 
meanness of their armament. 



SECOND OLYNTHIAC ORATION. 63 

such a juncture there was no need of succors. And 
yet this was the very critical moment ; for, had they 
been despatched with the same alacrity with which 
they were granted, Philip would not have then escaped, 
to become that formidable enemy he now appears. 

But what was then done cannot be amended. Now, 
we have the opportunity of another war : that war I 
mean which hath induced me to bring these transac- 
tions into view, that you may not once more fall into 
the same errors. How then shall we improve this 
opportunity ? This is the only question. For, if you 
are not resolved to assist with all the force you can 
command, you are really serving under Philip ; you 
are fighting on his side. The Olynthians are a people 
whose power was thought considerable. Thus were 
the circumstances of affairs : Philip could not confide 
in them : they looked with equal suspicion on Philip. 
We and they then entered into mutual engagements of 
peace and alliance. This was a grievous embarrassment 
to Philip, that we should have a powerful state confe- 
derated with us, spies on the incidents of his fortune. 
It was agreed that we should by all means engage 
this people in a war with him. And now, what we all 
so earnestly desired, is effected : the manner is of 
no moment. What then remains for us, Athenians, 
but to send immediate and effectual succors, I can- 
not see : for besides the disgrace that must attend 
us, if any of our interests are supinely disregarded, 
I have no small apprehensions of the consequence, 
(the Thebans, 1 affected as they are towards us, and 
the Phocians exhausted of their treasures,) if Philip 
be left at full liberty to lead his armies into these 
territories, when his present enterprises are accom- 

1 The Thebans, &c] They had a mortal hatred to the Athe- 
nians, as they had favored Lacedaemon after the battles of 
Leuctra and Mantinea, and had lately taken part with the 
Phocians against them in the sacred war. [And even before 
these times, at the conclusion of the Peloponnesian war, the 
Thebans strenuously contended for the utter extirpation of 
Athens.] — Tourreil. 



64 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

pushed. If any one among you can be so far im- 
mersed in indolence as to suffer this, he must choose 
to be witness of the misery of his own country, rather 
than to hear of that which strangers suffer, and to seek 
assistance for himself, when it is now in his power to 
grant assistance to others. That this must be the con- 
sequence, if we do not exert ourselves on the present 
occasion, there can scarcely remain the least doubt 
among us. 

But, as to the necessity of sending succors : this, it 
may be said, we are agreed in ; this is our resolution. 
But how shall we be enabled ? that is the point to be 
explained. — Be not surprised, Athenians, if my senti- 
ments on this occasion seem repugnant to the general 
sense of this assembly. Appoint magistrates for 1 the 
inspection of your laws : not in order to enact any new 
law ; you have already a sufficient number ; but to 
repeal those whose ill effects you now experience. I 
mean the laws relating to the theatrical funds 2 (thus 



1 Magistrates for, &c] In the original νομοθέτης. So were 
those citizens called who were intrusted by the people with 
the regulation of their laws. They were chosen by lot, to the 
number of 1001, that their votes might not be equal. Every 
citizen, at certain times, and in certain assemblies, had usually 
a right to complain of any law. The president of the as- 
sembly proposed the complaint to the people : five advocates 
were allowed to plead in defence of the law ; and after hear- 
ing them, the people referred the affair to the nomothetae. 
— TourreiL 

2 The theatrical funds.] The Athenians, as well as the other 
Greeks, were ever passionately fond of the entertainments of 
the theatre. Disputes for places soon became remarkably 
inconvenient, and called for a regulation. The magistrates 
therefore ordered that a small price should be paid for places, 
to reimburse the builders of the theatre, which as yet knew 
not that magnificence which riches and luxury afterwards 
introduced. This purchasing of places began to be com- 
plained of by the poorer citizens ; and therefore Pericles, out 
of a pretended zeal for their interest, proposed that a sum of 
money (which had been deposited in the treasury, after the 
war of Egina, when they had made a thirty years' peace with 
Lacedaemon, and was intended as a public resource in case of 



SECOND OLYNTHIAC ORATION. 65 

openly I declare it), and some about the soldiery. 1 By 
the first, the soldier's pay goes as theatrical expenses, 
to the useless and inactive ; the others screen those 
from justice who decline the service of the field ; and 
thus damp the ardor of those disposed to serve us. 
When you have repealed these, and rendered it con- 
sistent with safety to advise you justly, then seek for 
some person to propose that decree, which 2 you all are 
sensible the common good requires. But, until this be 
done, expect not that any man will urge your true in- 
terest, when, for urging your true interest, you repay 
him with destruction. You will never find such zeal ; 
especially since the consequence can be only this : he 
who oiFers his opinion, and mo\es for your concur- 
any invasion of Attica) should be distributed among the ci- 
tizens, to defray the expense of their entertainments in time 
of peace only. The proposal and the restriction were both 
agreed to : but as all indulgences of this kind degenerate, 
sooner or later, into licentiousness, the people began to con- 
sider this distribution as their unalienable property ; and, 
the very year of the Olynthiac orations, Eubulus, a popular 
leader, of a party opposite to Demosthenes, prevailed to have 
a law passed, which forbad any man, on pain of death, to make 
a motion, or proposal of a decree, for restoring what was now 
called the theatrical funds to the military, or any other pub- 
lic service. This is the law which Demosthenes here attacks. 

1 About the soldiery•] The laws of Solon exacted personal 
service from every citizen, with the utmost rigor. Those 
which the orator complains of must have been made when the 
state began to be corrupted. 

2 That decree, which, &c] A decree for the alienation of 
the theatrical funds. While Eubulus' law was in force such 
a decree could not be proposed. The usefulness and neces- 
sity of it, however, the orator ventures to insinuate ; for the 
penalty was not understood as extending to a man's barely 
declaring his sentiments, provided he did not make the mo- 
tion in form. In the latter part of this oration he seems to 
propose another method of avoiding the ill consequences of 
the law of Eubulus ; and that is, that the theatrical distribu- 
tions should be still continued ; but that all those who were 
in public offices, and who usually received their several sa- 
laries and appointments, should now serve the state without 
fee or reward. The name only of these distributions would 
have then remained. 

DEM. Ε 



66 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

rence, suffers some unmerited calamity ; but your 
affairs are not in the least advanced : nay, this addi- 
tional inconvenience must arise, that for the future it 
will appear more dangerous to advise you than even 
at present. And the authors of these laws should also 
be the authors of their repeal : for it is not just that 
the public favor should be bestowed on them who, 
in framing these laws, have greatly injured the com- 
munity ; and that the odium should fall on him whose 
freedom and sincerity are of important service to us all. 
Until these regulations be made you are not to think 
any man so great, that he may violate these laws with 
impunity; or so devoid of reason, as to plunge himself 
into open and foreseen destruction. 

And be not ignorant of this, Athenians, that a decree 
is of no significance unless attended with resolution 
and alacrity to execute it : for were decrees of them- 
selves sufficient to engage you to perform your duty ; 
could they even execute the things which they enact ; 
so many would not have been made to so little, or ra- 
ther to no good purpose ; nor would the insolence of 
Philip have had so long a date : for, if decrees can 
punish, he hath long since felt all their fury. But they 
have no such power : for though proposing and re- 
solving be first in order; yet, in force and efficacy, 
action is superior. Let this then be your principal 
concern ; the others you cannot want : for you have 
men among you capable of advising, and you are of all 
people most acute in apprehending. Now, let your in- 
terest direct you, and it will be in your power to be as 
remarkable for acting. What season, indeed, what 
opportunity do you wait for more favorable than the 
present ? or, when will you exert your vigor, if not 
now, my countrymen ? Hath not this man seized all 
those places that were ours? Should he become master 
of this country too, 1 must we not sink into the lowest 



1 Of this country too, &c] That is, the country of Chalcis, 
where Philip took two-and-thirty cities before he laid siege 
to Olyntlms. — Tourreil, 



SECOND OLYNTHIAC ORATION. 67 

state of infamy ? Are not they whom we have promised 
to assist, whenever they are engaged in war, now at- 
tacked themselves ? Is he not our enemy ? is he not 
in possession of our dominions? is he not a barbarian? 1 
is he not every base thing words can express ? If we 
are insensible to all this, if we almost aid his designs ; 
Heavens ! can we then ask to whom the consequences 
are owing ? Yes, I know full well we never will im- 
pute them to ourselves. Just as in the dangers of the 
iield, not one of those who fly will accuse himself ; he 
will rather blame the general, or his fellow-soldiers : 
yet every single man 2 that fled was accessary to the 
defeat : he who blames others might have maintained 
his own post ; and, had every man maintained his, 
success must have ensued. Thus then, in the present 
case, is there a man whose counsel seems liable to ob- 
jection? let the next rise, and not inveigh against him, 
but declare his own opinion. Doth another offer some 
more salutary counsel ? pursue it, in the name of Hea- 
ven ! ' But then it is not pleasing/ This is not the 
fault of the speaker, unless in that he hath 3 neglected 

1 A barbarian ?] This was the term of reproach which the 
Greeks applied to all other nations : nor were the Macedo- 
nians excepted. In the time of Xerxes, Alexander, king of 
Macedon, could not be admitted into the Olympic games 
until he had proved his descent to be originally from Argos : 
and when he came over from the Persian camp, to give the 
Greeks notice of the motions of Mardonius, he justified his 
perfidy by his ancient descent from Greece ; which he needed 
not to have had recourse to if Macedon had not been then 
considered as a part of the barbarian world. — Tourreil. 

2 Yet every single man, &c] The orator did not foresee 
that, in ten years after, he himself would be guilty of this 
very crime ; be branded with a name of infamy, for casting 
away his shield at the battle of Chaeronea, and have nothing 
to oppose to the reproaches of his enemies but a weak and 
trifling pleasantry. — Tourreil. 

3 Unless in that he hath, &c] This passage, which is 
translated pretty exactly from the original, seems, at first 
view, to have something of a forced and unnatural air. In- 
deed it is not possible for us to perceive fully and clearly the 
strength and propriety of every part of these orations. To 



θβ ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

to express his affection in prayers and wishes. To praj 

is easy, Athenians, and in one petition ma\ be col- 
lected as many instances of good fortune as nc phase. 
To determine justly, when affairs are to be considered, 
is not so easy. But what is most useful should erer he 
preferred to that which is agreeable, where both cannot 
be obtained. 

I>ut if there be a man who will leave us the theatri- 
cal funds, and propose other subsidies for the service of 
the war, are we not rather to attend to him ? 1 grant 
it, Athenians, if that man can be found. But Ϊ should 
account it wonderful, if it ever did, if it ever can hap- 
pen to any man on earth, that while he lavishes Ids pre- 
sent possessions on unnecessary occasions, some future 
funds should be procured to supply his real necessi- 
ties. But such proposals find a powerful advocate in 
the breast of every hearer. So that nothing is so ensy 
as to deceive oneself; for what we wish, that we readily 
believe : but such expectations are oftentimes incon- 
sistent with our aifairs. On this occasion, therefore, 
let your aifairs direct you ; then will you be enabled 
to take the field ; then you will have your full pay. 
And men, whose judgments are well directed, and 
whose souls are great, could not support the infamy 
which must attend them, if obliged to desert any of 

this it would be requisite to know the temper and disposition 
of the hearers, at that particular time when each of them was 
delivered ; and also to have before us every thine, said by 
other speakers in the debate. In many places we rind very 
plain allusions to the speeches of other orators ; and it is not 
unreasonable to think, that there are other more obscure ones 
which escape our observation. If we suppose, for instance, 
that, in the present debate, before Demosthenes rose some 
other speaker had amused the people with nattering hopes, 
with professions of zeal and affection, with passionate excla- 
mations, and prayers to the gods for such and such instances 
of public success ; while at the same time he neglected to 
point out such measures as were fit to be pursued, or perhaps 
recommended pernicious measures : — on such a supposition, 
I say, this passage, considered as an indirect reproof of such 
a speaker, will perhaps appear to have sufficient force and 
propriety. 



SECOND OLYNTHIAC ORATION. 69 

the operations of a war from the want of money : they 
could not, after snatching up their arms, and marching 
against the Corinthians l and Megareans, 2 suffer Philip 
to enslave the states of Greece, through the want of 
provisions for their forces. I say not this wantonly, 
to raise the resentment of some among you. No ; I 
am not so unhappily perverse, as to study to be hated, 
when no good purpose can be answered by it ; but it 
is my opinion, that every honest speaker should prefer 
the interest of the state to the favor of his hearers. 
This (I am assured, and perhaps you need not be in- 
formed) was the principle which actuated the public 
conduct of those of our ancestors who spoke in this 
assembly (men, whom the present set of orators are 
ever ready to applaud, but whose example they by 
no means imitate): such were Aristides, Nicias, the 
former Demosthenes, and Pericles. But since we have 

1 The Corinthians.] This alludes to an expedition that the 
Athenians had made about an age before. Some time after 
the Persian war, when the Greeks began to quarrel among 
themselves, Corinth and Megara had some dispute about 
their boundaries. The better to support their quarrel, the 
Megareans quitted the Lacedaemonians, and entered into an 
alliance with Athens. But, as this state was then engaged 
both in Egypt and Egina, the Corinthians imagined they 
would not be able to give any assistance, and therefore in- 
vaded the territories of Megara. But the Athenians came 
immediately to the assistance of their allies, although they 
were obliged to commit the defence of their city to their old 
men and boys ; and the Corinthians were repulsed. — Tourreil. 

2 The Megareans.] This war happened twelve years after 
that mentioned in the preceding note. The Megareans, after 
having put an Athenian garrison to the sword, that was sta- 
tioned in their territory, joined with Lacedaemon, and even 
with Corinth, their mortal enemy, against whom the Athe- 
nians had espoused their quarrel. This state, incensed at the 
ingratitude of their revolt, determined to reduce them to rea- 
son. They issued out a mandate, directing the Megareans to 
abstain from cultivating a piece of ground consecrated to 
Ceres and Proserpine ; and, on their refusing to comply, pub- 
lished an edict, to exclude them from all commerce in Attica, 
and bound their generals by an oath to invade their territories 
once every year. — Tourreil. 



70 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

had speakers who, before their public appearance, 
ask you — What do you desire ? what shall I propose ! 
how can I oblige you? the interest of our country 
hath been sacrificed to momentary pleasure and popu- 
lar favor. Thus have we been distressed ; thus have 
these men risen to greatness, and you sunk into dis- 
grace. 

And here let me intreat your attention to a summary 
account of the conduct of your ancestors, and of your 
own. I shall mention but a few things, and these well 
known: for, if you would pursue the way to happiness, 
you need not look abroad for leaders ; our own coun- 
trymen point it out. These our ancestors, therefore, 
whom the orators never courted, never treated with 
that indulgence with which you are flattered, held the 
sovereignty of Greece, with general consent, five-and- 
forty years ; l deposited above ten thousand talents in 
our public treasury ; kept the king of this country in 
that subjection which a barbarian owes to Greeks ; 
erected monuments of many and illustrious actions, 
which they themselves achieved, by land and sea ; in 
a word, are the only persons who have transmitted to 
posterity such glory as is superior to envy. Thus 
great do they appear in the affairs of Greece. Let us 
now view them within the city, both in their public and 
private conduct. And, first, the edifices which their 
administrations have given us, their decorations of our 

1 Five-and-forty years.] In Wolfius' edition it is 65. But 
this reading is found in other copies, and is confirmed by the 
parallel passage in the oration on regulating the common- 
wealth. The orator computes from the death of Pausanias, 
when the supreme command was given to the Athenians, to 
the beginning of the Peloponnesian war. Add to this the 27 
years of that war, during which time the Athenians maintained 
their power, though not with consent, and the whole will 
be 72 years complete, and part of the 73d year. Agreeably to 
this last calculation, Demosthenes says, in the third Philip- 
pic, that the Athenians commanded in Greece 73 years. These 
two accounts are thus easily reconciled by distinguishing the 
times of the voluntary and the involuntary obedience of the' 
Greeks. — Tourreil. 



SECOND OLYNTHIAC ORATION. 71 

temples, and the offerings deposited by them, are so 
numerous and so magnificent, that all the efforts of pos- 
terity cannot exceed them. Then, in private life, so 
exemplary was their moderation, their adherence to 
the ancient manners so scrupulously exact, that, if any 
of you ever discovered the house of Aristides, or Mil- 
tiades, or any of the illustrious men of those times, he 
must know that it was not distinguished by the least 
extraordinary splendor : for they did not so conduct 
the public business as to aggrandise themselves ; their 
sole great object was to exalt the state : and thus, by 
their faithful attachment to Greece, by their piety to 
the gods, and by that equality which they maintained 
among themselves, they were raised (and no wonder) 
to the summit of prosperity. 

Such was the state of Athens at that time, when the 
men I have mentioned were in power. But what is 
your condition, under these indulgent ministers who 
now direct us ? Is it the same, or nearly the same ? — 
Other things I shall pass over, though I might expatiate 
on them. Let it only be observed, that we are now, as 
you all see, left without competitors ; the Lacedaemo- 
nians lost ; l the Thebans engaged 2 at home ; and not 
one of all the other states of consequence sufficient to 
dispute the sovereignty with us. Yet at a time when 
we might have enjoyed our own dominions in secu- 
rity, and been the umpires in all disputes abroad, our 
territories have been wrested from us ; we have ex- 
pended above one thousand five hundred talents to no 
purpose ; the allies 3 which we gained in war have been 



1 The Lacedaemonians lost.] The battles of Leuctra and 
Mantinea had intirely destroyed their power. — Tourreil. 

2 Engaged, &c] In the Phocian war. 

3 The allies, &c] Ulpian and Wolfius understand this of 
the peace, by which the Athenians consented that the people 
of Chios, Rhodes, and Byzantium, and other revolters, should 
all continue free. But it seems more natural to apply it to 
some prior events ; as the taking of Pydna and Potidaea, and 
other cities of Thrace, that were then subject to Athens, and 
which Philip made himself master of, after he had concluded 



72 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

lost in time of peace ; and to this degree of power have 
we raised an enemy against ourselves. (For let the 
man stand forth, who can show whence Philip hath de- 
rived his greatness, if not from us.) 

' Well ! if these affairs have hut an unfavorable as- 
pect, yet those within the city are much more fl oris hi η g 
than ever/ Where are the proofs of this ? The walls 
which have been whitened ? the ways we have re- 
paired ? the supplies of water? and such trifles. Turn 
your eyes to the men of whose administrations these 
are the fruits : some of whom, from the lowest state 
of poverty, have arisen suddenly to affluence ; some 
from meanness to renown : others have made their own 
private houses much more magnificent than the public 
edifices. Just as the state hath fallen, their private 
fortunes have been raised. 

And what cause can we assign for this ? How is it 
that our affairs were once so florishing, and now in 
such disorder? Because, formerly, the people dared 
to take up arms themselves ; were themselves masters 
of those in employment; disposers themselves of all 
emoluments: so that every citizen thought himself 
happy to derive honors and authority, and all advan- 
tages whatever, from the people. But now, on the 
contrary, favors are all dispensed, affairs all trans- 
acted by the ministers: while you, quite enervated, 
robbed of your riches, your allies, stand in the mean 
rank of servants and assistants ; happy if these men 
grant you the theatrical appointments, and send you 
scraps of the public meal : l and, what is of all most 
sordid, you hold yourselves obliged to them for that 
which is your own : while they confine you within these 
walls, lead you on gently to their purposes, and soothe 

a peace with the Athenians, in the second year of his reign. 
— Tourreil. 

1 Of the public meal.] Demetrius Phalereus records a say- 
ing of Demades, in ridicule of the custom of distributing vic- 
tuals to the people. ' The state,' said he, ' is now become a 
feeble old woman, that sits at home in her slippers, and sups 
up her ptisan/ 



SECOND OLYNTHIAC ORATION. 73 

and tame you to obedience. Nor is it possible, that 
they who are engaged in low and groveling pursuits, 
can entertain great and generous sentiments. No! 
Such as their employments are, so must their disposi- 
tions prove. — And now I call Heaven to witness, that 
it will not surprise me if I suffer more by mentioning 
this your condition than they who have involved you 
in it ! Freedom of speech you do not allow on all oc- 
casions ; and that you have now admitted it, excites 
my wonder. 

But if you will at length be prevailed on to change 
your conduct ; if you will take the field, and act 
worthy of Athenians ; if these redundant sums which 
you receive at home be applied to the advancement of 
your affairs abroad ; perhaps, my countrymen, perhaps 
some instance of consummate good fortune may attend 
you, and you may become so happy as to despise those 
pittances, which are like the morsels that a physician 
allows his patient : for these do not restore his vigor, 
but just keep him from dying. So, your distributions 
cannot serve any valuable purpose, but are just suffi- 
cient to divert your attention from all other things, and 
thus increase the indolence of every one among you. 

But I shall be asked, What then ? Is it your opinion 
that these sums should pay our army? And besides 
this, that the state should be regulated in such a man- 
ner, that every one may have his share of public busi- 
ness, and approve himself an useful citizen, on what 
occasion soever his aid may be required. Is it in his 
power to live in peace ? He will live here with greater 
dignity, while these supplies prevent him from being 
tempted by indigence to any thing dishonorable. Is 
he called forth by an emergency like the present ? Let 
him discharge that sacred duty which he owes to his 
country, by applying these sums to his support in the 
field. Is there a man among you past the age of ser- 
vice ? Let him, by inspecting and conducting the pub- 
lic business, regularly merit his share of the distribu- 
tions which he now receives, without any duty en- 
joined, or any return made to the community. And 



74 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENIC 

thus, with scarcely any alteration, either of abolishing 
or innovating, all irregularities arc removed, and the 

state completely settled, by appointing one general 

regulation, which shall intitle our citizens to receix e, 
and at the same time oblige them to take arms, to ad- 
minister justice, to act in all cases as their time of life 
and our affairs require. J]ut it never hath, nor could 
it have been moved by me, that the rewards of the di- 
ligent and active should be bestowed on the useless 
citizen ; or that you should sit here, supine, languid, 
and irresolute, listening to the exploits of some gene- 
ral's foreign troops (for thus it is at present). Not that 
I would reflect on him who serves you, in any instance. 
But you yourselves, Athenians, should perform those 
services for which you heap honors on others, and 
not recede from that illustrious rank of virtue, the 
price of all the glorious toils of your ancestors, and 
by them bequeathed to you. 

Thus have I laid before you the chief points in which 
I think you interested. It is your part to embrace 
that opinion, which the welfare of the state in general, 
and that of every single member, recommends to your 
acceptance. 



THE THIRD OLYNTHIAC ORATION 



PRONOUNCED IN THE SAME YEAR. 



INTRODUCTION 

The preceding oration had no farther effect on the Atheni- 
ans, than to prevail on them to send orders to Charidemus, 
who commanded for them at the Hellespont, to make an at- 
tempt to relieve Olynthus. He accordingly led some forces 
into Chalcis, which, in conjunction with the forces of Olyn- 
thus, ravaged Pallene, a peninsula of Macedon, towards 
Thrace, and Bottia, a country on the confines of Chalcis, 
which, among other towns, contained Pella, the capital of 
Macedon. 

But these attempts could not divert Philip from his resolu- 
tion of reducing Olynthus, which he had now publicly avowed. 
The Olynthians therefore found it necessary to have once 
more recourse to Athens ; and to request, that they would 
send troops, composed of citizens, animated with a sincere 
ardor for their interest, their own glory, and the common 
cause. 

Demosthenes, in the following oration, insists on the im- 
portance of saving Olynthus ; alarms his hearers with the 
apprehension of a war, which actually threatened Attica, and 
even the capital ; urges the necessity of personal service ; 
and returns to his charge of the misapplication of the public 
money, but in such a manner as showeth that his former 
remonstrances had not the desired effect. 



OLYNTHIAC THE THIRD. 



I am persuaded, Athenians, that you would account 
it less valuable to possess the greatest riches, 1 than to 
have the true interest of the state on this emergency 
clearly laid before you. It is your part, therefore, 
readily and cheerfully to attend to all who are disposed 
to offer their opinions : for your regards need not be 
confined to those whose counsels are the effect of pre- 
meditation : 2 it is your good fortune to have men 
among you who can at once suggest many points of 
moment. From opinions, therefore, of every kind, 
you may easily choose that most conducive to your in- 
terest. 

And now, Athenians, the present juncture calls upon 
us ; we almost hear its voice, declaring loudly that 
you yourselves must engage in these affairs, if you 
have the least attention to your own security. You 
entertain I know not what sentiments on this occasion. 
My opinion is, that the reinforcements should be in- 



1 The greatest riches.] Ulpian finds out a particular pro- 
priety in this exordium. He observes, that, as the orator 
intends to recommend to them to give up their theatrical ap- 
pointments, he prepares them for it by this observation ; and, 
while he is endeavoring to persuade them to a just disregard 
of money, appears as if he only spoke their sentiments. 

2 Premeditation.] M. Tourreil admires the greatness of 
mind of Demosthenes, who, though he gloried in the pains 
and labor his orations cost him, was yet superior to that 
low and malignant passion, which oftentimes prompts us 
to decry those talents which we do not possess. I suspect, 
however, that this passage was occasioned by some particu- 
lar circumstance in the debate. Perhaps some speaker, who 
opposed Demosthenes, might have urged his opinion some- 
what dogmatically, as the result of mature reflection and de- 
liberation. 



THIRD OLYNTHIAC ORATION. 77 

stantly decreed ; that they should be raised with all 
possible expedition ; that so our succors may be sent 
from this city, and all former inconveniences be 
avoided ; and that you should send ambassadors to 
notify these things, and to secure our interests by their 
presence. For as he is a man of consummate policy, 
complete in the art of turning every incident to his 
own advantage, there is the utmost reason to fear, 
that partly by concessions, where they may be sea- 
sonable ; partly by menaces (and his menaces may l 
be believed), and partly by rendering us and our ab- 
sence suspected, he may tear from us something of the 
last importance, and force it into his own service. 

Those very circumstances, however, which contri- 
bute to the power of Philip, are happily the most fa- 
vorable to us : for that uncontrolled command, with 
which he governs all transactions public and secret ; 
his intire direction of his army, as their leader, their 
■sovereign, and their treasurer ; and his diligence, in 
giving life to every part of it, by his presence ; these 
things greatly contribute to carrying on a war with ex- 
pedition and success, but are powerful obstacles to that 
accommodation which he would gladly make with the 
Olynthians. For the Olynthians see plainly that they 
do not now fight for glory, or for part of their territory, 
but to defend their state from dissolution and slavery. 
They know how he rewarded those traitors of Amphi- 
polis, who made him master of that city, and those of 
Pydna, who opened their gates to him. In a word, 
free states, I think, must ever look with suspicion on 
an absolute monarchy ; but a neighboring monarchy 
must double their apprehensions. 

Convinced of what hath now been offered, and pos- 
sessed with every other just and worthy sentiment, you 
must be resolved, Athenians, you must exert your 
spirit ; you must apply to the war now, if ever ; your 
fortunes, your persons, your whole powers, are now 



1 His menaces may, &c] Although his promises could by 
no means be relied on. 



78 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHEM'.S. 

demanded. There is no excuse, no pretence left f<>?• 
declining the performance of your duty : for that 
which you were all ever urging loudly, that the ()l\n- 
thians should be engaged in a war with Philip, hath 
now happened of itself; and this in a manner most agree- 
able to our interest. For, if they had entered into this 
\var at our persuasion, they must have been precarious 
allies, without steadiness or resolution : but, as their 
private injuries have made them enemies to Philip, it 
is probable that enmity will be lasting, both on account 
of what they fear, and what they have already suffered. 
My countrymen ! let not so favorable an opportunity 
escape you : do not repeat that error which hath been 
so often fatal to you. For when, at our return from 
assisting the Eubceans, 1 Hierax and Stratocles, citizens 
of Amphipolis, mounted this gallery, 2 and pressed you 
to send out your navy, and to take their city under 
your protection, had we discovered that resolution in 
our own cause, which we exerted for the safety of 
Eubcea, then had Amphipolis been yours, and all 
those difficulties had been avoided in which you have 
been since involved. Again, when we received advice 
of the sieges of Pydna, Potida?a, Methone, Pagasa?, 
and other places (for I would not detain you with a 
particular recital), had we ourselves marched with a 
due spirit and alacrity to the relief of the first of these 
cities, we should now find much more compliance, 
much more humility in Philip. But by still neglect- 
ing the present, and imagining our future interests will 
not demand our care, Ave have aggrandised our enemy, 
w r e have raised him to a desrree of eminence greater 



1 The Eubocans.] This refers to the expedition in favor of 
the Euboeans against the Thebans, which is mentioned in 
the note 2, p. 30. The Athenians prepared for this expedi- 
tion in three days, according to Demosthenes ; in five, accord- 
ing to ^Eschines : and their success was as sudden as their 
preparation. 

2 This gallery. J In the original, τουτι το ΒΗΜΑ ; that 
eminence where all the public speakers were placed, and 
from whence the people were addressed on all occasions. 



THIRD OLYNTHIAC ORATION. 79 

than any king of Macedon hath ever yet enjoyed. 
Now, we have another opportunity — that which the 
Olynthians of themselves present to the state ; one no 
less considerable than any of the former. 

And, in my opinion, Athenians, if a man were to 
bring the dealings of the gods towards us to a fair 
account, though many things might appear not quite 
agreeable to our wishes, yet he would acknowlege that 
we had been highly favored by them ; and with great 
reason : for that many places have been lost in the 
course of war is truly to be charged to our own weak 
conduct. But that the difficulties arisen from hence 
have not long affected us ; and that an alliance now 
presents itself, to remove them, if we are disposed to 
make the just use of it ; this I cannot but ascribe to the 
divine goodness. But the same thing happens in this 
case as in the use of riches. If a man be careful to 
save those he hath acquired, he readily acknowleges 
the kindness of fortune ; but if by his imprudence they 
be once lost, with them he also loses the sense of gra- 
titude. So in political affairs, they who neglect to im- 
prove their oppox.„_ ; ties, forget the favors which the 
gods have bestowed ; for it is the ultimate event which 
generally determines men's judgment of every thing 
precedent : and, therefore, all affairs hereafter should 
engage your strictest care ; that, by correcting -our 
errors, we may wipe off the inglorious stain of past 
actions. But should we be deaf to these men too, and 
should he be suffered to subvert Olynthus ; say, what 
can prevent him from marching his forces into what- 
ever territory he pleases ? 

Is there not a man among you, Athenians, who re- 
flects by what steps Philip, from a beginning so incon- 
siderable, hath mounted to this height of power ? First, 
he took Amphipolis ; then he became master of Pydna ; 
then Potidaea fell ; then Methone ; then came his in- 
road into Thessaly : after this, having disposed affairs at 
Pherse, at Pagasa?, at Magnesia, intirely as he pleased, 
he marched into Thrace. Here, while engaged ' in ex- 

1 Into Thrace. Here, while engaged, &c] Thrace was in- 



80 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

pelling some, and establishing other princes, he fell 
sick. Again, recovering, he never turned a moment 
from his course to ease or indulgence, but instantly 
attacked the Olynthians. His expeditions against the 
Illyrians, the Paeonians, against Arymbas, 1 I pass all 
over. — But I may be asked, why this recital now ? 
That you may know and. see your own error, in ever 
neglecting some part of your affairs, as if beneath your 
regard; and that active spirit with which Philip pur- 
sues his designs ; which ever fires him, and which 
never can permit him to rest satisfied with those things 
he hath already accomplished. If then he determines 
firmly and invariably to pursue his conquests ; and if 

habited by an infinite number of different people, whose names 
Herodotus has transmitted. And he observes, that could 
they have united under a single chief, or connected them- 
selves by interest or sentiment, they would have formed a 
body infinitely superior to all their neighbors. After Teres, 
the Thracians had divers kings. This prince had two sons, 
Sitalces and Sparadocus, among whose descendants various 
contests arose, till, after a series of usurpations and revolu- 
tions, Seuthes recovered part of the territory of his father 
Maesades, and transmitted the succession peaceably to Cotis 
the father of Cersobleptes (as Demosthenes says ; not his 
brother, as Diodorus). At the death of Cotis the divisions 
recommenced, and in the place of one king, Thrace had three, 
Cersobleptes, Berisades, and Amadocus. Cersobleptes dis- 
possessed the other two, and was himself dethroned by Philip. 
Frontinus reports, that Alexander, when he had conquered 
Thrace, brought the princes of that country with him in his 
expedition into Asia, to prevent their raising any commotions 
in his absence ; a proof that Philip and Alexander had es- 
tablished several petty kings in Thrace, who were vassals to 
Macedon. — Tonrreil. 

1 Arymbas.] He was the son of Alcetas, king of Epirus, 
and brother to jS T eoptolemus, whose daughter Olympias Philip 
married. About three years before the date of this oration 
the death of their father produced a dispute between the 
brothers about the succession. Arymbas was the lawful heir : 
yet Philip obliged him, by force of anus, to divide the king- 
dom with Neoptolemus : and not contented with this, at the 
death of Arymbas, he found means by his intrigues and me^ 
naces, to prevail on the Epirots to banish his son, and to con- 
stitute Alexander the son of Neoptolemus sole monarch. — 
Tourreil. 



THIRD OLYNTHIAC ORATION. 81 

we are obstinately resolved against every vigorous and 
effectual measure ; think, what consequences may we 
expect ! In the name of Heaven ! can any man be so 
weak, as not to know that, by neglecting this war, we 
are transferring it from that country to our own ? And 
should this happen, I fear, Athenians, that as they 
who inconsiderately borrow money on high interest, 
after a short-lived afficience are deprived of their own 
fortunes ; so we, by this continued indolence, by con- 
sulting only our ease and pleasure, may be reduced to 
the grievous necessity of engaging in affairs the most 
shocking and disagreeable, and of exposing ourselves 
in the defence of this our native territory. 

To censure, some one may tell me, is easy, and in 
the power of every man : but the true counsellor should 
point out that conduct which the present exigence de- 
mands. — Sensible as I am, Athenians, that when your 
expectations have in any instance been disappointed, 
your resentment frequently falls not on those who 
merit it, but on him who hath spoken last ; yet I can- 
not, from a regard to my own safety, suppress what I 
deem of moment to lay before you. I say, then, this 
occasion calls for a twofold armament. First, we are 
to defend the cities of the Olynthians ; and for this 
purpose to detach a body of forces : in the next place, 
in order to infest his kingdom, we are to send out our 
navy manned with other levies. If you neglect either 
of these, I fear your expedition will be fruitless: for, 
if you content yourselves with infesting his dominions, 
this he will endure, until he is master of Olynthus ; 
and then he can with ease repel the invasion : or, if 
you only send succors to the Olynthians, when he sees 
his own kingdom free from danger he will apply with 
constancy and vigilance to the war, and at length weary 
out the besieged to a submission. Your levies there- 
fore must be considerable enough to serve both pur- 
poses. — These are my sentiments with respect to our 
armament. 

And now as to the expense of these preparations. 
You are already provided for the payment of your 
DEM• f" 



82 , ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

forces better than any other people. This provision is 
distributed among yourselves in the maimer most agree- 
able ; but if you restore it to the army, the supplies 
will be complete without any addition ; if not, an addi- 
tion will be necessary; or the whole, rather, will re- 
main to be raised. How then ? (I may be asked) do 
you move for a decree to apply those funds to the mi- 
litary service ? By no means. It is my opinion, indeed, 
that an army must be raised ; that this money really 
belongs to the army ; and that the same regulation 
which entitles our citizens to receive, should oblige 
them also to act. At present you expend the sums on 
entertainments, without regard to your affairs. It re- 
mains then that a general contribution be raised : a 
great one, if a great one be required : a small one, if 
such may be sufficient. Money must be found : with- 
out it nothing can be effected. Various schemes are 
proposed by various persons : do you make that choice 
which you think most advantageous ; and, while you 
have an opportunity, exert yourselves in the care of 
your interests. 

It is worthy ' your attention to consider how the 
affairs of Philip are at this time circumstanced : for 
they are by no means so well disposed, so very florish- 
ing, as an inattentive observer would pronounce. Nor 
would he have engaged in this war at all, had he 



1 It is worthy, &c.l Hitherto the orator has painted Philip 
in all his terrors. He is politic, and vigilant, and intrepid : 
he has risen gradually to the highest pitch of power ; and is 
now ready to appear before the walls of Athens, if he is not 
instantly opposed : but, lest this description should dispirit 
the Athenians, he is now represented in a quite different 
manner. His power is by no means real and solid ; his allies 
are prepared to revolt ; his kingdom is threatened with war 
and desolation ; and he is just ready to be crushed by the 
very first effort that is made to distress him : but as it was 
necessary that the danger, to which they were exposed, 
should make the deepest impression on the minds of his 
hearers, he returns to his former description, and concludes 
with the dreadful image of a formidable enemy ravaging their 
territory, and shutting them up within their walls. 



THIRD OLYXTHIAC ORATION. 83 

thought he should have been obliged to maintain it. 
He hoped that the moment he appeared all things 
would fall before him. But these hopes were vain ; 
and this disappointment, in the first place, troubles 
and dispirits him. Then the Thessalians alarm him ; a 
people remarkable for their perfidy * on all occasions, 
and to all persons; and just as they have ever proved, 
even so he finds them now. For they have resolved 
in council to demand the restitution of Pagasae, and 
have opposed his attempt to fortify Magnesia : and I 
am informed, that for the future he is to be excluded 
from their ports and markets, as these conveniences 
belong to the states of Thessaly, and are not to be in- 
tercepted^ by Philip. And, should he be deprived of 
such a fund of wealth, he must be greatly straitened to 
support his foreign troops. Besides this, we must sup- 
pose that the Pasonian and the Illyrian, and all the 
others, would prefer freedom and independence to a 
state of slavery. They are not accustomed to subjec- 
tion ; and the insolence of this man, it is said, knows no 
bounds : nor is this improbable ; for great and unex- 
pected success is apt to hurry weak minds into ex- 
travagances. Hence it often proves much more dif- 
ficult to maintain acquisitions than to acquire. It is 
your part, therefore, to regard the time of his distress 
as your most favorable opportunity ; improve it to the 
utmost ; send out your embassies ; take the field your- 
selves, and excite a general ardor abroad ; erer con- 
sidering how readily Philip would attack us, if he were 
favored by any incident like this — if a war had broken 
out on our borders. And would it not be shameful to 

1 Their perfidy.] This people had a bad character from 
the earliest times, so as to become even proverbial ; and 
Greece, and Athens particularly, had experienced their want 
of faith on very important occasions. They invited Xerxes 
into Greece, and were not ashamed to join Mardonius after 
the battle of Salamis, and to serve him as guides in his inva- 
sion of Attica; and in the heat of a battle between Athens 
and Sparta they on a sudden deserted their allies, the Athe- 
nians, and joined the enemy. See Thucyd. b. i. — TourreiL 



84 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

want the resolution to bring* that distress on him which, 
had it been equally in his power, he certainly would 
have made you feel ? 

This too demands your attention, Athenians, that 
you aro now to determine whether it be most expedient 
to carry the war into his country, or to fight him here. 
If Olynthus be defended, Macedon will be the seat of 
war: you may harass his kingdom, and enjoy your 
own territories free from apprehensions. But, should 
that nation be subdued by Philip, who will oppose his 
marching hither? Will the Thebans ? Let it not be 
thought severe when I affirm that they will join readily 
in the invasion. 1 Will the Phocians? a people scarcely 
able 2 to defend their own country without your assist- 
ance. Will any others? 3 — But, sir, cries some one, 
he would make no such attempt. — This would be the 
greatest of absurdities ; not to execute those threats, 
when he hath full power, which now, when they appear 
so idle and extravagant, he yet dares to utter. And I 
think you are not yet to learn how great would be the 
difference between our engaging him here, and there. 
Were we to be only thirty days abroad, and to draw 
all the necessaries of the camp from our own lands, 
even were there no enemy to ravage them, the damage 
would, in my opinion, amount to more than the whole 
expense of the late war. 4 Add then the presence of an 



1 Join readily in the invasion.] The reasons of Thebes' 
hatred to Athens have been already assigned. See note on 
Olynth. ii. p. 63. 

2 Scarcely able, &c] The Phocians were at this time re- 
duced to a very low state, by a continued series of ill success 
in the sacred war. Philomelus and Onomarchus had pe- 
rished ; Phayllus and Phalecus, their successors, had been 
frequently defeated ; and the Thebans were continually gain- 
ing advantages over them. — Tourreil. 

3 Will any others ?] He avoids all mention of the Thessa- 
lians ; because he had just shown that they were ill-affected 
to Philip, and therefore might be supposed willing to join 
with the Athenians. 

4 Of the late war.] That is, their expedition into Thrace, 
in order to recover Amphipolis, which, according to the cal- 



THIRD OLYNTHIAC ORATION. 85 

enemy, and how greatly must the calamity be increased ! 
But, farther, add the infamy ; and to those who judge 
rightly, no distress can be more grievous than the 
scandal of misconduct. 

It is incumbent therefore on us all (justly influ- 
enced by these considerations) to unite vigorously in 
the common cause, and repel the danger that threatens 
this territory. Let the rich exert themselves on this 
occasion ; that by contributing a small portion of their 
aifluence, they may secure the peaceful possession of 
the rest. Let those who are of the age for military 
duty ; that, by learning the art of Avar in Philip's do- 
minions, they may become formidable defenders of 
their native land. Let our orators, that they may 
safely submit their conduct to the public inspection ; 
for your judgment of their administrations will ever 
be determined by the event of things. And may we 
all contribute to render that favorable ! 



dilation of iEschines, cost them one thousand five hundred 
talents. — Tourreil. 



THE ORATION ON THE PEACEs 

PRONOUNCED IN THE AHCHON8HIP OF ARCHIAS, THREE YF..SHS 
AFTER THE OLYNTHIAC OR ATI O» 8. 



INTRODUCTION. 

The Athenians sent those succors to Olynthus which were 
recommended in the preceding oration. But they could noc 
defend that state against its domestic enemies ; for, the year 
following, two of its citizens, Lasthenes and Euthycrates, be- 
trayed the city to Philip. He rased it, threw part of the in- 
habitants in chains, sold another part, and distinguished the 
two traitors only by the cruelty of their death. His two 
brothers, who had been harbored in Olynthus, he also sacri- 
ficed to his jealousy and revenge. 

These events, no less than the repeated instances of De- 
mosthenes, prevailed on the Athenians to declare war against 
Philip in form. Hitherto he had kept some measures with 
them, and had sought various pretences for glossing over his 
hostilities ; but now he fell with the utmost fury on all 
their tributary states, and obliged Demosthenes to appear 
once more in the assembly, to persuade the Athenians to 
defend the islanders and their colonies which lay on the 
Hellespont. But scarcely had the war been declared when 
the vigor of their enemy, and their own fickleness and indo- 
lence, made them weary of it. Ctesiphon and Phrynon were 
sent to sound Philip's dispositions towards a separate peace. 
This was as he could wish. The Phocian war was at present 
the object of his views ; and his arts had just regained the 
Thessalians over to the confederacy, who had been prevailed 
on to stand neuter. To the Athenian ministers, therefore, he 
made such professions, that Demosthenes and nine others 
were sent to negotiate the peace ; who proceeded as far as 
they were authorised, and returned with Antipater, Parmenio, 
and Eurylochus, on the part of Philip. Ambassadors were 
sent soon after from Athens, with full powers to conclude the 
treaty. In the first of these embassies Demosthenes had met 



INTRODUCTION. 87 

with some Athenian prisoners in Macedon, whom he promised 
to redeem at his own expense, and took this opportunity to 
perform it ; while his colleagues, in the mean time, were to 
proceed, with all expedition, in order to conclude with Philip. 
Three months elapsed, however, before they came to an au- 
dience with the king, who was all this time making himself 
master of those places in Thrace which the Athenians claimed 
as their right. At last the terms of the treaty were agreed 
to ; but by affected delays, and by corrupting the ambassadors, 
he found means to defer the execution of it until he had ad- 
vanced his troops into Thessaly, in order to proceed against 
the Phocians. He then conducted the peace ; and, on their 
return, the ambassadors who had conducted the treaty (and 
iEschines in particular) expatiated on his candor and since- 
rity. They declared at the very time when he was giving Thebes 
the most solemn assurances that he would exterminate the 
Phocians, that his sole views were to screen this people from 
the fury of their enemies, and to control the insolence of the 
Thebans. They also vouched for his performing several things 
in favor of the state, not formally stipulated in the treaty. 
Thus were the Athenians amused, and Philip suffered to pass 
the straits of Thermopylae, and to pursue his march into 
Phocis. 

His reputation and approach struck such a terror into the 
Phocians that, although they received a reinforcement of a 
thousand Spartans, they yet sent to treat, or rather to submit. 
He allowed Phalecus, with eight thousand mercenaries, to 
retire into Peloponnesus ; but the rest, who were inhabitants 
of Phocis, were left at his mercy. The disposal of these he 
referred to the amphictyons, from an affected regard to the 
authority of an assembly composed of the representatives of 
the states of Greece. They thundered out the severest de- 
crees against this wretched people. Among other things, it 
was enacted that they should lose their seat in the amphic- 
tyonic council, and that the double voice which they had en- 
joyed in it should be transferred to Philip, who, by the same 
resolution, gained the superintendency of the Pythian games, 
which the Corinthians forfeited by taking part with the Pho- 
cians. 

The Athenians had not been present at Philip's election 
into this council ; and probably, to avoid all opposition, he 
had assembled only such amphictyons as were devoted to his 
interest. He thought it proper, however, to send circular 
letters to the absent states, inviting them to assemble at Del- 
phos, and to ratify his election. 

Athens, among others, received the invitation ; and as 
Philip's ambitious designs could be no longer concealed, 



88 INTRODUCTION. 

Sonny were for violent measures. The proposal raised ι fer- 
ment in the assembly, which seems to have breathed nothing 
but indignation and opposition. On this occasion Demo- 
sthenes thought it his duty to moderate their heat ; and, in the 

following oration, endeavors ro prevent their being betrayed 
into any rash and imprudent measures. 



THE ORATION ON THE PEACE. 1 



Athenians ! I see that this debate must be attended 
with many difficulties and great commotion ; not only 

1 I shall here take the liberty to transcribe a remark from 
the authors of the Universal History. 

Libanius and Photius have taken pains to prove that the 
oration to which we refer above ought not to be ascribed to 
Demosthenes. We might well enough defend ourselves by 
alleging, that it has been generally esteemed his, and, as such, 
Las constantly maintained its place in his works. This would 
be sufficient for our purpose ; but, in truth, the arguments 
on which the opposite sentiment is built are so easily over- 
turned, that we might be justly blamed for neglecting so 
favorable an occasion of setting this point in a true light. 
Demosthenes, say those who will not allow this oration to be 
his, charged JEschines with betraying his country, on account 
of his recommending warmly a peace with Philip ; they can- 
not therefore think that Demosthenes would run openly into 
those measures which he had so lately and so warmly decried ; 
or that he, who on every other occasion singly opposed Phi- 
lip, and ran all hazards to bring him into odium with the peo- 
ple, should now be single on the other side, and attempt to 
cross the disposition of the Athenians, in favor of peace and 
Philip. These objectors forget that Demosthenes was a patriot 
as well as an orator ; that he did not pursue Philip with im- 
placable hatred, because he was king of Macedon, but because 
he thought him both willing and able to obstruct the designs 
of Athens, and even to reduce her, from that splendid pre- 
eminence which she now held in Greece, to the ordinary rank 
of a state, in name free, but in truth dependent on him : 
this was the motive of Demosthenes' heat on other occasions ; 
and the motive to his coolness now was the strict alliance be- 
tween Philip and the other Grecian states, which rendered it 
a thing impracticable for Athens to contend with him and 
them alone. Besides, as he rightly observes in the harangue, 
it would have been ridiculous for those who refused to enter 
into an equal war for rich cities and fertile provinces, to have 



90 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES• 

because many of our interests are already given up, 
and tliereibre unnecessary to be now laid before you ; 
but because it is impossible to agree on such expedients 
as may secure what λ el remain : hut that a variety of 
clashing opinions must divide the assembly. Then, to 
advise, is naturally a difficult and distressing part. 
But you, Athenians, have rendered it yet more dis- 
tressing : for all other people naturally seek counsel 
while affairs are yet depending : you deliberate when 
the event hath made it too late. Hence hath it hap- 
pened, through the whole course of my observation, 
that the man who arraigns your conduct is heard with 
esteem, and his sentiments approved; yet have your 
affairs ever miscarried, and the objects of your deli- 
beration have all been lost. But, although this be too 
true, still I am persuaded (and from this persuasion I 
arose to speak) that if you will put an end to tumult 
and opposition, and grant me that attention which be- 
comes those who are consulting for their country, and 
on so important an occasion, I have some points to 
urge, some measures to propose, which may serve our 
present interests, and repair our past miscarriages. 

Sensible as I am, Athenians, that to expatiate on 
those counsels one hath formerly given, and to speak 
of oneself, is the most successful artifice of those who 
dare to practise such artifice ; yet to me it is so odious, 
so detestable, that, although I see it necessary, yet I 
loathe it. However, it will assist your judgment, 
I presume, on this occasion, if you recal to mind some- 
thing of what I formerly have mentioned. — You may 
remember, that during the disorders of Eubcea, when 

rushed suddenly into a most unequal contest about an empty 
title, or, as he emphatically expresses it, ' To take away the 
shadow of Delphos from him who was master of Delphos 
itself.' We therefore acknowlege this to he the oration of 
Demosthenes, because he was worthy of it. 

It is scarcely worth while to take notice of a small mistake 
in this remark. Libanius does not deny that Demosthenes 
was the author of this oration. He allows it to have been 
written by him, but is of opinion that he never ventured to 
pronounce it. 



ORATION ON THE PEACE. 91 

certain persons persuaded you to assist Plutarchus, 1 
and to undertake an inglorious and expensive war, I 
was the first, the only one who rose up to oppose it, 
and scarcely escaped their fury, who for a trifling gain 
were urging you to many highly pernicious measures. 
In a little time, when the load of infamy had fallen 
on you, and that you had suffered such treatment as 
no people ever received from those they had assisted, 
you were all made sensible of the iniquity of your 
seducers, and the justness and integrity of my coun- 
sels. Again, when I saw Neoptolemus the player, 3 in 
that full security which, his profession gave him, in- 
volving the state in the greatest distress, and, in all 
his public conduct, devoted to Philip,. I appeared, and 
warned you of the danger ; and this from no secret 
motive, no private enmity ; 3 no officious baseness, as the 
event itself discovered. But it is not the defenders of 
Neoptolemus that I accuse (for he was not depending 

1 To assist Plutarch us.] Philip had long regarded Eubcea 
as very proper, by its situation, to favor the designs he medi- 
tated against Greece. He therefore took pains to form a party 
in the island, and fomented divisions and factions in the se- 
veral states of which it was composed. Plutarch, the go- 
vernor of Eretria, one of the principal cities of Eubcea, ap- 
plied to the Athenians for assistance against some attempts of 
Philip, and obtained it: but afterwards (having probably 
been gained over to Philip's party) he took up arms against 
the very auxiliaries he had invited. But this perfidy did not 
disconcert Phocion, who commanded them. He gained a vic- 
tory over the Macedonians, and drove Plutarch out of Eretria. 
Phocion was afterwards recalled, and Molossus, his successor 
in this war, was defeated and taken prisoner by Philip. — 
Τ our veil, 

2 Neoptolemus the player.] This Neoptolemus was also a 
great tragic poet, though the orator only mentions the less ho- 
norable distinction. Not that the profession of a player was 
held in disesteem in Greece. Players were the favorites of 
princes, and were raised to the highest employments in the 
state. This very man was nominated, the year before, one of 
the ten ambassadors that were to conclude the peace with 
Philip. — Tourreil. 

3 No private enmity, &c] Probably this is a repetition of 
the very words of Neoptolemus' party. 



Μ OH IftONfl Of DBMOSTfl ι 

on a single one), but you yourselves; for, had yon 
been spectators in the theatre, not engaged in affairs 
of the highest and most intimate concernment te the 
public, \<>n could not have heard him \\\\\\ more indul- 
gence, nor me with more resentment. And now yon 
all know, that he who then went over to the enemy, 
pretending to collect 'some debts, thai he might bring 
them hither, as he said, to enable him to s<t\<• tin• 
state; that he who was perpetually inveighing against 
the cruelty of accusing a man lor thus transferring his 

effects from thai COUntrj hither; the moment that a 

peace freed him from all apprehensions converted thai 

estate ' into money, w Inch he acquired here, and brought 
it off with him to Philip. 

These two instances which I have produced show 
witli what fidelity and truth J spoke on those occasions. 
I shall mention one, and but one more, and then 
proceed to the point now to be debated. When w e 
had received the solemn ratification of the treaty, and 
that the embassy returned home; when certain per- 
sons assured you that Thespia and Plataea were to 
be repeopled; 3 that, if Philip became master of the 
Phocians, lie would spare them ; that Thebes was to 
submit to his regulation ; :i that Oropus was to be 

1 That estate] The text lias it, ουσιαν (pavepav. The Athe- 
nians distinguished two sorts of goods or estates apparent, 
by which they understood lands; and not-apparent, u 
money, slaves, movables, λο. 

L 2 That Thespia and Plates were to be repeopled.] Thespia 
had been rased In the Thebans under Epaminondas. Plates 
had been twice destroyed by them ; once, when Archidamus, 
king of Sparta, obliged the IMataans to surrender at difl 
tion, in the fifth year of the Peloponnesian war. The Thebans, 
who were then joined with Lacedaemon, insisted that they 
should be exterminated. The treaty of Antalridas restored 
them; but this did not last long; for, three years before the 
battle of Leuctra, the Thebans reduced them to their former 
wretched state, because they refused to join with them against 
the Lacedaemonians. — Tourreil. 

3 That Thebes was to submit to his regulation.] In the 
Greek it is διοικαν, administraturum. Philip made use of this 
soft expression, to persuade the Athenians that he would re- 



ORATION ON THE PEACE. 93 

ours; 1 that Euboea should be given up 2 to us, as an 
equivalent for Amphipolis ; with other such insidious 
promises, which, in spite of interest, of justice, and of 
honor, drove you to abandon Phocis ; I never attempted 
to deceive you ; I was not silent : no ; you must remem- 
ber I declared that I knew of none, that I expected 
none of these things ; but thought that whoever men- 
tioned them could scarcely be serious. 

And these instances of my superior foresight I do by 
no means ascribe to any extraordinary penetration : I 
speak it not from boasting or arrogance : nor do I pre- 
tend to any superiority but what arises from these two 
causes. The first is fortune ; which I find more power- 
ful than all the policy and wisdom of man : the other, 
that perfect disinterestedness with which my judgments 
are ever formed : so that no man can hold out any ad- 
vantage to my view, to influence my public conduct. 
Hence it is, that on all occasions of debate, your true 
interest strikes my eye directly. But when a bribe is, 
as it were, cast into one scale, it then preponderates, 
and forces down the judgment with it : so that it is not 
possible that a person thus influenced can ever oifer 
good and salutary counsel. 

And now, to give my sentiments on the present oc- 
casion. — Whether subsidies, or alliances, or whatever 



duce the Thebans to reason, and put it out of their power to 
undertake any act of outrage or injustice ; and, at the same 
time, to a^oid alarming the Thebans, or alienating them from 
his party. Wolfius thinks that ΰιοικςιν is put for δίθί /cifeu', and 
translates it dissipaturum — that he would exterminate the The- 
bans. But I cannot think that he would have expressed him- 
self in a manner so harsh, and so likely to make the Thebans 
his enemies. — Tourreil. 

1 That Oropus was to be ours.] This city had been taken 
from the Athenians, the third year of the 103d Olympiad, by 
Themision, the tyrant of Eretria, and afterwards put into the 
hands of the Thebans. Their mutual pretensions to this city 
had oftentimes embroiled these two states. — Tourreil. 

2 Euboea should be given up, &c] For he had by this time 
gained a great authority in that island, and stationed his gar- 
risons in most of its cities. 



ΓΗ ORATIONS 01 ΟΕΜΟβΤΗΕΜβ. 

schemes arc concerting for the public good, one ι 
must be secured the continuance of the present μ 

Not t h;it it is so \erv excellent, or so WOrthj of you ; 
but, of w hat kind soe\er it may be, it were mon 
the interest of VOUT affairs that it bad never I 

concluded, than that now, when it Lb concluded, yon 
should infringe it: for we have suffered ourselv< 
be depriyed of man) advantages, which would hare 

given our arms much more securiU and strength. 

In the next place, w* must be careful not to drive 

those to extremities w ho are now assembled, and call 
themselves the council of amphieh ous ; nor to afford 
them a pretence for a general war against us. Were 

we again engaged with Philip lor Amphipolis, or ;m\ 
such private matter of dispute, in which neither The*» 
saltans, nor Argians, nor Thehans were concerned, in 

my opinion, none of these would join againsl as ; and 

least of all — let me be heard out without interrup- 
tion — the Thehans : not that they wish well to us, or 
would not willingly recommend thenisehcs to Philip ; 
but they are perfectly sensible (however mean their 
understandings may be thought) that, were lhe\ to 
engage in a war with you, the evils would all fall on 
them; 1 the advantages others would lie ready to in- 
tercept. They would therefore 1 never be betrayed into 
such a quarrel, unless the cause wore general. in 
like manner, another war with the Thebans lor Oropus, 
or any such private cause, could not, I think, (list 
us: for there are those who would join either with us 
or them, to repel an invasion; hut, in offensive mea- 
sures, would concur with neither. This is the true 
nature, the \ vvx spirit of alliances. There are none 
so much attached to us or Thebes, as to desire that 
should maintain our own power, and triumph over OUT 
competitor. To be secure, the) would all wish us for 



1 The evils would all fall on them, fitc.] Sparta only waited 
for this rupture to assert its power one»• more : and from Phi- 
lip's former conduct, it appeared very plainly that he knew 
Iiow to avail himself of each a quarrel. 



ORATION ON THE PEACE. 95 

their own sakes ; but that either of us should reduce the 
other to subjection, and so be enabled to give law to 
them, not one would bear. 

Where then lies the danger ? What are you to 
guard against ? That general pretence for uniting 
against us, which the war now in agitation may afford 
the states. For if the Argians, 1 and the Messenians, 
and the Megalopolitans, and such other of the Pelo- 
ponnesians as are in the same interest, should make it 
a cause of quarrel, that we have sought a treaty with 
the Lacedaemonians, and seem to have favored their 
designs ; 2 if the Thebans, incensed as they are said to 
be at present, should become yet more incensed at our 
harboring their exiles, 3 and taking every occasion of 
declaring ourselves implacably averse to them ; if the 
Thessalians should resent our reception of the fugitive 
Phocians ; and Philip our opposing his admission into 
the council of amphictyons : I fear that, to revenge 
these private quarrels, they may use the authority of 
this council to give sanction to a general war against 
us ; and, in the violence of resentment, forget even 
their own interest; as it happened in the Phocian war. 



1 For if the Argians, &c] When the Spartan power was 
broken by Thebes, these people, who had been dependent on 
Sparta, asserted their freedom. This occasioned some con- 
tests, which still subsisted, and in which the Spartans were 
favored by Athens. — Tourreil. 

2 To have favored their designs, &c] The designs of the 
Lacedaemonians, of reducing these people to their former 
subjection. Tourreil translates βκδβχβσθαι — to approve. Sui- 
das renders it stronger, to forward, to promote: βκδβχεσβαί, 
significat illiquid ab altero accipere, quod ipse deinde tractandum 
suscipias. λΥοΙίιηβ applies sksivois to the Argians, &c. and 
translates the passage thus ; propter acta quacdam sua impe- 
dita. But I have chosen the other interpretation as the most 
natural. 

3 At our harboring their exiles.] Many of the cities of 
Breotia favored the Phocians in the sacred war. But when 
this war was ended, and the Thebans became masters of 
these cities, they treated the inhabitants with great cruelty, 
and obliged them to take shelter at Athens. 



96 OR \ TloVs ΟΙ ΙΙΙ.ΜΟΜΊΙΙΛΙΛ. 

Yon are qoI ignorant thai the Thebans and Philip, and 
the Thessalians, although the) had bj no meant the 
same views, have yet all concurred in the same scheme 
of conduct. The Thebans, for instance, were not able 
to hinder Philip from passing, and becomii 
of Thermopylae, nor from coming in, after all their 
toils, and depriving them of the glorj (for, as to pos- 
sessions, 1 and the acquisition of territories, the The- 
bans have succeeded happily; but, in point of honor 
and reputation, they have suffered most shamefully)t 
If Philip did not pass the) were to expect nothing: 
it was highly disagreeable to them ; yet for the 
of Orchomenus and Coronea, 3 which they greatlj de- 
sired, but were not able to take, the\ chose to endure 
all this. And yet there are persons who dare to POSOrt 
that Philip did not surrender these cities to the» The- 
bans freely, but was compelled. \\\ay with such pre- 
tences! I am satisfied that this an as equally his con- 
cern Λν -ith the gaining the straits, the glory of the 
war, the honor of deciding it, and the direction of the 
Pythian games ; and these were the greatest objects of 
his most earnest wishes. As to the Thessalians. they 
neither desired to see the Thebans aggrandised, nor 
Philip (for in their power tin 1 } saw danger to them- 
selves) ; but two things they greatlj desired — a seat in 
the council 3 of amphictyons, and the wealth of Del- 
phos ; and thence were they induced to join in the con- 
federacy. Thus you may observe that private interest 
oftentimes engages men in measures quite opposite to 
their inclinations ; and therefore it is your pari to pro- 
ceed with the utmost caution. 

What, then ! saith some one, shall these apprehen- 
sions make us yield to his demands ! is this your 

1 As to possessions, <S:c] All Phocis was ^iven up to 
them immediately after the war. 

L 2 Orchomenus and Coronoa, &c] The Phocians had taken 
these two cities from them the yew before. 

3 A seat in the council, &c] Of winch they had been de- 
prived by the Phocians making themselves masters of Del- 
phos, where this council assembled. 



ORATION ON THE PEACE. 97 

motion ? Not at all ! I only mean to show you how 
you may maintain your dignity, avoid a war, and ap- 
prove your moderation and justice to the world. As 
to those violent men who think we should brave all 
dangers, nor foresee the difficulties attending on arms, 
I wish them to consider this. We allow the Thebans 
to possess Oropus : were we asked the motive, we 
should answer, To avoid a war. In like manner, by 
the present treaty, we yield Amphipolis to Philip ; we 
suffer the Cardians to be distinguished l from the 
other inhabitants of the Chersonesus ; the king of 
Caria 2 to possess Chios, and Cos, and Rhodes; and 
the Byzantines 3 to cruise for prizes ; and this because 
we think that peace and tranquillity will produce 
more advantages than violence and contests about 
these points. And if thus directed in our conduct 
towards each particular state, and where our interest 
is highly and intimately concerned, it would be perfect 
weakness and absurdity to provoke the resentment of 
them all for a shadow. 4 

1 We suffer the Cardians to be distinguished, &c] This is 
explained in the introduction to the oration on the state of 
the Chersonesus. 

2 The king of Caria.] Mausolus, king of that country, had 
assisted these islanders against Athens in the social war ; and 
when, at the conclusion of this war, the Athenians were ob- 
liged to declare them free and independent, their ally made 
himself master of them. On the death of Mausolus, his wife 
Artemisia maintained his dominion in these new conquered 
islands. She survived her husband but two years, and was 
succeeded by her brother Hidrieas, who reigned in Caria at 
the time that this oration was pronounced. — Tourreil. 

3 And the Byzantines, &c] These people had also revolted 
from the Athenians, and joined with the islanders in the so- 
cial war : how far, or on what pretence they were suffered to 
commit those outrages on the seas, does not appear. — Tourreil. 

4 For a shadow.] In the Greek, riept tk\s cp Ae\(po is σκιάς — 
for a shadow in Delphos : that is, for an empty title of ana- 
phictyon, or of a protector of the temple of Delphos. 



DEM. 



THE SEVENTH ORATION AGAINST PHILIP : 

Commonly called the Second» 

PRONOUNCED IN THE ARCHONSHIP OF LYCISCUS, TWO YEARS 
AFTER THE ORATION ON THE PEACE. 



INTRODUCTION. 

The Greeks thought it proper to confirm, or at least not to 
oppose Philip's admission into the council of amphictyons, 
where he immediately assumed a despotic power. In every 
enterprise he armed himself with one of their decrees, and, 
under pretence of executing them, made a merit of oppress- 
ing several states of Greece. 

The Thehans opened him an entrance into Peloponnesus, 
where, from their inveterate hatred to the Lacedaemonians, 
they were constantly fomenting divisions. They solicited 
Philip to join with them, the Messenians, and the Argians, to 
reduce the power of Lacedaemon, which, without any right hut 
that of the strongest, had erected itself into a kind of sove- 
reignty, to the prejudice of the neighboring states. Philip 
willingly listened to an overture which agreed so well with 
his own views. He proposed, or rather dictated a decree to 
the amphictyons, that the Lacedaemonians should suffer Argos 
and Messene to enjoy an absolute independence ; and, under 
the pretence of supporting their authority, at the same time 
marched a great body of forces towards those parts. 

The Lacedaemonians justly alarmed, applied to Athens for 
succor, and strongly urged by their ambassadors the con- 
clusion of a league which was necessary for their common 
safety. All the powers interested in crossing this league 
used their utmost diligence to that end. Philip, by his mi- 
nisters, represented to the Athenians that they could not 
with justice declare against him ; and that, if he had not come 
to a rupture with the Thebans, he had in this done nothing 
contrary to his treaty with Athens. And this indeed was 
true with respect to the public articles of the peace, what- 
ever private assurances he might have given their ambassa- 



INTRODUCTION. 99 

dors. The representatives of Thebes, Argos, and Messene, 
pressed the Athenians on their part, and reproached them 
with having already too much favored the Lacedaemonians, 
those enemies of Thebes, and tyrants of Peloponnesus. The 
strength of those remonstrances somewhat staggered the Athe- 
nians. They were unwilling to break with Philip ; and then, 
on the other hand, could not but see danger to themselves in 
the ruin of Lacedaemon. They were therefore in doubt what 
answer to give to the Lacedaemonian ambassadors : on which 
occasion Demosthenes pronounced the following oration. 



PHILIPPIC THE SECOND. 



Athenians ! when the hostile attempts of Philip, and 
those outrageous violations of the peace, which he is 
perpetually committing, are at any time the subject of 
our debates, the speeches on your side I find humane 
and just; 1 and that the sentiments of those who in- 
veigh against Philip never fail of approbation : but as 
to the necessary measures, to speak out plainly, not 
one hath been pursued, nor any thing effected even to 
reward the attention to these harangues. Nay, to such 
circumstances is our state reduced, that the more fully 
and evidently a man proves that Philip is acting con- 
trary to his treaty, and harboring designs against 

1 Humane and just.] An opposition to the growing power 
of Macedon the orator ever affects to consider as the cause of 
liberty, of justice, and of Greece. The interest of the nation, 
that is, of the whole assemblage of the Grecian states, was 
professedly the first great object of regard to every member 
of every community. This was their most extensive affection. 
The distinction of Greek and barbarian precluded the rest of 
mankind from a just share in their philanthropy ; at least 
it was not generally considered as a duty to extend their be- 
nevolence farther than the boundaries of their nation. These 
included all that were really considered of the same kind : 
and hence it is, as I conceive, that the love of their country- 
men was called, by the most extensive term, the love of man- 
kind. The word, therefore, in the original (φιλανθροοπονς) 
which is rendered humane, the translator understood as ex- 
pressive of a regard to the general welfare of Greece. Nor 
was it owing to any design of concealing his ignorance that 
this explanation was not originally allowed a place in the 
notes on this oration. What is, or is imagined to be clear to 
us, we are apt to flatter ourselves must, at first glance, ap- 
pear to others exactly in the same light; just as we some- 
times suppose that the difficulty we ourselves cannot con- 
quer is, in itself, absolutely insuperable. 



PHILIPPIC THE SECOND. 101 

Greece, the greater is his difficulty in pointing out your 
duty. 

The reason is this. They who aspire to an extrava- 
gant degree of power are to be opposed by force, and 
action, not by speeches: and yet, in the first place, we 
public speakers are unwilling to recommend or to pro- 
pose any thing to this purpose, from the fear of your 
displeasure ; but confine ourselves to general repre- 
sentations of the grievous, of the outrageous nature of 
his conduct, and the like. Then you who attend are 
better qualified than Philip, either to plead the justice 
of your cause, or to apprehend it when enforced by 
others ; but, as to any effectual opposition to his pre- 
sent designs, in this you are intirely inactive. You 
see then the consequence, the necessary, the natural 
consequence ; each of you excels in that which hath 
engaged your time and application ; he in acting, you 
in speaking. And if, on this occasion, it be sufficient 
that we speak with a superior force of truth and jus- 
tice, this may be done with the utmost ease : but if we 
are to consider how to rectify our present disorders ; 
how to guard against the danger of plunging inadver- 
tently into still greater : against the progress of a power 
which may at last bear down all opposition ; then must 
our debates proceed in a different manner ; and all they 
who speak, and all you who attend, must prefer the 
best and most salutary measures to the easiest and most 
agreeable. 

First, then, Athenians, if there be a man who feels 
no apprehensions at the view of Philip's power, and 
the extent of his conquests, who imagines that these 
portend no danger to the state, or that his designs are 
not all aimed against you, I am amazed ! and must 
intreat the attention of you all while I explain those 
reasons briefly which induce me to entertain different 
expectations, and to regard Philip as our real enemy ; 
that if I appear to have looked forward with the more 
penetrating eye, you may join with me ; if they, who 
are thus secure and confident in this man, you may 
yield to their direction. 



102 ORATIONS Off DEMOSTHBWI - 

In the first place, therefore, I consider the acquisi- 
tions made by Philip when the peace was just con- 
cluded — Thermopylae, and the command of I'hocis. 
What use did he make of these ! He chose to serve 
the interest of Thebes, not that of Athene. And why .' 
As ambition is his great passion, universal empire the 
sole object of his views; not peace, not tranquillity, 
not any just purpose: he knew this well, that neither 
our constitution nor our principles would admit him to 
prevail on you, by any thing he could promise, by 
an\ thing he could do, to sacrifice one state of Greece 
to your private interest : but that, as you have the 
due regard to justice, as you have an abhorrence of 
the least stain on your honor, and as you have that 
quick discernment which nothing can escape, the 
moment his attempt was made you would oppose him 
with the same vigor as if you yourselves had been 
immediately attacked. The Thebans, he supposed, 
(and the event confirmed his opinion,) would, for the 
sake of any private advantage, suffer him to act to- 
wards others as he pleased ; and far from opposing or 
impeding his designs, would be ready at his command 
to fight on his side. From the same persuasion he 
now heaps his favors on the Messenians and Argians. 
And this reflects the greatest lustre on you, my 
countrymen ; for by these proceedings you are de- 
clared the only invariable assertors of the rights of 
Greece ; the only persons whom no private attach- 
ment, no view r s of interest can seduce from their affec- 
tion to the Greeks. 

And that it is with reason he entertains these senti- 
ments of you, and sentiments so different of the The- 
bans and the Argians, he may be convinced, not from 
the present only, but from a review of former times : for 
he must have been informed, I presume he cannot but 
have heard that your ancestors, when, by submitting 
to the king, they might have purchased the sovereignty 
of Greece, not only scorned to listen when Alexander, 1 

1 When Alexander, &c] The reader may find the history 



PHILIPPIC THE SECOND. 103 

this man's ancestor, was made the messenger of such 
terms, but chose to abandon their city, encountered 
every possible difficulty, and, after all this, performed 
such exploits, as men are ever eager to recite, yet with 
the just force and dignity no man ever could express ; 
and therefore it becomes me to be silent on this subject ; 
for in reality their actions are superior to the power 
of words. As to the ancestors of the Thebans and the 
Argians. the one, he knows, fought for the barbarian ; 
the others did not oppose him. 1 He knew, then, that 
both these people would attend but to their private 
interest, without the least regard to the common cause 
of Greece. Should he choose you for allies, you would 
serve him so far only as justice would permit ; but, if 
he attached himself to them, he gained assistants in all 
the schemes of his ambition. This it is that then deter- 
here alluded to in the eighth and ninth books of Herodotus. 
The expressions in the original are as contemptuous as possi- 
ble ; 6 τούτων, or, as some editions have it, ό τούτων irpoyovos, 
the ancestors of these wretches the Macedonians ; and then, not 
πρέσβευε, ambassador, but ΚΗΡΤΞ, herald or crier, the slave or 
menial officer of his master Mardonius. Avec le titre d'ambassadeur 
(as Tourreil translates it) suggests the honorable idea which 
Demosthenes takes such pains to keep out of view. 

1 The one, he knows, fought for the barbarian ; the others 
did not oppose him.] The readiness with which the Thebans 
granted earth and water, the tokens of submission, to the 
Persian, the regret with which they joined Leonidas at Ther- 
mopylae, their joining openly with Xerxes, when his arms 
had the appearance of success, and other circumstances, con- 
firmed by the united testimony of historians, all warrant the 
assertion of Demosthenes. The Argians were engaged to a 
neutrality by an artifice of the Persians, who pretended to 
derive their descent from Perseus, the son of Acrisius, one of 
the kings of Argos. This pretence, how gross soever, was 
sufficient for a people who chose to be deceived, and would 
not reflect that this monarchy had not the title of Persian till 
the reign of Cyrus. Their infidelity to the cause of Greece 
they concealed under the veil of ambition ; for they pro- 
fessed themselves ready to concur in the common defence, 
provided that they were admitted to an equal share of the 
command with Lacedaemon : which proposal was rejected, as 
they desired. — Tourreil. 



104 ORATION! OF DEM08THBWSS. 

mined him, this it is that now determines liim to their 
sith; rather than to yours; pot that he sees thej haw ;i 
greater naval force 1 thap we; or that, basing gained 

the sovereignty in the inland countries, he declines the 

command of the seas and the advantages of commerce j 

or that he hath forgotten those pretences, those pro- 
mises which obtained him the peace. 

J3ut I may be told — It is true, he did act thus ; hut 
not from ambition, or from any of those motives of 
which I accuse him ; but as he thought the cause of 
Thebes more just than ours. 2 — This of all pretences 
he cannot now allege. Can he, who commands the 
Lacedaemonians 3 to (juit their claim to Messene, pre- 
tend that, in giving up Orchomenus and Coronea to 
the Thebans, he acted from regard to justice ! Hut 
now comes his last subterfuge. He was compelled, 
and yielded these places quite against his inclinations, 
being' encompassed by the Thessalian horse and The- 
ban infantry. Fine pretence ! — Just so, they cry, he 
is to entertain suspicions of the Thebans ; and some 
spread rumors of their own framing, that he is to for- 
tify Elatea. 4 Yes ! these things are yet to be, and so 

1 A great naval force, &c] Athens, as a maritime power, 
was superior to all the other Greeks. At the battle of Sala- 
mis, of the three hundred vessels which composed the Gre- 
cian fleet, two hundred were Athenian. Three hundred ships 
sailed from the port of Athens on the expedition to Sicily ; 
and their fleet was afterwards increased to four hundred. — 
Tourreil. 

2 The cause of Thebes more just than ours.] The union of 
Philip with the Thebans had a very plausible color; that of 
espousing the cause of Apollo, and punishing the sacrilegious 
profaners of his temple. Jt was not convenient to display 
this at large, and therefore he cuts it short by one vague ex- 
pression ; for the art of an orator appears no less in suppress- 
ing such things as may prove unfavorable to his design, than 
in dwelling on those points which may assist it. — Tourreil, 

3 Can he, who commands the Lacedaemonians, &c] Be- 
cause the pretensions of each were of the same nature. La- 
ceda^mon assumed the supreme power in Peloponnesus. 
Thebes affected the like power in Bacotia. 

4 To fortify Elatea.] This was the most considerable city 



PHILIPPIC THE SECOND. 105 

will they remain, in my opinion ; but his attack on 
Lacedaemon, in conjunction with the Thebans and 
Argians, is not yet to be made. No : he is actually 
detaching forces, supplying* money, and is himself ex- 
pected at the head of a formidable army. The Lace- 
daemonians therefore, the enemies of Thebes, he now 
infests. And will he then restore the Phocians, whom 
he hath but just now ruined ? Who can believe this ? 
I, for my part, can never think, if Philip had been 
forced into those former measures, or if he had now 
abandoned the Thebans, that he would make this con- 
tinued opposition to their enemies. No : his present 
measures prove that all his past conduct was the effect 
of choice ; and from all his actions, it appears that all 
his actions are directly levelled against this state : and 
there is in some sort a necessity for this. Consider, he 
aims at empire, and from you alone he expects opposi- 
tion. He hath long loaded us with injuries; and of 
this he himself is most intimately conscious ; for those 
of our possessions which he hath reduced to his ser- 
vice he uses as a barrier to his other territories : so 
that, if he should give up Amphipolis and Potidaea, he 
would not think himself secure even in Macedon. He 
is therefore sensible that he entertains designs against 
you, and that you perceive them. Then, as he thinks 
highly of your wisdom, he concludes that you must 
hold him in that abhorrence which he merits : hence is 
he alarmed, expecting to feel some eifects of your re- 
sentment (if you have any favorable opportunity) un- 
less he prevents you by his attack. Hence is his vigil- 
ance awakened; his arm raised against the state : he 
courts some of the Thebans, and such of the Pelopon- 
nesians as have the same views with him ; whom he 
deems too mercenary to regard any thing but present 
interest, and too perversely stupid to foresee any conse- 



in Phocis ; and, by its situation, very well fitted to keep the 
Thebans in awe. So that some years after, when Philip per- 
ceived that the Thebans were growing cool to him, his first 
step was to take possession of Elatea. — Tourreil. 



1<>β ORATIONS OF m.MOSTHKM.s. 

«piences. And yet persons of but moderate (lis• . 
ment may have sonic manifest examples to alarm thriii, 
which I had occasion to ' mention to the- Mcsscnians 
and to the Aryans. Perhaps it may be proper to re- 
peat them here. 

w Mcsscnians!' said I, ' how highly, think ye, would 
the Olynthians ha\c been offended if any man h;id 

spoken against Philip at that time when he gave them 
up Anthemus,* a city which the former kings of Mace- 
don had ever claimed ? when lie drove out the Athe- 
nian colony, and gave them Potidaea ? when he took 
all our resentment on himself, and left them to eirjoj 
our dominions.' Did they expect to have suffered 
thus? had it been foretold, would they have believed 
it ? You cannot think it ! Yet, after a short enjoyment 
of the territories of others, they have been for ever 
despoiled of their own by this man. Inglorious has 
been their fall, not conquered only, but betrayed and 
soLd by one another: for those intimate correspond- 
ences with tyrants ever portend mischief to free states.' 
— 4 Turn your eyes/ said Ι, ' to theThessalians! think 
ye, that when he first expelled their tyrants, when In- 
then gave them up Nicaea 3 and Magnesia, that they ex- 
pected ever to have been subjected to those governors ' 



1 Which I had occasion to, 6cc] When Philip first ΪΗ 
to interest himself in the disputes between these stat»-> and 
Laceda?mon the Athenians sent an embassy to endeavor to 
weaken his interest in Peloponnesus, and to dissuade the 
Messenians and Argians from accepting of his interposition. 
On this occasion it was that Demosthenes made the oration 
from which he now quotes this passage. 

^ Anthemus.] This city of Macedon had been possessed 
by the ancestors of Philip from the earliest ages ; for we learn 
from Herodotus, b. v. that about two hundred years b» 
Amyntas made an offer of Anthemus to Hippias the son of 
Pisistratus.— Tourreil. 

S Xica>a.] This city of Locris had been given up to Philip 
by Phalecus, at the conclusion of the sacred war.— Tourreil. 

I Those governors, 8ccJ The tyranny said to have been im- 
posed by Philip on the Thessalians is, in the original of this 
passage, called a government of ten ; yet, in the third Phi- 



PHILIPPIC THE SECOND. 107 

now imposed on them ? or that the man who restored 
them to their seat in the amphictyonic council would 
have deprived them of their own proper revenues? 
yet, that such was the event, the world can testify. 
In like manner, you now behold Philip lavishing his 
gifts and promises on you. If you are wise, you will 
pray that he may never appear to have deceived and 
abused you. Various are the contrivances for the de- 
fence and security of cities ; as battlements, and walls, 
and trenches, and every other kind of fortification ; all 
which are the effects of labor, and attended with con- 
tinual expense. But there is one common bulwark, 
with which men of prudence are naturally provided, the 
guard and security of all people, particularly of free 
states, against the assaults of tyrants. What is this ! 
Distrust. Of this be mindful : to this adhere : pre- 
serve this carefully, and no calamity can affect you/ — 
4 What is it you seek?' said I. * Liberty? And do ye 
not perceive that nothing can be more adverse to this 
than the very titles of Philip ? Every monarch, every 
tyrant is an enemy to liberty, and the opposer of laws. 
Will ye not then be careful lest, while ye seek to be 
freed from war, you find yourselves his slaves V 

But although they heard these things, and loudly 
expressed their approbation ; though the like points 
were frequently urged by the ambassadors while I 
was present, and probably were afterwards repeated ; 
yet still they have no less dependence on the friend- 
ship and the promises of Philip. But it is not strange 
that the Messenians and some of the Peloponnesians 
should act contrary to the dictates of nature, reason, 
and reflection. Even you, who are yourselves fully 
sensible, and constantly reminded by your public 
speakers that there are designs forming against you, 

lippic,it is styled a tetrarchy, or government of four. Hence, 
there are grounds to presume that an error has crept into the 
ancient copies. Unless it be supposed that Philip divided 
the country of Thessaly into four districts, and over each of 
those established ten governors ; if, by such a supposition, 
the authority of the copies may be preserved. 



10S orations οι DEMOSTHENES* 

that the toils of your enemies arc BUlTOIindiog you, 

will, I fear, be plunged by \oiir supineness into all 
those dangers that threaten you; so prevalent is the 

pleasure and indulgence of a moment o\er nil \our 
future interests.— But, as to the course necessary to he 

pursued, prudence requires that this he debated here- 
after among yourselves. At present, J shall propose 

BUch an answer to these ministers as may he worth} 

of your concurrence ' 

It would be just, Athenians, to call the men before 
you who gave those promises which induced you to 
conclude the peace: for neither would I have under- 
taken the embassy, nor would you, I am convinced, 
have laid down your arms, had it been suspected that 
Philip would have acted thus when he had obtained a 
peace. No: the assurances he then gave were quite 
different from his present actions. There are others 
also to be summoned. Who are these ? The men 
who, at my return from the second embassy (vent for 
the ratification of the treaty), when I saw the state; 
abused, and warned you of your danger, and testified 
the truth, and opposed with all my power the giving 
up Thermopylae and Phocis ; the men, I say, who then 
cried out that I, the water-drinker, was morose and 
peevish ; but that Philip, if permitted to pass, would 
act agreeably to your desires; would fortit\ Thespia 
and Platiea ; restrain the insolence of Thebes; cut 
through the Chersonesus 2 at his own expense; and 
give you up Euboea and Oropus, as an equivalent lor 

1 Though none of our editors take notice of it, in this place 
the proper officer must have proposed the orator's motion in 
form : unless we suppose that this oration has descend» 
us imperfect; for, as the text now stands, then• is a manifest 
want of connexion between this sentence and what follows. — 
Olivet. 

'i Cut through the Chersonesus, flcc.1 AN' hen Cersobh . 
had given up the Chersonesus to the Athenians it became per- 
petually exposed to the incursions of Thrace. The only 
of putting a stop to them was to cut through the isthmus, 
for the Thracians had no ships ; and this Philip promised to 
do in favor of the Athenians and their colonies. — Tourreil. 



PHILIPPIC THE SECOND. 109 

Amphipolis. — That all this was positively affirmed 
you cannot, I am sure, forget, though not remarkable 
for remembering injuries. And, to complete the dis- 
grace, you have engaged your posterity to the same 
treaty, in full dependence on those promises : so in- 
tirely have you been seduced. 

And now, to what purpose do I mention this? and 
why do I desire that these men should appear ? I call 
the gods to witness, that without the least evasion I 
shall boldly declare the truth ! Not that, by breaking 
out into invectives, 1 I may expose myself to the like 

1 Xot that, by breaking out into invectives. J Wolfius, whom 
the translator here follows, has been severely censured for 
this interpretation by the Italian commentator, who renders 
the former part of the sentence thus : ' Eos non ideo vocari 
velim, ut qui olim convitiis dehonestatus fui, aequenunc mihi 
a vobis famam conciliem.' — Παρ ϋμιν ought not to be rendered 
a vobis, but apud vos ; or, as the translator, who follows Luc- 
chesini's authority, has justly explained it in his note, in 
y (rur -presence. But my objection to this interpretation does 
not arise from grammatical nicety, but from a regard to the 
context, the surest comment. If Demosthenes, instead of the 
disgraceful treatment he formerly received, both from the 
partisans of Macedon and from the people, was now to be re- 
ceived with applause, and to triumph over his opposers, how 
could these have another opportunity of receiving Philip's 
gold? Such wages were only paid when earned. They were 
bestowed, not on ineffectual efforts, but real services ; and 
these his friends could not perform if disgraced and dis- 
couraged by the assembly. The whole sentiment of the ora- 
tor, as translated by Wolfius, is this : I do not wish that 
these men may appear, in order to indulge my indignation and 
resentment against them, that so they may retort my accusa- 
tions with double virulence (as was the case when we first 
returned from our embassy), and thus by once more gaining 
your favor, and triumphing over me, they may have an op- 
portunity of boasting their services to Philip, and obtaining 
their reward.' The passage manifestly alludes to the trans- 
actions of the assembly, when the ten ambassadors returned 
who had been sent to treat with Philip about a peace ; and 
which are particularly described by Demosthenes in his ora- 
tion on the embassy : and we may safely appeal to the reader, 
who consults that oration, as to the propriety of the pre- 
sent interpretation. 



110 ORATIONS Of I>1. Μ OSTIUM^. 

treatment, and once more give my old enemie• m op- 
portunity of receiving Philip's gold ; nor \ el that I ma \ 
indulge an impertinenl ranitj of haranguing: but I 

apprehend the time must conic when Philip ■ actions 

will gire you more concern than at present. 1 1 is de- 
signs I see are ripening. 1 wish my apprehensions 
may not prove just : but I fear that time is not far Off. 
And when it will no longer be in your power to disre- 
gard events; w lien neither mine nor an\ other person's 

information, but your own knowlege, your own senses 
w r ill assure you of tin; impending danger, then will 
your severest resentment break forth. \nd as your 
ambassadors have concealed certain things, influenced 
(as they themselves are conscious) by corruption, 1 
fear that they who endeavor to restore what these men 
have ruined may feel the weight of your displeasure ; 
for there are some, I find, who generally point their 
anger not at the deserving objects, but those most im- 
mediately at their mercy. 

While our affairs, therefore, remain not absolutely 
desperate — while it is yet in our power to dehate — give 
me leave to remind you all of one thing, though none 
can be ignorant of it. — Who was the man 1 that per- 
suaded you to give up Phocis and Thermopylae ? which 
once gained, he also gained free access for his troops 
to Attica and to Peloponnesus, and obliged ns to turn 
our thoughts from the rights of Greece, from all foreign 
interests, to a defensive war, in these very territories ; 
whose approach must be severely felt by every one of 
us : and that very day gave birth to it ; for had we not 
been then deceived, the state could have nothing to 
apprehend. His naval power could not have been 
great enough to attempt Attica by sea ; nor could he 
have passed by land through Thermopylae and Phocis. 
But he must have either confined himself within the 

1 Who was the man, &c] The person pointed at is .Ks- 
chines. These two statesmen accused each other when the 
had consequences of this treaty came to be universally felt 
and acknowleged. 



PHILIPPIC THE SECOND. Ill 

bounds of justice, and lived in a due observance of his 
treaty, or have instantly been involved in a war equal 
to that which obliged him to sue for peace. 

Thus much may be sufficient to recal past actions to 
your view. May all the gods forbid that the event 
should confirm my suspicions ! for I by no means de- 
sire that any man should meet even the deserved 
punishment of his crimes, when the whole community 
is in danger of being involved in his destruction. 



THE ORATION ON THE STATE OF THE 
CHERSONESUS: 

PRONOUNCED IN THE ARCHON8HIP OF BOSIGENE8, TWO YEARS 
AFTER THE SECOND PHILIPPIC. 



INTRODUCTION. 

In the foregoing oration the vehemence of Demosthenes de- 
termined the Athenians to oppose the attempts of Philip ; 
and his representations to the Argians and Messenians in- 
spired them with suspicion, and at length detached them 
from all connexions with Macedon. When Philip therefore 
found his practices in Peloponnesus unsuccessful, he began 
to turn his thoughts to other enterprises ; to pursue his con- 
quests in Thrace, and cross the Athenian interest in the 
Chersonesus. This peninsula had, with some little interrup- 
tion, been for many years in the hands of the Athenians. 
Cotys, as king of the country, had lately wrested it from them, 
and left it in succession to his son Cersobleptes. But he 
being unable to support himself against the power of Philip, 
resigned it again to the Athenians; and they, according to 
custom, sent in a colony, which the inhabitants received, and 
freely shared their lands and habitations with their new 
guests. The people of Cardia, the principal city, however, 
etill asserted their independence ; and, when Diopithes, the 
commander of the Athenian colony, would have reduced them 
by force of arms, had recourse to Philip, who immediately de- 
tached a body of forces to their support. Diopithes considered 
this proceeding as an act of hostility against Athens : without 
waiting for instructions from his state, raised a considerable 
force ; and, while Philip was engaged in war in the inland 
parts of Thrace, entered the maritime parts (which were his 
territories) with fire and sword, and brought offa great booty, 
which he lodged safe in the Chersonesus. Philip was not at 
leisure to repel this insult : he therefore contented himself 
with complaining by letters to the Athenians of this conduct 
of their general. The pensioners which he had at Athens 



INTRODUCTION. 113 

immediately exerted themselves for their master. They in- 
veighed loudly against Diopithes; accused him of violating 
the peace which then subsisted between them and Philip ; 
of involving the state in war ; of exaction, rapine, and piracy ; 
and pressed for his being recalled. 

Demosthenes, judging that at such a juncture the public 
interest was connected with that of Diopithes, undertakes 
his defence in the following oration ; throws the whole blame 
of the exactions and piracies he is accused of on the Athe- 
nians themselves ; turns their attention to Philip and his 
hostilities ; and concludes, that whoever opposes or distresses 
him in any manner, does a service to the state ; and that, in- 
stead of disavowing what Diopithes had done, or directing 
him to dismiss his army, they should reinforce him, andshow 
the king of Macedon they know how to protect their territo- 
ries, and to maintain the dignity of their country, as well as 
their ancestors. 

It appears, from the beginning of this oration, that before 
Demosthenes arose the affair had been violently contested in 
the assembly. Possibly the heat of opposition added to the 
natural fire of the orator ; for the style of the oration is, in 
my opinion, remarkably animated ; and we find an extraor- 
dinary degree of severity and indignation breaking out in 
every part of it. 



DEM. 



THE ORATION ON THE STATE OF THE 
CHERSONESUS. 



It were to be wished, Athenians, that they who speak 
in public would never suffer hatred or affection to influ- 
ence their counsels ; but, in all that they propose, be 
directed by unbiassed reason ; particularly when affairs 
of state, and those of highest moment, are the object 
of our attention. But since there are persons whose 
speeches are partly dictated by a spirit of contention, 
partly by other like motives, it is your duty, Athe- 
nians, to exert that power which your numbers give 
you, and in all your resolutions, and in all your ac- 
tions, to consider only the interest of your country. 

Our present concernment is about ^the affairs of the 
Chersonesus, and Philip's expedition into Thrace, which 
hath now engaged him eleven months : but most of our 
orators insist on the actions and designs of Diopithes. 
As to crimes objected to those men, whom our laws can 
punish when we please, I, for my part, think it quite 
indifferent whether they be considered now or at some 
other time ; nor is this a point to be violently contested 
by me or any other speaker. But when Philip, the 
enemy of our country, is now actually hovering about 
the Hellespont, 1 with a numerous army, and making 
attempts on our dominions, which, if one moment neg- 
lected, the loss may be irreparable ; here our attention 
is instantly demanded : we should resolve, we should 
prepare with all possible expedition, and not run from 

1 Hovering about the Hellespont.] By the Hellespont we 
are to understand not the strait itself that separates Europe 
from Asia, but the cities and countries all along the coast. 



ON THE STATE OF THE CHERSONESUS. 115 

our main concern, in the midst of foreign clamors and 
accusations. 

I have frequently been surprised at assertions made 
in public ; but never more than when I lately heard 
it affirmed in the senate, 1 that there are but two expe- 
dients to be proposed — either absolutely to declare war, 
or to continue in peace. The point is this : if Philip 
acts as one in amity with us ; if he does not keep pos- 
session of our dominions, contrary to his treaty ; if he 
be not every where spiriting up enemies against us ; all 
debates are at an end ; we are undoubtedly obliged to 
live in peace, and I find it perfectly agreeable to you. 
But if the articles of our treaty, ratified by the most 
solemn oaths, remain on record, open to public in- 
spection ; if it appears that long before the departure 
of Diopithes and his colony, who are now accused of 
involving us in a war, Philip had unjustly seized many 
of our possessions (for which I appeal to your own 
decrees) ; if, ever since that time, he has been con- 
stantly arming himself with all the powers of Greeks 
and barbarians to destroy us — what do these men 
mean who affirm, we are either absolutely to declare 
war, or to observe the peace ? You have no choice 
at all ; you have but one just and necessary measure 
to pursue, which they industriously pass over. And 
what is this ? To repel force by force. Unless they 
will affirm that, while Philip keeps from Attica and 
the Pirgeus, 2 he does our state no injury, makes no 

1 In the senate.] Into which Demosthenes had been ad- 
mitted in the archonship of Themistocles, a little after the 
taking of Olynthus ; and (if we may believe iEscliines) not 
in the regular manner, but by intrigue and bribery. 

2 The Piraeus.] This is the first time the orator mentions 
this celebrated port of Athens. It was at first detached from 
the city, but afterwards joined to it by two long walls, which 
the Greeks called the Legs of the Piraeus ; and from that time, 
by the advice of Themistocles, the Athenians made this their 
principal harbor. It could contain four hundred ships of 
war ; was well fortified, and furnished with a market, to which 
all the trading part of Greece resorted. Historians call it the. 
triple port, for it really contained three : the first called 



116 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

war against us. If it be thus they state the bounds of 
peace and justice, we must all acknowlege that their 
sentiments are inconsistent with the common rights of 
mankind — with the dignity and the safety of Athens. 

Besides, they themselves contradict their own accu- 
sation of Diopithes. For shall Philip be left at full 
liberty to pursue all his other designs, provided he 
keeps from Attica ; and shall not Diopithes be per- 
mitted to assist the Thracians ? And if he does, shall 
we accuse him of involving us in a war ? — But this is 
their incessant cry : c Our foreign troops commit out- 
rageous devastations on the Hellespont : Diopithes, 
without regard to justice, seizes and plunders vessels ! 
These things must not be suffered/ Be it so : I ac- 
quiesce ! but while they are laboring to have our troops 
disbanded, by inveighing against that man, whose care 
and industry support them (if they really speak from 
a regard to justice), they should show us, that if we 
yield to their remonstrances, Philip's army also will 
be disbanded : else, it is apparent that their whole aim 
is to reduce the state to those circumstances which 
have occasioned all the losses we have lately suffered. 
For, be assured of this, that nothing hath given Philip 
such advantage over us- as his superior vigilance in 
improving all opportunities. For, as he is constantly 
surrounded by his troops, and his mind perpetually 
engaged in projecting his designs, he can in a moment 
strike the blow where he pleases. But we wait till 
some event alarms us: then we are in motion ; then we 
prepare. To this alone I can impute it, that the con- 
quests he hath lately made he now enjoys in full secu- 
rity ; while all your efforts are too late, all your vast 
expenses ineffectual : your attempts have served only 
to discover your enmity, and inclination to oppose 
him ; and the consequences of your misconduct are 
still farther aggravated by the disgrace. 

KavQapoSy from a hero of that name ; the second Αφροδισιον, 
from two temples of Venus that were erected near it ; the 
third Zea, because it was the mart for corn. — Tourreil. 



ON THE STATE OF THE CHERSONESUS. 117 

Know then, Athenians, that all our orators allege at 
present are but words, but idle pretences. Their whole 
designs, their whole endeavors are to confine you within 
the city ; that, while we have no forces in the field, 
Philip may be at full liberty to act as he pleases. 
Consider the present posture of affairs. Philip is now 
stationed in Thrace, at the head of a large army, and 
(as we are here informed) sends for reinforcements 
from Macedon and Thessaly. Now, should he watch 
the blowing of the Etesian winds, march his forces to 
Byzantium, and invest it ; in the first place, can you 
imagine that the Byzantines would persist in their pre- 
sent folly ; or that they would not have recourse to 
you for assistance ? I cannot think it. No : if there 
were a people in whom they less confided l than in us, 
they would receive even these into their city .rather 
than give it up to him, unless prevented by the quick- 
ness of his attack. And, should we be unable to sail 
thither, should there be no forces ready to support 
them, nothing can prevent their ruin. — 4 But the extra- 
vagance and folly of these men exceed all bounds/ — 
I grant it. Yet still they should be secured from dan- 
ger; for this is the interest of our state. Besides, it is 
by no means clear that he will not march into the Cher- 
sonesus itself. On the contrary, if we may judge from 
the letter which he sent to you, he is determined to 

1 If there were a people in whom they less confided, &c] 
In the third year of the 105th olympiad the Byzantines en- 
tered into a league with Chios, Cos, and Rhodes, against the 
Athenians, and withdrew themselves from their dominion. 
This is what Demosthenes calls their folly and extravagance. 
They had reason to think the Athenians would regard them 
as rebellious subjects, and treat them with the resentment of 
offended sovereigns. * However,' says the orator, ' if they 
were reduced to the alternative of either submitting to Philip, 
or having recourse to you for protection, they would without 
hesitation choose the latter.' The event confirmed his pre- 
diction. Philip besieged Byzantium, the Byzantines had 
recourse to the Athenians, and Phocion at the head of their 
army obliged Philip to raise the siege. — Tourreil. 



118 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

oppose us in that country. If then the forces stationed 
there be still kept up, we may defend our own domi- 
nions, and infest those of our enemy ; if they be once 
dispersed and broken, what shall we do if he attempt 
the Chersonesus ? — ' Bring Diopithes to a trial/ — And 
how will that serve us ? — ' No : but we will despatch 
succors from hence/ — What if the winds prevent us ? 
— ' But he will not turn his arms thither/ — Who will 
be our surety for this ? Consider, Athenians, is not 
the season of the year approaching in which it is 
thought by some that you are to withdraw your forces 
from the Hellespont, and abandon it to Philip ? But 
suppose (for this too merits our attention) that at his 
return from Thrace he should neither bend his force 
against the Chersonesus, nor Byzantium, but fall on 
Chalcis or Megara, as he lately did on Oreum, 1 which 
would be the wiser course, to oppose him here, and 
make Attica the seat of war, or to find him employment 
abroad ? I think the latter. 

Let these things sink deep into our minds ; and let 
us not raise invidious clamors against those forces which 
Diopithes is endeavoring to keep up for the service of 
his country, or attempt to break them : let us rather 
prepare to reinforce them ; grant their general the ne- 
cessary supplies of money, and in every other instance 
favor his designs with a hearty zeal. Imagine this 
question proposed to Philip : 6 Which would be most 
agreeable to you, that the forces commanded by Dio- 
pithes ' — of whatever kind they be, for I shall not dis- 
pute on that head — ' should continue in full strength 
and good esteem at Athens, and be reinforced by de- 
tachments from the city ; or, that the clamors and in- 
vectives of certain persons should prevail to have them 
broken and disbanded V I think he would choose this 
latter. And are there men among us laboring for that 

1 As he lately did on Oreum.] In the third Philippic we 
shall find a particular account of the manner in which he 
reduced this city to his obedience. 



OX THE STATE OF THE CHERSONESUS. 119 

which Philip would intreat the gods to grant him? and 
if so, is it still a question whence our distresses have 
arisen ? 

Let me intreat you to examine the present state of 
Athens with an unbiassed freedom ; to consider how we 
are acting, and how our affairs are conducted. We are 
neither willing to raise contributions, nor do we dare 
to take the field, nor do we spare the public funds, nor 
do we grant supplies to Diopithes, nor do we approve 
of those subsidies he hath procured himself; but we 
malign him, we pry into his designs, and watch his 
motions. Thus we proceed, quite regardless of our 
interests ; and while in words we extol those speakers 
who assert the dignity of their country, our actions 
favor their opposers. — It is usual, when a speaker 
rises, to ask him, ' What are we to do V Give me 
leave to propose the like question to you : ' What am 
I to say V For, if you neither raise contributions, nor 
take the field, nor spare the public funds, nor grant 
subsidies to Diopithes, nor approve of those provisions 
he hath made himself, nor take the due care of our 
interests, I have nothing to say. If you grant such 
unbounded license to informers, as even to listen to 
their accusations of a man for what they pretend he 
will do, before it be yet done, what can one say ? 

But it is necessary to explain to some of you the 
effect of this behavior. 1 (I shall speak with an un- 

1 But it is necessary to explain to some of you the effect 
of this behavior.] To the same purpose has the sentence 
been translated by Wolfius and Tourreil. But this interpre- 
tation, which is acknowleged consonant to grammatical rules 
of construction, has yet been stigmatised, as a total perver- 
sion of the author's reasoning and the sense of the context. 
Clamors had been raised against an Athenian general, who 
had exacted contributions from the islanders and Grecian 
settlements along the coast of Asia. Demosthenes appears 
as his advocate. He proceeds, as it is observed, to show that 
it had ever been the custom of other commanders to raise the 
like contributions. Hence it is inferred, that the meaning of 
the phrase here quoted must be, that the general is warranted 
by justice and custom to act as he had done. The orator, indeed, 



120 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

daunted freedom, for in no other manner can I speak.) 
— It has been the constant custom of all the commanders 
who have sailed from this city (if I advance a false- 
hood, let me feel the severest punishment) to take 
money from the Chians, and from the Erythrians, and 
from any people that would give it ; I mean of the 
inhabitants of Asia. They who have but one or two 
ships take a talent ; they who command a greater 
force raise a larger contribution : and the people who 
give this money, whether more or less, do not give it 
for nothing (they are not so mad) : no ; it is the price 
they pay to secure their trading vessels from rapine 
and piracy, to provide them with the necessary con- 
voys and the like ; however they may pretend friend- 
ship and affection, and dignify those payments with 

doth proceed to give instances of this custom. But this con- 
clusion I cannot admit ; for whatever deference and respect 
the writers who have adopted it may justly claim, a greater 
deference and respect is due to the original, where we find a 
conclusion of a different nature, deduced in express terms. 
* It has been the constant custom,' says Demosthenes, * of all 
the commanders who have sailed from this city (if I advance 
a falsehood, let me feel the severest punishment) to take 
money from the Chians, and from the Erythrians, and from 
any people that would give it ; I mean of the inhabitants of 
Asia. They who have but one or two ships take a talent ; 
they who command a greater force raise a larger contribution : 
and the people who give this money, whether more or less, 
do not give it for nothing (they are not so mad) : no ; it is 
the price they pay to secure their trading vessels from rapine 
and piracy, to provide them with the necessary convoys, and 
the like ; however they may pretend friendship and affection, 
and dignify those payments with the name of free gifts. It is 
therefore evident that, as Diopithes is at the head of a consi- 
derable power, the same contributions will be granted to him. 
Else, how shall he pay his soldiers 1 how shall he maintain 
them, who receives nothing from you, and has nothing of his 
own 1 From the skies 1 No ; but from what he can collect, 
and beg, and borrow. ' Then follows the conclusion from the 
whole : OvSe OTN a\\o ττοιουσιρ ol κατη-γορουντες €V υμιν, η 
προΧνγουσιν απασΊ, &c. So that the whole scheme of his accusers 
(or the whole effect of their accusations) is to warn all people 
to grant him nothing, &c. This is the meaning (or this is the 
tendency^) of their clamors. 



ON THE STATE OF THE CHERSONESUS. 121 

the name of free gifts. It is therefore evident, that as 
Diopithes is at the head of a considerable power, the 
same contributions will be granted to him. Else, how 
shall he pay his soldiers ? how shall he maintain them, 
who receives nothing from you, and has nothing of his 
own ? From the skies ? No ; but from what he can 
collect, and beg, and borrow. So that the whole scheme 
of his accusers is to warn all people to grant him 
nothing ; as he is to suffer punishment for crimes yet 
to be committed, not for any he hath already com- 
mitted, or in which he hath already assisted. This is 
the meaning of their clamors. * He is going to form 
sieges ! he leaves the Greeks exposed/ Have these 
men all this tenderness for the Grecian colonies of 
Asia ? They then prefer the interests of foreigners to 
that of their own country. This must be the case if 
they prevail to have another general sent to the Helles- 
pont. If Diopithes commits outrages ; if he be guilty 
of piracy, one single edict, 1 Athenians— a single edict 
will put a stop to such proceedings. This is the voice 
of our laws ; that such offenders should be impeached ; 2 
and not opposed 3 with such vast preparations of ships 

1 One single edict.] In the Greek τηνακιον, which in this 
place may either signify the tablet which was fixed up in 
public, containing a citation of the accused party, and an 
account of the crimes of which he was accused ; or that 
which was given to the judges who sat on his trial to write 
their sentences on. I have chosen the first of these senses. 

2 That such offenders should he impeached.] The Greek 
words eivayyeKeiu, and sitfayyeXia, which I have translated to 
impeach, and impeachment, are terms in the Athenian judi- 
cature, and relate to those particular kind of actions which 
were not referred to any court of justice, but immediately 
brought before the senate of five hundred, or assembly of the 
people, and sometimes before the archon ; and in which both 
the accusation and defence were made by word of mouth, 
without any written articles. 

3 And not opposed, &c] The accusers of Diopithes raised 
loud clamors against his conduct. They insisted that he had 
committed depredations on the Grecian colonies, and was 
meditating farther hostilities against them, contrary to his 



122 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

and money : (this would be the height of madness:) it 
is against our enemies, whom the laws cannot touch, 
that we ought, we must maintain our forces, send out 
our navies, and raise our contributions. But, when 
citizens have offended, we can decree, we can impeach, 
we can recal. 1 These are arms sufficient; these are 
the measures befitting men of prudence : they who 

commission and instructions. They declared, that a force 
should he despatched to defend them ; which Demosthenes 
calls raising an army against Diopithes. * It is against our 
enemies/ says he, ' whom our laws cannot reach, that we are 
to raise our forces ; when citizens have offended, we can im- 
peach them/ &c. But this interpretation has been loaded 
with the heavy charge of absurdity. If the translator had a 
right to pronounce so peremptorily and so severely, he would 
declare that, by the same rule, every ardent expression, 
every bold figure, every lively image ; in short, every thing . 
in eloquence not literally and strictly consonant to metaphysi- 
cal truth, might be pronounced equally absurd. The meaning 
of the passage here quoted is said to be, ' We are not to pro- 
tect the islanders by our armies, but to employ them against 
our enemies.' But why were they to raise their armies against 
their enemies ? Because their enemies were not punishable 
by the laws. Those, therefore, against whom they were not 
to raise their armies must have been such as were punishable 
by the laws. This conclusion might perhaps be deemed na- 
tural and necessary, even if the orator had not expressly 
pointed out both those against whom they were, and were not 
to raise their armies. Επ* rovs €χθρους — against enemies: and, 
€7rt δ' ήμας avrovs ; but against ourselves, i. e. our own citizens. 
1 We can recal.] In the original, we have the Uapa\os, 
that is, the galley (so called, from the hero Paralus, who with 
Theseus signalised himself against the Thebans). The Athe- 

inians had two gallies, the Salaminian and Paralian, appointed 
for the most pressing occasions of the state. In allusion to 
this usage, Pericles was called the Salaminian galley, because 
he affected to appear in public only on extraordinary emer- 
gencies. When Ly sander had beaten the Athenian fleet at 
the Hellespont the Paralian galley was despatched with the 
melancholy news to the people ; and when Alcibiades was 
recalled from Sicily to defend himself against the charge of 
impiety, the Salaminian galley was ordered to bring him 
home. Both the one and the other were employed to recal 
such generals as were superseded. — Tourreil, 



ON THE STATE OF THE CHERSONESUS. 123 

would raise disorder and confusion in the state may 
have recourse to such as these men propose. 

But, dreadful as it is to have such men among us, 
yet the most dreadful circumstance of all is this. You 
assemble here, with minds so disposed, that if any 
one accuses Diopithes, or Chares, 1 or Aristophon, 2 or 
any citizen whatever, as the cause of our misfortunes, 
3 r ou instantly break forth into acclamations and ap- 
plause. But if a man stands forth, and thus declares 
the truth : ' This is all trifling•, Athenians ! It is to 
Philip we owe our calamities : he hath plunged us in 
these difficulties : for, had he observed his treaty, our 
state would be in perfect tranquillity. ' This you can- 
not deny ; but you hear it with the utmost grief, as if 
it were the account of some dreadful misfortune. The 
cause is this — (for when I am to urge the interest of 
my country, let me speak boldly) — certain persons, 
who have been intrusted with public aifairs, have for a 
long time past rendered you daring and terrible in 
council ; but, in all affairs of war, wretched and con- 
temptible. Hence it is, that if a citizen, subject to 
your own power and jurisdiction, be pointed out as 
the author of your misfortunes, you hear the accu- 
sation with applause ; but if they are charged on a 

1 Or Chares.] This apology, says M. Tourreil, savors a 
little of faction and cabal : their ill success might with great 
justice have been charged on Chares. Indeed, what could 
have been expected from a general no less incapable than lux- 
urious, who in all his military expeditions drew after him a 
train of musicians, whom he kept in pay at the expense of his 
troops ? Accordingly, his enterprises were unsuccessful ; and, 
to crown all his miscarriages, he lost the battle of Chaeronea. 
And yet this Chares was able to support himself to the last 
by the credit of those orators who protected him. 

2 Or Aristophon.] Another Athenian general. Aristotle 
(Rhet. 1. ii. c. 23.) mentions a smart answer made to him by 
Iphicrates. Aristophon accused him of having betrayed the 
fleet which he commanded. Iphicrates, with that confidence 
which an established reputation inspires, asked him, * Would 
you be guilty of such a piece of treachery V ' By no means/ 
answered he. ' What V returned the other, ' can Iphicrates 
have committed what Aristophon would refuse to do?' — Tour, 



124 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

man who must first be conquered before he can be 
punished, then you are utterly disconcerted : that truth 
is too severe to be borne. Your ministers, Athenians, 
should take a quite contrary course. They should 
render you gentle and humane in council, where the 
rights of citizens and allies come before you : in mili- 
tary affairs, they should inspire you with fierceness and 
intrepidity ; for here you are engaged with enemies, 
with armed troops. But now, by leading ^ou gently 
on to their purposes, by the most abject compliance 
with your humors, they have so formed and moulded 
you, that in your assemblies you are delicate, and 
attend but to flattery and entertainment ; in your 
affairs you find yourselves threatened with extremity 
of danger. 

And now, in the name of Heaven ! suppose that the 
states of Greece should thus demand l an account of 
those opportunities which your indolence hath lost. 
■ Men of Athens ! you are ever sending embassies to 
us ; you assure us that Philip is projecting our ruin, 
and that of all the Greeks, you warn us to guard against 
this man's designs/ (And it is too true we have done 
thus.) ' But, Ο most wretched of mankind! when 
this man had been ten months detained abroad ; when 
sickness, and the severity of winter, and the armies of 
his enemies, rendered it impossible for him to return 
home, you neither restored the liberty of Euboea, nor 
recovered any of your own dominions. But while you 
sit at home in perfect ease and health (if such a state 



i Suppose that the states of Greece should thus demand, 
&c] After the taking of Olynthus, when the Athenians were 
at last prevailed on to declare war in form against Philip, 
they sent embassies to all the states of Greece to represent 
the danger of his growing power, and to engage them to join 
against him. From hence the orator takes occasion to intro- 
duce this beautiful prosopopoeia, by which he throws out the 
bitterest reproaches against his countrymen, so artfully, as 
not to give them offence, and yet at the same time sets the 
shamefulness of their misconduct in the strongest light. — 
Toun-eiL 



ON THE STATE OF THE CHERSONESUS. 125 

may be called health),' Eubcea is commanded by his 
two tyrants; 1 the one, just opposite to Attica, to keep 
you perpetually in awe ; the other to Scyathus. Yet 
you have not attempted to oppose even this. No ; 
you have submitted ; you have been insensible to your 
wrongs ; you have fully declared that if Philip were 
ten times to die, it would not inspire you with the 
least degree of vigor. Why then these embassies, 
these accusations, all this unnecessary trouble to us V 
— If they should say this, what could we allege? what 
answer could we give ? I know not. 

We have those among us who think a speaker fully 
confuted by asking, 4 What then is to be done V To 
whom I answer, with the utmost truth and justness, 
6 Not what we are now doing/ — But I shall be more 
explicit, if they will be as ready to follow^ as to ask 
advice. 

First, then, Athenians, be firmly convinced of these 
truths : that Philip does commit hostilities against us, 
and has violated the peace (and let us no longer accuse 
each other of his crimes) ; — that he is the implacable 
enemy of this whole city, of the ground on which this 
city stands, of every inhabitant wdthin these walls, 
even of those who imagine themselves highest in his 
favor. If they doubt this, let them think of Euthy- 
crates and Lasthenes, the Olynthians. They who 
seemed the nearest to his heart, the moment they 
betrayed their country, were distinguished only by the 
superior cruelty of their death. But it is against our 
constitution that his arms are principally directed ; 
nor, in all his schemes, in all his actions, hath he any 
thing so immediately in view as to subvert it. And 
there is in some sort a necessity for this. He knows 
full well that his conquests, however great and exten- 
sive, can never be secure while you continue free ; 
but that, if once he meets with any accident (and 

1 By his two tyrants.] Philistides and Clitarchus : the 
one fixed at Eretria, opposite to Attica ; the other at Oreum, 
07 er against Scyathus, an island subject to Athens. 



126 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. ' 

every man is subject to many), all those whom he hath 
forced into his service will instantly revolt, and fly to 
yon for protection : for you are not naturally disposed 
to grasp at empire yourselves, but to frustrate the 
ambitious attempts of others ; to be ever ready to op- 
pose usurpation, and assert the liberty of mankind ; 
this is your peculiar character. And therefore it is 
not without regret that he sees in your freedom a spy 
on the incidents of his fortune. Nor is this his reason- 
ing weak or trivial. 

In the first place, therefore, we are to consider him 
as the enemy of our state, the implacable enemy of 
our free constitution. Nothing but the deepest sense 
of this can give you a true, vigorous, and active spirit. 
In the next place, be assured that every thing he is 
now laboring, every thing he is concerting, he is con- 
certing against our city ; and that, wherever any man 
opposes him, he opposes an attempt against these walls : 
for none of you can be weak enough to imagine that 
Philip's desires are centred in those paltry villages of 
Thrace ; (for what name else can one give to Drongilus, 
and Cabyle, and Mastira, 1 and all those places he is 
now reducing to his obedience ?) that he endures the 
severity of toils and seasons, and braves the utmost 
dangers for these, and has no designs on the ports, 
and the arsenals, and the navies, and the silver mines, 
and all the other revenues of Athens ; but that he will 
leave them for you to enjoy; while, for some wretched 
hoards of grain in the cells of Thrace, he takes up his 
winter-quarters in the horrors of a dungeon ? 2 Impos- 



1 For what name else can one give to Drongilus, and Ca- 
byle, and Mastira, &c] Drongilus and Cabyle, however the 
orator affects to treat them with contempt, are yet mentioned 
in history. As to Mastira, it is intirely unknown : hence 
Harpocration suggested, that instead of Mastira we should 
read Bastiia ; a town of Thrace of that name having been 
mentioned in a history of Philip written by Anaximenes, a 
work a long time lost. — Tourreil. 

c 2 In the horrors of a dungeon.] In the original it is, in a 
Barathrum. There was a ditch or cavern in Athens of that 



ON THE STATE OF THE CHERSONESUS. 127 

sible ! No ; these and all his expeditions are really 
intended to facilitate the conquest of Athens. 

Let us then approve ourselves men of wisdom ; and, 
fully persuaded of these truths, let us shake oft' our ex- 
travagant and dangerous supineness ; let us supply the 
necessary expenses ; let us call on our allies ; let us 
take all possible measures for keeping up a regular 
army ; so that, as he hath his force constantly prepared 
to injure and enslave the Greeks, yours too may be 
ever ready to protect and assist them. If you depend 
on occasional detachments, you cannot ever expect the 
least degree of success : you must keep an army con- 
stantly on foot, provide for its maintenance, appoint 
public treasurers, and by all possible means secure 
your military funds : and, while these officers account 
for all disbursements, let your generals be bound to 
answer for the conduct of the war. Let these be your 
measures, these your resolutions, and you will compel 
Philip to live in the real observance of an equitable 
peace, and to confine himself to his own kingdom 
(which is most for our interest), or we shall fight him 
on equal terms. 

If any man thinks that the measures I propose will 
require great expense, and be attended with much toil 
and trouble, he thinks justly. Yet let him consider 
what consequences must attend the state if these mea- 
sures be neglected, and it will appear that we shall 
really be gainers by engaging heartily in this cause. 
Suppose some god should be our surety (for no mortal 
ought to be relied on in an affair of such moment) that, 
if we continue quiet, and give up all our interests, he 
will not at last turn his arms against us ; it would yet 
be shameful ; it would (I call all the powers of Heaven 
to witness!) be unworthy of you, unworthy the dig- 



narne, into which criminals were precipitated. So that by 
this figure he not only represents the dreadful and deadly na- 
ture of the country, hut at the same time sets Philip in the 
light of a wicked wretch, who merited the vilest and most 
ignominious fate.— Tourreil. 



128 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

nity of your country, and the glory of your ancestors, 
to abandon the rest of Greece to slavery for the sake 
of private ease. I, for my part, would die rather than 
propose so mean a conduct : however, if there be any 
other person who will recommend it, be it so ; neglect 
your defence ; give up your interests ! But if there be 
no such counsellor ; if, on the contrary, we all foresee 
that the farther this man is suffered to extend his con- 
quests, the more formidable and powerful enemy we 
must find in him, why this reluctance ? why do we 
delay ? or when, my countrymen, will we perform our 
duty ? Must some necessity compel us? What one may 
call the necessity of freemen not only presses us now, 
but hath long since been felt : that of slaves, it is to 
be wished, may never approach us. And how do these 
differ ? To a freeman, the disgrace of past misconduct 
is the most urgent necessity ; to a slave, stripes and 
bodily pains. Far be this from us ! It ought not to be 
mentioned. 

I would now gladly lay before you the whole con- 
duct of certain politicians : but I spare them. One 
thing only I shall observe : The moment that Philip is 
mentioned there is still one ready to start up, and cry, 
' What a happiness to live in peace ! how grievous the 
maintenance of a great army ! certain persons have de- 
signs on our treasury V Thus they delay their resolu- 
tions, and give him full liberty to act as he pleases: 
hence you gain ease and indulgence for the present 
(which I fear may at some time prove too dear a pur- 
chase) ; and these men recommend themselves to your 
favor, and are well paid for their service. But in my 
opinion there is no need to persuade you to peace, who 
sit down already thoroughly persuaded. Let it be re- 
commended to him who is committing hostilities : if 
he can be prevailed on, you are ready to concur. Nor 
should we think those expenses grievous which our 
security requires, but the consequences which must 
arise if such expenses be denied. Then as to plun- 
dering our treasury, this must be prevented, by intrust- 
ing it to proper guardians, not by neglecting our af- 



ON THE STATE OF THE CHERSONESUS. 129 

fairs. For my own part, Athenians, I am filled with 
indignation when I find some persons expressing their 
impatience, as if onr treasures were exposed to plun- 
derers, and yet utterly unaffected at the progress of 
Philip, who is successively plundering every state of 
Greece ; and this, that he may at last fall with all his 
fury on you. 

What then can be the reason, Athenians, that, not- 
withstanding all his manifest hostilities, all his acts of 
violence, all the places he hath taken from us, these 
men will not acknowlege that he hath acted unjustly, 
and that he is at war with us ; but accuse those of em- 
broiling you in a war who call on you to oppose him, 
and to check his progress ? I shall tell you. That po- 
pular resentment which may arise from any disagree- 
able circumstances with which a war may be attended 
(and it is necessary, absolutely necessary that a war 
should be attended with many such disagreeable cir- 
cumstances) they would cast on your faithful counsellors, 
that you may pass sentence on them, instead of oppos- 
ing Philip ; and they turn accusers, instead of meeting 
the punishment due to their present practices. This is 
the meaning of their clamors that certain persons would 
involve you in a war : hence have they raised all these 
cavils and debates. I know full well that, before any 
Athenian had ever moved you to declare war against 
him, Philip had seized many of our dominions, and 
hath now sent assistance to the Cardians. If you are 
resolved to dissemble your sense of his hostilities, he 
would be the weakest of mankind if he attempted to 
contradict you. But suppose he marches directly 
against us, what shall we say in that case ? He will 
still assure us that he is not at war : such were his 
professions to the people of Oreum, when his forces 
were in the heart of their country; and to those of 
Pherae, until the moment that he attacked their walls ; 
and thus he at first amused the Olynthians, until he 
had marched his army into their territory. And will 
you still insist, even in such a case, that they who call 
on us to defend our country are embroiling us in a 
DEM. ι 



130 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES* 

war? Then slavery is inevitable. There is no other 
medium between an obstinate refusal to take arms, on 
your part, and a determined resolution to attack us on 
the part of our enemy. 

Nor is the danger which threatens us the same with 
that of other people. It is not the conquest of Athens 
which Philip aims at : no; it is our utter extirpation. 
He knows full well that slavery is a state you would 
not, or, if you were inclined, you could not submit to ; 
for sovereignty is become habitual to you. Nor is he 
ignorant that, at any unfavorable juncture, you have 
more power to obstruct his enterprises than the whole 
world besides. 

Let us then be assured that we are contending for 
the very being of our state ; let «this inspire us with ab- 
horrence of those who have sold themselves to this 
man, and let them feel the severity of public justice : 
for it is not possible to conquer our foreign enemy 
until we have punished those traitors who are serv- 
ing him within our walls. Else, while we strike on 
these as so many obstacles, our enemies must neces- 
sarily prove superior to us.— -And whence is it that he 
dares treat you with insolence (I cannot give his pre- 
sent conduct any other name), that he utters menaces 
against you, while on others he confers acts of kind- 
ness (to deceive them at least, if for no other pur- 
pose)? Thus, by heaping favors on the Thessalians, he 
hath reduced them to their present slavery. It is not 
possible to recount the various artifices by which he 
abused the wretched Olynthians, from his first insidi- 
ous gift of Potidsea. But now he seduced the Thebans 
to his party, by making them masters of Boeotia, and 
easing them of a great and grievous war. And thus, 
by being gratified in some favorite point, these people 
are either involved in calamities known to the whole 
world, or wait with submission for the moment when 
such calamities are to fall on them. I do not re- 
count all that you yourselves have lost, Athenians ; 
but in the very conclusion of the peace, how have you 
been deceived ? how have you been despoiled ? Was 



ON THE STATE OF THE CHERSONESUS. 131 

not Phocis, was not Thermopylae, were not our Thra- 
cian dominions, Doriscum, Serrium, and even our ally 
Cersobleptes, 1 all wrested from us ? Is he not at this 
time in possession of Cardia ? and does he not avow 
it? Whence is it, I say, that he treats you in so sin- 
gular a manner ? Because ours is the only state where 
there is allowed full liberty to plead the cause of an 
enemy ; and the man who sells his country may ha- 
rangue securely, at the very time that you are despoiled 
of your dominions. It was not safe to speak for Philip 
at Olynthus, until the people of Olynthus had been 
gained by the surrender of Potideea. In Thessaly, it 
was not safe to speak for Philip, until the Thessalians 
had been gained by the expulsion of the tyrants, and 
the recovery of their rank of amphictyons ; nor could 
it have been safely attempted at Thebes, before he had 
restored Boeotia, and extirpated the Phocians. But at 
Athens, although he hath robbed us of Amphipolis, 
and the territory of Cardia ; though he awes us with 
his fortifications in Euboea ; though he be now on his 
march to Byzantium ; 2 yet his partisans may speak for 
Philip without any danger. Hence some of them, 
from the meanest poverty, have on a sudden risen to 
affluence ; some, from obscurity and disgrace, to emi- 
nence and honor : while you, on the contrary, from 
glory, have sunk into meanness ; from riches, to po- 
verty : for the riches of a state I take to be its allies, 
its credit, its connexions ; in all which you are poor. 
And by your neglect of these, by your utter insensi- 
bility to your wrongs, he is become fortunate and 



1 And even our ally Cersobleptes.] The late treaty of 
peace between Philip and the Athenians was concluded 
without giving Cersobleptes (then in alliance with Athens) 
an opportunity of acceding to it : nor was any provision made 
by it for his security and protection. By this means Philip 
found himself at liberty to turn his arms against him, and a 
few years after drove him from his kingdom, and obliged him 
to become his tributary. 

2 To Byzantium.] See the introduction to the following 
oration. 



132 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

great, the terror of Greeks and barbarians ; and you 
abandoned and despised ; splendid indeed in the abun- 
dance 1 of your markets ; but, as to any real provision 
for your security, ridiculously deficient. 

There are some orators, I find, who view your in- 
terests and their own in a quite different light. They 
would persuade you to continue quiet, whatever in- 
juries are offered to you : they themselves cannot be 
quiet, though no one offers them the least injury. 
When one of these men rises I am sure to hear, 
' What ! will you not propose your decree 1 will you 
not venture ? No ; you are timid ; you want true spirit/ 
— I own, indeed, I am not, nor would I choose to be 
a bold, an importunate, an audacious speaker. And 
yet, if I mistake not, I have more real courage than 
they who manage your affairs with this rash hardiness. 
For ha who, neglecting the public interests, is engaged 
only in trials, in confiscations, in rewarding, in accus- 
ing, doth not act from any principle of courage ; but as 
he never speaks but to gain your favor, never proposes 
measures that are attended with the least hazard : in 
this he has a pledge of his security ; and therefore is 
he daring. But he, who for his country's good, often- 
times opposes your inclinations ; who gives the most 



1 Splendid indeed in the abundance, &c] They who op- 
posed Philip's interest in the Athenian assembly were ever 
urging the fallen condition of their country, and the dishonor 
of suffering another power to wrest that pre-eminence from 
her which had been enjoyed for ages. The speakers on the 
other side at first affected to despise the power of Philip, or 
insisted on the sincerity and uprightness of his intentions. 
But now, when the danger became too apparent, and his de- 
signs too flagrant to be dissembled, it appears that they had 
recourse to other arguments. They endeavored to confine the 
views of the Athenians to what passed within their own 
walls ; displayed the advantages of their trade, the norish- 
ing state of their commerce ; and perhaps recommended it as 
their true policy to attend only to these, without making 
themselves a party in the quarrels of others, or loading the 
state with the expense of maintaining wars to support the 
power and interest of foreigners. 



ON THE STATE OF THE CHERSONESUS. 133 

salutary, though not always the most agreeable coun- 
sel ; who pursues those measures whose success de- 
pends more on fortune than on prudence, and is yet 
willing to be accountable for the event : this is the man 
of courage ; this is the true patriot : not they who, by 
flattering your passions, have lost the most important 
interests of the state : men whom I am so far from imi- 
tating, or deeming citizens of w r orth, that should this 
question be proposed to me, ' What services have you 
done your country V though I might recount the gallies 
I have fitted out, and the public entertainments I have 
exhibited, 1 and the contributions I have paid, and the 
captives I have ransomed, 2 and many like acts of be- 
nevolence, I would yet pass them all by, and only say, 
that my public conduct hath ever been directly op- 
posite to theirs. I might, like them, have turned ac- 
cuser, have distributed rewards and punishments : but 
this is a part I never assumed : my inclinations were 
averse ; nor could w r ealth or honors prompt me to it. 
No ; I confine myself to such counsels as have sunk 
my reputation ; but, if pursued, must raise the reputa- 
tion of my country. Thus much I may be allowed to 
say without exposing myself to envy. — I should not 
have thought myself a good citizen had I proposed} 
such measures as w r ould have made me the first among? 
my countrymen, but reduced you to the last of states : 
on the contrary, the faithful minister should raise the 

1 The public entertainments I have exhibited.] In the ori- 
ginal it is, ' the offices of choregus that I have discharged.' 
Each of the ten tribes of Athens had their hands of musicians 
to perform in the feasts of Bacchus, together with a poet, to 
compose the hymns and other pieces ; and these bands con- 
tended for a prize. The feasts were exhibited with great mag- 
nificence ; and, in order to defray the charges, they appointed 
the richest citizen out of each tribe (or sometimes he offered 
himself) to exhibit them at his own cost. He was called the 
choregus ; and, if his band gained the prize, his name was 
inscribed, together with those of the tribe and the poet, on 
the vase, which was the reward of the conquerors. — Tourreil. 

2 The captives I have ransomed.] See the preface to the 
Oration on the Peace. 



134 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

glory of his country ; and, on all occasions, advise 
the most salutary, not the easiest measures. To these 
nature itself inclines ; those are not to be promoted 
but by the utmost efforts of a wise and faithful coun- 
sellor. 

I have heard it objected, ' that indeed I ever speak 
with reason ; yet still this is no more than words : that 
the state requires something more effectual, some 
vigorous actions/ On which I shall give my senti- 
ments without the least reserve. The sole business of 
a speaker is, in my opinion, to propose the course you 
are to pursue. This were easy to be proved. You 
know, that when the great Timotheus moved you to 
defend the Eubceans against the tyranny of Thebes, he 
addressed you thus : ' What, my countrymen ! when the 
Thebans are actually in the island, are you deliberating 
what is to be done ? what part to be taken ? Will you 
not cover the seas with your navies ? Why are you 
not at the Piraeus ? why are you not embarked V Thus 
Timotheus advised ; thus you acted, and success en- 
sued. But had he spoken with the same spirit, and 
had your indolence prevailed, and his advice been re- 
jected, would the state have had the same success? By 
no means. And so in the present case ; vigor and 
execution is your part ; from your speakers you are 
only to expect wisdom and integrity. 

I shall just give the summary of my opinion, and 
then descend. You should raise supplies ; you should 
keep up your present forces, and reform whatever 
abuses may be found in them (not break them intirely 
on the first complaint). You should send ambassa- 
dors into all parts, to reform, to remonstrate, to 
exert all their efforts in the service of the state. But, 
above all things, let those corrupt ministers feel the 
severest punishment ; let them, at all times, and in all 
places, be the objects of your abhorrence; that wise 
and faithful counsellors may appear to have consulted 
their own interests as well as that of others. If you 
will act thus, if you will shake off this indolence, per- 
haps, even yet, perhaps, we may promise ourselves 



ON THE STATE OF THE CHERSONESUS. 135 

some good fortune. But if you only just exert your- 
selves in acclamations and applauses, and when any 
thing is to be done sink again into your supineness, I 
do not see how all the wisdom of the world can save 
the state from ruin, when you deny your assistance. 



THE TENTH ORATION AGAINST PHILIP : 

Commonly called the Third. 

PRONOUNCED IN THE SAME YEAR. 



INTRODUCTION. 

The former oration had its effect : for, instead of punishing 
Diopithes, the Athenians supplied him with money, in order 
to put him in a condition of continuing his expeditions. In 
the mean time Philip pursued his Thracian conquests, and 
made himself master of several places, which, though of little 
importance in themselves, yet opened him a way to the cities 
of the Propontis, and above all to Byzantium, which he had 
always intended to annex to his dominions. He at first tried 
the way of negotiation, in order to gain the Byzantines into 
the number of his allies ; but this proving ineffectual, he re- 
solved to proceed in another manner. He had a party in the 
city, at whose head was the orator Python, that engaged to 
deliver him up one of the gates : but, while he was on his 
march towards the city the conspiracy was discovered, which 
immediately determined him to take another route. His sud- 
den countermarch, intended to conceal the crime of Python, 
really served to confirm it. He was brought to trial ; but the 
credit and the presents of Philip prevailed to save him. 

The efforts of the Athenians to support their interests in 
Eubcea, and the power which Philip had acquired there, and 
which every day increased, had intirely destroyed the tranquil- 
lity of this island. The people of Oreum, divided by the Athe- 
nian and Macedonian factions, were on the point of breaking 
out into a civil war, when, under pretence of restoring their 
peace, Philip sent them a body of a thousand forces, under 
the command of Hipponicus ; which soon determined the su- 
periority to his side. Philistides, a tyrant, who had grown 
old in factions and public contests, was intrusted with the 
government of Oreum, which he administered with all possi- 
ble severity and cruelty to those in the Athenian interest ; 
while the other states of the island were also subjected to 



INTRODUCTION. 137 

other Macedonian governors. Callias, the Chalcidian, whose 
inconstancy had made him espouse the interests of Athens, 
of Thebes, and Macedon, successively, now returned to his 
engagements with Athens. He sent deputies thither to de- 
sire assistance, and to prevail on the Athenians to make some 
vigorous attempt to regain their power in Eubcea. 

In the mean time the king of Persia, alarmed by the ac- 
counts of Philip's growing power, made use of all the in- 
fluence which his gold could gain at Athens to engage the 
Athenians to act openly against an enemy equally suspected 
by them both. This circumstance perhaps disposed them to 
give the greater attention to the following oration. 



PHILIPPIC THE THIRD. 



Though we have heard a great deal, Athenians, in 
almost every assembly, of those acts of violence which 
Philip hath been committing ever since his treaty, not 
against onrs only, but the other states of Greece ; 
though all, I am confident, are ready to acknowlege, 
even they who fail in the performance, that we should, 
every one of us, exert our eiforts, in council and in 
action, to oppose and to chastise his insolence ; yet to 
such circumstances are you reduced by your supine- 
ness, that I fear (shocking as it is to say, yet) that had 
we all agreed to propose, and you to embrace such 
measures, as would most effectually ruin our aifairs, 
they could not have been more distressed than at pre- 
sent. And to this perhaps a variety of causes have 
conspired; nor could we have been thus affected by 
one or two. But, on a strict and just inquiry, you 
will find it principally owing to those orators who 
study rather to gain your favor than to advance your 
interests ; some of whom (attentive only to the means 
of establishing their own reputation and power) never 
extend their thoughts beyond the present moment, and 
therefore think that your views are equally confined. 
Others, by their accusations and invectives against 
those at the head of affairs, labor only to make the 
state inflict severity on itself; that, while we are thus 
engaged, Philip may have full power of speaking and 
of acting as he pleases. Such are now the usual me- 
thods of our statesmen ; and hence all our errors and 
disorders. 

Let me in treat you, my countrymen, that if I speak 
some truths with boldness, I may not be exposed to 
your resentment. Consider this : on other occasions, 



PHILIPPIC THE THIRD. 139 

you account liberty of speech so general a privilege 
of all within your walls, that aliens and slaves 1 are 
allowed to share it : so that many domestics may be 
found among you speaking their thoughts with less 
reserve than citizens in some other states. But from 
your councils you have utterly banished it. And the 
consequence is this : in your assemblies, as you listen 
only to be pleased, you meet with flattery and indul- 
gence : in the circumstances of public affairs you find 
yourselves threatened with the extremity of danger. 
If you have still the same dispositions I must be silent : 
if you will attend to your true interests, without ex- 
pecting to be flattered, I am ready to speak. For al- 
though our affairs are wretchedly situated, though our 
inactivity hath occasioned many losses, yet by proper 
vigor and resolution you may still repair them all. 
What I am now going to advance may possibly appear 
incredible ; yet it is a certain truth. The greatest of all 
our past misfortunes is a circumstance the most favor- 
able to our future expectations. And what is this? 
That the present difficulties are really owing to our 
utter disregard of every thing which in any degree 
affected our interests. For, were we thus situated, in 
spite of every effort which our duty demanded, then 
we should regard our fortune as absolutely desperate. 
But now Philip hath conquered your supineness and in- 

1 Aliens and slaves.] The Athenians piqued themselves 
on being the most independent and most humane of all 
people. With them a stranger had liberty of speaking as he 
pleased, provided he let nothing escape him against the go- 
vernment. So far were they from admitting him into their 
public deliberations, that a citizen was not permitted to touch 
on state affairs in the presence of an alien. Their slaves en- 
joyed a proportionable degree of indulgence. The Saturnalia, 
when they were allowed to assume the character of masters, 
was originally an Athenian institution, and adopted at Rome 
by Numa. At Sparta and Thessaly, on the contrary, slaves 
were treated with such severity, as obliged them frequently 
to revolt. The humanity of Athens had its reward : for their 
slaves did them considerable service on several occasions ; at 
Marathon, in the war of Egina, and at Arginusse .—Tourreil. 



140 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

activity ; the state he hath not conquered. Nor have you 
been defeated ; your force hath not even been exerted. 

Were it generally acknowleged that Philip was at 
war with the state, and had really violated the peace, 
the only point to be considered would then be how to 
oppose him with the greatest ease and safety. But 
since there are persons so strangely infatuated that, 
although he be still extending his conquests, although 
he hath possessed himself of a considerable part of our 
dominions, although all mankind have suffered by his 
injustice, they can yet hear it repeated in this assembly 
that it is some of us who are embroiling the state in 
war. This suggestion must first be guarded against ; 
else there is reason to apprehend that the man who 
moves you to oppose your adversary may incur the 
censure of being author of the Avar. 

And, first of all, I lay down this as certain : if it 
were in our power to determine whether we should Tbe 
at peace or war ; if peace (that I may begin with this) 
were wholly dependent on the option of the state, there 
is no doubt but we should embrace it. And I expect 
that he who asserts it is, will, without attempting to 
prevaricate, draw up his decree in form, and propose 
it to your acceptance. But if the other party hath 
drawn the sword, and gathered his armies round him ; 
if he amuse us with the name of peace, while he really 
proceeds to all kinds of hostilities, what remains but 
to oppose him? To make professions of peace, indeed, 
like him ; — if this be agreeable to you, I acquiesce. But 
if any man takes that for peace, which is enabling him, 
after all his other conquests, to lead his forces hither, 
his mind must be disordered ; at least it is our con- 
duct only towards him, not his towards us, that must 
be called a peace. But this it is for which all Philip's 
treasures are expended ; that he should carry on the 
war against you ; but that you should make no war on 
him. — Should we continue thus inactive till he declares 
himself our enemy, we should be the weakest of mor- 
tals. This he would not do, although he were in the 
heart of Attica, even at the Piraeus, if we may judge 



PHILIPPIC THE THIRD. 141 

from his behavior to others. For it was not till he 
came within a few miles 1 of Olynthus that he declared 
that ' either the Olynthians must quit their city, or he 
his kingdom. ' Had he been accused of this at any 
time before, he would have resented it, and ambassa- 
dors must have been despatched to justify their mas- 
ter. In like manner, while he was moving towards 
the Phocians, he still affected to regard them as allies 
and friends : nay, there were actually ambassadors 
from Phocis who attended him in his march : and 
among us were many who insisted that this march por- 
tended no good to Thebes. Not long since, when he 
went into Thessaly with all the appearance of amity, 
he possessed himself of Pherae. And it is but now he 
told the wretched people of Oreum that he had, in all 
affection, sent some forces to inspect their affairs ; for 
that he heard they labored under disorders and sedi- 
tions ; and that true friends and allies should not be 
absent on such occasions. And can you imagine that 
he, who chose to make use of artifice, rather than open 
force, against enemies by no means able to distress 
him, who, at most, could but have defended themselves 
against him — that he will openly proclaim his hostile 
designs against you ; and this when you yourselves 
obstinately shut your eyes against them ? Impossible ! 
He would be the absurdest of mankind if, while his 
outrages pass unnoticed, while you are wholly engaged 
in accusing some among yourselves, and endeavoring 
to bring them to a trial, he should put an end to your 
private contests, warn you to direct all your zeal 
against him, and so deprive his pensioners of their 
most specious pretence for suspending your resolu- 
tions ; that of his not being at war with the state. 
Heavens ! is there any man of a right mind who 
would judge of peace or war by words, and not by 
actions ? Surely no man. — To examine then the actions 
of Philip, — When the peace was just concluded, before 

1 A few miles, &c] In the original, forty stadia, about five 
miles. 



142 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

ever Diopithes had received his commission, or those 
in the Chersonesus had been sent out, he possessed 
himself of Serrium and Doriscum, and obliged the 
forces our general had stationed in the citadel of Ser- 
rium and the Sacred Mount to evacuate these places. 
From these proceedings, what are we to judge of him ? 
The peace he had ratified by the most solemn oaths. 
And let it not be asked, 1 of what moment is all this? 
or how is the state affected by it ? Whether these 
things be of no moment, or whether we are affected by 
them or no, is a question of another nature. Let the 
instance of violation be great or small, the sacred obli- 
gation of faith and justice is, in all instances, the same. 
But farther : when he sends his forces into the Cher- 
sonesus, which the king, which every state of Greece 
acknowleged to be ours ; when he confessedly assists 
our enemies, and braves us with such letters, what are 
his intentions ? for they say he is not at war with us. 
For my own part, so far am I from acknowleging such 
conduct to be consistent with his treaty, that I declare, 
that by his attack of the Megareans, by his attempts on 
the liberty of Eubcea, by his late incursion into Thrace, 
by his practices in Peloponnesus, and by his constant 
recourse to the power of arms, in all his transactions 
he has violated the treaty, and is at war with you ; 
unless you will affirm, that he who prepares to invest 
a city is still at peace until the walls be actually as- 
saulted. You cannot, surely, affirm it ! He whose 
designs, whose whole conduct tends to reduce me to 
subjection, that man is at war with me, though not a 
blow hath yet been given, not one weapon drawn. 
And, if any accident should happen, to what dangers 
must you be exposed ! The Hellespont will be no 
longer yours : your enemy will become master of Me- 
gara and Euboea : the Peloponnesians will be gained 

1 Let it not be asked, &c] The partisans of Philip affected 
to speak with contempt of these places. To deny the right of 
Athens to them was dangerous and unpopular ; they there- 
fore endeavored to represent them as beneath the public re- 
gard. 



PHILIPPIC THE THIRD. 143 

over to his interest. And shall I say that the man 
who is thus raising his engines, and preparing to storm 
the city, that he is at peace with you I No : from that 
day in which Phocis fell beneath his arms I date his 
hostilities against you. If you will instantly oppose 
him, I pronounce you wise ; if you delay, it will not 
be in your power when you are inclined. And so far, 
Athenians, do I diiFer from some other speakers, that 
I think it now no time to debate about the Chersone- 
sus or Byzantium ; but that we should immediately 
send reinforcements, and guard these places from all 
accidents, supply the generals stationed there with 
every thing they stand in need of, and extend our care 
to all the Greeks, now in the greatest and most imminent 
danger. Let me intreat your attention while I ex- 
plain the reasons which induce me to be apprehensive 
of this danger ; that, if they are just, you may adopt 
them, and be provident of your own interests at least, if 
those of others do not affect you : or, if they appear 
frivolous and impertinent, you may now, and ever 
hereafter, neglect me as a man of an unsound mind. 

That Philip, from a mean and inconsiderable origin, 
hath advanced to greatness ; that suspicion and faction 
divide all the Greeks ; that it is more to be admired 
that he should become so powerful from what he was, 
than that now, after such accessions of strength, he 
should accomplish all his ambitious schemes : these, 
and other like points which might be dwelt on, I choose 
to pass over. But there is one concession which, by 
the influence of your example, all men have made to 
him, which hath heretofore been the cause of all the 
Grecian wars. And what is this ? An absolute power 
to act as he pleases ; thus to harass and plunder every 
state of Greece successively ; to invade and to enslave 
their cities. You held the sovereignty of Greece se- 
venty-three years; 1 the Lacedaemonians commanded 
for the space of twenty-nine years ; 2 and in these latter 

1 Seventy-three years.] See note p. 70. 

2 Twenty -nine years.] That is, from the destruction of 



144 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

times, after the battle of Leuctra, the Thebans were in 
some degree of eminence. Yet neither to yon, nor 
to the Thebans, nor to the Lacedaemonians, did the 
Greeks ever grant this uncontrolled power : far from it. 
On the contrary, when you, or rather the Athenians of 
that age, seemed to treat some persons not with due 
moderation, it was universally resolved to take up arms ; 
even they who had no private complaints espoused 
the cause of the injured. And, when the Lacedaemo- 
nians succeeded to your power, the moment that 
they attempted to enlarge their sway, and to make 
such changes in aifairs as betrayed their ambitious 
designs, they were opposed by all, even by those who 
were not immediately affected by their conduct. But 
why do I speak of others ? We ourselves, and the 
Lacedaemonians, though from the first we could allege 
no injuries against each other, yet, to redress the in- 
jured, thought ourselves bound to draw the sword. 
And all the faults of the Lacedaemonians in their thirty 
years, and of our ancestors in their seventy years, do 
not amount to the outrages which Philip hath com- 
mitted against the Greeks within less than thirteen 
years of power ; l or rather, do not all make up the 
smallest part of them. This I shall easily prove in a 
few words. 

Olynthus, and Methone, and Apollonia, and the two 
and thirty cities of Thrace, I pass all over ; every one of 
which felt such severe effects of his cruelty, that an ob- 
server could not easily determine whether any of them 

Athens by Lysander, in the last year of the 93d olympiad, to 
the first war in which the Athenians, when re-established by 
Conon, engaged against Sparta, to free themselves and the 
other Greeks from the Spartan yoke, in the last year of the 
100th olympiad. — Tourreil. 

1 Thirteen years of power.] Philip had now reigned nine- 
teen years. But, being at first engaged in wars with his 
neighbors, he did not begin to make any considerable figure 
in Greece until the eighth year of his reign ; when, after the 
taking of Methone, he expelled the tyrants of Thessaly, and 
cut off the Phocian army commanded by Onomarchus. From 
this period Demosthenes begins his computation. — Tourreil, 



PHILIPPIC THE THIRD. 145 

had ever been inhabited or no. The destruction of the 
Phocians, a people so considerable, shall also pass un- 
noticed. But think on the condition of the Thessalians. 
Hath he not subverted their states and cities ? Hath he 
not established his tetrarchs over them, that not only 
single towns, but whole countries * might pay him vas- 
salage ? Are not the states of Euboea in the hands of 
tyrants, and this in an island bordering on Thebes and 
Athens ? Are not these the express words of his let- 
ters — ' they who are willing to obey me may expect 
peace from me V And he not only writes, but confirms 
his menaces by actions. He marches directly to the 
Hellespont : but just before he attacked Ambracia : 
Elis, 2 one of the chief cities of Peloponnesus, is in his 
possession : not long since he entertained designs against 
Megara. All Greece, all the barbarian world, is too 
narrow for this man's ambition. And, though we Greeks 
see and hear all this, we send no embassies to each other, 
we express no resentment : but into such wretchedness 
are we sunk (blocked up within our several cities) that 
even to this day we ,have not been able to perform the 
least part of that which our interest or our duty de- 
manded ; to engage in any associations, or to form any 
confederacies ; but look with unconcern on this man's 
growing power; each fondly imagining (as far as I can 
judge) that the time in which another is destroyed is 
gained to him, without ever consulting or acting for the 
cause of Greece ; although no man can be ignorant 
that, like the regular periodic return of a fever, or 
other disorder, he is coming on those who think them- 
selves most remote from danger. 

You are also sensible that whatever injuries the 

1 Whole countries, &c] The word in the original signifies 
a number of different people dependent on one principal state 
or city. 

2 Elis, &c] He made himself master of this place by treaty, 
not by force of arms. Elis entered into the league of the am- 
phictyons, by which Philip was acknowleged as their chief; 
and maintained its freedom till after the death of Alexander. 
— Tourreil. 



146 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

Greeks suffered by the Lacedaemonians, or by us, they 
suffered by the true sons of Greece. And one may 
consider it in this light. Suppose a lawful heir, born 
to an affluence of fortune, should in some instances be 
guilty of misconduct : he indeed lies open to the justest 
censure and reproach ; yet it cannot be said that he 
bath lavished a fortune to which he had no claim, no 
right of inheritance. But should a slave, should a 
pretended son, waste those possessions which really 
belonged to others, how much more heinous would it 
be thought ! how much more worthy of resentment ! 
And shall not Philip and his actions raise the like in- 
dignation ? he, who is not only no Greek, no way allied 
to Greece, but sprung from a part of the barbarian 
world unworthy to be named ; a vile Macedonian ; 
where formerly we could not find a slave fit to pur- 
chase. And hath his insolence known any bounds? 
Besides the destruction of cities, doth he not appoint 
the Pythian games, 1 the common entertainment of 
Greece ; and, if absent himself, send his slaves to pre- 
side ? Is he not master of Thermopylae ? Are not the 
passes into Greece possessed by his guards and merce- 
naries ? Hath he not assumed the honors of the tem- 
ple, 2 in opposition to our claim, to that of the Thessa- 
lians, that of the Dorians, and of the other amphictyons ; 
honors to which even the Greeks do not all pretend '? 
Doth he not prescribe to the Thessalians how they shall 

1 The Pythian games, &c] To this honor he was admitted 
by being made an amphictyon, and declared head of the 
sacred league. By his slaves, we are to understand no more 
than his subjects : for those old republicans affected to speak 
thus of the subjects of every king or tyrant. — Tourreil and 
Olivet. 

2 The honors of the temple, &c] Προμαρτειαν, the right of 
precedency in consulting the oracle of Delphos. This the 
Phocians had enjoyed, as being in possession of the temple ; 
and Philip was invested with it as well as their other privi- 
leges. It was thought of considerable consequence by the 
Greeks, as appears from the first article of a peace made be- 
tween the Athenians and the allies of Lacedaemon. See Thu- 
cyd. b. v. — Tourreil. 



PHILIPPIC THE THIRD. 147 

be governed ? Doth he not send out his forces, some 
to Porthmus, to expel the Eretrian colony ; some to 
Oreum, to make Philistides tyrant ? And yet the Greeks 
see all this without the least impatience. Just as at 
the fall of hail : every one prays it may not alight on 
his ground, but no one attempts to fend against it: so 
they not only suffer the general wrongs of Greece to 
pass unpunished, but carry their insensibility to the ut- 
most, and are not roused even by their private wrongs. 
Hath he not attacked Ambracia and Leucas, cities of 
the Corinthians ? Hath he not wrested Naupactus 
from the Achseans, 1 and engaged by oath to deliver it 
to the iEtolians ? Hath he not robbed the Thebans of 
Echinus ? 2 Is he not on his march against the Byzan- 
tines? 3 And are they not our allies? I shall only 
add, that Cardia, the chief city of the Chersonesus, 
is in his possession. Yet these things do not aifect 
us : we are all languid and irresolute : we watch the 
motions of those about us, and regard each other with 



1 Wrested Naupactus from the Achseans, &c] Naupactus 
was not a city of the Achaeans, but of the Locri Ozolae. Pos- 
sibly Demosthenes speaks with the liberty of an orator, and 
founds his assertion on some alliance which Naupactus might 
have had with the Achasans against the iEtolians, its invete- 
rate enemies. This city, thus delivered up, remained ever 
after under the jurisdiction of iEtolia, and is mentioned by 
Livy and Polybius as the principal city of that country. — 
Tourreil. 

2 Echinus.] There were two places of this name ; the one 
in Acarnania, the other, which is here spoken of, founded 
by the Thebans on the Maliac Gulf. — Tourreil. 

3 Against the Byzantines.] He had threatened them al- 
ready, but had not as yet executed his threats : for we learn 
from history that Philip, having for a considerable time be- 
sieged Perinthus, raised the siege in order to march to that of 
Byzantium. If the siege of Perinthus had preceded this ora- 
tion Demosthenes could not have forgotten so memorable an 
expedition in recounting the enterprises of Philip. Probably 
this prince made a feint of marching to Byzantium in order to 
conceal his designs against Perinthus. — Tourreil. 

In the introduction to this oration the reader has another 
account of Philip's first march against Byzantium. 



148 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

suspicious eyes ; and this when we are all so manifestly 
injured. And if he behaves with such insolence to- 
wards the general body, to what extravagances, think 
ye, will he proceed when master of each particular 
state ? 

And now, what is the cause of all this ? (for there 
must be some cause, some good reason to be assigned 
why the Greeks were once so jealous of their liberty, 
and are now so ready to submit to slavery.) It is this, 
Athenians. Formerly, men's minds were animated 
with that which they now feel no longer, which con- 
quered all the opulence of Persia, maintained the free- 
dom of Greece, and triumphed over the powers of sea 
and land ; but, now that it is lost, universal ruin and 
confusion overspread the face of Greece. What is 
this ? Nothing subtle or mysterious : nothing more 
than a unanimous abhorrence of all those who accepted 
bribes from princes, prompted by the ambition of sub- 
duing, or the bare intent of corrupting Greece. To 
be guilty of such practices was accounted a crime of 
the blackest kind ; a crime which called for all the 
severity of public justice : no petitioning for mercy, 
no pardon was allowed. So that neither orator nor 
general could sell those favorable conjunctures with 
which fortune oftentimes assists the supine against the 
vigilant, and renders men utterly regardless of their 
interests superior to those who exert their utmost 
efforts : nor were mutual confidence among ourselves, 
distrust of tyrants and barbarians, and such-like noble 
principles, subject to the power of gold. But now 
are all these exposed to sale, as in a public mart; 
and, in exchange, such things have been introduced 
as have affected the safety, the very vitals of Greece. 
What are these ? Envy, when a man hath received a 
bribe ; laughter, if he confess it ; pardon, if he be con- 
victed ; resentment, at his being accused ; and all the 
other appendages of corruption. For, as to naval 
power, troops, revenues, and all kinds of preparations, 
every thing that is esteemed the strength of a state, 
we are now much better and more amply provided 



PHILIPPIC THE THIRD. 149 

than formerly : but they have lost all their force, all 
their efficacy, all their value, by means of these traf- 
fickers. 

That such is our present state you yourselves are 
witnesses, and need not any testimony from me. That 
our state in former times was quite opposite to this I 
shall now convince you, not by any arguments of mine, 
but by a decree of your ancestors, which they inscribed 
on a brazen column erected in the citadel ; not with 
a view to their own advantage (they needed no such 
memorials to inspire them with just sentiments), but 
that it might descend to you as an example of the great 
attention due to such affairs. Hear then the inscrip- 
tion : i Let Arthmius 1 of Zelia, the son of Pythonax, 
be accounted infamous, and an enemy to the Athenians 
and their allies, both he and all his race/ Then comes 
the reason of his sentence : ' Because he brought gold 
from Media into Peloponnesus/— Not to Athens. This 
is the decree. And now, in the name of all the gods, 
reflect on this ! think what wisdom, what dignity ap- 
peared in this action of our ancestors ! One Arthmius 
of Zelia, a slave of the king's (for Zelia is a city of 
Asia), in obedience to his master, brings gold, not into 
Athens, but Peloponnesus. This man they declare an 
enemy to them and their confederates, and that he and 
his posterity shall be infamous. Nor was this merely 

1 Let Arthmius, &c] This, in a few words, was the occa- 
sion of publishing this terrible decree against Arthmius, of 
which Themistocles was the author. Egypt had thrown off 
the yoke of Artaxerxes Longimanus. A formidable army 
marched to reduce the rebels ; but failed of success, as 
Athens had provided for their defence. The resentment of 
Artaxerxes then turned against the Athenians. He sent Me- 
gabyzus, and other secret agents into Peloponnesus, to raise 
up enemies against them by the force of bribery, and to blow 
up the flame of resentment and jealousy in Sparta, which was 
ever ready to break out. But the attempt was ineffectual. 
Arthmius probably was one of the king of Persia's agents in 
this affair ; and Diodorus, who does not name him, includes 
him however in the general appellation of ' the emissaries -of 
Artaxerxes.' — Tourreil, 



150 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

a mark of ignominy ; for how did it concern this Zelite 
whether he was to be received into the community of 
Athens or no ? The sentence imported something more : 
for, in the laws relating to capital cases, it is enacted 
that, * When the legal punishment of a man's crime 
cannot be inflicted he may be put to death/ And it 
was accounted meritorious to kill him. * Let not the 
infamous man/ saith the law, ' be permitted to live/ 
Intimating that he is free from guilt who executes 
this sentence. 

Our fathers therefore thought themselves bound to 
extend their care to all Greece ; else they must have 
looked with unconcern at the introduction of bribery 
into Peloponnesus. But we find they proceeded to 
such severity against all they could detect in it as to 
raise monuments of their crimes. Hence it was (and 
no wonder) that the Greeks were a terror to the barba- 
rians, not the barbarians to the Greeks. But now it is 
not so ; for you do not show the same spirit on such 
or on any other occasions. How then do you behave? 
You need not be informed. Why should the whole 
censure fall on you ? the conduct of the rest of Greece 
is no less blameable. It is my opinion, therefore, that 
the present state of things demands the utmost care 
and most salutary counsel. What counsel ? Shall I 
propose it? and will ye not be offended? — Read this 
memorial. 

[Here the secretary reads. And the speaker resumes his 
discourse.] 

And here I must take notice of one weak argument 
made use of to inspire us with confidence: That Philip 
is not yet so powerful as the Lacedaemonians once were, 
who commanded by sea and land, were strengthened 
by the alliance of the king, 1 were absolute and uncon- 

1 Were strengthened by the alliance of the king.] After the 
expedition into Sicily, an expedition as unfortunate as it was 
imprudent, the Athenians might still have supported them- 
selves if the king of Persia had not concurred to precipitate 



PHILIPPIC THE THIRD. 151 

trolled ; and yet we made a brave stand against them ; 
nor was all their force able to crush our state. In an- 
swer to this, I shall observe, that amidst all the altera- 
tions and improvements which have happened in affairs 
of every kind, nothing hath been more improved than 
the art of war : for, in the first place, I am informed, 
that at that time the Lacedaemonians and all the other 
Greeks used to keep the field four or five months, just 
the convenient season ; and having so long continued 
their invasion, and infested the territories of their enemy 
with their heavy-armed and domestic forces, they re- 
tired into their own country. Then, such was the 
simplicity, I should say the national spirit 1 of that age, 



their ruin. Tissaphernes, the satrap of Darius Nothus, con- 
ducted the first alliance between his master and the Lacedae- 
monians. This alliance had at that time no very great effect. 
But when Cyrus the Younger was sent, by order of his father, 
to command in Asia Minor, Lysander gained the affection of 
this young prince, who soon made him able to give law to 
Athens. It is this period which Demosthenes points out. — 
Tourreil. 

1 I should say the national spirit, &c] Circumstances pe- 
culiar to any people, singular customs, particular relations, 
and the like, give rise to words and phrases incapable of 
being precisely rendered into any other language. And such 
I take to be the word πολιτικώς. Every particular state of 
Greece was a member of a larger political body, that of the 
nation, in which all the several communities were united by 
national laws, national customs, and a national religion. This 
I have explained at large on another occasion. (See .Pre- 
lim. Dissert, to the Life of Philip.) The word πολιτικώς, 
therefore, I understand as expressive of that duty which each 
state owed to the Hellenic body, which prescribed bounds 
and laws to their wars, and forbad their passions, contests, 
and animosities against each other, to break out into any ex- 
cesses which might affect the welfare of the 'nation. They 
were to fight, not as inveterate foes, but competitors for 
power and honor. To recur to bribery, in order to defeat 
their antagonists, was to be guilty of corrupting the morals of 
what, in an extensive sense, may be called their country. 
In like manner the word civilis, in Latin, is used in a sense 
somewhat analogous to this, as denoting the regard which 
every citizen should. pay to the rights of others, in opposition 



152 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

that the power of gold was never called to their assist- 
ance ; but all their wars were fair and open. Now, 
on the contrary, we see most defeats owing to treachery ; 
no formal engagements, nothing left to the decision of 
arms. For you find the rapid progress of Philip is not 
owing to the force of regular troops, but to armies com- 
posed of light horse and foreign archers. With these 
he pours down on some people, already engaged by 
civil discord and commotions ; and, when none will 
venture out in defence of their state, on account of 
their private suspicions, he brings up his engines, and 
attacks their walls : not to mention his absolute in- 
difference to heat and cold, and that there is no peculiar 
season which he gives to pleasure. Let these things 
sink deep into all our minds : let us not suifer his arms 
to approach these territories : let us not proudly * de- 
pend on our strength, by forming our judgments from 
the old Lacedaemonian war : but let us attend with all 



to despotism, pride, imperiousness, and all those passions 
which are enemies to liberty and the general good. Thus we 
find in Tacitus, ' J uveni civile ingenium, mira comitas.' Ann. 
i. * Silentium ejus non civile, ut crediderat, sed in superbiam. 
accipiebatur.' Ann. vi. And of Tiberius the historian says, 
' Liberatus metu, civilem se admodum inter initia, ac paulo 
minus quam privatum egit.' I have observed in a note on the 
exordium of the second Philippic that a regard to the inter- 
est of Greece was generally the most extensive affection in 
the minds of its inhabitants. And that the extensive social 
affections were denoted by the Greek word ττολιτικον, we 
learn from Cicero. Let the following quotation, from the 
fifth book of his treatise De Finibus, suffice on this occasion : 
* Cum sic hominis natura generata sit, ut habeat quiddam in- 
natum quasi civile et populare, quod Graeci ttoXltikov vocant, 
quicquid aget qureque virtus, id a communitate, et ea quam 
exposui caritate, atque societate humana, non abhorrebit.' 
The authority of a writer who devoted so much of his atten- 
tion to the moral and political learning of the Greeks, and 
took so much pains to explain it to his countrymen, may 
surely be deemed decisive. 

1 Let us not proudly, &c] In the original, ςκτραχηλισθηναι, 
which, besides the signification which Wolfius assigns it, is 
frequently rendered insolescere, superbire. 



PHILIPPIC THE THIRD. 153 

possible precaution to our interests and our armaments ; 
and let this be our point in view ; to confine him to his 
own kingdom ; not to engage him on equal terms in 
the field. For if you be satisfied with committing hos- 
tilities, there Nature hath given you many advantages. ■ 
(Let us but do our part.) The situation of his kingdom, 
for instance, exposes it to all the fury of an enemy ; 
not to speak of many other circumstances. But if we 
once come to a regular engagement, there his experi- 
ence must give him the superiority. 

But these are not the only points that require your 
attention : nor are you to oppose him only by the arts of 
war. It is also necessary that reason and penetration 
should inspire you with an abhorrence of those who 
plead his cause before you ; ever bearing in mind the 
absolute impossibility of conquering our foreign enemy 
until we have punished those who are serving him 
within our Avails. But this, I call the powers of Heaven 
to witness, ye cannot, ye will not do ! No : such is 
your infatuation, or madness, or — I know not what to 
call it, (for I am oftentimes tempted to believe that 
some power, more than human, is driving us to ruin,) 
that through malice, or envy, or a spirit of ridicule, or 
some like motive, you command hirelings to speak 
(some of whom dare not deny that they are hirelings), 
and make their calumnies serve your mirth. Yet, 
shocking as this is, there is something still more shock- 
ing : these men are allowed to direct the public affairs 
with greater security than your faithful counsellors. — 
And now observe the dreadful consequences of listen- 
ing to such wretches. I shall mention facts well known 
to you all. 

In Olynthus, the administration of affairs was di- 
vided between two parties ; the one, in the interest of 



1 Many advantages.] Although the Athenians had lost Am- 
phipolis, Pydna, and Potidaea, they were still in possession 
of Thassus, Leninos, and the adjacent islands, from whence 
they might readily have attempted a descent on Macedon. — 
Tourreil. 



154 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

Philip, intirely devoted to him ; the other, inspired by 
true patriotism, directed all their efforts to preserve 
the freedom of their country. To which of these are 
we to charge the ruin of the state ? or who betrayed 
the troops, and by that treachery destroyed Olynthus t 
The creatures of Philip. Yet, while their city stood, 
these men pursued the advocates for liberty with such 
malicious accusations and invectives, that an assembly 
of the people was persuaded even to banish Apollo- 
nides. 

But this is not the only instance. The same custom 
hath produced the same calamities in other places. In 
Eretria, at the departure of Plutarchus and the foreign 
troops, when the people had possession of the city, 
and of Porthmus, some were inclined to seek our pro- 
tection , some to submit to Philip. But, being influenced 
by this latter party on most, or rather all occasions, 
the poor unfortunate Eretrians were at length persuaded 
to banish their faithful counsellors. And the conse- 
quence was this : Philip, their confederate and friend, 
detached a thousand mercenaries under the command 
of Hipponicus, rased the fortifications of Porthmus, 
set three tyrants over them, Hipparchus, Automedon, 
and Clitarchus ; and after that, when they discovered 
some inclination to shake off the yoke, drove them 
twice out of their territory ; once by the forces com- 
manded by Eurylochus; and again, by those under 
Parmenio. 

To give but one instance more. In Oreum, Philisti- 
des was the agent of Philip ; as were Menippus, and 
Socrates, and Thoas, and Agapseus, the present masters 
of that city. And this was universally known. But 
there was one Euphraeus, a man for some time re- 
sident at Athens, who stood up against captivity and 
slavery. Much might be said of the injurious and 
contemptuous treatment which he received from the 
people of Oreum on other occasions. But the year 
before the taking of the city, as he saw through the 
traitorous designs of Philistides and his accomplices, 
he brought a formal impeachment against them. 



PHILIPPIC THE THIRD. 155 

Immediately considerable numbers form themselves 
into a faction (directed and supported by Philip), and 
hurry away Euphraeus to prison, as a disturber of the 
public peace. The people of Oreum were witnesses of 
this ; but, instead of defending him, and bringing his 
enemies to condign punishment, showed no resentment 
towards them ; but approved, and triumphed in his 
sufferings. And now the faction, possessed of all the 
power they wished for, laid their schemes for the ruin 
of the city, and were carrying them into execution. 
Among the people, if any man perceived this, he was 
silent ; struck with the remembrance of Euphraeus and 
his sufferings. And to such dejection were they re- 
duced, that no one dared to express the least appre- 
hension of the approaching danger until the enemy 
drew up before their walls, and prepared for an as- 
sault. Then some defended, others betrayed their 
state. When the city had thus been shamefully and 
basely lost, the faction began to exercise the most 
tyrannic power ; having either, by banishment or death, 
removed all those who had asserted their own cause 
and that of Euphraeus ; and were still ready for any 
noble enterprise. Euphraus himself put an end to his 
own life ; and thus gave proof that, in his opposition 
to Philip, he had been actuated by a just and pure re- 
gard to the interest of his country. 

And now what could be the reason (you may pos- 
sibly ask with surprise) that the people of Olynthus, 
and those of Eretria, and those of Oreum, all attended 
with greater pleasure to the advocates of Philip than 
to their own friends? The same reason which prevails 
here. Because they who are engaged on the part of 
truth and justice can never, even if they were inclined, 
advance any thing to recommend themselves to favor : 
their whole concern is for the welfare of their state. 
The others need but to soothe and flatter in order 
to second the designs of Philip. The one press for 
supplies ; the others insist that they are not wanted : 
the one call their countrymen to battle, and alarm 
them with apprehensions of danger; the others are 



156 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

ever recommending peace, until the toils come too 
near to be escaped. And thus, on all occasions, one 
set of men speak but to insinuate themselves into the 
affections of their fellow-citizens ; the other to preserve 
them from ruin ; till at last the interests of the state 
are given up ; not corruptly or ignorantly, but from a 
desperate purpose of yielding to the fate of a consti- 
tution thought to be irrecoverably lost. And, by the 
powers of Heaven ! I dread that this may prove your 
case, when you find that reflection cannot serve you ! 
And, when I turn my eyes to the men who have re- 
duced you to this, it is not terror 1 that I feel ; it is the 
utmost detestation. For whether they act through de- 
sign or ignorance, the distress to which they are re- 
ducing us is manifest. But far be this distress from 
us, Athenians ! It were better to die ten thousand 
deaths than to be guilty of a servile complaisance to 
Philip, and to abandon any of your faithful counsel- 
lors ! The people of Oreum have now met a noble 
return for their confidence in Philip's creatures and 
their violence towards Euphraeus. The Eretrians are 
nobly rewarded for driving out our ambassadors, and 
committing their affairs to Clitarchus. Captivity and 
stripes, and racks are their reward. Great was his 
indulgence to the Olynthians, for choosing Lasthenes 
their general, and banishing Apollonides. It were 
folly and baseness to be amused with such false hopes 
as theirs, when neither our counsels direct us nor our 
inclinations prompt us to• the pursuit of our true in- 
terests, and to suffer those who speak for our enemies 



1 It is not terror, &c] The word in the original -signifies 
the most abject fear and dismay ; and the whole passage seems 
to have a particular reference or allusion. Possibly some of 
Philip's partisans might have accused Demosthenes of beings 
thus affected at their sight ; while they magnified their own 
integrity and resolution, their true discernment, and patriotic 
zeal for the interest of their country ; and possibly might 
have called out for severe punishment on the man who dared 
to utter the most hitter invectives against a powerful prince • 
in alliance with Athens. 



PHILIPPIC THE THIRD. 157 

to persuade us that the state is too powerful to be af- 
fected by any accident whatever. It is shameful to 
cry out when some event hath surprised us, ' Heavens ! 
who could have expected this? We should have acted 
thus and thus, and avoided these and these errors/ 
There are many things the Olynthians can now men- 
tion which, if foreseen in time, would have prevented 
their destruction. The people of Oreum can mention 
many : those of Phocis many : every state that hath 
been destroyed can mention many such things. But 
what doth it avail them now? While the vessel is safe, 
whether it be great or small, the mariner, the pilot, 
every person should exert himself in his particular sta- 
tion, and preserve it from being wrecked either by 
villany or unskilfulness. But when the sea hath once 
broken in all care is vain. And therefore, Athenians, 
while we are yet safe, possessed of a powerful city, fa- 
vored with many resources, our reputation illustrious 
— what are we to do ? (Perhaps some have sat with 
impatience to ask.) — I shall now give my opinion, and 
propose it in form ; that, if approved, your voices may 
confirm it. 

Having, in the first place, provided for your defence, 
fitted out your navy, raised your supplies, and arrayed 
your forces (for, although all other people should sub- 
mit to slavery, you should still contend for freedom) ; 
having made such a provision, I say, and this in the 
sight of Greece, then we are to call others to their 
duty ; and, for this purpose, to send ambassadors into 
all parts, to Peloponnesus, to Rhodes, to Chios, and 
even to the king (for he is by no means unconcerned 
in opposing the rapidity of this man's progress). If ye 
prevail, ye will have sharers in the dangers and ex- 
pense which may arise ; at least you may gain some 
respite ; and, as we are engaged against a single per- 
son, and not to the united powers of a commonwealth, 
this may be of advantage ; as were those embassies of 
last year into Peloponnesus, and those remonstrances 
which were made in several places by me and Poly- 
datus, , that true patriot, and Hegesippus, and Clito- 



158 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

machus, and Lycurgus, and the other ministers, which 
checked his progress, prevented his attack of Am- 
bracia, and secured Peloponnesus from an invasion. 

I do not mean that we should endeavor to raise that 
spirit abroad which we ourselves are unwilling to 
assume. It would be absurd to neglect our own in- 
terests, and yet pretend a regard to the common cause; 
or, while we are insensible to present dangers, to think 
of alarming others with apprehensions of futurity. 
No : let us provide the forces in the Chersonesus with 
money, and every thing else that they desire. Let us 
begin with vigor on our part ; then call on the other 
Greeks ; convene, instruct, exhort them. Thus it be- 
comes a state of such dignity as ours. If you think 
the protection of Greece may be intrusted to the Chal- 
cidians and Megareans, and so desert its cause, you 
do not think justly. It will be well if they can protect 
themselves. No : this is your province : this is that 
prerogative transmitted from your ancestors, the re- 
ward of all their many, and glorious, and great dan- 
gers. If every man sits down in ease and indulgence, 
and studies only to avoid trouble, he will certainly find 
no one to supply his place ; and I am also apprehensive 
that we may be forced into all that trouble to which 
we are so averse. Were there persons to act in our 
Stead, our inactivity would have long since discovered 
them ; but there are really none. 

You have now heard my sentiments. You have 
heard the measures I propose, and by which I appre- 
hend our affairs may be yet retrieved. If any man can 
oifer some more salutary course, let him rise and de- 
clare his opinion. And, whatever be your resolution, 
the gods grant that we may feel its good effects ! 



THE ELEVENTH ORATION AGAINST PHILIP : 

Commonly called the Fourth, 

PRONOUNCED IN THE ARCHONSHIP OF NICOMACHUS, THE YEAR 
AFTER THE FORMER ORATION. 



INTRODUCTION. 

Soon after the preceding oration the Athenian succors ar-. 
rived at Eubcea. Demosthenes had proposed the decree tot 
them ; and the command was given to Phocion, whom the 
Athenians gladly employed on all extraordinary emergences, 
and who was always ready to serve them, at the same time 
that he highly condemned their conduct. 

Demosthenes attended Phocion, not in a military character, 
but to endeavor to gain over the people of Euboea to the 
Athenian interest ; in which he had some success : while the 
general, on his part, acted with so much conduct and resolu- 
tion, that the Macedonians were forced to abandon the island ; 
and the Eubceans entered into a treaty of alliance with Athens. 

In the mean time Philip marched along the Hellespont, to 
support his fleet then in view, and to prevent Diopithes from 
cutting off his provisions. When he had crossed the Isthmus 
of the Chersonesus he returned, and by a forced march ar- 
rived with the choice of his army at Cardia, where he sur- 
prised Diopithes, and defeated him in an action in which that 
general fell. This he affected to consider, not as an open 
breach of his treaty, but only as the consequence of the pro- 
tection he had granted to the Cardians, and an act of particu- 
lar revenge he had determined to take on Diopithes. 

Philip then joined his army, and encamped before Perin- 
thus, a place considerable by its commerce and situation, ever 
firm to the Athenians, and consequently dreadful and dan- 
gerous to Philip. The Perinthians defended themselves with 
a courage almost incredible, and which, it appeared, could not 
be abated by danger or fatigue. Philip, on his part, pressed 
them by all the methods of assault ; and, after many vigorous 
efforts on each side, when the city was just on the point of 



160 INTRODUCTION. 

being taken by assault, or of being obliged to surrender at 
discretion, fortune provided for it an unexpected succor. 

The fame of Philip's army having alarmed the court of Per- 
sia, Ochus sent his letters mandatory to the governors of the 
maritime provinces, directing them to supply Perinthus with 
all things in their power : in consequence of which they 
filled it with troops and provisions. While the Byzantines, 
justly conceiving their own turn would be next, sent into the 
city the flower of their youth, with all other necessaries for 
an obstinate defence. 

The Perinthians, thus reinforced, resumed their former ar- 
dor ; and, as all they suffered was on account of Athens, they 
despatched ambassadors thither to demand the speedy and 
effectual assistance of that state. On this occasion Demo- 
sthenes pronounced the following oration. 



PHILIPPIC THE FOURTH. 1 



As I am persuaded, Athenians, that you are now con- 
vened about affairs of greatest moment, such as affect 
the very being of the state, I shall endeavor to speak 
to them in the manner most agreeable to your in- 
terests. 

There are faults of no late origin, and gradually in- 
creased to no inconsiderable number, which have con- 
spired to involve us in the present difficulties. But, of 
all these, what at this time most distresses us is this ; 
that your minds are quite alienated from public affairs ; 
that your attention is engaged just while you are as- 
sembled, and some new event related : then each man 
departs ; and, far from being influenced by what he hath 
heard, he does not even remember it. 

The insolence and outrage with which Philip treats 
ail mankind are really so great as you hear them 
represented. That it is not possible to set bounds to 
these, by the force of speeches and debates, no one 
can be ignorant ; for, if other arguments cannot con- 
vince, let this be weighed : whenever we have had oc- 
casion to plead in defence of our rights, we have never 

1 We shall find in this oration many things which occur in 
those that are precedent ; and as it is on the same subject, 
already exhausted by so many orations, it was in some sort 
necessary for the orator to make use of repetitions : and it 
should seem, that in such a case repetition is by no means a 
fault, particularly as we may consider this as a recapitulation 
of all the others ; and may in effect call it the Peroration 
of the Philippics ; in which the orator resumes the argu- 
ments he had already made use of; hut, in resuming them, 
gives them new force, as well by the manner in which they 
are disposed, as by the many additions with which they are 
heightened — TourreiL 

DEM. L 



162 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

failed of success ; we have never incurred the censure 
of injustice : but all places and all persons must ac- 
knowlege that our arguments are irresistible. Is he 
then distressed by this ? and are our affairs advanced? 
By no means. For, as he proceeds to take up arms, 
leads out his troops, and is ready to hazard his whole 
empire in pursuit of his designs, while we sit here 
pleading, or attending to those who plead the justness 
of our cause, the consequence (and I think the natural 
consequence) is this : actions prove superior to words : 
and men's regards are engaged, not by those arguments 
which we ever have advanced, or may now advance, 
how just soever ; but by the measures we pursue : and 
these are by no means fitted to protect any of the 
injured states: to say more of them is unnecessary. 

As then all Greece is now divided into two parties ; 
the one composed of those who desire neither to exer- 
cise nor to be subject to arbitrary power, but to enjoy 
the benefits of liberty, laws, and independence ; the 
other, of those who, while they aim at an absolute 
command of their fellow- citizens, are themselves the 
vassals of another person, by whose means they hope 
to obtain their purposes ; his partisans, the aiFecters of 
tyranny and despotism, are superior every where. So 
that, of all the popular constitutions, I know not 
whether one be left firmly established except our own. 
And they, who in the several states have been raised 
by him to the administration of aiFairs, have their 
superiority secured by all the means which can ad- 
vance a cause. The first and principal is this. When 
they would bribe those who are capable of selling their 
integrity, they have a person ever ready to supply 
them. In the next place, (and it is of no less moment,) 
at whatever season they desire it, there are forces at 
hand to overwhelm their opposers : while we, Athe- 
nians, are not only deficient in these particulars, but 
unable even to awaken from our indolence, like men 
reduced by some potion ' to a lethargic state. In con- 

1 Like men reduced by some potion, &c] In the original, 



PHILIPPIC THE FOURTH. 163 

sequence of this (for I hold it necessary to speak the 
truth), we are fallen into such contempt and infamy 
that, of the people immediately threatened with danger, 
some contend with us for the honor of commanding*, 
some about the place of conference ;. J while others de- 
termine rather to trust to their own strength than to 
accept of your assistance. 

And why am I thus particular in recounting these 
things? I call the gods to witness, that I would not• 
willingly incur your displeasure ; but I would have 
you know, and see, that in public as well as in private 
affairs, continued indolence and supineness, though not 
immediately felt in every single instance of omission, 
yet in the end must aifect the general welfare. You 
see this in the instance of Serrium and Doriscum. 
When the peace was made we began with neglecting 
these places. (Perhaps some of you have never heard 
of them.) And these places, thus abandoned and de- 
spised, lost you Thrace and your ally Cersobleptes. 
Again, when he saw that this did not rouse you, and 
that you sent no assistance, he rased Porthmus ; and, 
to keep us in continual awe, erected a tyranny in Eu- 
boea, over-against Attica. This was disregarded ; and 
his attempt on Megara was well nigh successful. Still 
you were insensible, expressed no impatience, no in- 
clination to oppose him. He purchased Antronas; 
and soon after got possession of Oreum. I pass over 
many things ; Pherse— the march to Ambracia — the 



Like men who had drank of mandragora ; an herb ranked by na- 
turalists among those of the soporiferous kind. It seems to 
have been a proverbial phrase to signify indolent and negli- 
gent persons. — Tourreil. 

1 For the honor of commanding, some about the place of 
conference.] In all the confederate wars of the Greeks, that 
state which was acknowleged the most powerful had the 
honor of giving a commander-in-chief, and of appointing the 
place of general congress for concerting the operations. In 
the Persian war we find the Lacedeemonians and Athenians 
sometimes contending for these points ; which in effect was a 
dispute which of these states was most respectable. 



164 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

massacre of Elis, 1 and thousands of the like actions r 
for it is not my design to give a detail of Philip's acts 
of outrage and injustice, but to convince you that the 
property and liberty of mankind will never be secure 
from him until he meets with some eifectual opposi- 
tion. 

There are persons who, before they hear affairs 
debated, stop us with this question, * What is to be 
done?' not that they may do it, when informed (for 
then they would be the best of citizens), but to prevent 
the trouble of attending. It is my part, however, to 
declare what we are now to do. 

First, then, Athenians, be firmly persuaded of this : 
that Philip is committing hostilities against us, and 
has really violated the peace : that he has the most 
implacable enmity to this whole city; to the ground 
on which this city stands ; to the very gods of this 
city: (may their vengeance fall on him!) but against 
our constitution is his force principally directed: the 
destruction of this is, of all other things, the most im- 
mediate object of his secret schemes and machinations. 
And there is, in some sort, a necessity that it should be 
so. Consider ; he aims at universal power ; and you 
he regards as the only persons to dispute his preten- 

1 Pherae — the march to Ambracia — the massacre of Elis.] 
An orator does not always pique himself on an exact adher- 
ence to history ; hat sometimes disguises facts, or aggravates 
them, when it serves his purpose* One would imagine that 
Philip had committed some terrible outrages at Pherae ; and 
yet he only restored the liberty of that city, by expelling its 
tyrants : and as to the massacre of Elis, it is not to be im- 
puted immediately to Philip. He had, indeed, as chief of 
the allies in the sacred war, and head of the amphictyons, 
suggested the resolution of proscribing the Phocians and all 
the favorers of their impiety. Some of these, who had fled 
into Crete with their general Phalecus, joined with a body of 
men who had been banished from Elis, made an inroad into 
Peloponnesus, and attempted an attack on their country- 
men, who, with the assistance of the Arcadians, obliged this 
rebellious army to surrender at discretion ; and, in obedience 
to the decree of the amphictyons, put it to the sword, — 
Tourreil. 



PHILIPPIC THE FOURTH. 165 

sions. He hath long injured yon : and of this he him- 
self is fully conscious ; for the surest harriers of his 
other dominions are those places which he hath taken 
from us : so that if he should give up Amphipolis and 
Potidaea, he would not think himself secure in Mace- 
don. He is then sensible that he entertains designs 
against you, and that you perceive them ; and, as he 
thinks highly of your wisdom, he judges that you hold 
him in the abhorrence he deserves. To these things 
(and these of such importance) add, that he is perfectly 
convinced that although he were master of all other 
places, yet it is impossible for him to be secure while 
your popular government subsists : but that, if any 
accident should happen to him (and every man is sub- 
ject to many), all those who now submit to force would 
seize the opportunity, and fly to you for protection ; 
for you are not naturally disposed to grasp at power, 
or to usurp dominion ; but to prevent usurpation, to 
wrest their unjust acquisitions from the hands of others, 
to curb the violence of ambition, and to preserve the 
libertjr of mankind, is jour peculiar excellence. And 
therefore it is with regret he sees in that freedom 
you enjoy a spy on the incidents of his fortune : nor 
is this his reasoning weak or trivial. First, then, he 
is on this account to be regarded as the implacable 
enemy of our free and popular constitution. In the 
next place, we should be fully persuaded that all those 
things which now employ him, all that he is now pro- 
jecting, he is projecting against this city. There can 
be none among you weak enough to imagine that the 
desires of Philip are centred in those paltry villages l 
of Thrace, (for what name else can we give to Dron- 
gilus, and Cabyle, and Mastira, and all those places 
now said to be in his possession ?) that he endures the 
severity of toils and seasons, and exposes himself to 
the utmost dangers for these ; and has no designs on 
the ports, and the arsenals, and the navies, and the 

1 Those paltry villages, &c] See the notes of the oration 
on the State of the Chersonesus, p, 126, 



166 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

silver mines, and other revenues, and the situation, 
and the glory of Athens, (which, never may the con- 
quest of this city give to him or any other !) but will 
suffer us to enjoy these ; while, for those trifling hoards 
of grain he finds in the cells of Thrace he takes up his 
winter quarters in all the horrors of a dungeon. It 
cannot be ! Even in his march thither he had these in 
view: these are the chief objects of all his enterprises. 

Thus must we all think of him. And let us not 
oblige that man, who hath ever been our most faithful 
counsellor, to propose the war in form : that would be 
to seek a pretence to avoid it, not to pursue the interest 
of our country. To yourselves I appeal : if, after the 
first, or the second, or the third of Philip's infractions 
of his treaty (for there was a long succession of them), 
any man had moved you to declare hostilities against 
him, and he had given the same assistance to the Car- 
dians as now, when no such motion came from any 
Athenian, would not that man have been torn to pieces? 
Would you not have cried out with one voice that it 
was this which made him ally to the Cardians ? Do 
not then seek for some person whom you may hate for 
Philip's faults ; whom you may expose to the fury of 
his hirelings. When your decree for war hath once 
passed, let there be no dispute whether it ought or 
ought not to have been undertaken. Observe his man- 
ner of attacking you : imitate it in your opposition : 
supply those who are now opposing him with money, 
and whatever else they want : raise your supplies : 
prepare your forces, gallies, horse, transports, and all 
other necessaries of a war. At present, your conduct 
must expose you to derision. Nay, I call the powers 
to witness, that you are acting as if Philip's wishes 
were to direct you. Opportunities escape you ; your 
treasures are wasted ; you shift the weight of public 
business on others ; break into passion ; criminate 
each other. I shall now show whence these disorders 
have proceeded, and point oat the remedy. 

You have never, Athenians, made the necessary 
dispositions in your affairs, or armed yourselves in 



PHILIPPIC THE FOURTH. 167 

time ; but have been ever led by events. Then, when 
it proves too late to act, you lay down your arms. If 
another incident alarms you, your preparations are 
resumed, and all is tumult and confusion. But this 
is not the way. It is impossible ever to secure the 
least success by occasional detachments. No : you 
must raise a regular army, provide for its subsistence, 
appoint state -treasurers, and guard the public money 
with the strictest attention ; oblige those treasurers to 
answer for the sums expended, and your general for 
his conduct in the field ; and let this general have no 
pretence 1 to sail to any other place, or engage in any 
other enterprise but those prescribed. Let these be 
your measures, these your resolutions, and you will 
compel Philip to live in the real observance of an equi- 
table peace, and to confine himself to his own terri- 
tory ; or you will engage him on equal terms. And 
perhaps, Athenians, perhaps, as you now ask, ' What 
is Philip doing ? whither is he marching V so there 
may come a time when he will be solicitous to know 
whither our forces have directed their march, and 
where they are to appear. 

If it be objected that these measures will be attended 
with great expense, and many toils and perplexities, I 
confess it. (It is necessary, absolutely necessary that 
a war should be attended with many disagreeable cir- 
cumstances.) But let us consider what consequences 
must attend the state if we refuse to take this course, 
and it will appear that we shall really be gainers by a 
seasonable performance of our duty. Suppose some 
god should be our surety (for no mortal could be de- 
pended on in an affair of such moment) ; for, although 
you are quite inactive and insensible, yet he will not 
at last lead his armies hither ; still it would be igno- 
minious, it would (I call every power of Heaven to 
witness !) be beneath you, beneath the dignity of your 
state, beneath the glory of your ancestors, to abandon 
all the rest of Greece to slavery for the sake of private 

\ Have no pretence, &c] See note 3, p. 34. 



168 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

ease. I for my part would rather die than propose such 
a conduct : if, however, there be any other person to 
recommend it to you, be it so ; make no opposition ; 
abandon all affairs : but if there be no one of this opi- 
nion ; if on the contrary we all foresee that the farther 
this man is suffered to extend his conquests the more 
dangerous and powerful enemy we must find in him, 
why is our duty evaded ? why do we delay ? or when 
will we be disposed to exert ourselves, Athenians ? 
Must some necessity press us ? What one may call 
the necessity of freemen not only presseth us now, but 
hath long since been felt : that of slaves, it is to be 
wished, may never approach us. How do these differ? 
To freemen, the most urgent necessity is dishonor ; a 
greater cannot, I think, be assigned : to slaves, stripes 
and tortures. Far be this from us ! It ought not to 
be mentioned ! 

• And now the neglect of those things to which your 
lives and fortunes should be devoted, it must be con- 
fessed, is by no means justifiable : — far from it ! some 
pretence, however, may be alleged in its excuse. But 
to refuse even to listen to those things which demand 
your utmost attention, which are of the greatest mo- 
ment to be fully considered, this deserves the most 
severe censure. And yet you never attend but on 
occasions like this, when the danger is actually pre- 
sent ; nor in time of disengagement do you ever think 
of consulting ; but, while he is preparing to distress 
you, instead of making like preparations and providing 
for your defence, you are sunk in inactivity ; and if 
any one attempts to rouse you, he feels your resent- 
ment. But when advice is received that some place is 
lost or invested, then you attend, then you prepare» 
The proper season for attending and consulting was 
then, when you refused : now, when you are prevailed 
on to hear, you should be acting, and applying your 
preparations. And by this supineness is your conduct 
distinguished from that of all other nations : they 
usually deliberate before events ; your consultations 
follow them. — There is but one course left, which 



PHILIPPIC THE FOURTH. 169 

should long since have been pursued, but still may be 
of service. — This I shall lay before you. 

There is nothing which the state is more concerned 
to procure on this occasion than money ; and some 
very favorable opportunities present themselves, which, 
if wisely improved, may possibly supply our demands. 
In the first place, they whom the king regards 1 as his 
faithful and strenuous adherents are the implacable 
enemies of Philip, and actually in arms against him. 
Then, the man who was 2 Philip's assistant and coun- 
sellor in all his designs against the king hath been 
lately seized ; so that the king will be informed of his 
practices, not by our accusations, to which he might 
suppose our private interest prompted us, but by the 
very agent and conductor of them. This will give 
weight to your assertions ; and there will be nothing 
left for your ministers to urge but what the king will 
gladly attend to : ' That we should unite to chastise 
the man who hath injured us equally : that Philip will 
be much more formidable to the king if his first attack 
be made on us ; for that, if he should be permitted to 
gain any advantage here, he will then march against 
him, free from all apprehensions.' For all these rea- 



1 They whom the king regards, &c] He probably means 
the Thebans, who had given Ochus powerful assistance in 
the siege of Pelusium ; and who were now much provoked at 
Philip, on account of Echinus, which he had taken from 
them. — Tourreil. 

% The man who was, &c] As Philip seems to have already 
projected an expedition into Asia, he received with open 
arms all the malcontents of Persia, and held secret intelli- " 
gence with the rebel satraps. Hermias, the tyrant of Artanea, 
a city of Mysia, was of this number, and had been in confi- 
dence with Philip. Mentor, the Rhodian, general of the 
Persian army, drew him to an interview by feigned promises, 
where he seized him, and sent him in chains to Ochus. In- 
stead of ανάρπαστος, some copies have ανασπαστος, brought 
back : in which case it must be understood of Memnon or Ar- 
tabazus, two rebellious satraps, who had taken refuge in Phi- 
lip's court, but, by the mediation of Mentor, were reconciled 
to the king of Persia. — Ulpian and Tourreil, 



170 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

sons, I think you should send ambassadors to treat 
with the king, and lay aside those idle prejudices which 
have so often been injurious to your interests — * that 
he is a barbarian, our common enemy, and the like.' 
For my own part, when I find a man apprehending 
danger from a prince whose residence is in Susa and 
Ecbatana, and pronouncing him the enemy of our 
state, who formerly re-established its power, 1 and but 
now made us 2 such considerable offers, (if you rejected 
them, that was no fault of his,) and yet speaking in 
another strain of one who is at our gates, who is ex- 
tending his conquests in the very heart of Greece, the 
plunderer of the Greeks, I am astonished ; and regard 
that man, whoever he is, as dangerous, who doth not 
see danger in Philip. 

There is another aiFair wherein the public hath been 
injured, which hath been attacked most unjustly and 
indecently ; which is the constant pretence of those 
who refuse to perform their duty to the state ; to which 
you will find the blame of every omission which every 
man is guilty of constantly transferred. I cannot speak 
of it without great apprehensions. Yet I will speak : 
for I think I can serve my country by advancing some 
things, both in behalf of the poor 3 against the rich, 

1 Who formerly re-established its power.] That is, when 
Conon, by the assistance of Artaxerxes Mnemon, beat the 
Lacedaemonian fleet at Cnidos, and restored the liberty and 
splendor of his country. 

2 And but now made us, &c] Artaxerxes Ochus, in order 
to reduce Egypt, which had revolted from him, solicited suc- 
cors from the principal cities of Greece. Argos and Thebes 
consented : but from Athens and Lacedaemon he could obtain 
only vain professions of friendship. He had, without doubt, 
offered large advantages to such people as would concur with 
him. Demosthenes here insinuates an accusation of the im- 
prudence of Athens in rejecting these offers. — Tourreil. 

3 Some things, both in behalf of the poor, &c] The theatrical 
distributions afforded a perpetual occasion of public contests 
between the several orders of the state. The poor w r ere ever 
dissatisfied that the richer citizens shared the largesses, which 
they considered as their own peculiar right : and the rich be- 
held with impatience the dissipation of the public funds, 



PHILIPPIC THE FOURTH. 171 

and of the rich against the necessitous ; if we first 
banish those invectives unjustly thrown out against the 
theatrical funds, and those fears that such an appoint- 
ment cannot subsist without some dismal consequences ; 
an appointment which, above all others, may be most 
conducive to our interests, and give the greatest strength 
to the whole community. 

Attend, then, while I first plead for those who are 
thought necessitous. There was a time, not long since, 
when the state could not raise more than one hundred 
and thirty talents ; l and yet none of those who were to 

which threw the whole weight of the supplies on them. But 
there was still a greater cause of complaint. The revenues 
of the state were not always sufficient to defray the immense 
expenses of feasts and entertainments ; and, in this case, 
some factious leader, who was willing to gain popularity, 
would propose to tax the rich ; or, perhaps, by some infamous 
calumnies, would raise a prosecution, which would bring in 
a large pecuniary fine. The rich, it may be imagined, were 
alarmed at such proceedings : they inveighed loudly against 
the authors of them, and sometimes ventured to accuse them 
in form, and bring them to trial. When their baseness and 
evil designs were publicly exposed, the people were ashamed 
to avow their intentions of supporting such flagrant injustice. 
Their clamors were loud against the person accused : but, 
as in all judicial processes they gave their votes by ballot, 
they then had an opportunity of saving their friend. 

All that the orator here says in defence of the theatrical ap- 
pointments is expressed with a caution and reserve quite 
opposite to his usual openness and freedom, and which 
plainly betray a consciousness of his being inconsistent with 
his former sentiments. How far he may be excused by the 
supposed necessity of yielding to the violent prepossessions of 
the people, and giving up a favorite point, I cannot pretend 
to determine. But it is certainly not very honorable to De- 
mosthenes to suppose (with Ulpian) that his former opposi- 
tion was merely personal, and that the death of Eubulus now 
put an end to it. 

1 The state could not raise more than one hundred and 
thirty talents.] We must understand this of those revenues 
raised out of Attica only ; for the contributions of the allies, 
according to the taxation of Aristides, amounted to four hun- 
dred and sixty talents annually. And Pericles raised them 
yet higher. In order to know the real value of their revenues, 



172 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

command or to contribute to the equipment of a galley 
ever had recourse to the pretence of poverty to be ex- 
empted from their duty ; but vessels were sent out, 
money was supplied, and none of our aifairs neglected. 
After this (thanks to fortune!) our revenues were con- 
siderably improved ; and, instead of one hundred, rose 
to four hundred talents ; and this without any loss to 
the wealthy citizens, but rather with advantage ; for 
they share the public affluence, and justly share it. 
Why then do we reproach each other ? why have we 
recourse to such pretences to be exempted from our 
duty ? unless we envy the poor that supply with which 
fortune hath favored them. I do not, and I think no 
one should blame them ; for in private families I do 
not find the young %o devoid of respect to years, or 
indeed any one so unreasonable and absurd as to refuse 
to do his duty unless all others do quite as much : such 
perverseness would render a man obnoxious to the 
laws against undutiful children ; for to nothing are we 

we should consider the prices of things. In the time of So- 
lon an ox was sold at Athens for five drachmae ; as we learn 
from Plutarch, in the life of Solon. A hog, in the time of 
Aristophanes, was worth three drachmae ; as appears from 
one of his comedies called ' The Peace.' — Olivet, 

A drachma, according to Arbuthnot, was equal to 7f d. of 
our money. A hundred drachmae made a mina, or 31. 4s. 7d. 
We may also, from the same author, add to the foregoing note 
these particulars. In the time of Solon corn was reckoned 
at a drachma the medimnus, or 4s. 6d. per quarter. In the 
time of Demosthenes it was much higher, at five drachmae 
the medimnus, which makes it 11. 2s. 7\d. per quarter. In 
Solon's time the price of a sheep was 7§ d. A soldier's daily 
pay was a drachma. The yearly salary of a common school- 
master at Athens was a mina. In the early times of the re- 
public, five hundred drachmae, 161. 2s. lid., were thought a 
competent fortune for a gentlewoman. To Aristides' two 
daughters the Athenians gave three thousand drachmae, 
961. 17s. 2d. The arts and sciences were rated very high ; 
and, though the price of a seat in the theatre was no more 
than two oboli, or 2\d. y yet the performers were rewarded mag- 
nificently. When Amcebaeus sang in the theatre of Athens 
his pay per diem was a talent, 



PHILIPPIC THE FOURTH. 173 

more inviolably bound than to a just and cheerful dis- 
charge of that debt in which both nature and the laws 
engage us to our parents. And as we each of us have 
our particular parents, so all our citizens are to be 
esteemed the common parents of the state ; and there- 
fore, instead of depriving them of what the state be- 
stows, we ought, if there were not this provision, to 
find out some other means of supplying their neces- 
sities. If the rich proceed on these principles, they 
will act agreeably not to justice only, but to good po- 
licy ; for to rob some men of their necessary subsist- 
ence is to raise a number of enemies to the common- 
wealth. 

To men of lower fortunes ϊ give this advice : that 
they should remove those grievances of which the 
wealthier members complain so loudly and so justly 
(for I now proceed in the manner I proposed, and shall 
not scruple to oifer such truths as may be favorable to 
the rich). Look out, not through Athens only, but 
every other state, and, in my opinion, you will not 
find a man of so cruel, so inhuman a disposition, as to 
complain when he sees poor men, men who even want 
the necessaries of life, receiving these appointments. 
Where then lies the difficulty ? Whence this animo- 
sity? When they behold certain 1 persons charging 
private fortunes with those demands which were usu- 
ally answered by the public ; when they behold the 
proposer of this immediately rising in your esteem, 
and, as far as your protection can make him, immortal; 
when they find your private votes intirely different 
from your public clamors ; then it is that their indig- 
nation is raised ; for justice requires, Athenians, that 
the advantages of society should be shared by all its 
members. The rich should have their lives and for- 
tunes well secured ; that so, when any danger threatens 
their country, their opulence maybe applied to its de- 
fence. Other citizens should regard the public trea- 
sure as it really is, the property of all, and be content 

1 When they behold certain, &c] See note on p. 170. 



174 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

with their just portion ; hut should esteem all private 
fortunes as the inviolable right of their possessors. 
Thus a small state rises to greatness ; a great one pre- 
serves its power. 

But it may he said that possibly these are the duties 
of our several citizens : yet, that they may be per- 
formed agreeably to the laws, some regulations must 
first be made. — The causes of our present disorders are 
many in number, and of long continuance. Grant me 
your attention, and I shall trace them to their origin. 

You have departed, Athenians, from that plan of 
government which your ancestors laid down. You are 
persuaded by your leaders, that to be the first among 
the Greeks, to keep up your forces ready to redress 
the injured, is an unnecessary and vain expense You 
are taught to think, that to lie down in indolence, to be 
free from public cares, to abandon all your interests 
one by one, a prey to the vigilance and craft of others, 
is to be perfectly secure, and surprisingly happy. By 
these means the station which you should have main- 
tained is now seized by another, and he is become the 
successful, the mighty potentate. And what else could 
have been expected ? for as the Lacedaemonians were 
unfortunate, the Thebans engaged in the Phocian war, 
and we quite insensible, he had no competitor for a 
prize so noble, so great, so illustrious, which for a long 
time engaged the most considerable states of Greece in 
the severest contests. Thus is he become formidable, 
strengthened by alliances and attended by his armies ; 
while all the Greeks are involved in so many and so 
great difficulties, that it is hard to say where they may 
find resources. But of all the dangers of the several 
states, none are so dreadful as those which threaten 
ours ; not only because Philip's designs aim princi- 
pally at us, but because we, of all others, have been 
most regardless of our interests. 

If then, from the variety * of merchandises and plenty 

1 If then, from the variety, &c] See note on the oration 
on the State of the Chersonesus, p. 126. 



PHILIPPIC THE FOURTH. 175 

of provisions, you flatter yourselves that the state is 
not in danger, you judge unworthily and falsely. Hence 
we might determine whether our markets were well or 
ill supplied: but the strength of that state which is 
regarded by all who aim at the sovereignty of Greece 
as the sole obstacle to their designs, the well-known 
guardian of liberty, is not surely to be judged of by 
its vendibles. No : we should inquire whether it be 
secure of the affections of its allies ; whether it be 
powerful in arms. These are the points to be consi- 
dered; and in these, instead of being well provided, 
you are totally deficient. To be assured of this you 
need but attend to the following consideration. At 
what time have the affairs of Greece been in the great- 
est confusion ? I believe it will not be affirmed that 
they have ever been in greater than at present : for in 
former times Greece was always divided into two par- 
ties, that of the Lacedaemonians and ours. All the 
several states adhered to one or the other of these. 
The king, while he had no alliances here, was equally 
suspected by all. By espousing the cause of the van- 
quished, 1 he gained some credit, until he restored 
them to the same degree of power with their adversa- 
ries ; after that, he became no less hated 2 by those 

1 By espousing the cause of the vanquished, &c] Lacedag- 
mon first entered into an alliance with Darius Nothus, by the 
mediation of Tissaphernes ; which enabled Lysander to con- 
quer Athens. Conon obtained from Artaxerxes Mnemon the 
succors necessary to revenge his country and to re-establish 
it. And it was with reason that the kings of Persia attended 
to the preservation of a due balance between the Grecian 
states, lest the prevailing power might turn its thoughts to 
Asia, and attempt an invasion there. — Tourreil. 

C Z He became no less hated, &c] Lacedaamon had no 
sooner subjected the Athenians, by the help of Darius, but 
she ravaged the Persian provinces in Asia Minor, and joined 
with the rebellious satraps. And as soon as the Athenians 
were delivered by Artaxerxes from the Spartan yoke they 
espoused the quarrel of Evagoras, who had revolted from 
Artaxerxes, and usurped a great part of the kingdom of Cy- 
prus. Benefits could not bind these states. Interest alone 
formed their engagements, and interest dissolved them. The 



176 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

whom he had saved than by those whom he had con- 
stantly opposed. But now, in the first place, the king 
lives in amity with all the Greeks (indeed, without 
some immediate reformation in our conduct, we must 
be excepted). In the next place, there are several 
cities which affect the characters of guardians and pro- 
tectors. They are all possessed with a strong passion 
for pre-eminence ; and some of them (to their shame !) 
desert, and envy, and distrust each other. In a word, 
the Argians, Thebans, Corinthians, Lacedaemonians, 
Arcadians, and Athenians, have all erected themselves 
into so many distinct sovereignties. But among all 
these parties, all these governing states, into which 
Greece is broken, there is not one (if I may speak 
freely) to whose councils l fewer Grecian affairs are 
submitted than to ours ; and no wonder, when neither 
love, nor confidence, nor fear, can induce any people 
to apply to you. It is not one single cause thai hath 
effected this (in that case the remedy were easy), but 
many faults of various natures and of long continuance. 
Without entering into a particular detail, I shall men- 
tion one in which they all centre ; but I must first 
intreat you not to be offended if I speak some bold 
truths without reserve. 

Every opportunity which might have been improved 
to your advantage hath been sold. The ease and su- 
pineness in which you are indulged have disarmed 

picture here exhibited of the conduct of the Greeks towards 
the kings of Persia is by no means nattering in point of 
•morals. But it is not in ancient times only that we find 
morals must be silent when politics speak. — Tourrert. 

1 To whose councils, &c] The ruling states of Greece ac- 
counted it their greatest glory to see and hear a number of 
ambassadors in their assemblies, soliciting their protection 
and alliance. The conquests which Philip made in Thrace 
had put an end to many applications of this sort, which had 
formerly been addressed to the Athenians. Arid their indo- 
lence made people decline any engagements with them. Fo- 
reigners were persuaded, that they who were insensible to 
their own interests, were not likely to grant the due attention 
to those of others. 



PHILIPPIC THE FOURTH. 177 

your resentment against the traitors ; and thus others 
are suffered to possess your honors. — But at present I 
shall take notice only of what relates to Philip. If he 
be mentioned, immediately there is one ready to start 
up and cry, ' We should not act inconsiderately ; we 
should not involve ourselves in a war/ And then he 
is sure not to forget the great happiness of living in 
peace, the misfortune of being loaded with the main- 
tenance of a large army, the evil designs of some per- 
sons against our treasures ; with others of the like 
momentous truths. 

But these exhortations to peace should not be ad- 
dressed to you ; your conduct is but too pacific : let 
them rather be addressed to him who is in arms. If 
he can be prevailed on, there will be no difficulty on 
your part. Then, it cannot be thought a misfortune to 
provide for our security at the expense of some part of 
our possessions : the consequences that must arise, if 
this provision be neglected, rather deserve that name. 
And, as to the plundering of your treasury, this must 
be prevented by finding some effectual means to guard 
it ; not by neglecting your interests. Nor can I but 
express the utmost indignation, when I find some of 
you complaining that your treasures are plundered, 
though it be in your power to secure them, and to pu- 
nish the guilty ; and yet looking on with indifference 
while Philip is plundering every part of Greece suc- 
cessively ; and this, that he may at last destroy you. 

And what can be the reason, Athenians, that when 
Philip is guilty of such manifest violations of justice, 
when he is actually seizing our cities, yet none of these 
men will acknowlege that he acts unjustly, or commits 
hostilities; but assert that they who rouse you. from 
your insensibility, and urge you to oppose these out- 
rages, are involving you in war ? This is the reason ; 
that whatever accidents may happen in the course of 
the war (and there is a necessity, a melancholy ne- 
cessity that war should be attended with many acci- 
dents), they may lay the whole blame on your best and 
most faithful counsellors. They know, that if with a 
DEM. Μ 



178 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

steady and unanimous resolution, you oppose the in- 
solent invader, he must be conquered, and they de- 
prived of a master whose pay was ever ready. But, 
if the first unhappy accident calls you oif to private 
trials and prosecutions, they need but appear as accu- 
sers, and two great points are secured — your favor, 
and Philip's gold ; while you discharge the vengeance 
due to their perfidy against your faithful speakers. 
These are their hopes ; these the grounds of their com- 
plaints that certain persons are involving you in war. 
For my own part, this I know perfectly, that although 
it hath never been proposed by any Athenian to de- 
clare war, yet Philip hath seized many of our terri- 
tories, and but just now sent succors to the Cardians. 
But, if we will persuade ourselves that he is not com- 
mitting hostilities, he would be the most senseless of 
mortals should he attempt to undeceive us : for, when 
they who have received the injury deny it, must the 
offender prove his guilt? But when he marches di- 
rectly hither, what shall we then say ? He will still 
deny that he is at war with us (as he did to the people 
of Oreum until his forces were in the heart of their 
dominions ; as he did to those of Pheras until he was 
on the point of storming their walls ; as he did to the 
Olynthians until he appeared in their territories at the 
head of an army). Shall we then say that they who 
urge us to defend our country are involving us in a 
war ? If so, we must be slaves. There is no medium. 
Nor is your danger the same with that of other states. 
Philip's design is not to enslave, but to extirpate 
Athens. He knows that a state like yours, accustomed 
to command, will not, or, if it were inclined, cannot 
submit to slavery : he knows that, if you have an op- 
portunity, you can give him more disturbance than any 
other people ; and therefore, if ever he conquers us, 
we may be sure of finding no degree of mercy. 

Since, then, you are engaged in defence of all that is 
dear to you, apply to the great work with an attention 
equal to the importance of it : let the wretches who 
have openly sold themselves to this man be the objects 



PHILIPPIC THE FOURTH. 179 

of your abhorrence : let them meet with the utmost 
severity of public justice : for you will not, you can- 
not conquer your foreign enemies until you have 
punished those that lurk within your walls. No : they 
will ever prove so many obstacles to impede our pro- 
gress, and to give our enemies the superiority. 

And what can be the reason that he treats you with 
insolence (for I cannot call his present conduct by 
another name) ; that he utters menaces against you ; 
while he at least condescends to dissemble with other 
people, and to gain their confidence by good offices? 
Thus, by heaping favors on the Thessalians he led 
them insensibly into their present slavery. It is not 
possible to enumerate all the various artifices he prac- 
tised against the wretched Olynthians (such, among 
others, was the putting them in possession of Potidsea). 
In his late transactions with the Thebans, he enticed 
them to his party by yielding Boeotia to them, and by 
freeing them from a tedious and distressing war. And 
thus, after receiving their several insidious favors, 
some of these people have suffered calamities but too 
well known to all : others must submit to whatever 
may befal them. What you yourselves have formerly 
lost I shall not mention ; but, in the very treaty of 
peace, in how many instances have we been deceived ? 
how have we been despoiled? Did we not give up 
Phocis and the Straits ? Did we not lose our Thracian 
dominions- — Doriscum, Serrium, and even our ally Cer- 
sobleptes ? Is he not in possession of Cardia ? and 
doth he not avow his usurpation ? Whence is it, then, 
that his behavior towards you is so different from 
that towards others ? Because, of all the Grecian 
states, ours is the only one in which harangues in fa- 
vor of enemies are pronounced with impunity ; and the 
venal wretch may utter his falsehoods with security, 
even while you are losing your dominions. It was not 
safe to speak for Philip at Olynthus until the people 
had been gained by Potidasa. In Thessaly it was not 
safe to speak for Philip until that people had been 
gained by the expulsion of their tyrants, and by being 



180 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

reinstated in the council of amphictyons. Nor could 
it have been safely attempted at Thebes until he had 
given them up Bceotia, and exterminated the Phocians. 
But, at Athens, without the least danger may Philip 
be defended, although he hath deprived us of Amphi- 
polis, and the territory of Cardia ; although he threa- 
tens our city by his fortifications in Eubcea ; although 
he is now marching to Byzantium. Hence some of his 
advocates have arisen from penury to affluence ; from 
obscurity and contempt to honor and eminence ; while, 
on the other hand, you have sunk from glory to dis- 
grace ; from wealth to poverty : for the riches of a 
state I take to be the number, fidelity, and affection of 
its allies ; in. all which you are notoriously deficient. 
And by your total insensibility while your affairs are 
thus falling into ruin he is become successful, great, 
and formidable to all the Greeks, to all the barbarians ; 
and you deserted and inconsiderable ; sumptuous in- 
deed in your markets ; but, in every thing relating to 
military power, ridiculous. 

There are some orators, I find, who view your inter- 
ests and their own in a quite different light. To you 
they urge the necessity of continuing quiet whatever 
injuries you are exposed to ; they themselves find this 
impossible, though no one offers them the least injury. 
.To you I speak, Aristodemus ! x Suppose a person 
should, without severity, ask you this question : 
6 How is it that you, who are sensible (for it is a 
well-known truth) that the life of private men is serene 
and easy, and free from danger — that of statesmen, 
invidious and insecure, subject to daily contests and 
disquiets — should yet prefer the life encompassed with 
dangers to that of peace and disengagement V What 



1 To you I speak, Aristodemus !] He was by profession a 
player, and was one of the ten ambassadors which the Athe- 
nians had sent to the court of Macedon to treat about the 
peace. At his return, Demosthenes proposed a decree for 
crowning this very man for his good serviced, whom he here 
inveighs against with so much bitterness. 



PHILIPPIC THE FOURTH. 181 

could you say ? Suppose we admit the truth of the 
very best answer you could make, ' that you were 
prompted by a desire of honor and renown/ is it pos- 
sible that you, who engaged in such painful under- 
takings, who despised all toils and dangers for the 
sake of these, should advise the state to give them up . 
for ease and indulgence ? You cannot, surely, say that 
it was incumbent on you to maintain a degree of emi- 
nence in the city ; and that the city was not concerned 
to maintain her eminence in Greece ! Nor do I see 
how the public safety requires that we should confine 
ourselves to our own concerns ; and yet, than an offi- 
cious intrusion into those of others should be necessary 
for your safety. On the contrary, you are involving 
yourself in the greatest dangers by being unneces- 
sarily assiduous ; and the city, by being quite inactive. 
4 But then you have an illustrious reputation, derived 
from your family, which it would be shameful not to 
support ; while, on the contrary, nothing has been 
transmitted from our fathers but obscurity and mean- 
ness/ This is equally false. Your father was like 
you, and therefore base and infamous. To the honor 
of our ancestors let all Greece bear witness — twice 
rescued ' by their valor from the greatest dangers. 

There are persons, then, who do not act with the 
same firmness and integrity in the conduct of their 
own affairs and those of the state. Is not this the 
case, when some of them, after escaping from prison, 
have raised themselves so high, as to forget their for- 
mer condition ; and yet have reduced a state, whose 
pre-eminence in Greece was but now universally ac- 
knowleged, to the lowest degree of infamy and mean- 
ness ? I could say more on these and other points ; 

1 Twice rescued, &c] First at Marathon, and afterwards 
at Salamis. Isocrates mentions a third time, when they de- 
livered Greece from the Spartan yoke. Demosthenes (fre- 
quently speaks of this in the highest terms, but) here rather 
chooses to lessen the glory of his country than to recal an 
event which reflected on the Lacedaemonians, now in alliance 
with Athens. — Tourreil. 



182 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

but I forbear : for it is not want of good counsel that 
now distresses, or ever hath distressed you. But 
when your true interests have been laid before you, 
and that you have been unanimous in your approba- 
tion, you can, with equal patience, attend to those 
who endeavor to discredit, to overthrow all that hath 
been advanced. Not that you are ignorant of their 
characters (for you can, at first glance, distinguish 
the hireling and agent of Philip from the true patriot) ; 
but that by impeaching your faithful friends, and by 
turning the whole affair into ridicule and invective, 
you may find a pretence for the intire neglect of your 
duty. 

You have now heard truths of the highest moment 
urged with all freedom, simplicity, and zeal. You 
have heard a speech, not filled with flattery, danger, 
and deceit, calculated to bring gold to the speaker, 
and to reduce the state into the power of its enemies. 
It remains, therefore, that the whole tenor of your 
conduct be reformed ; if not, that utter desolation 
which will be found in your affairs must be imputed 
wholly to yourselves. 



THE TWELFTH ORATION AGAINST PHILIP : 

Commonly called the Oration on the Letter, 

PEOXOUXCED IN THE ARCHONSHIP OF THEOPHRASTUS, THE 
YEAR AFTER THE FOREGOING ORATION. 

TO WHICH IS PREFIXED 

PHILIP'S LETTER TO THE ATHENIANS. 



INTRODUCTION. 

The former oration inspired the Athenians with the resolu- 
tion of sending succors to all the cities that were threatened 
by Philip's arms ; and their first step was to despatch to 
the Hellespont a convoy with provisions ; which weighed 
anchor in view of Selymbria, a city of the Propontis, then be- 
sieged by the Macedonians, and was there seized by Amyntas, 
Philip's admiral. The ships were demanded by the Athe- 
nians, and returned by Philip, but with declarations suffi- 
ciently alarming. 

The obstinate valor of the Perinthians had forced Philip 
to turn the siege into a blockade. He marched off with a con- 
siderable body of his army to attack other places, and made 
an incursion into the territories of Byzantium. The Byzan- 
tines shut themselves up within their city, and despatched 
one of their citizens to Athens to desire the assistance of 
that state ; who, with some difficulty, prevailed to have a 
fleet of forty ships sent out, under the command of Chares. 

As this general had not the same reputation in other places 
as at Athens, the cities by which he was to pass refused to re- 
ceive him : so that he was obliged to wander for some time 
along the coasts, extorting contributions from the Athenian 
allies ; despised by the enemy, and suspected by the whole 
world. He appeared at last before Byzantium, where he 
met with the same mortifying treatment as in other places, 
and was refused admission ; and shortly after was defeated 
by Amyntas in a naval engagement, in which a considerable 
part of his fleet was either sunk or taken. 

Philip had for some time perceived that, sooner or later, 
he must inevitably come to a rupture with the Athenians. 



184 INTRODUCTION. 

His partisans were no longer able to lull them into security. 
Their opposition to his designs, however imperfect and in- 
effectual, was yet sufficient to alarm him. He therefore de- 
termined to endeavor to abate that spirit which now began to 
break through their inveterate indolence ; and for this pur- 
pose sent them a letter, in which, with the utmost art, he laid 
open the causes of complaint he had against them, and threat- 
ened them with reprisals. This letter was not received at 
Athens till after the news of Chares' defeat. 

Philip had now laid siege to Byzantium, and exerted all 
his efforts to make himself master of that city. On the other 
hand, the Athenians were disheartened by the ill success of 
their commander, and began to repent of having sent any 
succors, when Phocion, who always assumed the liberty of 
speaking his sentiments freely, assured them that, for once, 
they themselves had not been in fault ; but that their general 
only was to blame. He was immediately desired to take on 
himself the charge of relieving Byzantium ; aud set sail with 
a numerous body of forces. He was received with the greatest 
demonstrations of joy ; and his whole conduct expressed the 
utmost wisdom and moderation. Nor was his valor less con- 
spicuous : he sustained many assaults with an intrepidity, 
worthy of the early ages of the commonwealth, and at last 
obliged Philip to raise the siege. 

Phocion then departed amidst the general acclamations of 
the people whom he had saved. He proceeded to the relief 
of the colonies of the Chersonesus, who were ever exposed to 
the attacks of the Cardians. In this way he took some vessels 
laden with arms and provisions for the enemy, and obliged 
the Macedonians, who had attempted Sestos, to abandon their 
enterprise, and shut themselves up in Cardia. 

And thus, after various expeditions highly honorable both 
to himself and to his country, Phocion returned home, where 
he found the Athenians engaged in a debate on Philip's let- 
ter : on which occasion Demosthenes pronounced his last 
oration against Philip. To have answered the letter parti- 
cularly would have been very difficult; for, though Athens 
had the better cause, yet many irregularities had really been 
committed, which Philip knew how to display in their full 
force. The orator therefore makes use of his art to extricate 
himself from the difficulty ; avoids all former discussions of 
facts, and applies himself at once to raise the lively pas- 
sions : affects to consider this letter as an open declaration 
of war; inflames the imaginations of his hearers with this 
idea ; and speaks only of the means to support their arms 
against so powerful an enemy. 



PHILIP'S LETTER TO THE ATHENIANS. 1 



Philip, to the Senate and People of Athens — greeting: 
As the embassies I have frequently sent to enforce 
those oaths and declarations by which we stand en- 
gaged have produced no alteration in your conduct, I 
thought it necessary thus to lay before you the several 
particulars in which I think myself aggrieved. Be not 
surprised at the length of this letter ; for, as I have 
many causes of complaint, it is necessary to explain 
them all distinctly. 

First, then, when Nicias the herald 2 was forcibly 
taken out of my own territory; instead of punishing 
the author of this outrage, as justice required, you 
added to his wrongs, by keeping him ten months in pri- 
son ; and the letters intrusted to him by us 3 you read 

1 This letter is a masterpiece in the original : it has a ma- 
jestic and persuasive vivacity ; a force and justness of reason- 
ing sustained through the whole ; a clear exposition of facts, 
and each followed by its natural consequence j a delicate 
irony : in short, a noble and concise style, made for kings who 
speak well, or have taste and discernment at least to make 
choice of those who can make them speak well. If Philip 
was himself the author of this letter, as it is but just to be- 
lieve, since we have no proof to the contrary, we may reason- 
ably pronounce of him as was said of Csesar, ' that he wrote 
with that spirit with which he fought/ Eodem animo dixit, 
quo bellavit. Quint. Inst. 1. x. — Tourreil. 

2 When Nicias the herald, &c] Probably he had been 
seized on his journey from Thrace to Macedon by Diopithes, 
at the time of his invading Philip's Thracian dominions, as 
mentioned in the preface to the oration on the State of the 
Chersonesus. — Tourreil. 

3 And the letters intrusted to him by us, &c] The Athe- 
nians hoped, by opening this packet, to get some light into 
Philip's secret schemes and practices against them. There 



186 Philip's letter to the Athenians. 

publicly in your assembly. Again, when the ports of 
Thassus were open * to the Byzantine gallies, nay, to 
any pirates that pleased, you looked on with indiffer- 
ence ; although our treaties expressly say that such 
proceedings shall be considered as an actual declara- 
tion of war. About the same time it was that Diopi- 
thes made a descent on my dominions, carried off in 
chains the inhabitants of Crobyle and Tiristasis, 2 ra- 
vaged all the adjacent parts of Thrace, and at length 
proceeded to such a pitch of lawless violence as to 
seize Amphilocus, 3 who went, in quality of an ambassa- 
dor, to treat about the ransom of prisoners; whom, 
after he had reduced him to the greatest difficulties, he 
compelled to purchase his freedom, at the ratoof nine 
talents. And this he did with the approbation of his 
state. Yet the violation of the sacred character of 
heralds and ambassadors is accounted, by all people, 
the height of impiety : nor have any expressed a 
deeper sense of this than you yourselves ; for, when 
the Megareans had put Anthemocritus to death, 4 the 

were found in it some letters directed to Olympias, Philip's 
queen, which they treated with a most scrupulous respect, 
and took care she should receive them in the same condition 
in which they had been intercepted. — Tourreil. 

1 When the ports of Thassus were open, &c] The Athe- 
nians had engaged, by an article of their treaty, that the Thas- 
sians, who were their subjects, should not receive any ships 
that committed piracies on the subjects or allies of Philip. 
This article had not been strictly observed ; perhaps on ac- 
count of Philip's own infidelity. — Tourreil. 

2 Crobyle and Tiristasis.] The first ofthese places is quite 
unknown. Tiristasis is placed by Pliny in the Thracian Cher- 
sonesus. — Tourreil. 

3 As to seize Amphilocus.] It is impossible to save the 
honor of Diopithes but by denying the fact ; at least in the 
manner that Philip represents it. — Tourreil. 

4 For when the Megareans had put Anthemocritus W 
death, &c] Philip here beats the Athenians with their own 
weapons, and cites, very much to the purpose, the example of 
a memorable vengeance which they had taken about an age 
before on the Megareans. They had accused this people of 
favoring a revolt of their slaves, and of profaning a tract of 



Philip's letter to the Athenians. 187 

people proceeded so far as to exclude them from the 
mysteries, and erected * a statue before the gates as a 
monument of their crime. And is not this shocking•, to 
be avowedly guilty of the very same crimes for which 
your resentment fell so severely on others, when you 
yourselves were aggrieved? 

In the next place, Callias your general hath made 
himself master of all the towns on the bay of Pagasae, 
though comprehended in the treaty made with you, 
and united in alliance to me. Not a vessel could steer 
its course towards Macedon but the passengers were 

consecrated land ; and on this account excluded them from all 
advantages of commerce in the ports and markets of Athens. 
Thucydides stops here ; but Pausanias adds, that Anthemo- 
critus went from Athens in quality of a herald to summon the 
Megareans to desist from their sacrilege, and that for answer 
they put him to death. The interest of the gods served the 
Athenians for a pretence ; hut the famous Aspasia, whom 
Pericles was so violently in love with, was the true cause of 
their rupture with Megara. Some young Athenians, heated 
by wine, had taken away from Megara a remarkable courte- 
zan called Simaetha; and the Megareans, by way of reprisal, 
seized two Athenian ladies of the same character that were in 
Aspasia's train. Pericles espoused his favorite's quarrel; 
and, with the power which he then possessed, easily per- 
suaded the people to whatever he pleased. They thundered 
out a decree against the Megareans, forbidding all commerce 
with them on pain of death : they drew up a new form of 
an oath, by which every general obliged himself to invade the 
territories of Megara twice every year. This decree kindled 
the first sparks of contention, which at length flamed out in 
the Peloponnesian war : it was the work of three courtezans. 
The most illustrious events have sometimes as shameful an 
origin. — Tourreil. 

1 To exclude them from the mysteries, and erected, &c] 
All the Greeks had ordinarily a right to be initiated into what 
were called the lesser mysteries, which the Athenians cele- 
brated at Eleusis in honor of Ceres and Proserpine ; but on 
the death of Anthemocritus the Megareans were excluded, 
and a statue or tomb erected in honor of this herald on the 
road leading from Athens to Eleusis, near the gate called 
Dipylon. According to Aristophanes (in Acharn. act. ii. sc. 
5.) the Megareans denied this murder, and threw the whole 
blame of it on Aspasia and Pericles. — Tourreil, 



188 Philip's letter to the Athenians, 

all treated by him as enemies, and sold ; and this his 
conduct hath been applauded by the resolutions of 
your council ! So that I do not see how you can pro- 
ceed farther if you actually declare war against me. 
For, when we were at open hostilities, you did but 
send out your corsairs, make prize of those who were 
sailing to my kingdom, assist my enemies, and infest 
my territories. Yet now, when we are professedly at 
peace, so far have your injustice and rancor hurried 
you, that you have sent ambassadors to the Persian * 
to persuade him to attack me ; which must appear 
highly surprising ; for, before that prince had subdued 
Egypt and Phoenicia, it was resolved 2 that, if he at- 
tempted any new enterprises, you would invite me, as 
well as all the other G reeks, to an association against 
him. But now, with such malice am I pursued, that 
you are on the contrary, confederating with him 
against me. In former times, I am told, your ances- 
tors objected it as an heinous crime to the family 3 of 

1 You have sent ambassadors to the Persian, &c.l Diodo- 
rus informs us that about this time the satraps of the Lesser 
Asia had obliged Philip to raise the siege of Perinthus. The 
historian does not say that the Athenians invited them ; but 
Philip complains of it here : and Pausanias observes, that in 
this expedition the Persian forces were commanded by Apol- 
lodorus, an Athenian general. We may observe with what 
disrespect Philip (whose ancestors in their greatest prospe- 
rity never aspired higher than to the alliance of some satrap) 
here speaks of the Great King — ' the Persian !' — Tourreil. 

% Before that prince had subdued Egypt and Phoenicia, it 
was resolved, &c] Artaxerxes Ochus, who governed Persia 
at that time, before his reduction of these revolted provinces 
had marched into the Lesser Asia against Artabazus, a re- 
bellious satrap. The approach of the Persians alarmed the 
Greeks ; and Athens conceived a design of attacking them 
in their own country. This gave occasion to the oration of 
Demosthenes intitled Ilepi των 'Ζυμμοριων. Philip pretends 
that they had resolved to admit him into the confederacy 
which was then forming in favor of the Greeks, with whom 
he affects to rank, and by his expressions removes every idea 
of foreigner and barbarian, which are the representations that 
the orator frequently makes of him. — Tourreil. 

3 Your ancestors objected it as an heinous crime to the fa- 



Philip's letter to the Athenians. 189 

Pisistratus that they had led the Persian against the 
Greeks : and yet you are not ashamed to commit the 
very same action for which you were continually in- 
veighing against those tyrants ! 

But your injustice hath not stopped here. Your de- 
crees command me to permit Teres and Cersobleptes 
to reign 1 unmolested in Thrace, as being citizens of 
Athens. — I do not know that they were included in 
our treaty, that their names are to be found in the re- 
cords of our engagements, or that they are Athenians. 
But this I know, that Teres served in my army against 
you ; and that when Cersobleptes proposed to my am- 
bassadors to take the necessary oaths, in order to be 
particularly included in the treaty, your generals pre- 
vented him, by declaring him an enemy to the Athe- 
nians. And how is this equitable or just ; — when it 
serves your purposes, to proclaim him the enemy of 
your state ; when I am to be calumniated, to give him 
the title of your citizen ; when Sitalces was slain, 2 to 

mily, &c] The comparison which Philip makes here, be- 
tween the sons of Pisistratus and the orators who advised 
an alliance with Persia, is founded on a history too well 
known to be enlarged on. It is undoubtedly by no means 
just: for, in different conjunctures, the good citizen may em- 
ploy the same forces to save his country that the wicked one 
had formerly employed to destroy it. However, the turn he 
gives it was the fittest in the world to affect the people, who 
thought it their greatest honor to express an inveterate hatred 
to the Persians. 

1 To permit Teres and Cersobleptes to reign, &c] History 
speaks only of Cersobleptes. They had suffered him to be 
overthrown hy Philip ; and, when they found how nearly 
they themselves were affected by his fall, employed those 
decrees to endeavor to restore him. — Tourreil. 

2 When Sitalces was slain, &c] This Sitalces was the 
grandfather of Cersobleptes. In the beginning of the Pelo- 
ponnesian war he rendered the Athenians such important 
services, that they, by way of acknowledgement, admitted his 
son Sadocus into the number of their citizens. In the eighth 
year of this war Sitalces was killed in a battle against the 
Triballi. His nephew Seuthes seized the kingdom, in preju- 
dice of his children ; and hence became suspected of being 



190 Philip's letter to the Athenians. 

whom you granted the privileges of your city, instantly 
to enter into an alliance with his murderer ; yet to en- 
gage in a war with me on account of Cersobleptes ? 
and this, when you are sensible that not one of these 
your adopted citizens have ever showed the least re- 
gard to your laws or determinations ! — But to bring 
this aiFair to a short issue. You granted the rights of 
your community 1 to Evagoras of Cyprus, 2 to Diony- 
sius the Syracusan, and to their descendants. Pre- 
vail therefore on the men who have dispossessed each 
of these to restore them to their dominions, and you 

the cause of his death. Philip argues from this suspicion as 
if it were an undoubted truth. — Tourreil. 

1 You granted the rights of your community, &c] What 
idea must we form of the splendor of that city, where even 
kings solicited for the rank of private citizens ! The other 
states of Greece affected the same kind of grandeur. At a 
time, when ambassadors from Corinth were congratulating 
Alexander on his victories, they made him an offer of the free- 
dom of their city, as the greatest mark of honor possible. 
Alexander, now in the full splendor of his fortune, disdained 
to return them any answer but a contemptuous smile. This 
stung the ambassadors to the quick ; and one of them was 
bold enough to say, ' Know, Sir, that the great Hercules and 
you are the only persons whom Corinth has ever deigned to 
distinguish in this manner.' This softened the prince : he 
received them with all possible marks of respect, and accepted 
of a title which had been so dignified. — Tourreil. 

2 To Evagoras of Cyprus.] The Athenians erected a statue 
to Evagoras, the elder of that name, and declared him a citi- 
zen of Athens, for having assisted Conon in restoring their 
liberty. He caused Salamis to revolt from the Persians, and 
subdued most part of the island of Cyprus ; but was after- 
wards reduced, and fell by the hands of Nicocles. His son, 
Evagoras the Younger, however, asserted his claim to the king- 
dom of Cyprus, and was supported by the Athenians against 
Protagoras, the successor of Nicocles. But his attempts 
were not successful. Protagoras supplanted him at the court 
of Persia, where he had been in full favor. He was cited to 
answer to some heads of an accusation ; and, upon his justi- 
fying himself, he obtained a government in Asia well worth 
his little kingdom. But his bad conduct soon obliged him to 
abdicate, and fly into Cyprus, where he perished wretchedly. 
— TGurreil, 



Philip's letter to the Athenians. 191 

shall recover from me all those territories of Thrace 1 
which Teres and Cersobleptes commanded. But if 
you have nothing to urge against those who expelled 
them, and yet are incessantly tormenting me, am not 
I justly warranted to oppose you? — I might urge many 
other arguments on this head, but I choose to pass 
them over. 

The Cardians, 2 I freely declare, I am determined to 
support, as my engagements to them are prior to our 
treaty, and as you refused to submit your differences 
with them to an arbitration, though frequently urged 
by me : nor have they been wanting in the like solici- 
tations. Should not I therefore be the basest of man- 
kind to abandon my allies, and to show greater re- 
gard for you, my inveterate opposers, than for my 
constant and assured adherents ? 

Formerly (for I cannot pass this in silence) you 
contented yourselves with remonstrating on the points 
above mentioned. But lately, on the bare complaint 
of the Peparethians, that they had been severely 
treated by me, you proceeded to such outrage, as to 
send orders to your general to revenge their quarrel. 
Yet the punishment which I inflicted was no way 
equal to the heinousness of their crime ; as they had 
in time of peace seized Halonesus ; nor could be pre- 
vailed on, by all my solicitations, to give up either the 
island or the garrison. The injuries I received from 
the Peparethians were never thought of ; but their pu- 
nishment commanded all your attention, as it afforded 
a pretence for accusing me ; although I did not take the 
island either from them or from you, but from the 
pirate Sostratus. If then you confess that you deli- 
vered it to Sostratus, you confess yourselves guilty of 



1 All those territories of Thrace.] In the original, την 
Θράκης, δσην, &c. By the ironical pomp of this expression 
he sets their dominions (which were really inconsiderable) 
in the most contemptuous light. — Tourreil. 

2 The Cardians, &c] See the preface to the oration on the 
State of the Chersonesus, 



192 Philip's letter to the Athenians. 

sending out pirates : if he seized it without your con- 
sent, how have I injured you by taking possession 
of it, and by rendering it a secure harbor ? Nay, 
so great was my regard to your state, that I offered 
to bestow on you this island : but this was not agree- 
able to your orators: they 1 would not have it ac- 
cepted, but resumed. So that, if I complied with their 
directions, I proclaimed myself an usurper : if I still 
kept possession of the place, I became suspected 
to the people. I saw through these artifices, and 
therefore proposed to bring our differences to a judicial 
determination ; and, if sentence was given for me, to 
present you with the place : if in your favor, to re- 
store it to the people. This I frequently desired you : 
would not hear it : the Peparethians seized the island. 
What then was I to do ? Should I not punish the vio- 
lators of oaths ? Was I tamely to bear such an auda- 
cious insult ? If the island was the property of the Pe- 
parethians, what right have the Athenians to demand 
it ? If it be yours, why do you not resent their usur- 
pations ? 

So far, in short, have our animosities been carried, 
that, when I had occasion to despatch some vessels to 
the Hellespont, I was obliged to send a body of forces 
through the Chersonesus to defend them against your 
colonies, who are authorised to attack me by a decree 
oi Polycrates, 2 confirmed by the resolutions of your 
council. Nay, your general has actually invited the 
Byzantines to join him, and has every where publicly 
declared that he has your instructions to commence 
hostilities at the first favorable opportunity. All 
this could not prevail on me to make any attempt on 

1 But this was- not agreeable to your orators : they, &c] 
Demosthenes in particular opposed their receiving a restitu- 
tion under the name of a present. 

2 By a decree of Polycrates.] This orator had great credit 
at Athens, and on many occasions favored the designs of 
Philip. Possibly he acted otherwise on this occasion, the 
better to conceal his attachment ; or that he might afterwards 
sell his integrity at a dearer rate. — Tourreil. 



Philip's letter to the Athenians. 193 

your city, or your navy, or your territories, although 
I might have had success in most, or even all of them. 
I chose rather to continue my solicitations to have our 
complaints submitted to proper umpires. And which, 
think ye, is the fittest decision — that of reason or of the 
sword ? Who are to be judges in your cause — your- 
selves or others ? What can be more inconsistent than 
that the people of Athens, who compelled the Thassi- 
ans and Maronites 1 to bring their pretensions to the 
city of Stryma to a judicial decision, should yet refuse 
to have their own disputes with me determined in the 
same manner ? particularly, as you are sensible, that 
if the decree be against you, still you lose nothing ; if 
in your favor, it puts you in possession of my con- 
quests. 

But what appears to me most unaccountable is this : 
when I sent you ambassadors, chosen from all the 
confederated powers, on purpose to be witnesses of 
our transactions ; when I discovered the sincerest in- 
tentions of entering into reasonable and just engage- 
ments with you, in relation to the affairs of Greece, 
you even refused to hear these ambassadors on that 
head. It was then in your power to remove all their 
apprehensions who suspected any danger from my 
designs, or to have openly convicted me of consum- 
mate baseness. This was the interest of the people ; 
but the orators could not find their account in it ; for 
they are a set of men to whom (if I may believe those 
that are acquainted with your polity) peace is war, 
and war is peace ; 2 as they are always sure to make a 

1 Who compelled the Thassians and Maronites, &c] The 
first of these people inhabited an island in the Egean sea. 
the other a maritime place in Thrace. The Thassians had 
founded Stryma, according to Herodotus ; but, as it was in 
the neighborhood of Maronea, probably the Maronites had, 
in quality of protectors, or benefactors, acquired some pre- 
tensions to it. — Tourreil. 

2 Peace is war, and war is peace, &c] Aristotle, in his 
Rhetor. 1. iii. c. 10, quotes this (nearly) as an example of an 
agreeable antithesis ; which, joined to the force, and, what is 

dem. :n 



194 philip's letter to the Athenians. 

property of the generals, either by aiding their designs* 
or by malicious prosecutions. Then they need but 
throw out some scandalous invectives against persons 
of worth and eminence, citizens or foreigners, and they 
at once acquire the character of patriots among the 
many. I could have easily silenced their clamors 
against me by a little gold, and even have converted 
them into praises ; but I should blush to purchase your 
friendship from such wretches. To such insolence 
have they proceeded on other occasions, that they even 
dared to dispute my title to Amphipolis, which is 
founded, I presume, on reasons beyond their power 
to invalidate : for, if it is to belong to those who first 
conquered it, what can be juster than our claim ? 
Alexander, our ancestor, was the original sovereign ;* 
as appears from the golden statue 2 which he erected at 

more, to the order of the arguments contained in this letter, 
inclines me to think that Aristotle was his secretary on this 
occasion. But my conjecture, whether well or ill founded, 
does not detract from Philip in point of genius and spirit. 
The true talent of a king is to know how to apply the talents 
of others to the best advantage : and we do not want other 
proofs of Philip's abilities in writing ; witness his letter to 
Aristotle on the birth of Alexander. — Tourreil. 

1 Alexander, our ancestor, was the original sovereign.] 
Philip asserts boldly, without giving himself much trouble 
even to preserve probability : for in the time of Alexander, 
the contemporary of Xerxes, there was no city, nor any forti- 
fied post in the place where Amphipolis was afterwards 
raised ; nor was it till thirty years after the defeat of the Per- 
sians that Agnon founded it.— Tourreil, 

2 As appears from the golden statue, &c] Herodotus speaks 
of this statue, and places it near the colossal statue which the 
Greeks raised, according to custom, out of the Persian spoils. 
The proximity of these statues serves Philip as a foundation 
for giving his ancestors an honor which really belonged to the 
Greeks. Solinus mentions that Alexander, a very rich prince, 
made an offering of a golden statue of Apollo in the temple of 
Delphos, and another of Jupiter in the temple of Elis ; but 
not that the Persian spoils were any part of these offerings. — 
This Alexander, surnamed Φιλελλην, friend of Greeks, had 
the reputation of an able politician, but not of a good soldier 
or great commander. He served the Persians a long time, 



philip's letter to the Athenians. 195 

Delphos from the first fruits of the Persian spoils 
taken there. But if this admits of contest, and it is to 
continue the property of those who were last in pos- 
session, it is mine by this title too (for I took it from 
the Lacedaemonian inhabitants, who had dispossessed 
you) ; l and all cities are held either by hereditary 
right or by the right of conquest. And yet you, who 
neither were the original possessors, nor are now in 
possession, presume to lay claim to this city, under pre- 
tence of having held it for some short time ; and this 
when you have yourselves given the strongest testi- 
mony in my favor ; for I frequently wrote to you on 
this head, and you as often acknowleged me the right- 
ful sovereign : and, by the articles of our late treaty, 
the possession of Amphipolis and your alliance were 
both secured to me. What title therefore can be better 
established ? It descended to us from our ancestors ; 
it is ours by conquest ; and, lastly, you yourselves 
have acknowleged the justice of our pretensions ; you 
who are wont to assert your claim even when it is not 
supported by right. 

I have now laid before you the grounds of my com- 
plaints. Since you have been the first aggressors ; 
since my gentleness and fear of offending have only 
served to increase your injustice, and to animate you 
in your attempts to distress me, I must now take up 
arms ; and I call the gods to witness to the justice of 
my cause, and the necessity of procuring for myself 
that redress which you deny me ! 

rather by force than inclination ; and, before the battle of 
Salamis, declared of a sudden for the Greeks. — Tourreil. 

1 I took it from the Lacedaemonian inhabitants, who had 
dispossessed you, &c] Brasidas, the Lacedaemonian general, 
took Amphipolis from the republic of Athens ; and, by the 
assistance of Sparta, it afterwards maintained its independ- 
ence until it fell into the power of Philip. — Tourreil, 



THE ORATION ON THE LETTER. 1 



Now, Athenians, it is fully evident to you all that 
Philip made no real peace with us, hut only deferred 
hostilities. When he surrendered Halus to the Phar- 
salians, 2 when he completed the ruin of Phocis, when 
he overturned all Thrace, 3 then did he really attack 
the state, under the concealment of false allegations 
and unjust pretences ; hut now he hath made a formal 
declaration of war hy this his letter. That we are not 
to look with horror on his power ; that, on the other 
hand, we are not to he remiss in our opposition, hut to 
engage our persons, our treasures, and our navies ; in 
one word, our whole strength, freely, in the common 
cause ; these are the points I would establish. 

1 It must be confessed that this oration consists almost 
wholly of repetitions. This great man seems to have thought 
himself superior to all vain criticisms; and, only concerned 
for the safety of Athens, was in no pain about his private 
glory. He speaks as an orator whose end is to persuade and 
convince ; not as a declaimer, who seeks only to give pleasure 
and excite admiration : he therefore resumes those topics he 
had already made use of, and gives them new force by the 
close and lively manner in which he delivers them. — Tourreil. 

C Z When he surrendered Halus to the Pharsalians, &c] 
Halus was a town of Thessaly on the river Amphrysus. 
Parmenio besieged and took it ; after which Philip put the 
people of Pharsalia in possession of it. — Tourreil. 

3 When he overturned all Thrace, &c] This is the lan- 
guage of an orator who, to represent Philip's outrages with 
the greater aggravation, takes the liberty of speaking of a part 
of that country as of the whole. Philip had indeed made 
himself master of the territories of Teres and Cersobleptes, 
both kings in Thrace, and allies of the Athenians : but Pau- 
sanias observes, that before the Romans, no one had ever 
made an intire conquest of Thrace. — Tourreil. 



ORATION OX THE LETTER. 197 

First, then, Athenians, the gods we may justly 
regard as our strongest allies and assistants ; since, in 
this unjust violation of his treaty, he hath trampled 
on religion and despised the most solemn oaths. In 
the next place, those secret practices to which his 
greatness hath hitherto been owing, all his arts of de- 
ceiving, all his magnificent promises, are now quite 
exhausted. The Perinthians, and the Byzantines, 
and their confederates, 1 have at length discovered that 
he intends to treat them as he formerly treated the 
Olynthians. The Thessalians are no longer ignorant 
that he affects to be the master, and not the leader of 
his allies. The Thebans begin to see danger in his 
stationing a garrison at Nicsea, 2 his assuming the rank 
of an amphictyon, his bringing into Macedon the em- 
bassies from Peloponnesus, 3 and his preventing them 
in seizing the advantage of an alliance with the people 
of that country. So that, of those who have hitherto 
been his friends, some are now irreconcilably at war 
with him ; others no longer serve him with zeal and 
sincerity; and all have their suspicions and complaints. 

1 And their confederates.] The inhabitants of Chios, 
Rhodes, and some other places, joined to defeat Philip's 
designs on Perinthus and Byzantium. — Tourrvil. 

2 At Nicaea.J This town was situated near Thermopylae 
and was counted among the principal towns of the Locrians 
(Epicnemidii), the neighbors and allies of the Boeotians and 
Thebans. Philip made himself master of it at the time that 
he seized Thermopylae, under pretence of putting an end to 
the sacred war. — Tourreil. 

3 His bringing into Macedon the embassies from Pelopon- 
nesus, &c] Probably this was at the time when he interested 
himself in the disputes between Sparta and the Argians and 
Messenians, as mentioned in the preface to the second Phi- 
lippic oration. — Strabo mentions an application of the Argians 
and Messenians to Philip to regulate a contest between them 
and Lacedaemon about their boundaries ; and Pausanias de- 
claims against the pride of Gallus, a Roman senator, who 
thought it derogated from his dignity to decide the diiferences 
of Lacedaemon and Argos, and disdained to meddle with a 
mediation which Philip had formerly not only accepted, but 
courted. — Tourreil. 



198 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

Add to this (and it is of no small moment) that the 
satraps of Asia have just now forced him to raise the 
siege of Perinthus, by throwing in a body of hired 
troops : and as this must make him their enemy, 1 and 
as they are immediately exposed to danger, should he 
become master of Byzantium, they will not only readily 
unite their force with ours, but prevail on the king 
of Persia to assist us with his treasure ; who, in this 
particular, far exceeds all other potentates ; and whose 
influence in Greece is so great, that formerly, when 
we were engaged in a war with Lacedaemon, he never 
failed to give the superiority to 2 that party which he 
espoused : and now, when he unites with us, he will 
with ease subdue the power of Philip. 

I shall not mention, as a balance to these so consi- 
derable advantages, that he hath taken the opportunity 
of the peace to make himself master of many of our 
territories, our ports, and other like conveniences : 
for it is observable, that where affection joins, and one 
common interest animates the confederating powers, 
there the alliance is never to be shaken ; but where 
subtle fraud, and passions insatiable, and perfidy, and 

1 As this must make him their enemy.] This proved an 
exact prediction of what happened some time after. Alex- 
ander, in his letter to Darius, alleges, as one of the principal 
subjects of their rupture, the powerful succors which Pe- 
rinthus received from the Persian satraps. Arrian. 1. i. — 
Tourreil. 

2 He never failed to give the superiority to, &c] History 
represents the king of Persia as the supreme ai'biter of the 
fate of Athens and Lacedaemon during the whole time of their 
quarrels. Darius Nothus joined with the Lacedaemonians ; 
and Lysander their general destroyed Athens. Artaxerxes 
Mnemon protected Conon, the Athenian general, and imme- 
diately Athens resumed her former splendor. Lacedaemon 
afterwards joined in alliance "with the great king ; and this 
intimidated the Athenians, and obliged them to seek for 
peace. Artaxerxes dictated the articles of it, threatening to 
declare against those who should refuse to subscribe to them. 
Athens instantly obeyed. Thus it was that a foreign power 
lorded it over the Greeks, and by means of their divisions had 
the absolute command of their fate. — Tourreil, 



ORATION ON THE LETTER. 199 

violence have formed it (and these are the means 
which he hath used), the least pretence, the slightest 
accident, gives it the fatal shock, and in an instant it 
is utterly dissolved . And, from repeated observations, 
I am convinced, Athenians, that Philip not only wants 
the confidence and affection of his allies ; but, even in 
his own kingdom, he is by no means happy in that 
well-established regularity, and those intimate attach- 
ments, which might be expected. The power of Mace- 
don, indeed, as an ally, may have some eifect ; but, if 
left to itself, is insufficient ; and, when compared with 
his pompous enterprises, quite contemptible. And 
then his wars, his expeditions, and those exploits which 
have given him this splendor, are the very means of 
rendering it yet weaker : for you are not to imagine, 
Athenians, that Philip and his subjects have the same 
desires. He is possessed with the love of glory; they 
wish only for security. The object of his passion 
must be attended with danger ; and they but ill endure 
a banishment from their children, parents, wives ; a 
life worn out with toils, and exposed to continual 
perils in his cause. 

Hence we may learn how his subjects in general are 
affected to their prince. But then his guards, and 
officers of his foreign troops : these you will find have 
some military reputation : yet they live in greater 
terrors than the obscure and mean. These are exposed 
only to their avowed enemies : the others have more 
to fear from calumny and flattery than in the field. 
The one, when engaged in battle, but share the com- 
mon danger : the others, besides their part, and this 
not the least of that danger, have also their private 
apprehensions from the temper of their prince. Among 
the many, when one hath transgressed, his punishment 
is proportioned to his crime : the others, when they 
have most eminently distinguished themselves, are 
then, in open defiance of all decency, treated with the 
greatest insolence and disdain. 

That these are incontestible truths, no reasonable 
man can doubt : for they who have lived with him 



200 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

assure us that his ambition is so insatiable, that he 
will have the glory of every exploit ascribed wholly 
to himself ; and is much more incensed against such 
commanders as have performed any thing worthy of 
honor, than against those whose misconduct hath ruin- 
ed his enterprises. But, if this be the case, how is it 
that they have persevered so long in their attachment 
to his cause ? It is for this reason, Athenians, because 
success throws a shade on all his odious qualities (for 
nothing veils men's faults from observation so effectu- 
ally as success) : but let any accident happen, and 
they will all be perfectly discovered. Just as in our 
bodies ; while we are in health our inward defects lie 
concealed ; but, when we are attacked by a disorder, 
then they are all sensible, in the vessels, in the joints, 
or wherever we are affected : so in kingdoms and 
governments of every kind, while their arms are vic- 
torious their disorders escape the common observa- 
tion ; but a reverse of fortune (and this he must ex- 
perience, as he hath taken up a burden much beyond 
his strength) never fails to lay them open to every 
eye. 

If there be a man among you, Athenians, who re- 
gards Philip as a powerful and formidable enemy, on 
account of his good fortune, such cautious foresight 
bespeaks a truly prudent mind. Fortune, indeed, does 
greatly influence, or rather, has the intire direction of 
all human affairs ; but there are many reasons to ex- 
pect much more from the fortune of Athens than that 
of Philip. We can boast of an authority in Greece, 
derived from our ancestors, not only before his days, 
but before any one prince of Macedon. They all were 
tributaries of Athens : Athens never paid that mark 
of subjection to any people. In the next place, the 
more inviolably we have adhered to piety and justice, 
the greater may be our confidence in the favor of the 
gods. But, if this be the case, how is it that in the 
late war his arms had such superior fortune ? This is 
the cause (for I will speak with undaunted freedom) ; 
he takes the field himself; endures its toils, and shares 



ORATION ON THE LETTER. 201 

its dangers : no favorable incident escapes him ; no 
season of the year retards him. While we (for the 
truth must not be concealed) are confined within our 
walls, in perfect inactivity, delaying, and voting, and 
wandering through the public places in search of news. 
Can any thing better deserve the name of new, than 
that one sprung from Macedon should insult Athens, 
and dare to send such letters as you have just heard 
recited ? that he should have his armies and his 
orators in pay ? (yes, I call Heaven to witness, there 
are those among us who do not blush to live for Philip, 
who have not sense to perceive that they are selling 
all the interests of the state, all their own real in- 
terests for a trifling pittance!) — while we never once 
think of preparing to oppose him ; are quite averse to 
hiring troops, and want resolution to take up arms our- 
selves. No wonder, therefore, that he had some ad- 
vantage over us in the late war : on the contrary, it is 
really surprising that we, who are quite regardless of 
all that concerns our cause, should expect to conquer 
him who leaves no means omitted that may assure his 
success. 

Let these things be duly weighed, Athenians, and 
deeply impressed on your minds. Consider that it is 
not at your option whether to profess peace or no; 
for he hath now made a declaration of war, and hos- 
tilities are commenced. Spare no expenses, public or 
private : let a general ardor appear for taking arms : 
appoint abler commanders than you- have hitherto 
chosen ; for it must not be imagined that the men who, 
from a state of prosperity, have reduced us to these 
difficulties, will again extricate us, and restore us to 
our former splendor : nor is it to be expected that, if 
you continue thus supine, your cause will find other 
assertors. Think how infamous it is that you, whose 
ancestors were exposed to such incessant toils and so 
great dangers, in the war with Lacedagmon, should 
refuse to engage with resolution in defence of that 
rightful power which they transmitted to us ! How 
shameful that this Macedonian should have a soul so 



202 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

daring that, to enlarge his empire, his whole body is 
covered with wounds ; and that the Athenians, they 
whose hereditary character it is to yield to none, but 
to give law to all their adversaries, are now supine 
and enervated, insensible to the glory of their fathers, 
and regardless of the interests of their country ! 

That I may not detain you, my sentence is this : 
that we should instantly prepare for war, and call on 
the other states of Greece to join in the common 
cause, not by words, but by actions ; for words, if not 
attended with actions, are of no force. Our professions 
particularly have always had the less weight, as we are 
confessedly superior to the rest of Greece in prompt 
address and excellence of speaking. 



CONCLUSION. 



Having thus far traced the progress of Philip's attempts on 
Greece, it may be no improper conclusion to continue the 
account down to his final triumph over the liberty of that 
country. 

We have seen the Athenians at last exerting themselves in 
a manner worthy of that renowned people : and Philip now 
returning from his Scythian expedition, in which he had en- 
gaged when foiled in his attempts on Perinthus and Byzan- 
tium, found himself considerably distressed and harassed by 
the hostilities of Athens. To extricate himself from these 
difficulties he formed a bold and subtle project of entering 
Greece ; and so laid his scheme as to make the Athenians 
themselves the instruments of his designs. 

By his intrigues he procured ./Eschines to be sent as their 
deputy to the council of amphictyons. This was in reality 
of the highest consequence: for no sooner had the deputy 
taken his seat but a question was moved, whether the Lo- 
crians of Amphissa had not been guilty of sacrilege in plough- 
ing the fields of Cirrha, contiguous to the temple of Delphos? 
Sentiments were divided. ^Eschines proposed a view : this 
was decreed ; and, when the amphictyons came to take it, the 
Locrians, jealous of their property, and no doubt inflamed by 
those who were in the secret of the whole design, fell on those 
venerable persons, and obliged them to consult their safety by 
flight. Such an outrage was judged to demand the severest 
punishment; and it was decreed that all Greece should join 
in inflicting it. But when the army came to the place of ren- 
dezvous, their appearance gave no great prospect of success. 
His agents and partisans then rose, and by their artful repre- 
sentations prevailed on the amphictyons to declare Philip 
general of the Grecian forces, and to invite him to execute 
their decrees. As the event was expected, his army was 
ready. He marched into Greece ; but, instead of attacking 
the Locrians, he immediately seized Elataea, a city of Phocis, 
of the utmost moment, as it awed Boeotia, and opened him a 
passage into Attica. 

This step struck Greece with astonishment. Athens par- 
ticularly received the news with inexpressible confusion. The 



204 CONCLUSION. 

people ran dismayed to an assembly, and called on their usual 
counsellors to give their opinion in this critical juncture. De- 
mosthenes rose, and his eloquence was exerted to animate 
their drooping courage ; by his advice ambassadors were sent 
through Greece, and particularly to Thebes, to engage the 
states to rise at once to oppose the Macedonian torrent before 
it bore down all. Demosthenes himself headed the embassy 
to the Thebans. He found a powerful antagonist in Python, 
Philip's agent : yet, in spite of his remonstrances, he so 
fired that people, that they at once forgot all the favors Philip 
had conferred on them, and joined against him with the 
most cordial zeal. The confederates met at Eleusis. The 
Pythian priestess uttered the most terrible predictions, and 
threatened them with the severest fate ; but Demosthenes 
took care to prevent the effect of this by treating her oracles 
with contempt ; which he declared were dictated by Philip, 
and calculated to serve his interests. 

This prince now saw all his arts defeated ; and therefore 
resolved on an engagement, as his last resource. He ad- 
vanced to Chaeronea, in the neighborhood of which city the 
confederates were incamped, under the command of Chares 
and Lysicles, two Athenian generals, by no means worthy of 
commanding so illustrious an army. The next day by sun- 
rise both armies were in the field. Alexander, then but 
nineteen years old, surrounded by a number of experienced 
officers, commanded the left wing of the Macedonians. He 
began the onset, and was bravely opposed by the Sacred Band 
of the Thebans. On the right Philip himself commanded, 
where the Athenians made their attack with such vigor as 
obliged his soldiers to give ground. The advantage was pur- 
sued with the most imprudent and intemperate heat : but, 
while the Athenians were rushing on without any order, 
Philip bore down on them with his phalanx, and obtained 
an easy, though a bloody victory. At the same time, and 
with a like effusion of blood, Alexander triumphed over the 
Thebans. 

Thus were the confederates totally overthrown, and the 
liberty of Greece lost for ever. 



THE 

ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES 

ON 

OCCASIONS OF PUBLIC DELIBERATION. 

TO WHICH IS ADDED, 

THE ORATION OF DINARCHUS AGAINST 
DEMOSTHENES. 



PREFACE. 



The Public Orations of Demosthenes here presented 
to the reader, are not indeed of the same interesting 
nature with those which precede them, but such as 
have been always deemed well worthy the regards of 
the learned : and, if we may ever hope to gain an 
attention to the remains of this eloquent statesman, 
we must look for it in Britain, where a love of liberty 
possesses its inhabitants, and a freedom of debate, the 
natural consequence of a freedom of constitution, is 
held sacred and inviolable ; where opposite opinions, 
accidental abuses and corruptions, various plans of 
policy, contentions for power, and many other causes, 
conspire to animate its counsellors, and call forth their 
abilities ; where a profusion of glittering ornament, 
gay flights of fancy, and figurative eloquence, do bv 
no means form the character of national eloquence : 
but simplicity and severity of reasoning, force and 
energy, eminently distinguish the speakers of every 
kind from those of the neighboring nations : and 
where, above all, a warm benevolence of heart, con- 
fessedly the glory of its citizens, may at some times 
engage their attention to the interests and concerns of 
a people who experienced the vicissitudes of integrity 
and corruption, happiness and misfortune ; who were 



208 PREFACE. 

disgraced or renowned, just as their councils were 
weak or well directed. 

The history of the wars, negotiations, government, 
and policy, of the conquests and defeats, of the pro- 
gress and declension of all ancient states, is universally 
allowed to be a study highly delightful and interesting 
to the ingenuous mind. The harangues and counsels 
of their statesmen are no inconsiderable part of this 
history. Nor can it be deemed an useless or unafFecting 
occupation to inquire what were the arguments used 
in a free assembly, on any occasions where the public 
interests were concerned ; what were the topics urged 
to awaken the indolence, or to check the violence of 
the people — to elevate their hopes, or to alarm their 
apprehensions-^to correct their prejudices, and to re- 
form their abuses ; — what schemes of policy were pro- 
posed, what measures suggested — what artifices were 
used, what arguments urged by contending parties to 
establish their power and interest— what motives were 
proposed to engage the community in war, or to in- 
spire the people with pacific dispositions, to prompt 
them to form, or to dissolve alliances — to extend their 
views to the interests and concerns of foreigners, or to 
confine their regards to their own security. These, I 
say, and such like, are by no means unworthy of 
attention ; and these we find in a translation of an 
ancient orator, executed with any tolerable care and 
fidelity, however it may be discovered by the learned 
reader inferior to the illustrious original, in dignity 
of expression, and excellence of style and compo- 
sition. 

Or, if we consider the remains of an ancient orator^ 



PREFACE. 209 

in a critical view, merely as the productions of art 
and genius, it can be no unworthy curiosity to en- 
deavor at gaining a just, though faint idea of that 
excellence which, we are told, had such wonderful 
effects. The appearance of a great public speaker, 
and the power of his eloquence, are so feelingly 
described by Cicero, that we may be certain the 
piece was copied for himself, and from what he ac- 
counted his greatest glory. ' Give me the orator/ 
says he, ' who can produce the following effects : 
when it is once known that he is to speak, let there be 
the utmost impatience to secure places in the court, 
which must be instantly crowded : let all be hurry 
and eagerness ; the clerks and officers must fly up and 
down with an obliging solicitude to provide seats and 
accommodations for the assembly. The auditors must 
press forward in a crowded circle. Let the judge be 
roused to the utmost attention. When the speaker 
rises the audience must command silence ; all must be 
hushed, till some marks of approbation are extorted, 
and expressions of wonder break out at frequent in- 
tervals. If he would inspire them with mirth, the 
smile must be universal — if with sorrow, their tears 
must instantly flow. So that a person at a distance, 
though he does not know directly what piece is acting, 
must yet be witness of the powerful impression, and 
assured that some great and favorite actor is on the 
stage. He that has such power we may pronounce 
the truly complete speaker: as we have heard of 
Pericles, as of Hyperides, as of iEschines ; but chiefly 
of Demosthenes himself/ 1 

1 Yolo hoc oratori contingat, ut cum auditum sit eum esse 
DEM. Ο 



210 PREFACE. 

And if Demosthenes appeared with so great splendor 
in his judicial pleadings, his speeches in public 
deliberations seem to have been attended with cir- 
cumstances still more honorable, and with proofs of 
his abilities still more forcible. He generally acted in 
scenes of turbulence and public confusion. The 
speakers of the opposite party had first labored to 
prepossess the people against the sentiments he was to 
deliver : to this their own corrupted inclinations con- 
spired, and vengeance was denounced against all that 
should dare to control them. In the midst of clamor 
and commotion the orator rises : his adversaries dread 
him, and endeavor to drown his remonstrances in 
tumult. By degrees he gains a patient audience. 
Opposition is checked, dismayed, and silenced. His 
countrymen hang on him as on some oracle, that de- 
nounces destruction on their vices and misconduct, 
and points out the only way to security. They feel 
their own weakness and unworthiness ; they acknow- 
lege the justice of his severity ; they resign themselves 
to his direction, and rush enthusiastically forward to 
the dangerous field of glory which he points out to 
them. Such were generally the immediate impressions, 
though not always permanent and effectual. 



dicturum, locus in subselliis occupetur, compleatur tribunal ; 
gratiosi scribae sint in dando et cedendo loco, corona mul- 
tiplex, judex erectus ; cum surgit is qui dicturus sit, signifi- 
cetur a corona silentium, deinde crebrae assentationes, multae 
admirationes ; risus, cum velit ; cum velit, fletus ; ut qui 
hasc procul videat, etiamsi quid agatur nesciat, placere tamen, 
et in scena esse Roscium intelligat. Haec cui contingant, 
eum scito Attice dicere : ut de Pericle audivimus, ut de Hy- 
peride, ut de ^Eschine ; de ipso quidem Demosthene maxime. 
— Cic. in Brut, 



PREFACE. 211 

At other times he appeared when an universal terror 
and dismay had seized the assembly. When the enemy 
seemed to be at their gates, when destruction appeared 
inevitable, and despair had buried the faculties of those 
speakers in a mournful silence who, in times of less 
danger, were ever forward to take the lead ; — then did 
their country (as Demosthenes himself describes the 
solemn scene) call on her sons to aid and support her 
by their counsels in this affecting hour of distress. 
But, in a case of extreme difficulty, who can dare to 
propose any measures whose event must be precarious, 
where ill success may be imputed to the first adviser, 
and be severely avenged as his crime ? — Neither the 
dangerous situation of affairs, nor the well-known in- 
justice and capriciousness of his countrymen, could 
deter Demosthenes. He is known, on such occasions, 
to have risen in the assembly, and, by his appearance 
only to have inspired his countrymen with some con- 
fused expectation of relief. He has awakened them 
from their despair, and gradually calmed their appre- 
hensions ; he has dispelled the mist of terror, and dif- 
fused bright hopes and cheerful expectations through 
the assembly. Confidence and resolution, magnanimity 
and courage, indignation and martial rage, vigorous 
efforts and generous contempt of danger, have fully 
confessed the irresistible force and energy of the 
speaker. 

Such effects were a full reward for the patient 
assiduity with which Demosthenes labored to qualify 
himself for a public speaker and leader; not by weigh- 
ing words, culling rhetorical flowers, and arranging 
periods ; but by collecting a large treasure of political 



212 PREFACE. 

knowlege, with which his most early performances 
appear to be enriched : by learning and habituating 
himself to strict and solid reasoning ; by studying the 
human heart, and the means of affecting it ; by ac- 
quiring from constant practice a promptness which no 
difficulties could embarrass, an acuteness which no 
opposition, however subtle and unexpected, could dis- 
concert ; and a copiousness inexhaustible — prepared 
for all emergencies — ever flowing, and ever abundantly 
supplied from its rich and bountiful source. 

6 Eloquence/ says an admired writer, 1 ' must flow 
like a stream that is fed by an abundant spring, and 
not spout forth a little frothy stream on some gaudy 
day, and remain dry for the rest of the year/ Such 
was the eloquence of all those illustrious ancients that 
history has celebrated ; and such, in every free state, 
must be the eloquence which can really bring advantage 
to the public or honor to the possessor. The voice may 
be tuned to the most musical perfection ; the action 
may be modelled to the utmost grace and propriety ; 
expressions may be chosen of energy, delicacy, and 
majesty; the period may be taught to flow with all 
the ease and elegance of harmonious modulation : yet 
these are but inferior parts of genuine eloquence ; by 
no means the first and principal, much less the sole 
objects of regard. The weapon of the orator should 
be bright and glittering indeed ; but this should arise 
from the keenness of its edge : it should be managed 
with grace, but with such a grace as is an indication 
of consummate skill and strength. 

1 Lord Bolingbroke, * Spirit of Patriotism.' 



PREFACE. 213 

We are told of a Grecian general who, when he 
travelled and viewed the country round him, revolved 
in his mind how an army might be there drawn up to 
the greatest advantage ; how he could best defend 
himself, if attacked from such a quarter ; how advance 
with greatest security ; how retreat with least danger. 
Something similar to this should be the practice and 
study of a public speaker : and thus was Demosthenes 
for the most part employed in his days of retirement 
and severe application. It is indeed insinuated by his 
enemy l that he was more solicitous about rounding a 
period than preserving his country. But this is an 
object fitted rather to the minute regards of such a 
speaker as the noble author quoted above describes 
with so just a contempt, whose whole abilities consist 
in providing a slender fund for some particular occa- 
sion, when perhaps a weak or wicked cause is to be 
graced and ornamented ; who lays on his thin covering 
with the utmost care and most scrupulous nicety ; 
which dazzles for a moment, till the first blast of true 
forcible eloquence puifs away the flimsy produce of 
his labors, and leaves all beneath in its native condi- 
tion of deformity and shame. 

But to return from this digression. Ancient elo- 
quence in general, and that of Demosthenes in parti- 
cular, we are told had wonderful eifects. The im- 
pression was strong and violent ; the consequences, 
sometimes, of the utmost moment. But by reading 
the orator in a modern language, how fully and justly 
soever it might be possible to express the genius and 

1 JEschines in Ctesiph. 



214 PREFACE. 

general spirit of the original, or by consulting the 
original itself, are we always affected with the like 
impressions ? or, can we always trace the artifice, or 
feel the force which produced effects so magnificently 
described ? By no means. And this is partly to be 
imputed to the fault of the reader, partly to a diffe- 
rence of circumstances. 

He who applies himself to the study of Demosthenes 
after a long intercourse with writers of a different cha- 
racter ; who hath been accustomed to pointed periods, 
phrases of affected delicacy, fanciful allusions, figures 
and images calculated to dazzle and delight the eye 
rather than to illuminate and cast the full glory of 
evidence round simple truth ; he, I say, must throw 
by the author in disgust, or labor through him in a 
cold and lifeless progress, which must serve but to 
fatigue and disappoint him. He whose taste is ever 
so justly formed to relish simplicity and true manly 
grace, must yet read the orator to great disadvantage 
if intirely a stranger to the spirit of free uncontrolled 
debate. Liberty (if we may so speak) hath its own 
ideas and its own language, whose force cannot always 
be felt, or even its meaning rightly and thoroughly 
conceived by strangers. 

Tourreil, the French interpreter of Demosthenes, 
and Lucchesini, the Italian commentator, seem to have 
been instances of what is here advanced. The first 
appears to have had no just taste for the simplicity of 
modest Attic elegance. He dressed out his author in 
all that finery to which he annexed the notions of grace 
and beauty, and presented him to his countrymen tur- 
gid and inflated, incumbered and disgraced by adven- 



PREFACE. 215 

titious ornaments. The latter lived and wrote in a 
country where the voice of liberty is but seldom and 
faintly heard ; where political transactions are of a 
confined nature, and not generally discussed in bold 
and spirited debate ; where parties are seldom formed, 
public dissensions seldom raised ; no grand interests 
boldly asserted ; no political measures freely censured. 
And the effect seems to have been this ; the commen- 
tator appears shocked at the free, lively, and animated 
excursions of Demosthenes : he endeavors to reduce 
him within more sober bounds, and is sometimes per- 
haps misled by trying his expressions by the rules of 
cold precision. Passages might be produced to war- 
rant these observations ; but I shall content myself 
with just hinting at one, of which notice has been 
taken in the oration on the Classes, and which seems 
to prove what may be deemed the boldest assertion, 
that Demosthenes cannot be always even understood 
but in a country of liberty. ' I am sensible/ says the 
orator, ' that the Persian is the common enemy of the 
Greeks/ To the Italian this assertion was strange and 
unaccountable, at a time when the two nations were 
at peace, and when treaties actually subsisted between 
them. History was ransacked and tortured for some 
plausible pretence or grounds for this extraordinary 
declaration. But in Britain such pains were needless : 
there, no idea is more familiar than that of a natural 
and hereditary enemy* 

The reader's taste, however, may be strictly just ; 
he may be well acquainted with the sentiments and 
language of liberty ; he may be duly instructed in the 



216 pheface. 

history of an ancient people ; he may suffer their affairs 
and interests to make a lively and forcible impression 
on his mind : yet still, though well prepared for the 
perusal of an orator, he cannot always perceive his 
whole force and artifice ; as, at this distance of time, 
facts may appear trivial and arguments inconclusive, 
which fired every imagination, and silenced all oppo- 
sition in the assembly to which they were originally 
addressed. We know, in general, the genius, cha- 
racter, and temper of a people whom the orator may 
have endeavored to affect : we can, therefore, in ge- 
neral, conceive, and must acknowlege his force and 
delicacy, the propriety and energy of his representa- 
tions : they must please and surprise us, and some- 
times affect and warm us ; and such impressions suffi- 
ciently reward our attention. But in particular pas- 
sages the traces of excellence must be faint, or perhaps 
totally effaced ; where the art and force of the speaker 
consist in a judicious attention to particular circum- 
stances of times, occasions, conjunctures of aifairs, 
and dispositions of the auditors. A modern reader is 
struck with some particular argument or topic ; he is 
perhaps disappointed to find that it is not extended 
and enlarged on. But it is possible, nay, very likely, 
that the disposition of those who heard it required but 
a single hint, and that a minute detail would have 
tired and offended. We read, that such a particular 
stroke of eloquence had wonderful effects ; that such a 
passage raised a general acclamation, affected, trans- 
ported, or terrified : we examine this passage by the 
general rules of criticism, and we pronounce it inade- 



PREFACE. 217 

quate to the wonderful effects ascribed to it. But 
here we seem to confine our regards to our own senti- 
ments, our own passions, and our own situations ; we 
argue from our own feelings to those of other persons 
in circumstances totally different. Cicero, by intro- 
ducing the mention of the battle of Pharsalia, and the 
danger which Caesar there encountered, in a manner 
artful and lively indeed, but such as by no means indi- 
cates a surprising or singular elevation of genius, is 
said to have made this hero turn pale and tremble. 
And why should we doubt of the reality of these 
effects ? We can read of this battle of Pharsalia with- 
out emotion : but it was a more important object to a 
Roman ; still more affecting to the soldier who fought 
in that famous, field ; but to the general who there 
gained the victory, and by this victory rescued himself 
from destruction and obtained the sovereignty of the 
world, what object can be conceived more capable of 
alarming his passions and filling his mind with the 
most turbulent emotions ? 

But it may be said, that however true the general 
position, yet the instance brought to illustrate it is but 
unhappily chosen ; for that in this case Caesar's emo- 
tion was but pretended. — ' He was himself an accom- 
plished orator, and knew all the windings of the art : 
he courted Cicero's friendship ; he saw where his va- 
nity and his weakness lay : with perfect address, there- 
fore, he played back the orator's art on himself : his 
concern was feigned.' i — With deference to the author 
here quoted, I must declare that I cannot think this 

1 See Brown's Essay on Ridicule. 



218 PREFACE. 

suggestion well warranted, no more than I can suppose 
that Octavia, the sister of Augustus, meant to pay a 
compliment to the poet, and but pretended concern 
when she appeared to faint at the recital of the famous 
passage in the sixth iEneid : 

Heu, miserande puer ! si qua fata aspera rumpas, 
Tu Marcellus eris. 

If Caesar was too well acquainted with the arts of 
eloquence, and of consequence too well armed against 
them to receive any real impression from the efforts of 
Cicero, this orator, who was equally well acquainted 
with those arts, the proper occasions of exerting them, 
and the effects to be expected from them, could not 
well be deceived by any unnatural semblance of emo- 
tion. I say unnatural semblance, because it is sup- 
posed that such emotion, in such a case, is contrary 
to reason and the nature of things ; and therefore 
Cicero, amidst all his vanity, must have seen and 
despised the injudicious artifice. 

The truth seems to be, that in minds the most en- 
lightened the passions frequently retain a considerable 
degree of strength, and when kindled by some touch 
of the orator's address, the combustion is too sudden, 
as well as too violent, to be effectually suppressed by 
reason. At least the ancients seem persuaded of this ; 
for whatever may be said of eloquence being made for 
the multitude and the forum, 1 yet, when they addressed 
themselves, not to the populace, but to select and re- 
fined judges, they were by no means (as Quintilian 

1 Cicero in Brut. 



PREFACE. 219 

expresses it) ζ quadam eloquentiae frugalitate contenti, 
ac manum semper intra pallium continentes/ On the 
contrary, some of the noblest and boldest efforts of art 
were exerted, some of the sublimest flights of genius 
indulged on such occasions. To be convinced of this 
we need but turn to any of the judicial pleadings of 
Cicero. Take the beautiful passage in an oration 
against Verres, quoted by Mr. Hume in his elegant 
Essay on Eloquence : or, read the following passage in 
the oration for Milo : * On you, ye Albanian mounts 
and groves, on you I call. Bear witness for me, ye 
ruined altars of Alba (equal in sanctity to the Roman 
shrines), destroyed, and buried under the profane edi- 
fices raised by his outrageous sacrilege. Your influ- 
ence, your power it was which then prevailed. Your 
divinity then triumphed, and completed its vengeance 
on all his profanations. And thou, Ο holy Jove, didst 
then, at length, look down from thy mount; then 
didst thou execute thy justice on the wretch whose 
wickedness and abandoned impurity had so often pol- 
luted thy lakes, thy groves, thy boundaries. To thee — 
to thee, and in thy presence, did he pay the late but 
justly merited punishment/ * That the circumstances 



1 Vos enim jam, Albani tumuli atque luci, vos, inquam, im- 
ploro atque obtestor, vosque Albanorum obruta? arae, sacro- 
rum populi Romani sociae et aequales, quas ille praeceps amen- 
tia, caesis prostrfytisque sanctissimis lucis, substructionum 
insanis molibus oppresserat : vestrae turn arae, vestrae religio- 
nes viguerunt, vestra vis valuit, quam ille omni scelere pol- 
luerat : tuque ex tuo edito monte Latiari, sancte Jupiter, cu- 
jus ille lacus, nemora, finesque saepe omni nefario stupro et 
scelere macularat, aliquando ad eum puniendum oculos ape- 
ruisti ; vobis illae, vobis, vestro in conspectu serae sed justae 
tamen, et debitae pcenae solutae sunt. 



220 PREFACE. 

of the trial contributed to animate the orator's style is 
certain, as he himself informs us. 1 Yet, amidst all 
his enthusiasm, the consummate master must have had 
a due regard to propriety. He could not have for- 
gotten that he addressed himself immediately to a few- 
selected judges. And if such elevated strains of elo- 
quence sometimes failed of success in select assemblies, 
and before judges of penetration and refinement, the 
game may be observed of sober, solid, and just argu- 
ment. Modern times are acquainted with refined as- 
semblies, in which aifairs of highest moment are com- 
monly discussed ; and if the spirited and impassioned 
orator does not on all occasions obtain a majority in 
such assemblies, they do not always impute it to the 
superior strength of reason that fortifies his hearers 
against the assaults of eloquence. 

In poetry, the impression made on the hearer is 
so far from being lessened or defeated by his refine- 
ment and understanding, that it is really heightened 
and increased in proportion to the accuracy of his 
judgment and the delicacy of his sentiments. And 
although the man of sense, who in this case resigns 
himself up to the pleasing delusion, guards and arms 
himself against all artifice — in that of eloquence, it 
might not be difficult to show how this vigilance is 
sometimes defeated and eluded. But the points which 
I am at present concerned to establish are no more 
than these : That the wonderful eiFects ascribed to 
ancient eloquence are not mistaken or exaggerated : 
that its force was really extraordinary, and its im- 

1 In Brut. 



PREFACE. 221 

pressions in proportion violent ; but that the reader 
who applies himself to study the remains of an ancient 
orator, and of Demosthenes in particular, may some- 
times be disappointed in his sanguine expectations of 
delight, if he hath been long accustomed to composi- 
tions of less intrinsic worth, though of more glittering 
ornament ; if he is in general unused to the energy of 
free debate ; if he is unacquainted with the history and 
character of the people to whom the orator addressed 
himself; or if he precipitately judges of the real force 
and efficacy of his eloquence from his own sentiments 
and feelings, without making the necessary allowance 
for a difference of times, circumstances, passions, and 
dispositions. 

He who will not acknowlege that some particular 
traces of that exquisite skill which our orator possessed 
are now become faint and obscure, pays him a vene- 
ration rather too implicit : and he who does not still 
perceive and feel 'his rapid harmony exactly adjusted 
to the sense ; his vehement reasoning without any ap- 
pearance of art ; his disdain, anger, boldness, freedom, 
involved in a continued stream of argument/ 1 may 
justly suspect his own deficiency in point of taste : nor 
is it any indication of a superior strength of reason if 
he does not sometimes accompany the orator in those 
impetuous passions and exalted sentiments which ani- 
mate his compositions. 

It is a common observation, how much an orator is 
assisted by the charms of action or pronunciation ; 
which Demosthenes is said to have regarded as the 

1 See Hume's Essay on Eloquence. 



222 PREFACE. 

chief part, or rather the whole of his art : and how 
much the loss of these must diminish his lustre ! Yet 
there are other advantages which such a speaker de- 
rives from subjecting his works to a private review, 
to a strict, dispassionate, and reiterated .study. The 
justness of his reasoning, the soundness of his policy, 
the worth and elevation of his sentiments — and these 
are the really valuable parts of an orator — are thus 
brought to a new and severe trial : and if, on such a 
trial, these excellences preserve their weight and lus- 
tre, this is an additional proof that they are real and 
intrinsic. What Longinus observes of the sublime 
is equally applicable to all the excellences of an orator ; 
that if they are really genuine, we must form the higher 
ideas of them the more frequently and attentively they 
are considered ; and that the true and indisputable 
proof of a writer's value arises from the consenting 
approbation of all ages, professions, and inclinations. 
This last and final sanction our orator's merit has 
received from private examination ; though at this 
time but a part of his merit can thus appear. And 
hence, again, we may form a judgment of the force 
and influence of his living eloquence. If he still com- 
mands our approbation, and even warms our hearts, 
how must the Rhodians have been aifected when 
iEschines read his celebrated performance to that 
people ! And if they were strongly aifected, how must 
the speaker himself have shaken and transported the 
souls of his hearers in the Athenian assembly ! 

It may be said, that the excellence of this author, in 
the original, is a point too plain to require proof or 
illustration ; that it is universally acknowleged, and 



PREFACE. 223 

has been the subject of repeated praise ; but that this 
consummate excellence of the original necessarily in- 
spires a prejudice against all attempts to copy it in 
another language : that such attempts are presumptu- 
ous ; the learned despise them, others are deceived by 
them, and made to think with less honor of the great 
author than his own genuine undisguised merit must 
ever obtain. 

I could wish that this objection could be easily 
eluded, and that I could persuade myself that the 
present work did not enforce and confirm it. How- 
ever, something I presume to say in apology for such 
attempts, and for the manner in which they are exe- 
cuted. 

It has been already observed that the sentiments 
and arguments of an ancient orator may be conveyed 
to the reader in a translation executed with tolerable 
care and fidelity. To this we may add the manner 
and order in which he arranges his thoughts — no in- 
considerable part of his address and artifice. And 
surely the attention of the reader unskilled in ancient 
languages is rather liberally rewarded by these ad- 
vantages ; although the learned may despise the in- 
glorious toil of the translator, whose composition dis- 
graces his noble original : yet, even in this point, 
should our attempts be judged with some degree of 
candor and indulgence. And ancient language, even 
were it not superior to our own, must ever be read 
with favorable prejudice : antiquity renders it respect- 
able and venerable. Its sounds and phrases are not de- 
based by common and familiar use, but preserve their 
dignity in a stately and solemn retirement. Longinus 



224 PREFACE. 

speaks of some vulgar phrases to be found in Demo- 
sthenes ; but all such now lie concealed ; and unless 
the image conveyed be low, nothing can appear in the 
language humbled or debased ; all flows on in one 
equal course of decency, grandeur, and dignity. But 
this is not the case in our own language. Familiarity 
tempts us to regard it with less reverence. Its phrases 
and expressions are in constant use ; and what we hear 
and pronounce every day cannot easily endure a com- 
parison with a language to whose very name we have 
been long taught to annex the ideas of grandeur and 
excellence. If in our composition we adhere scrupu- 
lously to the simple and natural form, the pomp and 
dignity of the original may seem to be lost and de- 
graded. In order to avoid this extreme, we sometimes 
recur to a grave and labored style, transpositions un- 
natural, and periods distorted — an unpardonably awk- 
ward substitute to ease and graceful majesty. And 
scarcely can we steer our course so happily but that 
we must be in danger of touching, or appearing to 
touch, on one or other of these dangerous extremes. 

But our difficulties appear stronger, and our claim 
to indulgence more just, when the real excellence of 
the ancient languages is considered. The Greek, in 
particular, is superior even to that of the Romans in 
point of sweetness, delicacy, and copiousness. This 
is the judgment of the great Roman critic ; l and, with 
liim, an English translator may still say, 'He that ex- 
pects from us the grace and delicacy of the Attic style, 
must give us the same sweetness, and an equal copi- 

1 Quintil. Inst. Orat. 1. xii. c. 10. 



PREFACE. 225 

ousness of language.' 1 To acknowlege tins inferiority 
in our own language is not to derogate from its real 
merit. It is a weapon keen and forcible, if carefully 
preserved, and wielded with due skill. But he who 
should attempt to follow the great writers of antiquity 
in every maze and winding, through which their ad- 
vantages enabled them, and their circumstances ob- 
liged them to direct their course ; he who should labor 
through all the straits of a minute and scrupulous imi- 
tation, to express their words and dispose their periods 
exactly in the same form and order, must be equally 
inattentive to the genius of the language from which 
he copies and to that of his own ; equally inattentive 
to the excellences of this, and to its comparative de- 
fects. At least this is a state of subjection to which 
the present translator thought it by no means necessary 
to stoop : and, if in this he should be judged to have 
taken too great a liberty, he flies for shelter to the au- 
thority of Quintilian, 2 who compares the copy formed 
from the outward traces and aspect of the original to 
those airy phantoms which were supposed by Epicurus 
to issue from all bodies. If it may be thought a vio- 
lation of the Attic simplicity that he hath sometimes 
ventured on an epithet, a metaphor, or some other 
figurative form of speech to express what is natural 



1 Quare qui a Latinis exigit illam gratiam sermonis Attici, 
det mihiin loquendo eandem jucunditatem, et parem copiam. 

2 Nee — sufficiat imaginem virtutis effingere, et solam,ut sic 
dicerem, cutem, vel potius illas Epicuri figuras quas e sum- 
mis corporibus dicit effluere. Hoc autem illis accidit, qui non 
introspeciis penitus virtutibus, ad primum se velut aspectum 
orationis aptarunt, et cum iis felicissime cessit imitatio, ver- 
bis atque numeris sunt non multum differentes, 1. x. c. 2. 

DEM. Ρ 



226 PREFACE. 

and unadorned in the original, let it be remembered, 
that in this he confines himself within much stricter 
bounds than the same great critic prescribes to those 
who translated from Greek into Latin. In such works 
he tells us, ζ Figuras — quibus maxime ornatur oratio 
mult as ac varias excogitandi etiam necessitas quae- 
dam est : quia plerumque a Graecis Komana dissen- 
tiunt/ 1. x. c. 5. And in imitations of every kind in 
a language inferior to that of the original, in order to 
supply the defect his rule is this : ' Oratio translatio- 
num nitore illuminanda/ 1. xii. c. Ϊ0. 

To exhibit Demosthenes such as he would have 
appeared in an English assembly similar to that of 
Athens should certainly be the scope of his translator. 
Though he may be unfortunate in his aim, a voluntary 
deviation would be unpardonable : and an English 
Demosthenes would undoubtedly attend to the genius 
of his language. To express his dignity and majesty 
he would not assume a constrained, uncouth and per- 
plexed air. He would have confined himself within 
the modest bounds of Atticism, but of English Atti- 
cism (if the expression may be allowed). He would 
have adopted a greater share of ornament, because a 
greater share of ornament would not be inconsistent 
with neatness, decent elegance, and manly dignity. 

If it be still observed that our language has been 
corrupted, and the cause of learning disgraced by 
translation, it might be easy to show in what cases 
this has been and must be the consequence ; and, that 
an attempt to copy the excellences of ancient writers 
of renown does not necessarily fall under this censure. 
Or if the meanness and insignificance of the employ- 



PREFACE. 227 

merit should be urged, a translator might observe in 
the fulness of his vanity, that the great Roman orator 
himself thought it not beneath his dignity to publish 
his translations from Plato, Xenophon, and Demo- 
sthenes. But as to the utility of this employment, it 
need not be pointed out or defended to the learned. 
As to its dignity, the translator is not at all solicitous 
to maintain it. He is ready to acknowlege that the 
pittance of reputation to be acquired in this way is but 
trifling and insignificant, if he is so fortunate as to 
meet with that candor and indulgence which have 
hitherto favored his attempts. 



THE ORATION ON THE CLASSES : 

PRONOUNCED IN THE ARCHONSHIP OF DIOTIMUS, THE THIRD 
YEAR OF THE HUNDRED AND SIXTH OLYMPIAD. 



INTRODUCTION. 

The title of this oration is taken from one particular part of 
it, in which the speaker enlarges on the method of dividing 
the citizens into ΊΖυμμοριαι, or Classes, in order to raise the 
supplies, and to answer the exigences of the state. The de- 
sign of it was to allay an extravagant ferment which had been 
raised at Athens, and to recommend caution and circumspec- 
tion, at a time when danger was apprehended. Artaxerxes 
Ochus, king of Persia, had been for some time employed in 
making preparations for war. These were represented to the 
Athenians as the effect of a design formed against Greece, 
and against their state in particular. They were conscious 
of having given this prince sufficient umbrage, by the assist- 
ance which their general Chares had afforded to some of 
his rebellious subjects: they were intirely possessed by the 
notions of their own importance, and therefore readily list- 
ened to their suggestions who endeavored to persuade them 
that some important blow was meditated against their domi- 
nions. An assembly of the people was convened ; and the 
general temper both of the speakers and auditors is distinctly 
marked out in several passages of the following oration. The 
bare mention of a war with Persia at once recalled to their 
minds the glorious days of their ancestors, and the great 
actions of Athens and her generals against the barbarians. 
These were now displayed with all the address and force of 
eloquence, and the people urged to imitate the bright examples 
of antiquity ; to rise up in arms against the Persian, and to 
send their ambassadors through Greece to summon all the 
states to unite with Athens against the common enemy. To 
flatter the national vanity of their countrymen was an expe- 
dient which many speakers had found effectual for establish- 
ing their power and credit in the assembly. And possibly 



INTRODUCTION. 229 

some might have spoken with a corrupt design of diverting 
the attention of their countrymen from those contests and 
dangers in which they were now immediately concerned. 
But, however this may he, the impropriety of those bold and 
precipitate measures which they recommended is urged with 
the utmost force in the following oration ; in which we shall 
find the speaker moderating the unseasonable zeal of his 
countrymen without absolutely shocking their prejudices. 
Demosthenes is more generally known as an orator by the fire 
and energy with which he rouses his countrymen to arms. 
But the delicacy of address and artifice which he displays 
in this and many of the following orations is a part of his 
character no less worthy of attention. A youth of twenty- 
eight years, thoroughly acquainted with the constitution, in- 
terests, and connexions of his country, rising for the first 
time in a debate on public affairs, opposing himself with 
boldness and resolution, and at the same time with the utmost 
art and insinuation, to the general bent of the assembly, 
calming the turbulence of his countrymen, and presenting 
their true interests to their view in the strongest and most 
striking colors, is an object truly pleasing and affecting. 



THE ORATION ON THE CLASSES. 



The men who thus dwell on the praises of your 
ancestors seem to me, ye men of Athens, to have 

1 That this oration was pronounced in the third year of the 
hundred and sixth olympiad we are assured by Dionysius 
(in Epist. ad Ammseum), and that Demosthenes was at this 
time in his twenty-eighth year. Plutarch indeed (if he be 
the author of the lives of the Ten Orators) places his nativity 
in the fourth year of the ninety-eighth olympiad. But, not 
to mention the inaccuracies in this tract, the orator himself 
declares, in his oration against Midias, that he was then 
in his thirty-second year. This oration was spoken in the 
archonship of Callimachus, that is, according to Diodorus, in 
the fourth year of the hundred and seventh olympiad; and 
therefore, by calculating from hence, the reader will find the 
authority of Dionysius, as to the time of our orator's birth, 
clearly and fully confirmed. — How then came it to pass that 
he was allowed to speak on public affairs before the age of 
thirty years ? for in the Attic laws respecting public speakers 
it is expressly enacted, M77 $ισς\θςιν τίνα απξΐν μηπω τριάκοντα 
€τη yeyovoTa : Let no man enter the assembly 10 speak who hath 
not yet attained to the age of thirty. The solution of this dif- 
ficulty by Lucchesini seems solid and satisfactory. I know, 
says he, there are some who assert that this, as well as some 
other laws of Athens, fell into disuse ; but such a method of 
solving the difficulties of antiquity, without any manner of 
proof or authority, is unsafe and fallacious. Besides, the 
assertion is contradicted by iEschines, who, in his oration 
against Timarchus, declares, that not only this, but other 
severer laws relative to public speakers were in full force. 
In my opinion the difficulty should rather be explained in 
this manner. Among the other magistrates who were chosen 
every year at Athens, there were ten orators appointed by 
lot, whose business it was to deliver their opinions in the 
assemblies on all affairs that concerned the state, and for 
which they received the gratuity of a drachma (seven pence 
three farthings) from the treasury. To these only must that 



ORATION ON THE CLASSES. 231 

chosen a subject fitted rather to gratify the assembly 
than to do the due honor to those on whom they lavish 
their applause. As they attempt to speak of actions 
which no words can worthily describe, the illustrious 
subject adorns their speech and gives them the praise 
of eloquence ; while their hearers are made to think 
of the virtues of those heroes with much less elevation 

law of Athens which determines the age of orators be con- 
strued to extend. As it was their duty to deliver their opi- 
nions in the senate, they ought of course to be of the senatorial 
age : but no person could be admitted to the senate who had 
not completed his thirtieth year. But as for the law of So- 
lon, it excludes no citizen whatsoever from the liberty of 
speaking who might attend the assembly ; nor had the seni- 
ors any other privilege than that of speaking first. The law 
runs thus : ' Let the senior first propose such measures as he 
thinks most expedient for the republic, and after him such 
other citizens as choose it, according to the order of their age.' 
yEschines cites it in the same words against Ctesiphon. No 
mention is here made of thirty years. Such of the citizens 
as were in their twentieth year might attend the assembly, 
and had their names enrolled. That they had a share in the 
administration, and might speak in public at this age, is con- 
firmed by Lucian in his Jupiter Tragoedus, where Momus thus 
addresses Apollo : ' You are now become a legal speaker, 
having long since left the class of young men, and enrolled 
your name in the books of the duodecemviri.' Now that the 
citizens were considered as having arrived at the age of man- 
hood in their eighteenth year we learn from Demosthenes in 
his oration against Aphobus ; for his father died when he 
was but seven years old, and he remained for ten years under 
the care of his guardian, at which time, being released from 
his hands, he pleaded his own cause against him. Now his 
father had given directions that he should be under a guardian 
till he had arrived at the age of manhood, and this he did as 
soon as he had reached his eighteenth year ; all which is col- 
lected from his own words. These circumstances considered, 
it is very easy to suppose that Demosthenes spoke in public, 
as he really did, in his eight-and-twentieth year. Nor does 
any manner of difficulty arise from what he says himself in 
his oration for the Crown : ' When the Phocian war was raised, 
&c. for I had then no hand in the administration ;' that war be- 
ing begun in the second year of the hundred and sixth olym- 
piad, under the archonship of Callistratus, at a time when our 
orator was only in the twenty-seventh year of his age. 



232 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

than these virtues of themselves inspire. To me, time 
itself seems to be the noblest witness to their glory. 
, A series of so many years hath now passed over, and 
still no men have yet appeared whose actions could 
surpass those patterns of perfection. It shall be my 
part therefore solely to endeavor to point out the 
means which may enable you most effectually to pre- 
pare for war : for, in fact, were all our speakers to 
proceed in a pompous display of their abilities, such 
parade and ostentation could not possibly prove of the 
]east advantage to the public ; but if any man what- 
ever will appear, and can explain to your full satisfac- 
tion what kind of armament, how great, and how sup- 
ported, may serve the present exigences of the state, 
then all these alarms must instantly be dispelled. This 
I shall endeavor to the utmost of my abilities, having 
first briefly declared my opinion of our situation with 
respect to the king. 

I do regard the king as the common enemy of all 
the Greeks : * but I cannot for that reason advise that 
we should be the only people to undertake a war 
against him ; for I do not find the Greeks themselves 
united to each other in sincere affection : 2 nay, some 

1 The commentators who endeavor to account for this 
assertion, by considering the present state of Greece, or any 
late transactions with Persia, seem to examine the orator too 
rigidly, and with too much coldness and abstraction. It is 
by no means the result of any recent events. It had been the 
language of Greece for ages ; the language of poets, histori- 
ans, and orators. Even in those times of corruption the po- 
pular leaders seldom ventured to use any other, particularly 
in an assembly where national vanity was so predominant as 
in that of Athens. Whatever treaties had been made with 
the king of Persia, however peace might have now subsisted 
between him and the Greeks, still he was their natural enemy. 

2 The sacred war now raged in Greece. The Phocians, 
Lacedaemonians and Athenians were engaged on one side ; 
the Boeotians, Thessalians, Locrians, and some other inferior 
states on the other : each party was harassed and exhausted 
by the war. The Phocians had reason to complain of the 
Athenians, who proved a useless and inactive ally. What- 
ever connexions had lately subsisted between Athens and. 



ORATION ON THE CLASSES 233 

among them seem to have more confidence in him than 
in certain of their own body. In such circumstances, 
I account it of the utmost moment that we should be 
strictly attentive to the origin of this war, that it may 
be free from every imputation of injustice. Let our 
armament be carried on with vigor ; but let us care- 
fully adhere to the principles of equity : for, in my 
opinion, Athenians, the states of Greece (if it be 
once evident and incontestible that the king makes 

Sparta, this latter state still hated its ancient rival, and was 
impatient to recover its former splendor and power. A pros- 
pect of assistance from Persia must have at once determined 
the Lacedaemonians to detach themselves from the confede- 
racy, and to act against the Athenians ; particularly if any 
plausible pretence could be alleged for uniting with the Per- 
sian. The Phocians, who were not always influenced by the 
most religious engagements, might fairly be suspected of 
making no scruple of accepting effectual assistance from the 
great king, and at once renouncing their alliance with the 
Athenians. The Italian commentator supposes that the ora- 
tor expresses his apprehensions only of the Lacedaemonians, 
and that they are particularly pointed out as the men who 
hare more confidence in the Persian than in their own bre- 
thren, and who would sacrifice every consideration to the 
support of their wars with the Greeks. The Phocians, he 
observes, could not possibly unite with the Persians, on ac- 
count of the former injuries they had received from them, as 
well as of their invariable union with Athens. But a view of 
the politics of Greece, and indeed of the politics of all ages 
and nations, may convince us that too much stress is not to 
be laid on such an argument. Nor was there less to fear from 
the confederates on the other side. They fought with an in- 
veterate and implacable rancor, and all their efforts were 
scarcely sufficient to support the quarrel. Their strength was 
continually wasting, and their treasures were quite exhausted ; 
the most favorable occasion for the great king to gain them to 
his purposes. The speaker indeed declares, in another part 
of this oration, that the Thebans would not concur with the 
Persian in any design confessedly formed against the nation 
of Greece. Yet still they might, in their present circum- 
stances, and in a cause which they affected to consider as the 
cause of the nation, accept of his assistance. They actually 
did accept of it in the course of this war. 



234 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

attempts against them) will instantly unite and express 
the most ardent gratitude to those who arose before 
them, who, with them, still stand faithfully and bravely 
to repel these attempts. But while this is yet uncer- 
tain, should you begin hostilities, I fear we may be 
obliged to fight against an enemy reinforced by those 
very men for whose interests we were so forward to 
express our zeal. Yes ! he will suspend his designs 
(if he hath really designs against the Greeks) : his 
gold will be dispersed liberally amongst them ; his 
promises of friendship will be lavished on them ; while 
they, distressed in their private wars, and attentive 
only to support them, will disregard the general wel- 
fare of the nation. 

Into such confusion, into such weak measures let 
us not precipitate the state. With respect to the king, 
you cannot pursue the same counsels with some others 
of the Greeks. Of these many might, without the 
charge of inconsistency, neglect the rest of Greece, 
while engaged in the pursuit of private interest ; but 
of you it would be unworthy, even though directly in- 
jured, to inflict so severe a punishment on the guilty 
as to abandon them to the power of the barbarian. 

Thus are we circumstanced ; and let us then be 
careful that we do not engage in this war upon unequal 
terms ; that he whom we suppose to entertain designs 
against the Greeks may not recommend himself to 
their confidence so as to be deemed their friend. And 
how shall these things be effected ? By giving public 
proof that the forces of this state are well appointed 
and complete for action ; but that in this our proce- 
dure we are determined to adhere inviolably to jus- 
tice. 

Let the bold and hazardous, who are vehement in 
urging you to war, attend to this. It is not difficult* 
when an assembly is convened to acquire the reputa- 
tion of courage : no ; nor when dangers are actually 
impending to speak with an impassioned boldness : 
but it is truly difficult, and it is our duty in the time 



ORATION ON THE CLASSES. 235 

of danger to support the character of superior bravery ; 
in our councils, to display the same superiority of 
wisdom. 

I, on my part, ye men of Athens, think that a war 
with the king may prove dangerous ; in a battle, the 
consequence of such a war, I see no danger. And 
why ? Because wars of every kind require many ad- 
vantages of naval force, of money, and of places. 
Here he is superior to the state. In a battle, nothing 
is so necessary to insure success as valiant troops ; 
and of these, we and our confederates can boast the 
greater number. For this reason I earnestly recom- 
mend to you by no means to be the first to enter on a 
war ; but for an engagement I think yo u should be 
effectually prepared. Were there one method of pre- 
paring to oppose barbarians, and another for engaging 
with Greeks, then we might expect with reason that 
any hostile intentions against the Persian must be at 
once discovered : but as in every armament the manner 
is the same, the general provisions equally the same, 
whether our enemies are to be attacked, or our allies 
to be protected and our rights defended ; why, when 
we have avowed enemies, 1 should we seek for others? 
Shall we not prepare against the one, and be ready to 
oppose the other, should he attempt to injure us? — 
Call now on the Greeks to unite with you. — But sup- 
pose you should not readily concur with them in all 
their measures (as some are by no means favorably 
inclined to this state), can it be imagined that they will 
obey your summons ? — ' Certainly ; for we shall con- 
vince them that the king forms designs against their 
interests which they do not foresee/ — Ye powers ! is 
it possible that you can be thus persuaded ? Yes ; I 
know you are : but whatever apprehensions you may 
raise, they must influence these Greeks less forcibly 



1 The Boeotians, Thessalians, &c. were the avowed enemies 
of Athens, in consequence of the attachment of this state to 
Phocis ; and the king of Macedon, by his invasions of their 
settlements in Thrace, and other acts of hostility. 



236 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

than their disputes with you and with each other ; and 
therefore the remonstrances of your ambassadors will 
but appear like the tales of idle wanderers. 1 If, on 
the other hand, you pursue the measures now proposed, 
there is not a single state of Greece that will hesitate 
a moment to come in and to solicit your alliance when 
they see our thousand horse, 2 our infantry as numer- 

1 In the original, ovtisv ovv αλλ' η ΡΑΨΓ2ΔΗ20Τ2ΙΝ ol ττρζσ- 
βςις 7T€puouT€s. It was urged by the speakers on the other 
side that ambassadors should be sent through Greece to re- 
present the dangerous designs of the Persian, and to exhort 
the several states to suspend their private animosities, and 
to unite with the Athenians against the common enemy. The 
orator, who is endeavoring to represent the useless and inef- 
fectual nature of such a measure, compares these ambassadors 
to the ancient rhapsodists, or bards, whose lives were spent 
in travelling, and amusing their entertainers with songs and 
poems. And this similitude seems to arise not only from 
their repeating the same declarations, but from the circum- 
stance of going from city to city, and exciting curiosity by 
their speeches, without any other effect. 

2 At first sight it may appear extraordinary that the orator 
should speak in high terms of such a body as one thousand 
horse. But we must consider that Attica was a mountainous 
country, and therefore unfit for breeding horses. In the in- 
fancy of the state, when Athens was governed by kings, 
their cavalry amounted to no more than ninety-six, each 
ναυκραρια, or twelfth part of a tribe, furnishing two. But 
the number of such divisions was then but forty-eight, as the 
tribes were originally but four. This small body was at first 
an object of derision to the Persians at Marathon, but after- 
wards proved formidable and dangerous. After the defeat of 
the Persians the city began to increase in power, .and was 
enabled to raise a body of three hundred horse, which in the 
time of the Pelopcnnesian war was augmented to twelve 
hundred (as we learn from Thucyd. lib. ii. and JEschines 
ΤΙαραττ.). This was the greatest body of cavalry the Atheni- 
ans ever possessed, which seems by the distresses of the state 
to have been reduced to a thousand in the time of Demosthe- 
nes, as he mentions no greater number, though it was his busi- 
ness rather to magnify their force in this passage than to ex- 
tenuate it. The equestrian order was a rank of dignity at 
Athens as among the Romans. But in latter times the citi- 
zens were allowed to keep this rank and to substitute others 
to serve in their stead. — Lucchesini, 



ORATION ON THE CLASSES. 237 

ous as could be wished, our three hundred ships ; an 
armament which they must regard as their surest re- 
fuge and defence. Should you apply for their assist- 
ance, you must appear as supplicants ; should they 
refuse it, you incur the shame of a repulse : but if, 
while your forces are completed, you suspend your 
operations, the protection you then grant to them must 
appear as the consequence of their request ; and be 
assured they will all fly to you for this protection. 

With these and the like reflections deeply impressed 
on my mind, I have not labored to prepare a bold, 
vain, tedious harangue. No, my fellow-citizens ! our 
preparations have been the sole object of my thoughts, 
and the manner of conducting them with effect and 
expedition. Grant me your attention, and if my sen- 
timents be approved, confirm them by your voices. 

It is then the first and most important part of pre- 
paration to possess your minds with due resolution, 
so that every citizen when called to action may exert 
himself with alacrity and zeal. You know that in 
every instance where, having first resolved on your 
designs in concert, every single member deemed it 
incumbent on him to labor vigorously in the execu- 
tion, you have never once proved unsuccessful : but 
whenever we hav r e first decreed, and then each man 
hath turned his eyes on others, fondly imagining that 
he himself need not act, that his neighbor would do 
all, our designs have never once been executed. 

With these sentiments, and these vigorous resolu- 
tions, I recommend that you should proceed to the 
appointment of your twelve hundred, and raise them 
to two thousand, by a farther addition of eight hun- 
dred. Thus, when all necessary deductions are made 
of those who by their condition l are excused from 

1 Those who by their condition, &c] These are particularly 
specified in the original, ςπικληρων, maiden-heiresses ; ορφα- 
νών, orphans of the other sex ; κληρουχικων, men appointed 
to form a colony ; and κοινωνικών, men incorporated into 
certain societies which were exempted from contributing. 



238 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

contributing, or by any circumstances are unable to 
contribute, still the original number of twelve hundred 
will remain complete. These I would have formed 
into twenty classes, each consisting of sixty citizens, 
agreeably to the present constitution. And it is my 
opinion, that of these classes each should be divided 
into Hye parts, consisting of twelve persons, ever at- 
tending to a just and equal distribution of the richer 
with the poorer. Thus should our citizens be arranged : 
the reason will appear when the whole scheme of the 
regulation hath been explained. 

But our ships ; how are they to be appointed ? Let 
their whole number be fixed to three hundred, divided 
by fifteenth parts into twenty portions. Of the first 
hundred, let five such parts ;* of the second hundred, 
five parts ; and of the third hundred, five be appointed 
to each class. Thus shall a fifteenth of the whole be 
allotted to every class ; three ships to each subdivision. 

When these establishments are made, I propose, 2 as 



From whence it seems evident that the duty and honor 
of composing the twelve hundred, who were to supply the 
exigences of the state, must have been annexed to cer- 
tain families, and continued to them when time and various 
circumstances might have produced alterations of fortune in 
many. The inconveniences which arose from hence were 
partly removed by the avridoaeis, or exchanges of fortunes 
(of which see note 2 p. 41.), and by allowing exemptions 
to persons in certain circumstances : yet both these ex- 
pedients must have occasioned delays, and retarded the busi- 
ness of the public. Hence the orator recommends the ap- 
pointment of the additional eight hundred. 

1 Of the first hundred, let five such parts, &c] It should 
seem, from this passage, that each century of the three hun- 
dred ships were to be of a different rate and order, by this 
minute specification of ' five of the first hundred, five of the 
second/ &c. 

2 When and in what manner this estimate of the lands was 
made, we learn from Polybius, lib. ii., whose words shall be 
quoted immediately. That the barren lands of Attica should 
produce such a revenue (amounting, according to Arbuth- 
not's computation, to 1,162,5002.) seems wonderful ; espe- 
cially as the lower ranks of citizens held their lands free from 



ORATION ON THE CLASSES. 239 

the revenue arising from our lands amounts to six 
thousand talents, that in order to have our funds duly 
regulated, this sum may be divided into a hundred 
parts of sixty talents each : that five of these parts 
may be assigned to each of the twenty great classes ; 
which may thus give severally to each of their divisions 
a single part of sixty talents. So that, if we should 
have occasion for a hundred ships, 1 sixty talents may 

all taxation. The soil of Athens itself was celebrated by Ho- 
mer for its fertility. But this is of little moment when the 
barrenness of the Attic territory in general is considered. 
But what says Polybius ? Τις yap ύπερ Αθηναίων ουχ ιστορηκε 
διότι καθ' ους καιρούς μβτα Q -ηβαιων εις τον προς τους Αακεδαι- 
μυνιους ανεβαινον πολςμον, και μύριους μζν ςξςπςμπον στρατιωτας, 
εκατόν δε ςπληρουν τριήρεις, ότι τότε κριναντςς απο της αξίας 
ποιεισθαι τας εις τον πολεμον εις φοράς, ετιμησαντο την τε χωράν, 
και την Αττικην, άπασαν, και τας οικίας, ομοίως 5e και την λοι- 
πην ουσιαν. Αλλ 5 όμως το σύμπαν τίμημα της άξιας ενελιπε των 
εξακισχιΚιων ΰιακοσιοις και πεντήκοντα ταλαντοις ; • What his- 
torian hath not informed us that the Athenians, at the time 
when they engaged in war, on the part of Thebes against the 
Lacedaemonians, sent ten thousand men to the field, and man- 
ned an hundred ships; that the Athenians, I say, in order to 
make a just estimate of the subsidy they might properly 
grant for this war, then proceeded to a general valuation of 
their lands, of the whole territory of Attica, their houses, and 
all their effects? And yet the whole valuation fell short of 
six thousand talents by two hundred and fifty.' Which agrees 
pretty exactly with this passage of Demosthenes. — Lucchedni. 
1 One hundred ships seem to have been the ordinary ma- 
rine establishment at Athens; and to this the ordinary re- 
venues seem to have been proportioned. When it was ne- 
cessary to fit out an extraordinary number the additional 
charge was answered by an extraordinary taxation on the 
richer members of the state. The passage before us is in- 
deed concisely expressed, as became a speaker who addressed 
himself to persons to whom the least hint was sufficient. But 
the full meaning of it I take to be this : ' If we have occasion 
but for a hundred ships, the charge of furnishing each may 
be divided among twelve trierarchs, who are to be supplied 
for the expense of this and other preparations with sixty 
talents. If for two hundred, these twelve trierarchs must 
provide two ships ; if for three hundred, three. In every 
case the revenues of the state are to be equally divided 



240 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

be granted to each, and twelve trierarchs ; if for two 
hundred, there may be thirty talents assigned, and six 
trierarchs to each ; if for three hundred, twenty talents 
may be supplied for each, and four trierarchs. 

In like manner, my fellow-citizens, on a due esti- 
mate of the stores necessary for our ships, I propose 
that, agreeably to the present scheme, they should 
be divided into twenty parts : that one good and ef- 
fectual part should be assigned to each of the great 
classes, to be distributed among the small divisions 
in the just proportion. Let the twelve, in every 
such division, demand their respective shares ; and let 
them have those ships which it is their lot to provide 
thoroughly and expeditiously equipped. Thus may 
our supplies, our ships, our trierarchs, our stores, be 
best provided and supplied. — And now I am to lay 
before you a plain and easy method of completing 
this scheme. 

I say, then, that your generals should proceed to 
mark out ten dock-yards, as contiguous as may be to 
each other, and capable of containing thirty vessels 
each. When this is done, they should assign two 
classes, and thirty ships to each of these docks. 
Among these also they should divide the tribes and 
the respective trierarchs ; so that two classes, thirty 
ships, and one tribe, may be assigned to each. Let 
then each tribe divide its alloted station into three 



amongst them. But the greater the force required, the greater 
must be the burden on the trierarchs, who are to be taxed for 
the additional expense, if any such may be required for fitting 
out the fleet, and completing the other parts of the intended 
armament/ This latter part, indeed, is not expressed, or in- 
sinuated ; but I take it to be understood. But, if my explana- 
tion should not be intirely consonant to the sentiments of the 
learned reader, who may have the curiosity to examine this 
part of the oration with accuracy, I must endeavor to screen 
myself irom the severity of his censure by subscribing to the 
following ingenious declaration of Wolfius : ' Whatever is here 
said of fleets, stores, armaments, and supplies, must, to us, 
who never saw a fleet, or war, and never were conversant in 
aflairs of state, be attended with considerable obscurity. ' 



ORATION ON THE CLASSES. 241 

parts, and the ships in like manner. Let these thircl• 
parts be distributed by lot. Thus shall one tribe pre- 
side over one intire division of your shipping, and 
each third of a tribe take care of one third of such 
division ; and thus shall you know at all times, first, 
where each tribe is stationed ; then, where each third ; 
then, who are the trierarchs ; and lastly, the number 
of your ships. Let affairs be once set in motion after 
this manner ; and, if any thing hath been omitted (as 
it is by no means easy to provide accurately for every 
circumstance), the execution will itself discover it : 
and thus may your whole marine and all its several 
parts be uniformly and exactly regulated. 

And now, as to money, as to any immediate sup- 
plies ; sensible as I am that the opinion I am now to 
declare must appear extraordinary, yet I will declare 
it; for I trust that, when duly weighed, it will be 
found the only one which reason can recommend, and 
which must be approved by the event. I say, then, 
that at this time we should not speak at all of money : 
we have a fund, if occasions call for it, a great and 
honorable, and an equitable fund. Should you at- 
tempt to raise it now, far from succeeding in such an 
attempt, you could not depend on gaining it when 
really wanted. But, suspend your inquiries, and you 
will secure it. What fund is this, which now hath no 
being, yet will be found hereafter ? This appears a 
kind of mystery ; but I shall explain it. Cast your 
eyes round through all this city. Within these walls, 
Athenians, there are treasures — I had almost said, 
equal to those of all other states. But such is the 
disposition of their possessors, that if all our speakers 
were to rise with the most alarming declarations, 
' That the king was marching against us ; that he was 
at our gates ; that the danger did not admit of any 
possibility of donbt ; — if, with these speakers, as many 
ministers of Heaven were to rise, and pronounce the 
same declarations as the warning of the gods ; so far 
would these men be from contributing, that they would 
not even discover their riches ; they would not ac- 

DEM. Q 



242 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

knowlege the possession of them. But should it once 
appear that all those dangers, denounced with so much 
terror, were really, and in fact impending, where is 
the wretch that would not give freely, that would not 
urge to be admitted to contribute ? For, who would 
choose to abandon his life and fortune to the fury of 
an enemy, rather than give up a small portion of his 
abundance for the safety of himself and all the rest of 
his possessions? Thus shall we find treasures when 
occasions really demand them ; but not till then. Let 
us not therefore inquire for them now. Suppose that 
we were now strictly to exact the subsidies from all 
our citizens, the utmost we should raise would be 
more contemptible than none. Imagine the experi- 
ment made : it is proposed to exact an hundredth part 
of the revenue arising from our lands. Well, then, 
this makes just sixty talents. ' Nay, but we will raise 
a fiftieth part/ This doubles the sum : we have then 
one hundred and twenty talents. But what is this to 
those hundreds, or those thousands of camels, which, 
they assure us, are employed to carry the king's 
money ? But suppose it were agreed to raise a twelfth 
part, amounting to five hundred talents. This, in the 
first place, would be too great a burden; and, if im- 
posed, still the fund produced would be insufficient for 
the war. Let then all our other preparations be com- 
pleted ; but, as to money, let the possessors keep it ; 
and never can they keep it for a nobler public service. 
When their country calls for it, then shall they freely 
and zealously contribute. 

This, my fellow-citizens, is a practicable scheme — 
a scheme highly honorable and advantageous, worthy 
of this state to be reported to the king, and which 
must strike him with no small terror. He knows, that 
by three hundred vessels, of which one hundred only 
were supplied by us, his ancestors lost a thousand 
ships. 1 He will hear that now we have ourselves 

1 Whoever consults Herodotus will find that Demosthenes 
is by no means exact in his account either of the Athenian or 



ORATION ON THE CLASSES. 243 

equipped three hundred. He cannot then, if he hath 
not lost all reason — he cannot deem it a trivial matter 
to make this state his enemy. If, from a dependence 
on his treasures, he is tempted to entertain proud 
thoughts, he will find this but a vain dependence 
when compared with your resources. 1 They tell us 
he is coming* with heaps of gold ; hut when these are 
once dispersed he must look for new supplies. Not 
the richest streams, not the deepest sources hut must 
at length be totally exhausted when we copiously and 
constantly drain away their waters. But we, he will 
be told, have a perpetual resource in our lands — a 
fund of six thousand talents. And with what spirit 
we defend these lands against invaders his ancestors 
who fought at Marathon could best inform him. Let 
us continue to conquer, and our treasures cannot ever 
fail. 

Nor yet do I think their terrors justly founded who 
apprehend that he may employ his gold in raising a 
large army of mercenaries, I do indeed believe that 
in an expedition against Egypt, against Orontes, 2 or 



Persian fleets ; b t we are not to expect historical precision 
from the orator. His representations are suited to delight 
and animate his hearers ; and probably his success was too 
great to give them leisure to attend to any inaccuracy in his 
account. 

1 It is just now the orator has represented the wealth of 
Athens as contemptible, that of Persia as magnificent and 
great. Now, on the contrary, the resources of Persia are 
neither solid nor permanent ; the riches of Athens great and 
inexhaustible. Various are the instances of this artifice in 
Demosthenes, which the judicious reader cannot fail to ob- 
serve without the direction of the annotator. 

2 Two of this name are mentioned in history. The first 
was put to death by the younger Cyrus, on account of a con- 
spiracy. The other, whom Demosthenes points out, was a 
satrap of Mysia, and served in the army which Artaxerxes 
sent against Cyprus, under the command of Teribazus. On 
this occasion he attempted to ruin the reputation of his gene- 
ral ; was detected and disgraced ; and, in revenge, joined with 
the rebels of Egypt, Caria andPhrygia, and headed the army 
they had raised against the king. But, in hopes of recover- 



244 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

any of the other barbarians, there are many of the 
Greeks that would gladly receive his pay ; not from 
any zeal for aggrandising him, but each in order to 
obtain such a supply as might relieve their present 
necessities. But I never can persuade myself that 
any one Greek would assist him to conquer Greece. 
Whither should he turn after such an event ? Would 
he go and be a slave in Phrygia ? He must know 
that when we take up arms against the barbarian, we 
take them up for our country, for our lives, for our 
customs, for our liberty, and all such sacred rights. 
Who then could be so base as to sacrifice himself, 
his parents, the sepulchres of his ancestors, his coun- 
try, to a trifling pittance? Surely no man I 1 

Nor is it the interest of the Persian that his merce- 
naries should subdue the Greeks ; for they who can 
conquer us must first prove superior to him. And it 
is by no means his scheme, by destroying us to lose 
his own empire. His wishes are to command all ; if 
this cannot be obtained, at least he would secure his 
power over his own slaves. 

If then it be imagined that the Thebans will unite 
with him, 2 it is a hard part to speak of Thebes in this 

ing his credit at the Persian court, and of gaining the com- 
mand of some maritime towns, he betrayed the forces, &c. of 
the rebels into the hands of the king's lieutenants. History 
speaks no farther of this Orontes. But, as in this year, the 
eighth from the time of his revolt, Demosthenes mentions him 
as an enemy to the Persian, we may conjecture that his last 
services had been disregarded, and that he had again taken 
up arms. — Lucchesini. 

1 I cannot persuade myself that there is occasion to point 
out to the reader the force and pertinency of this argument, 
although it be elliptically expressed. To be assured of the 
true signification of the phrase προς top βαρβαρον, we need 
but cast our eyes to a sentence a little farther on ; βκ μβν ye 
των ΠΡ02 τους εαυτού irpoyovovs πολέμων — from the wars waged 
against his ancestors, 

2 The history of both nations accounts for the detestation 
with which the Athenians are supposed to hear the name of 
the Thebans ; and perhaps it were impossible that two na- 
tions so different in genius and manners ever should enter- 



ORATION ON THE CLASSES. 245 

assembly : for, such is your aversion to this people, 
that you will not hear the voice of truth itself, if it 
seems at all to favor them. However, it is the duty 
of those who debate on great affairs, by no means, and 
on no pretence whatever, to suppress any argument 
which may prove of use. — I say, then, that so far are 
the Thebans from ever, at any time, uniting with the 
king against the Greeks, that they would freely give 
the greatest treasures, were they possessed of them, to 
purchase a fair occasion of atoning for their ancient 
errors with respect to Greece. But let the Thebans 
be ever so unhappily disposed, still we must all be 
sensible, that if they unite with him, their enemies 
must necessarily unite with the Greeks. And I trust 
that the cause of justice and the friends to this cause 
will ever prove superior to traitors, and to all the 
force of the barbarian. Let us not then yield to these 
extravagant alarms, nor rashly brave all consequences, 
by being first to take up arms. 

Nor do I think that any other of the Grecian states 
should look on this war with terror. 1 Is there a man 
among them who is not sensible, that while they re- 
garded the Persian as their common enemy, and main- 
tained a firm union with each other, their fortune was 
completely happy ; but when, by a fatal reliance on 
his friendship, they were betrayed into contests and 
dissensions among themselves, their calamities were 

tain any sentiments of friendship and esteem for each other. 
Our orator, however, was far superior to vulgar national pre- 
judices. He considered, without partiality, the real interests 
of his country, whose welfare should be a statesman's pas- 
sion. Yet his regard for the people of Thebes was numbered 
by yEschines among* his crimes. — The error which, he says, 
they would, if possible, redeem, was their joining with Xer- 
xes in his invasion of Greece. — Francis. 

1 The well-known and great events described in the his- 
tory of Greece confirm these observations of the orator fully 
with respect to all the Grecian states. Yet we may concur 
with the Italian commentator in supposing that they had the 
Lacedaemonians particularly in view ; to whom they are, in- 
deed, eminently applicable. 



246 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

so great as to exceed all the imprecations which the 
most inveterate malice could invent? And shall that 
man, whom fortune, whom Heaven itself pronounces, 
as a friend, unprofitable ; as an enemy, of advantage ; 
shall he, I say, be feared? By no means. Yet let us 
have the due regard to ourselves ; let us have the due 
attention to the disorders and suspicions of the rest of 
Greece ; and let us not incur the charge of injustice. 
Could we, indeed, with all the Greeks united firmly 
on our side, attack him single and unsupported, I 
would not then suppose that you could be charged 
with injustice. But, as this is not to be expected, let 
us be cautious ; let us afford him no pretence of ap- 
pearing to assert the rights of the other Greeks. If 
we continue quiet, his applications to them will be 
suspicious : if we are the first to take up arms, he will 
seem justified by our hostilities in his attempts to gain 
their friendship. 

Do not then discover- to the world the melancholy 
state of Greece, by inviting those to an alliance whom 
you cannot gain, and by engaging in a war which you 
cannot support. Be quiet ; be resolute ; be prepared. 
Let not the emissaries of Persia report to their king 
that Greece and Athens are distracted in their coun- 
cils, are confounded by their fears, are torn by dissen- 
sions. No ; let them rather tell him that if it were 
not equally shameful for the Greeks to violate their 
honor and their oaths, as it is to him matter of triumph, 
they would have long since marched against him ; and, 
that if you now do not march, you are restrained 
solely by a regard to your own dignity ; that it is your 
prayer to all the gods that he may be seized with the 
infatuation which once possessed his ancestors, and 
then he would find no defect of vigor in your measures. 
He knows that by our wars with his ancestors this 
state became happy and powerful ; that, by our peace- 
ful demeanor before these wars, we acquired a supe- 
riority over the other Grecian states never more ob- 
servable than at present. He knows that the affairs of 
Greece require some power to be either voluntarily or 



ORATION ON THE CLASSES. 247 

accidentally the instrument of a general peace : he 
knows that he himself must prove that instrument if 
he once attempts to raise a war, and therefore these 
informations will have their due weight and credit. 

That I may not longer abuse your patience, I shall 
repeat the sum of my advice, and then descend. 

You should prepare your force against your present 
enemies : you should use this force against the king, 
against any power that may attempt to injure you ; 
hut never be the first to break through the bounds of 
justice, either in council or in action. You should be 
solicitous, not that our speeches, but that our conduct 
may be worthy of our illustrious descent. Act thus, 
and you will serve not yourselves only, but the men 
who oppose these measures ; for they will not feel 
your resentment hereafter if they be not suffered to 
mislead you now. 1 

1 What effect this oration had on the people we may 
learn from a passage in the oration for the Rhodians, of which 
the following is a translation: ' There are some among you 
who may remember, that at the time when the affairs of Per- 
sia were the subject of our consultations, I was the first, the 
only, or almost the only one, to recommend it as the wisest 
measure not to assign your enmity to the king as the motive 
of your armament : to make your preparations against your 
avowed adversaries, and to employ them even against him, 
should he attempt to injure you. Nor did I urge these 
things without your full concurrence : they were received 
with applause/ 



ORATION FOR THE MEGALOPOLITANS : 

PRONOUNCED IN THE ARCHONSHIP OF EUDEMUS, THE FOURTH 
YEAR OF THE HUNDRED AND SIXTH OLYMPIAD. 



INTRODUCTION. 

In order to prepare the reader for the perusal of the following 
oration, it is necessary to recal to his view some of the late 
important transactions in Greece. He is not to be informed 
of the florishing condition of Sparta after the famous Pelo- 
ponnesian war, the immoderate ambition of that state, and 
the war in which the Spartans were consequently involved 
with Thebes. The conduct and vigor of Epaminondas, the 
Theban, proved fatal to Sparta, and the battle of Leuctra put 
an end to the tyrannical dominion which this state had long 
exercised in Peloponnesus• 

Immediately after this battle several of the Peloponnesian 
states revolted from the Lacedaemonians. The Messenians, 
their ancient rivals, were restored to their original settlement 
by the Theban arms, after many ages of dispersion. The 
Arcadians and Argives asserted their independence, and, as- 
sisted by the Thebans, took up arms against their former so- 
vereigns. The Spartans now seemed on the point of having 
their ruin completed ; they were reduced to fortify their city, 
whose defenceless condition had been so long their boast : 
they armed six hundred of their slaves, and sent a deputa- 
tion to Athens, humbly to solicit the assistance of their old 
rivals in this their state of extremity. 

The Athenians, who began to conceive a jealousy of the 
rising power of Thebes, readily consented to join with the 
Lacedaemonians. Iphicrates was sent with twelve thousand 
men to their relief ; and on advice received that Epaminon- 
das was marching against Lacedaemon at the head of the 
Thebans, Argives, and Arcadians, Chabrias was despatched 
with another reinforcement to join the Spartans and their 
confederates. 

It is not to the present purpose to mention particularly the 



INTRODUCTION. 249 

several events in the course of this war. It is only necessary 
to observe that the Arcadians, in order the better to secure that 
liberty for which they now contended, determined to collect 
all their force into one body, brought the detached settlements 
of their countrymen to an union, and fixed their common resi- 
dence in a city built by the advice and assistance of Epami- 
nondas (if we may believe Pausanias), and called Megalopolis, 
or the Great Ciiy. This was one considerable barrier against 
the Lacedaemonian power in Peloponnesus ; which still sub- 
sisted, together with the other equitable regulations of Epa- 
minondas for securing the liberty of the Peloponnesians. 

These were considered by the Lacedaemonians as so many 
memorials of their disgrace. And the least respite from the 
calamities of an unsuccessful war was sufficient to inspire 
them with an earnest desire of recovering their ancient power 
and superiority. Greece was now harassed by the sacred 
war. Several cities of inferior note had changed their mas- 
ters in the course of this quarrel. The re-establishment of 
peace, and a settlement of the whole nation of Greece, were 
universally urged as objects highly worthy of the general at- 
tention. And now Archidamus, the king of Sparta, a subtle 
and designing prince, proposed a plan for this purpose, in 
appearance advantageous to the whole body, but, in effect, 
only calculated to restore the superiority of Sparta. He pro- 
posed that, in order to restore the general tranquillity, the 
several ciiies should be re-established in the same condition 
as before the late wars. 

This was a scheme which promised some advantage to all 
the leading states. Oropus, a city on the confines of Bceotia, 
once commanded by the Athenians, and still claimed as their 
right, but now possessed by the Thebans, must have returned 
to its an,cient masters. Thespia and Plataea, two eminent 
cities in Boeotia, that had felt the jealousy and revenge of 
Thebes, and now lay subverted and depopulated, were by the 
same plan to be restored and fortified. The Phocians were to 
give up two important acquisitions gained in the course of 
the sacred war, the cities of Orchomenus and Coronea. But 
these and the other Boeotian cities were only to acknow- 
lege Thebes as the principal and leading city in Boeotia, 
without any absolute submission or dependence, and without 
any obedience to that jurisdiction which the Thebans claimed 
and had exercised over them. On the other hand, Pelopon- 
nesus was to be reduced to its former state of dependence ; 
the cities of Messene and Megalopolis were to be destroyed, 
and their inhabitants dispersed ; so as to restore the Spartans 
to the power of resuming that tyrannical dominion which they 
had formerly exercised over their neighbors. 

Archidamus began with endeavoring to regain that autho- 



250 INTRODUCTION. 

rity in Peloponnesus to which the Spartans aspired. A dis- 
pute was soon raised between Sparta and Argos about the 
boundaries of their dominions ; and the king of Sparta hav- 
ing in vain attempted to succeed by practising secretly with 
Nicostratus, the principal citizen of Argos, determined to have 
recourse to arms. 

The people of Megalopolis were equally concerned in this 
quarrel. A war was on the point of breaking out in Pelopon- 
nesus ; each side was assiduous to gain over the other states 
of Greece : and on this occasion both the Megalopolitans and 
Lacedaemonians sent their ambassadors to Athens ; the one to 
solicit for assistance and support; the other to prevail on the 
Athenians to continue neuter. 

On this occasion was the assembly convened, in which the 
following oration was delivered. Each state had its partisans 
in this assembly, and the speakers on both sides seem to have 
delivered their sentiments with the utmost heat and animo- 
sity. The orators who opposed the demands of Megalopolis 
urged the connexions of Athens with the Lacedaemonians 
in the Theban war, and the dishonor and inconsistency of 
arming against their old fellow-soldiers. They represented 
the old attachment of the Megalopolitans to Thebes in the 
most odious and suspicious colors ; and declared that, by 
supporting them and depressing Lacedaemon, they would in 
effect render the Theban power highly formidable, if not irre- 
sistible : nor did they forget to urge that by acquiescing in 
the attempts of Lacedeemon to re-establish its power in Pe- 
loponnesus, they themselves would be intitled to the assist- 
ance of that state, in order to recover the dominions which 
had been wrested from them. Through this whole debate the 
Athenians seem to have been intirely influenced by motives 
of policy and convenience ; and the reader will find these 
urged by Demosthenes, with the utmost address and arti- 
fice, in favor of the people of Megalopolis, in the following 
oration. 

That this oration was pronounced in the archonship of Theo- 
demus or Eudemus, we are informed by Dionysius of Hali- 
carnassus (in Epist. ad Ammae.) : and this Eudemus was 
archon, according to Diodorus, in the fourth year of the 
hundred and sixth olympiad. In the beginning of the next 
year the Lacedaemonians made their irruption into Arcadia. 
So that it is probable that the ambassadors were received at 
Athens about the latter end of the year (i. e. a little before 
the summer solstice), when the Lacedaemonians were just pre- 
paring to take the field, and the Arcadians threatened with 
immediate danger. 



ORATION FOR THE MEGALOPOLITANS. 



The speakers on both sides seem to me, ye men of 
Athens, equally to blame — the partisans of the Arca- 
dians and the advocates for Lacedaemon. Like the 
deputies of these communities, not like your citizens, 
to whom their deputations are addressed, they excuse, 
they inveigh against each other. 1 This, I say, is to 
act like deputies: but to speak with a true patriot 
spirit, to attend intirely to the interest of the state, 
free from all factious principles, these are their duties 
who assume the character of our counsellors. But 
now, were not their persons known, did they not speak 
our language, I should have taken many of them for 
two distinct people ; the one of Arcadia, the other of 
Lacedasmon. 

How hazardous a part it is to urge your real inter- 

1 This heat and acrimony did not always proceed from con- 
viction and zeal for the public interest. Every city or com- 
munity that solicited any matter in the Athenian assembly 
first took care to secure managers and advocates among the 
popular speakers. If the interposition of these pleaders 
proved successful, they were sometimes rewarded with a 
statue erected in the city whose interests they had sup- 
ported ; sometimes, and indeed more frequently, with a sum 
of money. Agreements were formally made, and, in some 
cases, securities given for the payment of this fee. In the 
oration of iEschines against Ctesiphon we have one instance 
of a transaction of this nature between the city of Oreum and 
Demosthenes himself, where the stipulation was so noto- 
rious as to appear on the public records of this city ; and 
so firm and binding, as to oblige the people of Oreum, in;t 
time of their distress, to mortgage their revenues to the ora- 
tor as a security for the sum agreed on, and to pay interest 
monthly until the principal could be discharged. 



252 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

ests is to me apparent : for in this violence of opposi- 
tion, where you are all alike deceived, as well the 
favorers of this as the supporters of the opposite opi- 
nion, should a man attempt to point out the just mean 
between them, and should you prove impatient of di- 
rection, he would gratify neither party ; he would be 
calumniated by both. Yet still, I freely choose, if such 
must be my fate, rather to be thought weakly imper- 
tinent than to suffer any men to mislead you from what 
I deem most advantageous to the state. There are 
other points of which, if I have your permission, I 
shall hereafter speak. I now proceed, from principles 
acknowleged equally by all, to deduce such truths as 
I think of greatest moment. 

There is not a man 1 who can deny that it is for the 
interest of Athens that both the Lacedaemonians and 
the Thebans also should be weak : but such is the 
present state of things, (if any conjecture may be 
formed from the discourses we so often hear,) that if 
Orchomenus 2 and Thespia and Plataea be repeopled, 

1 There is not a man, &c] On this principle it is that 
the orator founds all his reasoning. The wars which these 
three leading states carried on against each other were either 
for acquiring, or supporting, or recovering the sovereignty in 
Greece. A passion for this pre-eminence constituted the 
principal part of national virtue and merit. They talked, in- 
deed, of the interest of the whole "body of Greece, of an ex- 
tensive regard and affection to this body, and of the necessity 
of a just balance of power ; yet, in these days of degeneracy, 
at least, the duty of aggrandising their own community was 
frequently made the great law of the morality of statesmen. 
And this contributed no less to the final ruin of the Grecian 
states than their luxury and corruption. ' Grseciae civitates, 
dum imperare singulse cupiunt, imperium omnesperdiderunt,' 
says Justin. A strict union with each other was necessary, 
even to the being and support of each. But for extensive 
dominion, the constitution and circumstances even of the most 
eminent of their communities were by no means calculated. 
Λ There were two cities in Greece of this name ; the one in 
Arcadia ; the other, of which, the orator here speaks, in Bce- 
otia, an ancient and illustrious city, to which Thebes was tri- 
butary, in the heroic times, until Hercules enabled it to assert 



ORATION FOR THE MEGALOPOLITANS. 253 

the Thebans must be weak ; that the Lacedaemonians, 1 
if Arcadia be reduced to their obedience, and the Great 
City be possessed by them, must once more become 
powerful. We are therefore to be careful not to suifer 
these to be great and formidable before the others are 
reduced ; nor to betray ourselves into greater inconve- 
niences by the strength of Lacedasmon than can pos- 
sibly be compensated by the weakness of Thebes. Not 



its independence. After the battle of Leuctra the Thebans 
determined to reduce this rival city to their obedience, but 
were restrained by the moderation of Epaminondas, who pre- 
vailed on his countrymen to admit the people of Orchomenus 
to their alliance, instead of reducing them to slavery. How- 
ever, after the battle of Mantinea, in which this general fell, 
the Thebans found a pretence for executing their former 
severe purposes against Orchomenus. Three hundred Or- 
chomenian cavalry had joined with certain Theban exiles 
in a conspiracy to overturn the aristocratical constitution of 
Thebes, and were betrayed by those whom they had agreed 
to assist. The Thebans, not contented with confining their 
vengeance to the guilty, seized the city of Orchomenus, put 
the citizens to the sword, and made slaves of their wives and 
children. — Lucchesini. 

Of Thespia and Plataea the reader will find some short 
account in the Oration on the Peace, note 2 p. 92. The vici- 
nity of these three cities to Thebes, and their hatred to the 
Thebans, inspired by the remembrance of injuries never to be 
forgotten, sufficiently explain the assertion of Demosthenes. 

1 The subversion of the Lacedaemonian power seems to 
have been not so much the eifect of the defeat at Leuctra as 
of the revolt of their allies in Peloponnesus, and particularly 
of the Arcadians. It was not difficult for a warlike nation to 
have reassembled and reinforced its troops after such an en- 
gagement. Nor could the Thebans have ventured to pursue 
their victory so far, as even to threaten Sparta with slavery, 
unless they had been assisted by the Arcadians. Hence both 
the Thebans and Athenians ever courted the alliance of the 
Peloponnesians, and cultivated their friendship with the 
greatest assiduity. And hence the orator is justly warranted 
to observe that the power of Lacedsemon must rise to a for- 
midable pitch by the reduction of the Arcadians, who, by the 
extent of their territory, and the strength of their towns, 
were, next to Sparta, evidently the most considerable of the 
Peloponnesian states. — Lucchesini. 



254 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

that we assert that it is more eligible to have the 
Lacedaemonians our enemies than the Thebans. This 
is not the point we would support ; but that neither of 
them should have the power of injuring us in any 
instance : for thus only can our fears be removed and 
our security established. 

But it will be said, ' Yes ! this is indeed a point of 
utmost moment : yet it is grievous to make those our 
allies against whom we fought at Mantinea, to unite 
with them against the very men with whom we then 
shared the dangers of the field/ Grievous I confess 
it is ; but let such delicacy gain some attention among 
others : let the parties once agree to live in peace, and 
we shall not, we need not, send support to the Mega- 
lop olitans ; our swords shall not then be drawn against 
our old fellow-soldiers. One party (as they profess) 
are already in alliance with us, the other are now soli- 
citing our alliance. What have we farther to desire ? 
But what if justice should be violated ? if war should 
be resolved on ? 

If it be the sole object of debate whether we should 
give up the Great City to the dominion of Lacedasmon 
or no, let us give it up : I do not contend against it, 
though it be not just: let us not arm against those who 
once shared with us the dangers of the field. But as 
we are all convinced that, if once masters of this city, 
they will instantly attack Messene, let any one of those 
who have been so severe on the Megalopolitans rise 
and say what conduct he would recommend to us on 
such an emergency. They are silent : but you are not 
to be informed that whether they should urge us or 
dissuade us, we should be obliged to send succors, 
both by those sacred oaths which engage us to Mes- 
sene, and by our interest, which requires that this city 
should subsist. 1 Consider therefore with yourselves 

1 The Lacedaemonians, mortified and incensed at the re- 
establishment of Messene, refused to include this state in the 
general peace which was made after the battle of Mantinea ; 
and when the Thebans were once involved in the Phocian 
war, determined to seize the opportunity of oppressing those 



ORATION FOR THE MEGALOPOLITANS. 255 

which would be the noblest and most benevolent pro- 
cedure, to begin your opposition to the encroachments 
of Lacedasmon by the defence of the Megalopolitans, or 
that of the Messenians. In the one case, you will ap- 
pear attentive only to the safety of the Arcadians, and 
to the solid establishment of that tranquillity for which 
you have exposed yourselves to the dangers and the 
toils of war : in the other, all mankind must see that 
in defending Messene, you act not so much from prin- 
ciples of equity as from your fears of Lacedasmon. Our 
designs and actions should be just ; but we should be 
careful that at the same time they may also prove con- 
ducive to our interest. 1 

It is urged by those who have spoken on the other 
side that we should endeavor to regain Oropus. But 
should we now make those our enemies who would 



Peloponnesians who had united with their rivals. Hostilities 
were declared against the Messenians : this people applied 
for succor to the Athenians, who engaged to defend them 
against invasions, though they refused to assist them in any 
offensive measures. This seems to have been the engage- 
ment to which the orator refers. 

1 The reasoning in this passage may possibly deserve to be 
opened and illustrated somewhat farther than can be done by 
a simple detail of historical facts. It is one of the numberless 
instances of our orator's accommodating his style and manner 
of address to the quickness and liveliness of his countrymen ; 
and complimenting their understandings, by leaving some- 
thing to be supplied by them. The purport of his argument 
seems to be this : ' Sooner or later we must oppose the at- 
tempts of Lacedaemon, to extend our sovereignty. Our own 
interest requires it, as well as our regard to equity and the 
general interest of Greece. To both we owe the due attention, 
and it should he our care to make them coincide : while the 
Arcadians are supported, the Lacedaemonians cannot be sup- 
posed sufficiently powerful to become an object of terror : our 
interposition therefore in favor of the Arcadians will be re- 
garded as the pure effect of public spirit. But, if the Lacedae- 
monians be first suffered to reduce Arcadia, and the Atheni- 
ans then begin to oppose their farther progress, the motives 
of equity and public spirit may, indeed, still be pleaded ; but 
those of self-interest must necessarily be supposed to have 
had the greater influence.' 



256 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

assist us in this design, we must forfeit all hopes of 
their assistance. It is my opinion too that we should 
attempt to regain Oropus. But that Lacedsemon will 
now become our enemy if we unite with those Arca- 
dians who sue for our alliance, they, of all men, never 
should assert, 1 who persuaded us to support the Lace- 
daemonians in the time of their distress : for when the 
whole body of the Peloponnesians was ready to unite 
with us, when they called on us to lead them against 
the Lacedaemonians, the very men who now urge this 
objection persuaded you to reject their overtures, 2 
which forced them to apply to Thebes, then their sole 
resource, and to expend your treasures, and endanger 

1 They, of all men, never should assert, &c] Because these 
men then reasoned from the necessity of preserving a due 
balance of power, and preventing any one state from becom- 
ing formidable. The resentment of the party to be opposed 
they then considered as of no weight against so cogent an 
argument. The same argument was now urged, with equal 
force and propriety in favor of the Arcadians. They could 
not, therefore, urge an objection now which, in a case exactly 
parallel, they had affected to despise. 

2 The history of this fact, as described by Xenophon, does 
not exactly agree with this passage, unless supplied and il- 
lustrated by the narration of Diodorus. After the battle of 
Leuctra the Athenians offered liberty to all the states of Pe- 
loponnesus. The Mantineans, thus encouraged, determined 
to fortify their city, but were opposed by the Lacedaemonians, 
who first remonstrated by their deputies, and then took up 
arms. Many of the Arcadians themselves refused to give up 
their authority over some of their dependent cities. This pro- 
duced a war between the Lacedaemonians, Tegeans, and their 
allies, on one part ; and the Mantineans, and the principal 
Arcadian states, on the other. The Mantineans and Arca- 
dians were victorious : ' Yet still,' says Diodorus, (1. xv. An. 
4. Olymp. 102.) ' they dreaded the weight of Sparta, and could 
not venture by themselves to carry on the war. They there- 
fore gained over the Argians and Eleans, and sent an em- 
bassy to the Athenians, inviting them to unite in the confe- 
deracy against the Spartans. But, as they could gain no at- 
tention at Athens, they had recourse to the Thebans, and pre- 
vailed on them to join in a league against Lacedaemon.' This 
extract from Diodorus throws sufficient light on the present 
passage. — Lucchesini. 



ORATION FOR THE MEG ALOPOLITANS. 257 

your persons in defence of Lacedaemon. Surely you 
could not have acted with such spirit to save this peo- 
ple had you been fairly told that, when once saved, η,ο' 
restraint must be prescribed to their desires, no bojzncls 
to their injustice, else they would retain no sense of 
that safety which we gave them. Let it then be sup- 
posed that our forming an alliance with the Arcadians 
be ever so repugnant to the views of the Lacedaemo- 
nians, still that gratitude which they owe to this state 
for their preservation at a time when they were threat- 
ened with the utmost dangers, should far outweigh any 
resentment they may conceive from our opposing their 
injustice. And can they then deny us their assistance 
to regain Oropus ? This would prove them the most 
abandoned of mankind. No ! by the gods, I cannot 
suspect them of such baseness ! 

I hear it also urged, and am surprised at the objec- 
tion, That by this alliance with the Arcadians, and by 
the measures now proposed, the state must contradict 
its former conduct, and thus lose its credit. To me, 
Athenians, the very contrary seems manifest : and 
why ? Because it cannot be denied that, in defending 
the Lacedaemonians, in granting the like defence to 
Thebes in former times, and lately in saving the Eu- 
boeans, 1 and then admitting them to an alliance, we 
have uniformly pursued one and the same design. 
And what is this ? The protection of the injured. And 
if this be so, the charge of inconsistency must be urged 
not against us, but those who refuse to adhere to jus- 
tice. Aifairs have changed by means of those whose 
ambition is unbounded: this state hath not changed. 

It appears to me that the Lacedaemonians are now 
acting a subtle and insidious part : they say that the 
Eleans 2 ought to have a portion of Triphylia ; the 

1 In saving the Euboeans.] At the time when the Thebans 
bad gained possession of a part of the island, with an intent 
of destroying the Athenian power in Euboea. See note ύ ζ 
p. 30. 

2 That the Eleans, &c] Triphylia was a district on the sea- 
coast, situate between Elis and Messene. Certain Arcadian 

DEM. R 



258 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

Phliasians, Tricaraims; some others of the Arcadians, 
the territories which are theirs ; and we, Oropus : not 
that they wish to see each of us in possession of our 
rightful dominions : far from it ! Such public- spirited 
sentiments are new to them : they but aifect this zeal 
for the support of all in the recovery of their several 
interests, that, when they themselves march against 
Messene, all may arm in their cause, and cheerfully 
unite with them ; or else appear to act unjustly, who 
had their concurrence in regaining their particular 
claims, and yet refuse to grant them the like returns 
of friendship. It is my opinion, in the first place, that, 
without subjecting any part of Arcadia to the power 
of the Lacedaemonians, Athens will regain Oropus : 
that these people will themselves support our claim if 
they have the least regard to justice ; and that there 
are others 1 to support it who think that Thebes should 
not be suffered to possess the rights of others. But 
were it evident that unless we permit the Lacedaemo- 
nians to overturn all Peloponnesus, we never can be 
able to obtain this city, I should think it more eligible 
(if I may so speak) absolutely to resign our pretensions 
to Oropus, than to abandon Messene and Peloponne- 
sus to the Lacedaemonians. It is not in this particular 
alone tha,t we are to attend to the conduct of Lacedae- 
mon. — But I suppress those thoughts which are now 
starting. I only say, we are in many instances exposed 
to danger. 

As to the actions of the Megalopolitans against this 
state during their connexion with the Thebans, it is 



exiles had seized Lassio its principal city, and delivered it to 
the Eleans. This produced a war, in which Triphylia so often 
changed its masters, that the right to it became doubtful. 
The Arcadians, however, prevailed at length, and now pos- 
sessed several cities in this district. — Tricaranus had been 
taken from the Phliasians by the Argives, some time after the 
battle of Leuctra. 

1 There are others, &c] The Phocians, Thessalians, and 
Corinthians, who were now engaged against the Thebans in 
the sacred war. 



ORATION FOR THE Μ EGALOPOLITANS. 259 

absurd to urge these now as criminal. It is absurd, I 
say, when they are inclined to form a strict union with 
us, that so they may redeem their former conduct, by 
doing us effectual service, maliciously to seek for all 
pretences to defeat such favorable intentions ; and not 
to consider, that the greater zeal and ardor they are 
proved to have discovered for the interest of Thebes, 
the greater and the juster should be your resentment 
against those who deprived the state of such confe- 
derates (for your protection they first solicited, be- 
fore their application to the Thebans). These are the 
wretched arguments of men who wish that these people 
should unite with other states. 1 

From all the judgment I can form, on the most ma- 
ture reflection, I am persuaded (and there are many 
here who agree with me in this opinion) that, if the 
Lacedaemonians are once masters of Megalopolis, Mes- 
sene must certainly be in danger. Should they gain 
this city also, I say, we must form an alliance with 
the Thebans. And it will be much more noble, much 
more advantageous, at once to take those allies of the 
Thebans to our protection, and vigorously to oppose 
the ambition of Lacedaemon, than to refuse them that 
protection because allies to the Thebans : to abandon 
them to their oppressors ; and thus be forced to save 
Thebes itself from ruin ; nay, to involve this our own 
state in danger. For I cannot think it a matter of no 
consequence to Athens that the Lacedaemonians should 
be masters of Megalopolis, and resume their ancient 
greatness ; while, even now, I see them draw the 
sword, not to defend their state from wrong, but to 



1 The objections on the other side were : ' Shall we arm 
against the Lacedaemonians, our fellow-soldiers in the Theban 
warV and, ' Shall we assist the Arcadians, who drew their 
swords against us at MantineaV Both very popular, and 
likely to influence the assembly. The speaker seems parti- 
cularly to dread the latter : he states it in gentle and extenu- 
ating terms : his answer has as much art and liveliness as 
force ; and he appears not at all inclined to dwell long, or 
particularly, on this point. 



260 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

regain that sovereign power which they formerly en- 
joyed. And what were their designs, when they en- 
joyed this power, you can better say than I, and must 
therefore feel the juster and the stronger apprehen- 
sions. 1 

I would gladly ask our speakers, those who express 
such aversion to Thebes, and those who declare them- 
selves the enemies of Lacedaemon, whether in these 
their particular resentments they be actuated by a 
regard to you and to your interests ; or, whether they 
severally hate the Thebans, for the sake of the Lace- 
daemonians ; and the Lacedaemonians, from their affec- 
tion to the Thebans. If for their sakes, they have lost 
their reason, and are each unworthy of our attention : 
if for our interest, whence this unnecessary zeal for 
their favorite states ? It is possible, very possible, to 
humble the Thebans without aggrandising the Lace- 
daemonians. This may be easily effected, as I shall 
now endeavor to convince you. 

It is well known that men are, to a certain degree, 
obliged by shame to adhere to justice, even where 
their inclinations are averse. They aifect to appear 
strenuous against every injurious attempt ; especially 
when, in any instance, they have suffered by such at- 
tempt. Here we find the great cause of all disorders, 
the origin of all calamities, in this want of a sincere, 
disinterested regard to justice. To avoid this danger, 
therefore, in our attempts to reduce the power of 
Thebes, let us declare that Thespia, and Orchomenus, 
and Plataea, must be restored : let us exert ourselves 
for this purpose, and call on others to assist us. Thus 
shall our true regard to equity, our real patriotic spirit, 
be displayed in this generous concern for the restora- 
tion of ancient cities : but, at the same time, let us 

1 The sovereignty of Lacedsemon is to be dated from the 
destruction of Athens by Lysander, in the first year of the 
ninety-fourth Olympiad, a considerable time before the birth 
of Demosthenes, but within the memory of some citizens ; at 
least the consequences of this important event must have 
been remembered by numbers in the assembly. . 



ORATION FOR THE MEGALOPOLITANS. 261 

not abandon Messene and Megalopolis to the power of 
their oppressors. Let us not, under the pretence of 
serving- the Thespians and Plataeans, look on with un- 
concern whilst cities, now in being, already tilled with 
inhabitants, are rased to their foundations. If we show 
this equal regard to justice, there is not a state in 
Greece but will readily unite with us to wrest from the 
Thebans their unjust acquisition. If not, this people 
must necessarily oppose our endeavors to restore the 
cities ; an event which they must justly regard as their 
own destruction : and, in our own aiFair, ' the attempt 
must prove ineffectual. And what in truth can be 
expected, if we are ever suffering cities now in being 
to be destroyed, and demanding that cities long since 
ruined should be restored ? 

It hath been urged in this debate, by those who have 
spoken with the greatest appearance of reason, that 
these people should take down the public monuments 2 

1 Our own affair.] That is, the recovery of Oropus. 

2 The public monuments, &c] In the original, Tas 2ΤΗΛΑ2 
καθςλςιν ras προς Θηβαίους. It was the custom of Greece that 
the treaties of the several states, and the conditions of these 
treaties, should be inscribed on columns, which were erected, 
and, while the treaties subsisted, were preserved, in the most 
public and frequented places ; as in the scenes of their great 
games, where the whole nation was collected at particular 
seasons, and there had an opportunity of being witnesses of 
the terms agreed on. The observance of these was, in some 
sort, a matter of national concern, and came under the cog- 
nisance of the great council of amphictyons. That the con- 
tracting powers themselves might have the monuments of 
their public acts continually in view, the like columns were 
erected in the most conspicuous places of their cities. Thus 
we learn from Thucydides that when the Athenians and 
Lacedaemonians had concluded a truce for fifty years, in the 
tenth year of the famous Peloponnesian war, it was pro- 
vided that the columns on which the treaty was inscribed 
should be erected in such places as have been mentioned. 
^,τηΧας de στησαι Ολυμπιασι, και Πυθοι, και Ισθμφ, και ev Αθήναις 
ev πο\€ΐ, και ev Αακεΰαιμονι ev Αμυκλαιφ. Pausanias observes 
that in his days many of these columns were preserved in the 
Olympian temple, and particularly that which was the monu- 



262 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

of their treaty with Thebes, if they mean to be real 
allies to this state. On the other side, it is alleged 
that it is not such monuments, but interest, which they 
regard as the essential cause of friendship ; that they 
must look on those as their real allies who will grant 
them their assistance. 

But, however sincerely they may thus profess, this 
is my opinion ; that you should demand both that 
these monuments be taken down, and that Lacedaemon 
be obliged to peace. If either of these demands be 
rejected, we should then unite with that party which 
hath acquiesced : for, if when they are allowed to live 
unmolested the Megalopolitans should still adhere to 
their connexions with the Thebans, they must then 
discover to the world that they were influenced by the 
hopes conceived from the superiority of Thebes, not 
by motives of equity. If, on the other hand, when the 
Megalopolitans have, with real faith and sincerity, 
formed an alliance with us, the Lacedaemonians should 
still refuse to live in peace, it must be manifest that 
all this their solicitude is not that Thespia may be 
restored, but that, while the Thebans are embroiled in 
this war, they may seize the opportunity of reducing 
all Peloponnesus. 

I am surprised at some persons, who express dread- 
ful apprehensions at the allies of Thebes becoming 
enemies to Lacedaemon ; yet, should Lacedaemon sub- 
due these people, see no danger in such an event ; 
especially when we have the experience of past times 
to assure us that the Thebans have ever used those al- 
lies 1 against the Lacedaemonians ; the Lacedaemonians, 

ment of the treaty concluded between the Athenians, Argians, 
and Mantineans, in the twelfth year of the Peloponnesian 
war. 

1 By those allies, the orator undoubtedly means, not the Ar- 
cadians only, but the whole body of the Peloponnesian states. 
And what he observes of these states is fully confirmed by 
history. To mention only the more famous battles fought be- 
tween the Thebans and Athenians, it appears that the former 
were not assisted by the Peloponnesians in their first unsuc- 
cessful engagement at Tanagra (An. 4. 01. 80.) ; in the se- 



ORATION FOR THE MEGALOPOLITANS. 263 

when their masters, have ever employed them against 
lis. It is therefore seriously to be considered, that 
should you now refuse to admit the Megalopolitans to 
your alliance, they must either be subverted and dis- 
persed, and then the Lacedaemonians at once become 
powerful ; or, they must escape the danger (as we 
sometimes see strange and unexpected events) ; and 
then, with good reason, they must become firm asso- 
ciates to the Thebans : but, if we accept of these their 
overtures, they must then owe and acknowlege their 
preservation to this state. 

But let us turn our thoughts from their fortunes and 
their dangers, and fix our attention on the Thebans and 
Lacedaemonians. Should this war prove fatal to the 
Thebans (as our interest requires), still the power of 
the Lacedaemonians will be duly circumscribed, whilst 
they have the Arcadians on their borders, ever ready 
to arm against them. But, suppose the Thebans should 

cond, when they were victorious (An. 2. 01. 83.) ; or in the 
third, when they were again conquered (An. 1. 01. 89.) ; or 
in their victory at Delium, in the following year. On the 
other hand, after the battle of Leuctra the Thebans were 
joined by the Arcadians in their invasion of Sparta (An. 3. 
01. 102.), and the next year entered the territory of Lacedae- 
mon, in conjunction with the Arcadians, Argives, and Eleans. 
But the Lacedaemonians were assisted by their Peloponne- 
sian allies in all their wars with the Athenians. In the 
great Peloponnesian war ' the confederates of the Lacedae- 
monians were (says Thucydides) all the Peloponnesians that 
dwelt within the Isthmus, except the Argives and Achaeans, 
who had attachments to each of the contending parties.' — 
Λακεδαιμονίων μεν ol ξνμμαχοι, Πελοποννησιοι μεν ol εντός Ισθ- 
μού πάντες, πλην ΑρΎειων και Αχαιών, Τούτοις Βε ες αμφότε- 
ρους φίλια ην. 

Many other instances to the same purpose might be pro- 
duced from history. But should it be objected to the asser- 
tion of the orator that, at the battle of Mantinea, some of the 
Peloponnesians united with the Thebans against the Athe- 
nian powers, the answer is obvious, that the Athenians were 
not the objects of this confederacy ; that it was formed against 
the Spartans, to whom Athens served but as an auxiliary. — 
Lucchesini, 



264 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

prove superior to their dangers, should still defend 
their country, and should not fall before their ene- 
mies ; yet, must they be the less powerful, if on our 
side we be strengthened by allies to whom we ourselves 
gave being ? At all events, therefore, the interest of 
the state demands that we should not abandon the 
Arcadians ; that, if preserved, they should not seem to 
owe their preservation to themselves ; that they should 
not owe it to any others ; but that it should be the act 
of the Athenians. 

And now, my fellow-citizens, I call the gods to wit- 
ness, that I have spoken, not from private affection, 
not from particular resentment to either party, but 
from a regard to what I deem the real interest of my 
country ! This then is my opinion ; that you should 
not abandon the people of Megalopolis ; no, nor any 
weaker state, to the power of the stronger. 1 

1 It does not appear from history that this oration had the 
due effect. Whether the prospect of recovering Oropus had 
greater influence than the more liberal and less confined po- 
licy of Demosthenes ; or, whether the present circumstances 
and connexions of the Athenians prevented them from acting 
in favor of the Megalopolitans ; certain it is, that the^y did 
not exert themselves on this occasion in defence of the li- 
berty of Peloponnesus. The quarrel was carried on for some 
short time. The Lacedaemonians had generally the advan- 
tage ; hut soon found it necessary to end the war by a truce 
with the people of Megalopolis. 



THE ORATION FOR THE LIBERTY OF THE 
RHODIANS : 

PRONOUNCED IN THE ARCHONSHIP OF THESSALUS, THE SECOND 
YEAR OF THE HUNDRED AND SEVENTH OLYMPIAD. 



INTRODUCTION. 

An attempt made (in the hundred and fifth olympiad) to re- 
duce the states of Chios, Cos, and Rhodes, to a dependency 
on Athens, produced the war, well known by the name of 
1 The Social War ;' which was for three years supported by 
the Athenians on one side ; and, on the other, by the Chians, 
Coans, and Rhodians, assisted by the Byzantines, and by 
Mausolus, king of Caria ; which prince (or rather his wife 
Artemisia, who governed in his name) was the principal 
agent in fomenting this quarrel. Their fears of the Persian 
arms obliged. the Athenians to give a peace to the confede- 
rates, in which it was expressly stipulated that they should 
be free and independent. So that, in effect, these states 
triumphed over their adversary, whose concessions were ex- 
torted by necessity, and who, of consequence, harbored all 
the resentment of disappointed ambition against their op- 
ponents. 

The people of Rhodes, who had engaged warmly in this 
confederacy, had formerly been indebted to Athens for assist- 
ance in defence of their popular form of government against 
the favorers of aristocracy, who, on their part, had been sup- 
ported by the Lacedaemonians. The peace now concluded 
promised to put an end to those civil commotions and revolu- 
tions to which the state of Rhodes had been exposed. But 
the enterprising genius of Artemisia, who now reigned in 
Caria, prompted her to attempt the conquest of Rhodes. The 
king of Persia favored her design against an island which, by 
its situation, commanded the Egean sea, and rendered the 
passage into Greece secure and easy ; and which he justly 
expected to gain from the Carian princess by treaty, or by 
arms, with less umbrage to the Greeks than any direct attack 
would give. 



266 INTRODUCTION. 

As a step previously necessary to this design, the aristo- 
cratical faction was, partly by the gradual influence of secret 
practices, and partly by force, established in the government 
of Rhodes, which they proceeded to exercise in an oppres- 
sive and tyrannical manner. The people, whose liberties 
were thus overturned, saw no resource in their distress but 
to apply to the generosity of Athens, their ancient protector. 
Ambassadors were despatched to implore the assistance of 
the great defenders of liberty ; and in the assembly convened 
on this occasion the following oration w T as delivered in favor 
of the people of Rhodes. 

Their cause labored under many difficulties. They had de- 
fied the people whose protection they were soliciting, and 
were now the objects of their resentment. Their late opposi- 
tion was considered at Athens as the effect, not of a zeal 
for liberty, but of ingratitude and pride, of perverseness and 
insolence, which were represented as a part of their national 
character. No speaker could venture to oppose these senti- 
ments, which afforded those who spoke against the Rhodians 
ample matter for invective. It was well known that the Per- 
sian king interested himself in favor of the reigning party 
at Rhodes. The danger of irritating this prince had been, by 
Demosthenes himself, strongly urged upon other occasions. 
So that not only the passions and prejudices of the assembly, 
but policy also pleaded powerfully against the present de- 
mand of the Rhodians. In these circumstances they required 
an able, artful, and insinuating advocate ; and such they found 
in our orator. 



THE ORATION FOR THE LIBERTY OF THE 
RHODIANS. 



When affairs like these become the subject of our 
debates, it is my opinion, Athenians, that a general 
liberty of speech should be allowed to all in this as- 
sembly. 1 Not that I have ever thought it difficult to 
point out the measures fittest to be pursued ; for (to 
speak my thoughts plainly) you seem of yourselves 
sufficiently apprised of these. But to prevail on you 
to pursue them : — there is the difficulty : for, when 

1 This exordium seems to have been founded on some par- 
ticular circumstances of the assembly, or some difficulties 
which Demosthenes was obliged to encounter before he could 
obtain an audience : the assembly of the people at Athens 
was necessarily subject to the inconveniences attending all 
popular meetings. Clamor, tumult and contention frequently 
disturbed it ; especially when the point in debate was of an 
important kind, or the popular leaders divided, and by in- 
terest or principle prompted to support their different opi- 
nions and parties with zeal and ardor. Sometimes (as we 
learn from some passages in iEschines) the leaders on one 
side took care to seize the gallery, from whence the speakers 
addressed themselves to the people, and by open violence 
prevented any one from taking his place there who was not a 
friend to the measures which they recommended. Sometimes 
the magistrates, who presided in the assembly, either thought 
it necessary for the preservation of peace and order, or were 
induced by private motives, to exert their authority, and to 
circumscribe that liberty of speech for which the constitution 
of Athens had so scrupulously provided. Hence frequently 
arose a tumultuous mixture of acclamation, opposition, loud 
and vehement commanding, and earnest expostulation, which 
formed a scene fitted to discourage and terrify an inexperi- 
enced or dastardly speaker ; a scene for which Demosthenes 
prepared himself by declaiming on the sea-shore amidst the 
roaring of the waves. 



268 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

any thing hath been resolved, when it hath been con- 
firmed by your voices, we are just as far from carrying 
it into execution as if it had never been resolved. 

One particular there is eminently distinguishable 
amongst all those favors which we owe to Heaven. I 
mean that they who, not long since, prompted by their 
insolence, appeared in arms against us, now rest all 
their hopes of safety on this state ; an event which 
should inspire us with the greatest satisfaction : for 
by a just and proper conduct on this occasion, we 
shall by our actions gloriously and nobly refute the 
calumnies of our traducers. The Chians, and the 
Byzantines, and the Rhodians, accused us of dangerous 
designs against them, and from this pretence con- 
spired to raise the late war against us. But it will now 
appear that Mausolus, 1 the great author and conductor 
of this war — he who affected such zeal for the interest 
of the Rhodians, is the very person who deprived them 
of their freedom: that the Chians and the Byzantines, 2 
who then professed to be their allies, have refused to 
assist them when distressed : but that you, the great 
objects of their apprehensions, prove to be the people 
of all others to whom alone they are indebted for 
protection. When this is once made manifest to the 
world, such must be the sentiments with which you 
shall inspire the people of every community, that they 
will regard your friendship as the pledge of their 
security. And surely you cannot enjoy greater hap- 
piness than such a universal confidence and affection. 

1 This passage seems to intimate that measures had been 
taken to establish the aristocracy at Rhodes during the life- 
time of Mausolus. The queen, who is said to have directed 
and governed her husband, probably recommended, and made 
some progress in the execution of a design, which was crowned 
with complete success in her own reign. 

2 It was probably the fear of Artemisia's power which pre- 
vented the Chians and Byzantines from assisting their friends 
the Rhodians to overturn the usurpation. Otherwise the 
Chians, whose government was republican, must have ex- 
erted themselves to secure the like constitution to their allies. 
— Lucchesini. 



ORATION FOR THE RHODIANS. 269 

It is with surprise I find the very persons who urged 
us to oppose the king ί in defence of the Egyptians 
now deterring us, by the apprehensions of his dis- 
pleasure, from engaging in the affairs of Rhodes ; and 
this when it is well known that the Rhodians are really 
Greeks ; the others of the number of this prince's 
subjects. 

There are some among you who may remember that 
at the time when the aifairs of Persia were the subject 
of our consultations I was the first, I think the only, or 
almost the only one, to recommend it as the wisest 
measure not to assign your enmity to the king as the 
motive of your armament : to make your preparations 
against your avowed adversaries ; but to employ them 
even against him should he attempt to injure you. 
Nor did I urge these things without your full con- 
currence. You received them with applause. 2 On 

1 When Artaxerxes engaged in the war with Nectanebus, 
king of Egypt, both parties applied to the Greeks for assist- 
ance. The Persian was refused ; but such numbers of Grecian 
mercenaries engaged in the service of Nectanebus, that he 
was enabled to detach four thousand of these to the assistance 
of the Sidonians : and probably the greater part of these 
forces were Athenians, as the inveterate resentment of this 
people to the Persians prompted them to take all means of 
opposing them which were not absolutely inconsistent with 
treaties. — Luccliesini. 

2 The approbation of the people he affects to consider as a 
full proof of the justness of these his sentiments. 'If they 
be then just, the king must adopt them ; no other can be re- 
commended to him. And if his conduct is to be guided by 
such principles, he cannot be provoked to take up arms 
against the Athenians by their interposition in favor of the 
liberty of Rhodes (a Grecian state). It must be equally his 
interest not to oppose the Athenians, where his own kingdom 
is not immediately attacked, as it is for the Athenians not to 
give unnecessary umbrage to him. Such delicacy and caution 
must be acknowleged just and necessary, but are quite dif- 
ferent from a supine inattention to all his motions, and an 
abject concession of all the conquests he maybe prompted 
to make, however injurious to Greece. Such conduct would 
not only be dishonorable but impolitic. While, on the con- 
trary, vigor and resolution prudently directed, instead of 



270 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

this present occasion my sentiments are exactly con- 
sonant to what I then proposed : and were I a sub- 
ject to the king, were I called to be his counsellor, to 
him I should suggest the very measures I now recom- 
mend to you ; to fight for his own dominions if at- 
tacked by any of the Greeks ; never to indulge an ex- 
travagant ambition of making foreign conquests. If, 
on your part, ye men of Athens, it be resolved to 
give up all those cities to the king which he may 
reduce to his obedience, by surprising and deceiving 
some members of the several cities, it is a resolution 
I can by no means praise. But if ye be persuaded 
that in the cause of justice ye should on all occasions 
boldly draw the sword, and encounter every difficulty ; 
in the first place, such occasions will occur more rarely 
the more you are possessed with this persuasion ; and 
then, it must be acknowleged that such sentiments are 
worthy of this state. 

That I recommend nothing new in moving you to 
give liberty to the Rhodians, that you will do nothing 
new if my counsels should prevail, may appear from 
one instance of our former conduct, which proved of 
important service. It may be remembered, Athenians, 
that you once sent out Timotheus to assist Ariobar- 
zanes. 1 It was expressly prescribed in his commission 



involving them in war, must awe their enemies, and pre- 
serve them in peace and security.' — This seems to be the 
sum of the present argument ; and the judicious will pro- 
bably forgive the attempt to open and illustrate particular 
passages, as the sentiments, in this oration especially, are de- 
livered with such liveliness and rapidity, that a reader, not 
strictly attentive, is oftentimes in danger of losing the full 
view of our orator. 

1 The time and circumstances of this expedition do not seem 
necessary for illustrating the argument of Demosthenes, as he 
himself has distinctly explained the particulars necessary for 
his purpose. However, the reader whose curiosity may prompt 
him to seek for farther information, has here a fuller account 
from the Italian commentator. — There is no doubt but that Ti- 
motheus was sent on this expedition in the second, or in the be- 
ginning of the third year of the hundred and fourth Olympiad ; 



ORATION FOR THE RHODIANS. 271 

that he should not proceed to any infringement of our 
treaty with the king. He saw that Ariobarzanes had 
openly revolted from his master. He saw that Samos 
was held by Cyprothemes and his Persian garrison ; 
and that Tigranes, the king's own lieutenant, had 
placed them in this city. To Ariobarzanes therefore 
he refused assistance: Samos he invested, and restored 
to freedom : and to this day we never were involved 
in any war on this account. For there is a material 
difference between these two motives for war — the en- 
largement of dominion, and the defence of rightful 
possessions. When an invasion is to be repelled the 
contest is supported to the utmost ; not so for the ob- 
jects of ambition. Men will, indeed, attempt to gratify 
this passion if permitted; but, if opposed, they do not 
charge the opposition as injurious. Nor do I think 
that Artemisia will act contrary to these principles if 
the state should interpose in the affairs of Rhodes. 
Hear me for a moment, and judge whether my reasons 
be well-founded or invalid. 

I think, then, that if all the king's attempts in Egypt 
had been crowned with effectual success, Artemisia 

because in this year Ariobarzanes, together with some other 
satraps on the sea-coast, Mausolus, andTachus, king of Egypt, 
revolted from Artaxerxes. The rebellion of Ariobarzanes was 
probably unknown to the Athenians at this time. The design 
of the expedition was to establish this satrap in the govern- 
ment of Phrygia, which he had seized on the death of Mithri- 
dates by his own authority ; though possibly he might have 
assured the Athenians that he had acted by the king's com- 
mission. Hence was Timotheus sent to support him, with in- 
structions, however, to commit no infringement of the treaties 
subsisting between Athens and the Persian : and as this 
general could not, consistently with these instructions, pur- 
sue the intended expedition in favor of Ariobarzanes, it was 
not without good reason that he chose to employ his forces in 
the relief of Samos, which was under the jurisdiction of 
Athens, and unjustly seized by the king's lieutenants, in order 
to facilitate his operations against the rebels on the sea-coast. 
Nor was it at all prudent for the Athenians to suffer the 
Persians to possess an island from whence they might readily 
pass over into Greece. 



272 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

would have exerted her utmost efforts to reduce Rhodes 
to his subjection: not from an affection to the king, 
but in order to bind him by a signal favor, should he 
extend his dominions to her neighborhood ; that, in 
return, he might admit her to the strictest connexions 
of friendship. But since he hath acted — as fame re- 
ports ; l since he hath been unsuccessful in all his at- 
tempts, she must suppose (and it is in fact the case) 
that this island can be of no other use to him but as a 
citadel to awe her kingdom, and to control her mo- 
tions. So that in my opinion she would rather that 
we were in possession of the island (provided that this 
did not appear to be the act of Artemisia) than that 
he should gain it. Nor would she assist him in such an 
attempt, at least not with sincerity and vigor. As to 
the king, how he may act on any emergency, I do not 
pretend to say. But, that it highly imports this state 
to have it known explicitly whether he means to assert 
any claim to Rhodes or no — this I firmly maintain. 
If he should, our consultations are not to be confined 
to the Rhodians ; our concern must be for ourselves, 
and for all the Greeks. 

1 We learn from Diodorus (1. xvi.), that, in the present 
year, when, this oration was delivered, Ochus had not pene- 
trated as far as Egypt, but led his army against Sidon ; which 
city being betrayed by Mentor, and Tennes its king, was set 
on fire, and reduced to ashes by the inhabitants. From hence 
the Persians marched the next year into Egypt, where they 
at first met with some sinister accidents (a considerable part 
of the army being lost in morasses), though in the conclusion 
they were enabled to conquer Nectanebus at Pelusium, and 
to reduce him to the utmost extremity. Thus the assertion of 
Demosthenes seems not reconcilable to history. But it must 
not be forgotten that a passionate eagerness for intelligence 
was a distinguishing part of the character of the Athenians ; 
which, we must suppose, was frequently gratified by rumors 
and advices invented to please them, and artfully or credu- 
lously propagated. Something of this kind might have hap- 
pened at present ; and agreeable news from the Persian camp, 
whether believed by the orator or no, might have been as- 
sumed as certain, without any scruple, to answer the present 
purpose. 



ORATION FOR THE RHODIANS. 273 

Yet, were these Rhodians, who now possess the city, 
strong enough to maintain their possessions, I should 
not have advised you to grant them aid : no, though 
they should make you the most magnificent promises. 
For I find that, in order to dissolve the free govern- 
ment, they first seduced some citizens to their party ; 
and then, the moment they had gained their purpose, 
they drove out those very citizens. And they who have 
been false to both parties cannot, I presume, prove 
faithful allies to this state. 1 

These things I never should have urged had I only 
considered the interest of Rhodes. I have no public 2 
attachment to that state ; no particular connexion with 

1 At first glance, it may occur to the reader to ask how it 
comes that Demosthenes, who pleads for the restoration of 
the popular state, here seems to speak in favor of the reigning 
party. And though the commentators, &c. take no notice of 
any difficulty in this passage, it may not he deemed imperti- 
nent to endeavor to illustrate its purport and connexion. — 
Demosthenes has endeavored to prove that the king, how 
ever he may favor or support the aristocracy at Rhodes, yet 
will not consider the interposition of the Athenians in de- 
fence of the liberty of that island as an act of hostility against 
him ; and that neither he nor Artemisia will oppose them. 
* Not that I pretend,' says the orator, ' to ascertain what the 
king's designs are, or what measures he may pursue. But if 
he should assert any direct claim to the dominion of Rhodes, 
his treaty with the Greeks is broken : we and all Greece are 
threatened. The question is no longer how the Rhodians 
shall be governed : the island must be defended for our own 
sake, whatever party may prevail there. But in such a case, 
it is the interest of Greece, not that of the aristocratical fac- 
tion at Rhodes, which should be considered ; and however 
warrantable and just and prudent a vigorous defence of the 
island would then be ; yet still, nothing but necessity, no- 
thing but the certainty of its falling into the power of the 
Persian, without our assistance, could induce me to recom- 
mend the granting that assistance. If the reigning party 
could by themselves defend the island, they do not merit, nor 
should they be favored with, our interposition : but if not, 
our own and our nation's interests require that we should 
defeat the designs of the Persian against Rhodes, even though 
this party should reap the immediate advantage.' 

2 I have no public, &c] The citizens of the more eminent 

DEM. S 



274 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

any of i«ts citizens ; or, were I engaged by both these 
ties, in this assembly I should be influenced only by 
the interest of my country. As to these Rhodians (if 
one may so speak who pleads for their protection), I 
rejoice at what hath happened ; that the men who 
could not bear that we should regain our just rights 
have now lost their own liberty ; that they who might 
have united on terms of equality with the Greeks, 
and with us, the best of Greeks, chose to admit bar- 
barians and slaves l into their citadel, and to become 
their abject vassals. I had almost said that these 
things must prove of use to them, if you vouchsafe 

states in Greece had it sometimes in their power to confer 
favors on inferior communities ; and these in return ex- 
pressed their gratitude by declaring that such persons should, 
at any time during their residence among them, be intitled to 
entertainment at the public expense. In. like manner favors 
conferred and received by particular persons intitled them 
to the rights of private hospitality from each other. These 
were declarations of the most strict, and inviolable friend- 
ship ; and the least neglect or violation of this hospitality was 
accounted a crime of the most heinous nature. — The expres- 
sions in the original are founded on these customs. 

1 By barbarians and slaves he means the forces of Artemi- 
sia, which she sent to the assistance of the aristocratical fac- 
tion, and which they kept in the citadel for their defence. — 
Lucchesini. — The admission of these forces into Rhodes is 
ascribed by Vitruvius to a stratagem of an extraordinary na- 
ture. He tells us the Rhodians held a private intelligence in 
Halicarnassus, the capital of Caria, and hoped that the inhabi- 
tants would willingly unite with them, in order to shake off 
the yoke of a woman. In these expectations they sent a fleet 
thither. But Artemisia, having discovered the plot, ordered 
the inhabitants to range themselves under their walls, and to 
receive the Rhodians as their expected deliverers. Deceived 
by this appearance, the Rhodians landed, and left their ships 
deserted. They were surrounded, and cut to pieces. Ar- 
temisia, who had ordered her gallies to fall down some canals 
which communicated with the port, and to seize their ships, 
now set sail in the Rhodian fleet, and appeared before their 
island. It was supposed by the people of Rhodes that their 
own army was returned victorious ; and the Carians were 
masters of their fortress before the fatal mistake was per- 
ceived. 



ORATION FOR THE RHODIANS. 275 

your aid. In a course of prosperity, I know not 
whether they would ever have returned to reason ; for 
they are Rhodians. 1 But now, taught by experience 
that perverse folly is the cause of numberless calami- 
ties, they may possibly entertain sentiments more just 
and prudent for the future. And this, I apprehend, 
would be no small advantage' to them. Let us then 
endeavor to avert their ruin : let us not harbor ancient 
resentments : let it be remembered that you yourselves 
have oftentimes been deceived by those who enter- 
tained designs against the state ; and yet on none, of 
these will you confess that punishment should be in- 
flicted. 

Let it also be considered that you, my fellow- 
citizens, have waged many wars against states both 
of popular and oligarchical government. Of this you 
are not to be informed : but perhaps you have never 
once reflected what were the causes of your several 
wars with each. With popular states 2 your Avars 
arose from particular complaints, which could not be 
decided in a national council ; or from disputes about 
districts and boundaries ; or from the love of glory or 
pre-eminence. But, of your wars with oligarchies, 3 
there were different causes : with these you fought for 
your constitution, for your liberty. So that I should 
not scruple to avow my opinion that it would be better 
for us to be at war with all the states of Greece, pro- 



1 They are Rhodians.] Homer calls the Rhodians υπερήφα- 
νους, insolent. And to this day they are said to be distin- 
guished by the same fault, though now reduced to the ex- 
tremity of slavery. — Lucchesini. 

2 I imagine that the orator had here in view the expedi- 
tions against the Corinthians and Syracusans. With the 
former the Athenians contended about boundaries and terri- 
tory ; particular causes of complaint, but especially ambition, 
prompted them to wage war against the latter. And the 
government both of Corinth and Syracuse was regularly de- 
mocratical. — Lucchesini. 

3 By oligarchies the orator means the Boeotians and Me- 
gareans, but principally the Lacedaemonians. — Lucchesini, 



276 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

vided 1 that they enjoyed a popular government, than 
to be in friendship with them all, if commanded by 
oligarchies ; for with free states I should not think 

1 With all the states of Greece, provided, &c] To jthis the 
orator subjoins a reason, which makes the assertion appear 
less extraordinary : ' If attacked by all, it is true, the con- 
test could not be supported, yet no terms of accommodation 
would be imposed that would alter or destroy our constitu- 
tion. But no peace could secure the freedom of the only de- 
mocratical state. The enemies of liberty, however apparently 
reconciled, must ever hate and fear, and at length destroy it.' 
—As I have taken the liberty to translate this passage in a 
manner different from that of the commentators and interpre- 
ters, it will be necessary fairly to quote the original at large : 
Ήστ6 eyarye ουκ αν οκνησαιμι αττειν μάλλον ηγεισθαι συμφέρον, 
δημοκρατουμςνους τους 'Ελληνας απαντάς πολεμειν υμιν η ολί'γαρ- 
χουμενους φίλους €Lvai. — Δημοπρατούμενους τους Έλληνας hath 
been generally taken as equivalent to τους των 'Ελλήνων δήμο- 
κρατουμένους, &c. ; and the original understood as containing 
this assertion, ' It would be more eligible that all the republics 
in Greece should be at war with us, than that we should be in 
alliance with all the oligarchies.' The learned in the Greek 
language will determine whether, in order to warrant this in- 
terpretation, the form of the sentence in the original should 
not have been τους Βημοκρατουμςνυυς Έλληνας, instead of δη- 
μοπρατούμενους τους, &c. But, not to insist on grammatical 
niceties, it is submitted to the reader, who attends to the his- 
tory and circumstances of Greece, whether to be at war with 
the free states, that is, the states of Peloponnesus, or to be 
in alliance with the oligarchies, that is, (principally) the 
states of Lacedaemon and Boeotia, be two particulars so ne- 
cessarily incompatible as to oblige the Athenians to choose 
one or the other. If it be said that it is sufficient to sup- 
pose that particular quarrels might arise, in which a union 
with Sparta and Boeotia would prevent the free states from 
attacking the Athenians, and the rejecting this union might 
encourage them to the attack ; in such case I suspect that the 
orator never could have advised his countrymen to engage 
singly in a war, as the most eligible measure, which, by 
weakening each party, would render both an easier prey to 
those who are supposed (from the nature of their constitution) 
to be their common enemies. And such advice would still be 
more unaccountable should it be supposed that, in conse- 
quence of rejecting the alliance of Sparta and Boeotia, these 
states would unite with the enemies of Athens. 



ORATION FOR THE RHODIANS. 277 

it difficult to conclude a peace whenever you were in- 
clined ; but with oligarchical governments Ave could not 
even form a union to be relied on : for it is not pos- 
sible that the few can entertain a sincere aifection for 
the many ; or the friends of arbitrary power for the 
men who choose to live in free equality. 

I am surprised that none among you should con- 
ceive, that if the Chians, and the Mityleneans, and 
now the Rhodians, are to be subjected to a few ; l I 
had almost said, if all mankind are to be thus enslaved, 
our constitution must be threatened with danger. It 
is surprising that none among you should reflect, that 
if this form of polity be established in every place, it 
is not possible that our free government should be 
suffered to continue : for it must then be certain that 
none others but the Athenians can arise to restore 
affairs to their original state of freedom ; and those 
whom men regard as dangerous they must ever labor 
to destroy. In every other case they who act un- 
justly are enemies only to those whom their injustice 
hath immediately aifected ; but they who subvert free 
states, and reduce them to the power of a few, are to 
be deemed the common enemies of all the zealous 
friends of liberty. And justice too demands, ye men 
of Athens, that you, who enjoy a popular government, 
should discover the same concern for the misfortunes 
of other free states which you yourselves would ex- 
pect from them, if at any time (which Heaven avert !) 
the like misfortunes should oppress you. It may be 
said, indeed, that the Rhodians are deservedly dis- 
tressed : but this is not a time for such objections. 
Let the prosperous ever show the tenderest solicitude 

1 From this passage it seems not improbable that the de- 
signs of the Persian had extended farther than to Rhodes, 
and that he had by his power or influence lately made altera- 
tions in the state and government of these inferior islands 
which the embarrassed condition of the Athenians, and their 
attention to the motions of the Macedonian king, might have 
prevented them from opposing. 



278 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

for the unhappy, since none can say what may he their 
own future fortune. 

I have heard it frequently observed in this assembly, 
that when the state was in its deepest distress, there 
were not wanting friends to concert measures for its 
restoration. Of this I shall at present briefly men- 
tion but one instance — I mean that of the Argives. 1 
And I should be sorry that we, whose distinguished 
character it is to protect the wretched, should appear 
inferior to the Argives in this particular. They, though 
seated on the borders of Lacedasmon, witnesses of the 
uncontrolled power of this city, both by sea and land, 
yet could not be diverted, could not be deterred from 
expressing their aifection to the Athenians. When 
ambassadors came from Lacedaemon to demand some 
Athenian exiles who had taken refuge at Argos, they 
declared by a decree, that unless these ambassadors 
departed from their city before the setting sun they 
should be accounted enemies. And would it not be 
shameful, my countrymen, that the populace of Argos 
should, in such times as these, defy the terror of the 
Lacedaemonian power and sovereignty, and yet that 
you, who are Athenians, should be terrified by a bar- 
barian ; nay, by a woman ? The Argives might have 
justly pleaded that they had oftentimes been con- 
quered by the Lacedaemonians. But you have fre- 
quently proved victorious over the king ; never were 
once defeated, either by his slaves or by himself. Or, 
if the Persian boasts to have obtained any advantage 
over us, he owes it to those treasures which he lavished 
on the corrupt traitors and hirelings of Greece. If 
ever he hath prevailed, by these means hath he pre- 

1 This instance of the magnanimity of the Argives must 
have been particularly agreeable to the assembly , as the form 
of government at Argos was, like that of Athens, republican. 
The memory of this noble and generous act has been passed 
over by historians : but we have it here preserved, enlivened, 
and enforced by the most vivid coloring and the utmost 
strength of expression. — Lucchesini. 



ORATION FOR THE RHODIANS. 279 

vailed. Nor have such successes proved of real use. 
No : we find that, at the very time when he was en- 
deavoring to depress this state, by the help of Lace- 
da3mon, his own dominions were exposed to the dan- 
gerous attempts of Clearchus and Cyrus. ! Thus were 
his avowed attacks ever unsuccessful, his secret prac- 
tices attended with no real advantage* 

There are men among you who frequently affect a 
disregard of Philip, as if beneath their attention ; but 
of the king express the most terrible apprehensions, 
as of an enemy truly dangerous to those whom he 
may determine to attack. If then we are never to op- 
pose the one, because weak, and to make unbounded 
concessions to the other, because formidable, against 
whom, my countrymen, are we to draw our swords ? 

There are men too most powerful in pleading for the 
rights of others in opposition to your demands. To 
these I would make one request ; that they should en- 
deavor to display an equal zeal in the defence of your 
rights against your adversaries. Thus shall they be 
the first to show a real regard to justice. It is absurd 
to urge its precepts to you if they themselves pay no 
deference to its authority. And surely a member of 
this state cannot pretend to a regard for justice, who 
seeks industriously for every argument against us, ne- 
ver for those which may be urged in our favor. Con- 
sider, I conjure you, why, among the Byzantines, there 
is no man to inform them that they are not to seize 
Chalcedon, 2 which is really the king's ; which you 



1 In the first year of the ninety-fourth olympiad the 
Lacedaemonians became masters of Athens, and there esta- 
blished the thirty tyrants. In the fourth year of the same 
olympiad Cyrus took up arms against his brother Artaxerxes. 
So that between these two events but a small interval of time 
intervened ; which sufficiently warrants the assertion of the 
orator. — Lucchesini. 

2 Chalcedon.] This city of Bithynia, after various vicissi- 
tudes of fortune, had been given up to the king of Persia by 
the peace of Antalcidas. But now it appears to have been ex- 
posed in the invasions of the Byzantines as well as Sylem- 



280 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

some time possessed ; but to which they have no sort 
of claim : that they should not attempt to reduce Sy- 
lembria to their subjection, a city once united in alli- 
ance with us : that in assuming a power of determining 
the boundaries of the Sylembrian territory, the By- 
zantines violate their oaths, they infringe those treaties 
which say expressly that this people shall be governed 
by their own laws. Why, during the life of Mauso- 
lus, or since his death, hath no one been found to in- 
form Artemisia that she is not to possess herself of 
Cos, of Rhodes, of many other Grecian states, which 
the king, who was master of them, ceded by treaty 
to the Greeks, and for which the Greeks of those 
days encountered many dangers, supported many noble 
contests ? Or, were these things thus urged to both, 
that they would have any influence, is by no means 
probable. — I, on my part, see no injustice in reinstating 
the people of Rhodes ; but, even if it were not strictly 
just, yet when I view the actions of others, 1 think it 
my duty to recommend this measure. And why? 
Because, if all others confined themselves within the 
bounds of justice, it would be shameful that you, 
Athenians, should be the only people to transgress. 
But, when every other state seeks all opportunities of 
acting injuriously, that you alone should give up every 
advantage, from pretended scruples, and nice distinc- 
tions of right, this is not justice but cowardice. 

In eflfect, indeed, we find men proportion their claims 
of right to their present power. Of this I shall men- 
tion one example well known to all. There are two 
treaties 1 on record between the Greeks and the king ; 

bria, ά maritime town in the neighborhood of Byzantium. — 
Lucchesini. 

1 The passage, as here translated, plainly points out the 
two most famous treaties concluded between the Greeks and 
Persians ; the one by Cimon the Athenian (An. 3. Olymp. 77,) ; 
the other by Antalcidas the Lacedaemonian (An. 2. Olymp. 
98.) : the first was made immediately after the final overthrow 
of the Persian forces both by sea and land. By this treaty it 
was provided that all the Grecian cities in Asia should be free 



ORATION FOR THE RHODIANS. 281 

that which our state concluded, which is the subject of 
universal praise ; and this latter made by the Lacedae- 
monians, which was condemned as odious and dis- 
honorable. In these treaties the rights of either party- 
were by no means defined in the same manner ; and no 
wonder, for in civil society the rights of individuals 
are determined by the laws, with the same equal and 
common regard to the weak and to the strong; but, 
in political and national transactions, the powerful ever 
prescribe the bounds of right to the weaker. You 
assume the character of arbitrators and defenders of 
justice : be careful then to preserve such power as 
may give due weight and effect to your determinations : 
and this will be done by showing that the Athenians 
are the general patrons and protectors of liberty. 

Sensible, indeed, I am, and with good reason, that 
it is not without the utmost difficulty that you can exe- 
cute any purposes of moment. All others have but 
one contest to maintain, that against their avowed ene- 
mies : when they have once conquered these, they en- 



and independent, and that no Persian ship of war should pre- 
sume to sail to the westward of the Cyanaean and Chelidonian 
islands ; that is, to approach so near as to give the least um- 
brage or alarm to the Greeks ; terms which plainly supposed 
the superiority of Greece, and are accordingly represented by 
historians as highly honorable to this nation. The latter 
treaty, on the contrary, was dictated by the Persians, and the 
weakness and disorders of the Greeks obliged them to accept 
of it. By this the Grecian colonies of Asia, together with 
some of the islands, were formally given up to the power and 
jurisdiction of the Persian king : and historians have not re- 
strained their indignation at the meanness and ignominy of 
these concessions. 

The interpreters and commentators have indeed rendered 
this passage in another manner. But, without entering into 
controversy, the translator submits the pertinency and pro- 
priety of the present interpretation to the judgment of the 
learned reader ; by no means confident, yet not without hopes 
of his concurrence. And should he happen to be more fortu- 
nate, in some particular instance, than his predecessors or 
associates in the same labor, he esteems it a matter which 
warrants no sort of triumph or exultation. 



282 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

joy the fruits of their conquest without farther oppo- 
sition. But you, Athenians, have a double contest to 
support. Like others, you have your open enemies ; 
but you have enemies still more dangerous and alarm- 
ing: you have those of your own citizens to subdue, 
who in this assembly are engaged against the interests 
of their country : and, as they are ever strenuous in 
their opposition to all useful measures, it is no wonder 
that many of our designs are frustrated. Perhaps 
those emoluments which their corrupters hold forth to 
tempt them may be the inducement to many boldly 
to aspire to the rank of ministers and public counsel- 
lors. But still you yourselves may be justly blamed : 
for it is your part, Athenians, to entertain the same 
sentiments with regard to the rank of civil duty as to 
that of battle. And what are these sentiments ? He 
who deserts the post assigned him by the general you 
pronounce infamous, 1 and unworthy to share the com- 
mon rights of an Athenian citizen. In like manner 
he who, in our civil polity, abandons the station as- 
signed by our ancestors, and attempts to establish the 
power of the few, should be declared unworthy to 
speak in this assembly. Do you think it necessary to 
bind our allies by an oath to have the same friends 
and the same enemies with us, in order to be assured 
of their attachment ? And shall those ministers be 
deemed truly loyal who are certainly and evidently 
devoted to the service of our enemies ? 

But what might be urged in accusation against them, 
what might be urged with severity against you, it is 
by no means difficult to find. By what counsels, by 

1 In the Olynthiac orations we find Demosthenes com- 
plaining that the severity of the ancient military laws had 
been considerably relaxed : and this passage furnishes us 
with a remarkable instance of such relaxation ; for, by the 
original laws and constitutions of Athens, it was declared a 
capital offence for any citizen to fly, or to desert from his post. 
Even he who cast away his shield was punished with death. 
If any man lost it by accidental neglect he was bound to pay 
a fine of five hundred drachmae. — Lucchesini. 



ORATION FOR THE RHODIANS. 283 

what conduct the present disorders of our state may 
be removed — this is the great point of difficulty. Nor 
is this perhaps the time to enlarge on every particu- 
lar. Exert yourselves on the present occasion ; en- 
deavor to render your designs effectual by an advan- 
tageous execution ; and then your other interests may, 
perhaps, gradually wear a fairer aspect. 

It is therefore my opinion that you should engage 
in the affairs of this people with the utmost vigor, 
and act as becomes the dignity of Athens. Think with 
what joy you attend to those who praise your ancestors, 
who display their achievements, and recount their tro- 
phies ; and think that your ancestors erected these 
trophies, not that the view might barely strike you 
with admiration, but that you might imitate the vir- 
tues of the men who raised them. 1 

1 From the succeeding oration we learn that the address 
and energy which Demosthenes exerted in favor of the peo- 
ple of Rhodes were by no„ means effectual. The times in 
which he lived were distracted and corrupted ; his country 
not well disposed, nor indeed possessed of force sufficient to 
support the general cause of liberty. The assembly in which 
he spoke was (if we except some extraordinary cases of im- 
mediate danger) ever governed by party. The citizens came 
together, not to deliberate on the public interests, but to sup- 
port a faction already determined, and resolved in what man- 
ner to give their voices, and armed against the power of 
truth. It is no wonder therefore that we find the most con- 
summate eloquence, the justest, the strongest, and the most 
animated representations in so many instances unsuccessful. 



THE ORATION ON THE REGULATION OF 
THE STATE : 

PRONOUNCED IN THE ARCHONSHIP OF THEOPHRASTUS, THE 
FIRST YEAR OF THE HUNDRED AND TENTH OLYMPIAD. 



INTRODUCTION. 

The contests between the Macedonians and Athenians (to 
which we owe the most valuable remains of Demosthenes) 
have been explained in the Notes and Introductions to the Phi- 
lippic orations. The reader is not now to be informed at what 
time, and with what success, King Philip attempted to re- 
duce Perinthus and Byzantium. When he found himself 
obliged to raise the siege of Byzantium he is said to have 
turned his arms against Scythia. The Athenians, who were 
elated by the least appearance of good fortune, considered 
this as a flight. They were fired with the imagination of an 
enemy, that had so long proved formidable and successful, 
defeated in his designs, and this principally by the coun- 
sels and arms of Athens, retiring before their general Pho- 
cion, and forced from all attempts on Greece to retrieve the 
honor of his arms in parts remote and barbarous. This they 
considered as the happy moment for pursuing their advan- 
tages, and for reducing that ambition to just and equitable 
bounds, which was now, for the first time, severely mortified 
and disappointed. 

In order to render the hostilities now meditated more for- 
. midable and effectual, the Athenians began seriously to re- 
flect on the causes of past misfortunes, and seemed resolved 
to reform those corruptions and abuses which had disgraced 
their constitution and weakened their power. 

The oppressions and severe exactions of which their allies 
and dependent states had lately found particular occasion to 
complain, and to which the necessity of their affairs had con- 
tributed, as well as the avarice of their commanders, naturally 
determined them to reflect on the necessity of making some 
effectual provision for the payment of their armies ; and this 



INTRODUCTION. 285 

as naturally determined the honest and faithful counsellors 
to resume the consideration of that old scandalous abuse, 
the Theatrical Distributions. Of these the reader has been 
sufficiently informed in the Notes and Introductions to the 
Olynthiac orations. 

An assembly was therefore convened to consider of the 
most eligible methods to provide for the public exigences, 
in the least burdensome and most effectual manner; and 
particularly to consider of the _ expediency of restoring 
their theatrical funds to the service of the army ; a point 
which their misguided decrees had rendered so dangerous to 
be proposed. On this occasion was the following oration 
delivered ; in which the orator resumes his favorite subject 
with his usual spirit, yet with sufficient caution : points out 
the corruptions of his countrymen, with their causes and con- 
sequences, and describes both the ancient and present state 
of Athens — Athens uncorrupted, illustrious, and fortunate, 
and the same state degenerated and disgraced, with all the 
honest severity and indignation of a patriot. 

In this oration no mention is made of Philip or his designs, 
of the late transactions in Greece, of the late advantages or 
disgraces of the Athenian arms. The orator confines himself 
intirely, and directs the attention of his hearers to the points 
immediately under consideration ; and we find that these 
afforded him sufficient room for the exertion of his abilities. 



THE ORATION ON THE REGULATION OF 
THE STATE. 



Men of Athens !— As to this money, and the affairs at 
this time proposed to the assembly, it appears to me 
that a speaker may, without danger, espouse either 
side. 1 By condemning those who thus distribute and 
exhaust the public treasure, he may gain their esteem 
who regard this custom as injurious to the public ; or, 
by assenting and encouraging these distributions, he 
may recommend himself to their favor whose neces- 
sities prompt them to demand these public aids. By 

1 The fatal consequences of lavishing the public revenues 
on spectacles and entertainments had been long and severely 
experienced. Yet still numbers were found in the assembly 
who, from private motives, either of interest, or to recom- 
mend themselves to the lower part of the citizens, pleaded 
in favor of this abuse, and found plausible arguments to urge 
in its favor. These, and their opposers, seem to have already 
debated the present point with considerable heat and vio- 
lence, and to have been supported by their respective parti- 
sans, not with that decorum or temper which, perhaps, are 
sometimes found in less numerous assemblies. Hence the 
appearance of moderation in this exordium; which, in the 
present disposition of the people, was probably necessary in 
order to obtain the orator an audience. And it may in general 
be observed, that although the eloquence of Demosthenes be 
commonly, and very justly, compared to the irresistible light- 
ning, storm, or torrent ; yet such similitudes are not to be 
understood too strictly ; for, on all necessary occasions, he 
appears a consummate master of the gentle arts of insinua- 
tion. He thunders and lightens indeed ; yet sometimes (if 
the allusion be warrantable), * half his strength he puts not 
forth. 7 Nor, in effect, does he ever give a free and full course 
to his energy until he has prepared his hearers to receive the 
impression. 



ORATION FOR THE STATE. 287 

neither party is the interest of the state considered. 
Their approbation or their condemnation of this cus- 
tom is influenced intirely by their several circum- 
stances, of indigence, or affluence. I, on my part, shall 
neither oppose nor recommend it. But this I would 
intreat you seriously and maturely to consider, that 
the money, now the subject of debate, is of little 
moment ; but the custom which it hath produced, 
of great consequence. If then these distributions l 
be established for those who have first respectively 
discharged their public offices ; far from injuring, you 
will do the most essential service both to your country 
and to yourselves. But if a feast, or any other like 
pretence be sufficient for demanding these sums ; if 
the mention of any farther conditions be rejected with 
impatience, beware lest all your regulations, how spe- 
cious, how promising soever, may hereafter prove er- 
roneous. 

This I now declare as my opinion (let me not be in- 
terrupted by clamor ; but hear, and then determine) — 
That as we are now convened about receiving these 
distributions, so should an assembly be appointed to 
consider of a general regulation of the state, and par- 
ticularly of a provision for our military affairs ; and 
every citizen should discover, not only a just atten- 



1 I have here endeavored to express what I take to be the 
intent and meaning of the orator, from comparing the passage 
with others of the like import in the Olynthiac orations. To 
propose to the assembly that the theatrical money (as it was 
called) should be applied to other purposes, was, by the law 
of Eubulus, declared a capital offence. Demosthenes there- 
fore advises, not that this money should be alienated to the 
payment of their armies, but that all citizens should receive 
their distributions as usual ; yet, at the same time, discharge 
all their respective offices whether civil or military, without 
farther salary or pay ; and that such only as had thus dis- 
charged, or were ready to discharge these offices, should be 
intitled to the public distributions. The two proposals are, 
in effect and reality, the same, but different in form ; and this 
difference was sufficient for eluding the severity of the law. 
— See note 2 p. 65. 



288 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

tion to all useful measures, but a just alacrity to carry 
them into execution ; that so, my countrymen, our 
hopes of good success may depend on ourselves, in- 
stead of being amused with reports of this or that 
man's exploits. Let all the public treasures ; let all 
the funds for which private fortunes are now so use- 
lessly exhausted ; let all those resources which our 
allies aiFord be equitably distributed, and eifectually 
applied ; by the soldier, to his support in time of ac- 
tion ; by the man who hath passed the age of military 
duty, as a recompense for his services in the adminis- 
tration of justice. Let the duties of the field be dis- 
charged by yourselves, duties too important to be in- 
trusted to others ; let your armies be composed of citi- 
zens: thus let them be paid and provided. So shall 
they go on with vigor and success : so shall your gene- 
ral really command his forces ;* and so shall your oc- 
cupation be no longer to conduct the trials of your 
officers, nor the result of all your measures prove but 
this — an accuser, 2 an impeachment, and a criminal. 

What then may be expected from the measures now 
proposed ? First, that the attachment of our allies will 
be secured, not by garrisons, but by making their and 
our interests the same ; then, that our generals, at- 
tended by their troops of foreigners, will no longer 

1 In the Philippic orations we find notice frequently taken 
of the misconduct of the Athenian generals, in employing 
their forces not conformably to their instructions, hut in ex- 
peditions neither appointed nor approved by their country. 
This Demosthenes ever affects to ascribe principally to dis- 
obedience and want of discipline in the foreign forces, and to 
the necessities of the general ; which obliged him to procure, 
by arms, that provision for his soldiers which the state ne- 
glected to supply. — See note 2 p. 34. 

2 An accuser, &c] In the original, Such a man, the son of 
such a man, hath impeached such a person : — e O Bsipa του ΰζινοε, 
τον δβίί'α eunyyyeiKw. Alluding to the usual form of the hill 
or motion preferred to the assembly, or to the judges, on 
such occasions.— I have here chosen to adhere to the interpre- 
tation of Wolfius, as sufficiently warranted by the original, 
as most pertinent, and certainly most spirited. 



ORATION FOR THE STATE. 289 

harass our confederates ! by their depredations, with- 
out once daring to face the enemy (a conduct by 
which all emoluments have centred in these generals, 
but which hath loaded the state with odium and dis- 
grace). On the contrary, by leading out an army com- 
posed of citizens, they shall inflict that severity on 
our enemies hitherto directed against our friends and 
allies. 

But, besides these, there are other affairs which de- 
mand your personal service. A war in our own coun- 
try must certainly be better supported by an army of 
our own citizens ; and for other purposes such an army 
is absolutely necessary. Were it consistent with your 
character to sit down inactive, without the least con- 
cern or interest in the aifairs of Greece, I should then 
use a different language. But now you affect the dig- 
nity of supreme commanders and umpires in Greece : 
but yet the forces to defend and to preserve this supe- 
riority you have not yet prepared, nor are solicitous 
to prepare. No : by your indolence and insensibility 
the people of Mitylene have lost their liberty: 2 by 

1 When the Athenians sent to collect their tribute from the 
dependent islands they frequently employed an admiral, at- 
tended with such a navy as proved both a burden and a ter- 
ror to the islanders. When Phocion was appointed to sail 
with twenty ships on such an occasion — ' Why such a force V 
said this humane Athenian. ' If I am to meet enemies, it is 
insufficient ; if I am sent to friends, a single vessel will serve.' 
And even those allies who found themselves obliged to im- 
plore the assistance of the Athenians against their enemies, 
frequently experienced more miserable effects from the op- 
pression and rapine of their auxiliaries than from the arms of 
their assailants. So notorious and odious was the avarice of 
Chares, that when he led an army to the relief of Byzantium 
(a little before the date of this oration) the Byzantines shut 
their gates against him. 

2 This change of the government at Mitylene, as it could 
not convey any instruction to posterity, has been passed 
over in silence by all the ancients except Demosthenes : so 
that we are ignorant of the manner in which it was effected 
(and how far the Athenians were really to blame in not pre- 
venting it). — Lucchesini. 

DEM. Τ 



290 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

your indolence and insensibility the people of Rhodes 
have lost their liberty. — But these, it may be said, 
were our enemies. Yet we should regard oligarchies 
as much more the objects of our aversion (merely on 
account of their constitution) than free states can be 
from any cause. 

But I have wandered from my purpose. My advice 
is this : that you should be arranged in your Classes ; 
and that, by one and the same regulation, you should 
be intitled to receive, and obliged to act. Of these 
things I have spoken on former occasions, and ex- 
plained the manner in which our infantry, our cavalry, 
in which those who are exempt from military service 
may be all duly regulated, and all receive their sti- 
pends fully. But that which of all things gives me 
the most melancholy apprehensions I shall here declare 
without disguise. Many and noble and important are 
the objects which should command your attention : yet 
no man hath the least respect to any one of them ; all 
attend solely to the wretched pittance * you distribute. 
Such a pittance then, they must confess, is adequate to 
their desert : but a just attention to the objects I have 
mentioned must have consequences more valuable than 
all the wealth of Persia — the exact regulation and ap- 
pointment of a state like this, possessed of so great an 
infantry, of such a navy, of such a cavalry, of such 
revenues. 

But wherefore do I mention these things ? For this 
reason. There are men shocked at the thoughts of 
obliging all our citizens to serve in war ; but there are 

1 To the wretched pittance, &c] Literally, to the twooboli ; 
that is, c 2\d., the sum distributed to the poorer citizens for 
their support, and for the purchase of their seats in the 
theatre ; and, small as this largess was, yet, as the number 
of such citizens was great, and as the distribution seems to 
have been made daily, the treasury must have been consider- 
ably exhausted by it. Nor are we warranted to suppose that 
the people always confined their demands to this sum. En- 
tertainments, processions, and religious ceremonies, afforded 
pretences for still farther demands. 



ORATION FOR THE STATE. 2<>1 

none who do not readily acknowlege that it is of the 
utmost moment to the state to be duly regulated and 
perfectly provided. It is your part, therefore, to begin 
here, and to allow a full freedom of speech to those 
who would urge the importance of this point in its full 
force. If you be convinced that this is the proper 
time for considering of the necessary provisions, you 
may command them when called to action : but should 
you imagine that such considerations may more pro- 
perly be deferred to some future occasion, then must 
you be reduced to give up the time of execution to the 
necessary preparations. 

It may have been already asked, Athenians, (not 
by the majority of this assembly, but by certain per- 
sons who would burst with vexation should these mea- 
sures be pursued,) ' What real advantage have we 
derived from the speeches of Demosthenes ? He rises 
when he thinks proper : he deafens us with his ha- 
rangues : he declaims against the degeneracy of pre- 
sent times : he tells us of the virtues of our ancestors : 
he transports us by his airy extravagance : he puffs up 
our vanity ; and then sits down/ — But could these my 
speeches once gain an effectual influence on your minds, 
so great would be the advantages conferred on my coun- 
try, that were I to attempt to speak them they would 
appear to many as visionary. Yet still I must assume 
the merit of doing some service by accustoming you 
to hear salutary truths : and if your counsellors be 
solicitous for any point of moment to their country, 
let them first cure your ears ; for they are distempered : 
and this, from the inveterate habit of listening to false- 
hoods, to every thing rather than your real interests. 

Thus it lately happened — let no man interrupt me ; 
let me have a patient hearing — that some persons 
broke into the treasury. The speakers all instantly 
exclaimed, ' Our free constitution is overturned : our 
laws are no more/ And now, ye men of Athens, 
judge if I speak with reason. They who are guilty of 
this crime justly deserve to die ; but by such offenders 



292 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

our constitution is not overturned. Again, some oars * 
have been stolen from our arsenal. — 4 Stripes and tor- 
tures for the villain! Our constitution is subverted V 
This is the general cry. But what is my opinion 1 
This criminal, like the others, hath deserved to die : 
but, if some are criminal, our constitution is not there- 
fore subverted. There is no man who dares openly 
and boldly to declare in what case our constitution is 



1 Some oars, &c] We cannot well suppose that the depre- 
dations made in their naval stores were really so slight and 
inconsiderable as they are represented in these extenuating 
terms. A design had lately been concerted of a very momen- 
tous and alarming nature, and an attempt made on the naval 
stores at Athens, which Demosthenes himself labored with the 
almost zeal to detect and punish. A man named Antipho had 
been for some time considered as an Athenian citizen; till, by 
an examination of the registers, he was found to be really a 
foreigner ; was accordingly deprived of all the privileges of a 
native, and driven with some ignominy from the city. En- 
raged at this disgrace, he went off to Philip, and to him pro- 
posed to steal privately into Athens, and to set fire to the 
arsenal. The Macedonian, who was neither delicate in the 
choice of his instruments, nor in the means of distressing his 
enemies, listened readily to the proposal of this hireling, and 
by bribes and promises encouraged him to the attempt. An- 
tipho repaired to Athens, and was lodged in the port, ready 
to put his enterprise in execution, when Demosthenes, who 
received timely intimation of this black design, flew to the 
Piraeus, and seized, and dragged the delinquent before an 
assembly of the people. Here the clamors of the Macedo- 
nian party were so violent, that the accusation was slighted, 
and Antipho dismissed without the formality of a trial. He 
departed, triumphing in his escape, to pursue his designs 
witli greater confidence and security. But the court of areo- 
pagus, whose peculiar province it was to take the cognisance 
of all matters of treason against the state, caused him to be 
again seized and examined. Torture forced from him a full 
confession of his guilt, and sentence of death was passed, 
and executed on him. This account we have from the ora- 
tion on the Crown. And the detection of so dangerous a de- 
sign might have quickened the vigilance of the people, and 
exasperated their resentment against any the least attempts 
made on their military stores. 



ORATION FOR THE STATE. 293 

subverted. But I shall declare it. When you, Athe- 
nians, become an helpless rabble, without conduct, 
without property, without arms, without order, with- 
out unanimity ; when neither general nor any other per- 
son hath the least respect for your decrees. When 
no man dares to inform you of this your condition, to 
urge the necessary reformation, much less to exert his 
efforts to effect it, then is your constitution subverted : 
and this is now the case. 

But, Ο my fellow-citizens ! a language of a different 
nature hath poured in on us, false and highly dangerous 
to the state. Such is that assertion that in your tribu- 
nals is your great security ; that your right of suffrage 
is the real bulwark of the constitution. That these 
tribunals are our common resource in all private con- 
tests, I acknowlege : but it is by arms we are to subdue 
our enemies ; by arms we are to defend our state. It 
is not by our decrees that we can conquer. To those 
on the contrary who fight our battles with success, to 
those we owe the power of decreeing, of transacting 
all our affairs, without control or danger. In arms 
then let us be terrible ; in our judicial transactions 
humane. 

If it be observed that these sentiments are more ele- 
vated than might be expected from my character, the 
observation I confess is just. Whatever is said about 
a state of such dignity on affairs of such importance 
should appear more elevated than any character. To 
your worth should it correspond, not to that of the 
speaker. And now I shall inform you why none of 
those who stand high in your esteem speak in the same 
manner. The candidates for office and employment go 
about soliciting your voices, the slaves of popular 
favor : to gain the rank of general is each man's great 
concern ; not to fill this station with true manlike 
intrepidity. Courage, if he possesses it, he deems un- 
necessary ; for thus he reasons : he has the honor, the 
renown of this city to support him ; he finds himself 
free from oppression and control ; he needs but to 
amuse you with fair hopes ; and thus he secures a kind 



294 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

of inheritance in your emoluments. And he reasons 
truly. But do you yourselves once assume the con- 
duct of your own affairs, and then, as you take an 
equal share of duty, so shall you acquire an equal 
share of glory. Now your ministers and public speak- 
ers, without one thought of directing you faithfully to 
your true interest, resign themselves intirely to these 
generals. Formerly you divided 1 into classes, in order 
to raise the supplies : now the business of the classes 
is to gain the management of public affairs. The 
orator is the leader ; the general seconds his attempts ; 
the Three Hundred are the assistants on each side ; 
and all others take their parties and serve to fill up 
the several factions. And you see the consequences : 
this man gains a statue ; this amasses a fortune : one 
or two command the state ; while you sit down uncon- 
cerned witnesses of their success ; and, for an uninter- 
rupted course of ease and indolence, give them up 
those great and glorious advantages which really belong- 
to you. 

And now consider what was the conduct of our an- 
cestors in these particulars (for if we would be taught 
how to act with dignity, we need not look to other 
countries for examples ; we have had them in our own 
state) to Themistocles, who commanded in the sea- 
fight at Salamis f to Miltiades, the general at Mara- 
thon ; to many others, who surely never did such ser- 
vices as our present generals. They never once erected 
a brazen statue. These men never were such darling 

1- Formerly you divided, &c] See note °2 p. 57. 

2 Who commanded in the sea-fight at Salamis, &c] These 
are the very expressions of the original : and although the 
common metonymical phrase, who gained the victory at Sala- 
mis, might appear less uncouth, and he more familiar to a 
modern ear, yet I should have thought it. unpardonable in the 
translation, as it is a mode of speaking which Demosthenes 
studiously avoids : and, indeed, had he been betrayed into 
it, he must have exposed himself to all the ridicule of his 
acute and observant audience ; for, in the very next sen- 
tence, he condemns it as highly derogatory to the honor of 
his country. 



ORATION FOR THE STATE. 295 

favorites : never were deemed superior to their fellow- 
citizens. No, by the gods ! the Athenians of those 
days never would give up their share in the honor of 
any noble action : nor is there a man that will say, the 
sea-fight of Themistocles, at Salamis, but of the Athe- 
nians : not the engagement at Marathon, by Miltiades, 
but by the state. But now we are perpetually told 
that Timotheus took Corcyra ; that Iphicrates cut off 
the detachment ; that Chabrias gained the naval vic- 
tory at Naxos : thus you seem to resign all your share 
in these actions by those extravagant honors which you 
heap on your generals. 

Such was the noble conduct of our ancestors in re- 
warding citizens, and such is your mistaken conduct ! 
But of honoring foreigners, what have been the me- 
thods ? To Menon the Pharsalian, who supplied us 
with twelve talents of silver in our war at Eion, near 
Amphipolis, 1 and reinforced us with two hundred 
horsemen of his own dependents, our ancestors never 
voted the freedom of our city, but only granted certain 
immunities. 2 And in earlier times Perdiccas, who 



1 This war at Eion, near Amphipolis, I am bold to assert 
was the same with that so particularly described by Thucydi- 
des, in the eighth, ninth, and tenth years of the Peloponne- 
sian war, when the Lacedaemonians, under the command of 
Brasidas, opposed the Athenians in this country, although 
the historian, who confined himself to the transactions of 
greatest importance, makes no mention of this assistance 
afforded to the Athenians by Menon the Pharsalian. This 
Menon I take to be the same with the Thessalian of that name, 
who, in the fourth year of the ninety-fourth olympiad, led a 
body of forces to the assistance of Cyrus against his brother 
Artaxerxes, according to Diodorus and Xenophon. The cir- 
cumstances of his supplying the Athenians with money, and 
giving them a body of horse, exactly agree to two particulars 
in the character of that Menon whom Xenophon describes ; that 
it was his custom to court the friendship of the powerful, that 
they might screen him from the punishment due to his infa- 
mous practices ; and that he constantly kept in his service a 
large body of forces ready to act as he directed. — Lucchesini. 

2 Certain immunities, &c] A manner of doing honor to 
these men which, at the same time, expressed a high sense 



296 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

reigned in Macedon * at the time of the barbarian's in- 
vasion, who fell on the barbarians in their retreat from 



of the dignity of their own city : for it supposed that these 
eminent personages might find it necessary to take up their 
residence for some considerable time at Athens, as sojourners: 
and, in order to understand the nature of these immunities, 
we must attend to the situation of those μέτοικοι, or sojourners ; 
so were these foreigners called who settled at Athens by per- 
mission of the areopagus. Here they were allowed to follow 
their occupations without disturbance ; but had no share in 
the government ; were not intrusted with public offices, nor 
voted in the assembly. They were obliged to the perform- 
ance of certain duties ; as in the festival celebrated in honor 
of Minerva, called Panathenaea, the men were obliged to 
carry the σκαφαι, or little ships, which were the signs of their 
foreign extraction, while the women bore the ύδριαι, vessels of 
water, and the σκιαδεια, umbrellas, to defend the free women 
from the weather. This last custom, indeed, was introduced 
in the insolence of the Athenian prosperity, after the defeat 
of the Persians. Besides this the men paid an annual tribute 
of twelve drachmae. The women who had no sons paid six. 
Such as had sons that paid were excused. And this tribute 
was exacted not only of those that dwelt in Athens, but of all 
that settled themselves in any town of Attica. This tribute, 
by the interposition of Themistocles, was for a time remitted, 
but seems to have been restored in consequence of his dis- 
grace ; and, on any failure of payment, the delinquent was 
liable to be seized and sold as a slave. — Such of these so- 
journers as had been remarkably serviceable to the public 
were honored, by edict, with an immunity from all imposi- 
tions and duties, except such as were required of the free- 
born citizens. Hence this honor was called ισοτελςια, and 
ατ€λ€ία (the expression of the text). To foreigners of emi- 
nence such immunities might have extended even to an ex- 
emption from certain duties to which citizens themselves 
were obliged : for immunities of this kind were frequently 
granted, so as to occasion complaints and remonstrances. 

1 Perdiccas, who reigned in Macedon, &c. J According to He- 
rodotus, Alexander, the son of Amyntas, was king of Macedon 
at the time of the Persian war : and therefore we may suppose, 
with the Italian commentator, that this Perdiccas was one of 
the royal family, and governed one of those districts into 
which Macedon was divided in the earlier times. Nor are we 
to wonder that this action of the Macedonian has been passed 
over in silence by the historians, as it was not very consider- 



ORATION FOR THE STATE. 297 

the slaughter of Plateea, and completed the ruin of the 
king, they never voted the freedom of the city ; they 
but granted him immunities ; thoroughly persuaded 
that the honor of being a citizen of Athens was too 
exalted, too illustrious, to be purchased by any ser- 
vices. But now, my countrymen, it is exposed to com- 
mon sale : the most abandoned of mankind, the slaves l 
of slaves are admitted to pay down the price, and at 
once obtain it. And such difference of conduct doth 
not arise from this, that you are naturally less excel- 
lent than your ancestors ; but from those truly noble 
sentiments which they were accustomed to entertain, 
and which you have lost : for it is not possible that 
men engaged in low and groveling pursuits can be 
possessed with great and generous thoughts : just as 
those who act with dignity and honor cannot harbor 
any mean and abject thought. Whatever be their 
course of conduct, such must men's sentiments ever 
prove. 

And now let us take one general view of the actions 
performed by our ancestors and by ourselves, that by 
such comparison we may learn to excel ourselves. 
Five-and-forty years did they govern Greece with 
general consent : more than ten thousand talents did 
they collect into our treasury : many and noble monu- 

able, when compared with the great events of the Persian 
war. 

1 The slaves, &c] The freedom of the city was, by the con- 
stitution of Athens, conferred only by the voices of the peo- 
ple ; nor was their act valid unless confirmed in a subsequent 
assembly by the votes of more than six thousand Athenians, 
by ballot (as we learn from the oration of Demosthenes 
against Neaera) ; but now their poverty had made them much 
less delicate. And we learn from Athenreus that they had 
about this time conferred the freedom of their city (this 
compliment, in former times, scarcely vouchsafed to kings 
and potentates) on two men, whose only pretence of merit 
was, that their father had been famous for improving the art 
of cookery. Such a scandalous prostitution of their honors 
fully justifies all the severity of Demosthenes. 



298 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

ments did they erect, of victories by land and sea, 
which are yet the objects of our applause : and be 
assured, that they erected these, not to be viewed in 
silent wonder, but that you might be excited to emu- 
late the virtues of those who raised them. Such was 
their conduct. Say, then, can we, though seated thus 
securely above all opposition, boast of any actions like 
these ? Have we not lavished more than one thousand 
five hundred talents on every Grecian state that pleaded 
their distress? — and all to no purpose. Have we not 
exhausted all our private fortune s> all the revenues of 
our state, all we could exact from our confederates ? 
The allies which we gained by arms, have they not 
been given up in our treaties ? — Yes ; in these particu- 
lars it is granted that our ancestors excelled us ; but 
there are others in which we are superior. — Far from 
it ! — Shall we pursue the comparison ? The edifices 
they have left to us, their decorations of our city, of 
our temples, of our harbors, of all our public struc- 
tures, are so numerous and so magnificent, that their 
successors can make no addition. Look round you, to 
their vestibules, their arsenals, their porticos, and all 
those honors of our city which they transmitted to us : 
yet were the private habitations of the men of emi- 
nence in those times so moderate, so consonant to that 
equality, the characteristic of our constitution, that if 
any one of you knows the house of Themistocles, of 
Cimon, of Aristides, of Miltiades, or of any of the 
then illustrious personages, he knows that it is not 
distinguished by the least mark of grandeur. But 
now, ye men of Athens, as to public works, the state 
is satisfied if roads be repaired, if water be supplied, 
if walls be whitened, if any trifle be provided. Not 
that I blame those who have executed such works. 
No : I blame you, who can think so meanly as to be 
satisfied with such fruits of their administration. Then, 
in private life, of the men who have conducted our 
aifairs, some have built houses not only more magnifi- 
cent than those of other citizens, but superior to our 



ORATION FOR THE STATE. 299 

public edifices ; others have purchased and improved 
an extent of land greater than all their dreams of riches 
ever presented to their fancies. 

And here lies the great source of these errors. For- 
merly, all power and authority were in the people. 
Happy was it for any individual if they vouchsafed 
him a share of honors, employments, or emoluments. 
But now, on the contrary, individuals are the masters 
of all advantages, the directors of all affairs ; whilst 
the people stand in the mean rank of their servants 
and assistants, fully satisfied if these men vouchsafe 
to grant them some small share of their abundance. 

To such a state have we been reduced by these 
means, that if a man were to peruse your decrees, and 
then distinctly to examine your actions, he could not 
persuade himself that the same people had been authors 
of both. Witness the decrees you made against the 
accursed Megareans, 1 who had possessed themselves 
of the consecrated ground ; that you would march out ; 
that you would oppose them ; that you would not per- 
mit such sacrilege : witness your decrees about the 
Phliasian exiles ; 2 that you would support them ; that 

1 This instance of the impiety of the Megareans, of whom 
Demosthenes here affects to speak with so much detestation, 
probably happened about the time, and was the occasion of 
the embassy of Anthemocritus, of whom mention is made in 
Philip's Letter to the Athenians. — Lucchesini. 

2 As this affair is not mentioned in history, and but slightly 
hinted at by Demosthenes, it requires some pains to investi- 
gate it. The Phliasians had ever been in open or secret en- 
mity with the Argives ; while the one endeavored to support 
their independency, the other, to reduce their city, which 
they regarded as part of their own territory. In the third 
year of the hundred and first olympiad certain Phliasians 
who had been banished, formed a conspiracy with some kins- 
men, who still continued in the city, in order to betray it to 
the Argives. It was attacked vigorously by night, and the 
enemy, with the utmost difficulty, repelled. This attempt 
exasperated each party, and produced various quarrels and 
hostilities. And wdiether these were suspended, or conti- 
nued down to the date of this oration, it seems to admit of 
no doubt that the Argives and Arcadians, supported by the 



300 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

you would not abandon them to their assassins ; that 
you would call on those of the Peloponnesians who 
were inclined to unite with you in their cause. These 
were all noble declarations; these were just; these 
were worthy of our state. Not so the execution. Thus 
your decrees serve but to discover your hostile dispo- 
sitions ; your enemies never feel their effects. The 
resolutions of your assemblies fully express the dig- 
nity of your country ; but that force which should 
attend these resolutions you do not possess. It is in 
my opinion your only alternative (and let it not raise 
your indignation), either to entertain sentiments less 
elevated, and to confine your attention to your own 
affairs, or to arm y ourselves - with greater force. If 
this assembly were composed of the inhabitants of some 
obscure and contemptible islands, I should advise you 
to think less highly. But as you are Athenians, I 
must urge you to increase your force : for it is shame- 
ful, Ο my countrymen ! it is shameful to desert that 
rank of magnanimity in which our ancestors have 
placed us. Could we descend to such a thought it 
would be impossible to withdraw our attention from 
the affairs of Greece. We have ever acted greatly 
and nobly : those who are our friends it would be 
scandalous to desert : our enemies we cannot trust ; 
nor must we suffer them to become powerful. In a 
word, we see in this city that the men who have en- 
gaged in the public administration, even when they 
wish to retire, cannot resign their charge. This is 
your case : you are the ministers in Greece. 

This then is the sum of what hath now been offered. 
Your speakers never can make you either bad or good : 
you can make them whatever you please. You are 
not directed by their opinions ; for they have no opi- 

king of Macedon, made war on the Phliasians, restored the 
exiles, and drove out those citizens who had opposed their 
interest ; and that these citizens, thus oppressed and ex- 
pelled, implored the assistance of the Athenians, and re- 
ceived those magnificent promises and decrees, which the 
orator here mentions. — Lucchesini, 



ORATION FOR THE STATE. 301 

nion but what your inclinations dictate. It is your 
part therefore to he careful that your inclinations be 
good and honorable : then shall all be well. Your 
speakers either must never give pernicious counsels, 
or must give them to no purpose, when such counsels 
have no longer any influence in this assembly. 1 

1 These representations of Demosthenes were so far suc- 
cessful that, early in the following year, the assembly re- 
pealed that scandalous law of Eubulus, which denounced 
death against any person who should propose the alienation 
of the theatrical appointments; and the orator himself had 
the honor of introducing a decree for applying them to the 
military service : to which the people consented, when it 
was too late to derive any considerable advantages from this 
reformation. 



THE FIRST OF THE SUSPECTED ORATIONS, 

INTITLED, 

ON THE HALONESTJS: 

PRONOUNCED IN THE ARCHONSHIP OF SOSIGENES, THE THIRD 
YEAR OF THE HUNDRED AND NINTH OLYMPIAD. 



INTRODUCTION. 

It was not originally my intention to have translated either 
of the following orations : nor is it from any alteration in my 
opinion, but from a deference to that of others, that I have 
presented this on the Halonesns to the English reader; in 
order to give him an opportunity of comparing it with the 
others, and of judging for himself whether it is to be ad- 
mitted among the genuine remains of our orator ; or to be 
rejected as unworthy of his abilities, although apparently 
received and quoted by the ancient critics. 

This oration takes its title from an island called Halonesus, 
which one Sostratus, a pirate, had some time since taken 
from the Athenians, and which Philip, having driven out 
this pirate, now claimed as his property. This was regarded 
at Athens as an infraction of the treaty lately concluded (of 
which some account has been given in the Introduction to 
the Oration on the Peace) ; and, together with some other 
transactions of the Macedonian prince, produced complaints 
and jealousies amongst the Athenians, which were deemed 
by their rival of too much consequence to be neglected. 
Python, one of his most able partisans, was despatched to 
Athens, to obviate all objections to the sincerity and inte- 
grity of his conduct. 

In order to corroborate the representations of this ambassa- 
dor, Philip found it expedient to write a letter to the Athe- 
nians ; which, although addressed immediately to this people, 
was intended as a kind of manifesto to all Greece. This let- 
ter, among other pieces of the same kind, which might have 
done honor to the abilities of the Macedonian, is unhappily 
lost to posterity ; but the general contents of it are distinctly 
pointed out in the following oration, which contains a regu- 
lar and methodical answer to it. 



THE ORATION ON THE HALONESUS. 



Men of Athens ! — It is by no means reasonable that the 
complaints which Philip urges against those speakers 
who assert your rights should deprive us of the liberty 
of enforcing the true interests of our country. Griev- 
ous, indeed, would be the case if the freedom of our 
public debates were to be at once destroyed by a letter 
sent from him. It is my present purpose, first, to exa- 
mine the several allegations mentioned in this letter ; 
then shall we proceed to the other particulars urged 
by his ambassadors. 1 

Philip begins with speaking of the Halonesus : this 
island, he declares, is his ; that he presents it to us as 
a free gift ; that we have no rightful claim to it ; nor 
hath he injured our property either in acquiring or in 
keeping possession of it. Such were his professions at 
the time when we were sent on our embassy to Mace- 
don : that he had won this island from the pirates who 
had seized it, and was therefore justified in keeping 
his acquisition. But, as this plea hath no support from 

1 The oration, as has been already observed, plainly points 
out to us the several allegations and apologies for Philip's 
conduct contained in the letter which occasioned the present 
debate. And this exordium as plainly shows that, to these 
allegations, the writer added some strong remonstrances 
against the severity and indecency with which some speakers 
in the assembly had, on many occasions, treated the character 
of the king of Macedon ; and demanded that some restraint 
should be laid on their insolence. The author of the oration, 
artfully enough, considers this as an attempt to control that 
freedom of speech and debate which was the sacred right of 
every, even the meanest citizen. It was the privilege, as we 
may call it, of the assembly ; and therefore is with propriety 
asserted previous to the consideration of any other particular. 



304 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

truth and justice, it is not difficult to deprive him of it 
The places seized hy pirates are ever the property of 
some others : these they fortify, and from thence make 
their excursions. But the man who punishes their 
outrages and drives them out, cannot reasonably allege 
that the possessions which these pirates unjustly wrested 
from the rightful proprietors must instantly devolve to 
him. If this he suffered, then, if some pirates should 
seize a part of Attica, or of Lemnos, or of Imbros, or 
of Scyros, and if any power should cut them oif, the 
places which they had seized, though our undoubted 
property, must continue in his possession whose arms 
chastised these pirates. Philip is himself sensible of 
the weakness of this plea. There are others equally 
sensible of this ; but it is imagined easy to impose on 
you by means of those who are administering our 
affairs agreeably to the wishes of the Macedonian ; 
who promised him, and are now performing this ser- 
vice. Yet he cannot but know that we must come 
into possession of this island, in whatever terms our 
transaction may be expressed, whether you accept it 
or resume it. 1 Why then should he not use the fair 

1 Accept it or resume it.]' kv τ€ λαβητε, αν τ' απο\αβ-ητ€. 
This was a distinction suggested and asserted by Demosthenes, 
as we learn from a passage in the oration of iEschines against 
Ctesiphon, where it is ridiculed as frivolous and litigious. 
But (as M. Tourreil observes on that passage) the Athenians 
had most important reasons to examine which of these two 
terms they used in their convention with Philip ; for ac- 
cording to the choice of one or the other term their right to 
the Halonesus was established or destroyed. The king of 
Macedon consented to put them in possession of the island ; 
he declared that he would give it to them. If then the Athe- 
nians were to answer that they accepted of it (as a gift or fa- 
vor), by this they must acknowlege that Philip was the right- 
ful proprietor of the island. It was therefore insisted that 
this prince should declare that he restored it ; while the Athe- 
nians on their part declared that they resumed it : which plainly 
implied that the Macedonian had usurped their right, and 
that they were truly and justly intitled to the Halonesus. 
Yet however reasonable and necessary such precision may ap- 
pear, and particularly in transactions with a prince of so much 



ORATION ON THE HALONESUS. 305 

and equitable term, and restore it, rather than adhere 
to that word which proves his injustice, and pretend to 
present it as a gift ? Not that he may be supposed to 
confer a benefit on us (such benefits are ridiculous) ; 
but that he may demonstrate to all Greece that the 
Athenians think themselves happy in owing' their ma- 
ritime dominions to the favor of the Macedonian. Ο 
my countrymen ! let us not descend to this. 

As to his proposal of submitting this contest to um- 
pires, it is the language of derision and mockery. It 
supposes, in the first place, that we, who are Athe- 
nians, could, in our disputes with one sprung from 
Pella, descend to have our title to the islands deter- 
mined by arbitration. And, if our own power, that 
power to which Greece owes its liberty, cannot secure 
us the possession of these places ; if umpires are to be 
appointed ; if we are to commit our cause to them ; if 
their votes are absolutely to decide our rights ; and, if 
they are to secure to us these islands (provided l that 
they be influenced by Philip's gold) ; — if such, I say, 
be your conduct, do ye not declare that ye have re- 
signed all your power on the continent ? do ye not dis- 
cover to the world that no attempt can possibly pro- 
voke you to oppose him, when for your maritime 



address and artifice as Philip, yet the ridicule of iEschines 
had some effect ; and, a man ivho disputes about the words 
giving or restoring, became a proverbial phrase to express a 
person of an obstinate adherence to nice and frivolous dis- 
tinctions. The comic poets did not a little contribute to in- 
troduce this proverb into fashion. Athenaeus quotes a num- 
ber of fragments, in which we find that Alexis, Anaxilas, and 
Timocles, employed it to heighten the humor and pleasantry 
of their performances ; and Athenieus himself makes use of 
it in the beginning of the sixth book. 

1 Provided, &c] iEschines asserts in the oration against 
Ctesiphon that, in the present debate, Demosthenes declared 
that no impartial arbitrators could be found in Greece, so 
general had been the influence of corruption. If Demosthe- 
nes was really the author of this oration we must suppose 
that the assertion of his rival was founded on the insinuation 
contained in the passage here quoted. 

DEM. U 



306 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES, 

dominions, whence Athens derives its greatest power, 
you have not recourse to arms, but submit to um- 
pires ? 

He farther observes, that his commissioners have 
been sent hither to settle a cartel of commerce ; l and 
that this shall be confirmed, not when it hath received 
the sanction of your tribunal, as the law directs, but 
when it hath been returned to him. Thus would he 
assume a power over your judicature. His intention 
is to betray you into unguarded concessions, to have 
it expressly acknowleged in this cartel that you do 
not accuse him of injuring the state by his outrageous 
conduct with respect to Potidaea ; that you confirm 
his right both of seizing and possessing this city. And 
yet those Athenians who had settled in Potidaea, at a 
time when they were not at war with Philip ; when 
they were united with him in alliance ; when the most 
solemn engagements subsisted between them ; when 
they had the utmost reliance on Philip's oaths, were 
yet despoiled by this prince of all their possessions. 
And now, he would have you ratify this his iniquitous 
procedure, and declare that you have suffered no in- 
jury, that you have no complaints to urge against him : 
for, that the Macedonians have no need of any cartels 
in their commerce with the Athenians, former times 
afford sufficient proof. Neither Amyntas, the father 
of Philip, nor any of the other kings of Macedon ever 
made these cartels with our state, although our inter- 
course was much greater in those days than now : for 
Macedon was then subject to us; it paid us tribute ; 2 

1 A cartel of commerce.] The word thus rendered (σύμβολα) 
is explained by lexicographers as denoting, among many 
other particulars, certain conventions (συνθηκας) settled be- 
tween two states, as a rule for the decision of all differences 
which might arise in their commercial intercourse with each 
other. The particular nature, force, effects, and conse- 
quences of such conventions the translator cannot take on 
him to explain distinctly ; nor, of consequence, the force and 
propriety of the speaker's argument in this passage. 

2 I do not remember to have met with any particular ac- 



ORATION ON THE HALONESUS. 307 

and then, much more than now, did we frequent their 
markets, and they enjoy the advantages of ours : nor 
were the tribunals to which affairs of commerce might 
be brought settled in so regular a manner as at pre- 
sent. As these are opened once in each month, they 
make all cartels between two countries, so far removed 
from each other, quite unnecessary. And, as these 
were not agreeable to ancient usage, it is by no means 
prudent to establish them now, and thus to subject 
men to the inconvenience of a voyage from Mace don 
to Athens, or from us to Macedon, in order to obtain 
justice. The laws of each country are open ; and they 
are sufficient for the decision of all controversies. Be 
assured, therefore, that by this cartel he means but to 
betray you into a resignation of all your pretensions 
to Potidaea. 

As to the pirates, he observes, that justice requires 
that we should act in concert with him, in order to 
guard against those who infest the seas. By this he 
in eiFect desires that we should resign to him the 
sovereignty of the seas, and acknowlege that, without 
Philip's aid, we are not able to secure a navigation 
free and unmolested. Nor is this his only scheme. 
He would have an uncontrolled liberty of sailing- 
round and visiting the several islands, under the pre- 
tence of defending them from pirates ; that so he may 
corrupt the inhabitants, and seduce them from their 



count of Macedon being at any time tributary to Athens hut in 
Demosthenes. Eurydice, the mother of Philip, was indeed 
obliged to implore the protection of Iphicrates the Athenian. 
— Wolfius. 

Tourreil, in his notes on the second Olynthiac oration, 
dates the period of the Macedonians being in this tributary 
state from the establishment of the Athenian colony at Am• 
phipolis, under Agnon the son of Nicias (about forty -eight 
years before the Peloponnesian war), to the fifth or sixth year 
of this war, when Brasidas, the Lacedaemonian, drove the 
Athenians from tbe frontiers of Macedon. But this is no more 
than the conjecture of the critic, founded on the authority of 
the present passage. 



308 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

allegiance to us. Not contented with transporting his 
exiles to Thasus, 1 under the conduct of our com- 
manders, he would gain possession of the other islands 
by sending out his fleets to sail in company with our 
admirals, as if united with us in the defence of the seas. 
There are some who say that he hath no occasion for 
a maritime power : yet he who hath no occasion to 
secure such a power prepares his ships for war, erects 
his arsenals, concerts his naval expeditions, and, by 
the vast expense bestowed on his marine, plainly 
shows that it is the grand object of his attention. 
And can you think, ye men of Athens ! that Philip 
could desire you to yield to him this sovereignty of 
the seas unless he held you in contempt? unless he 
had firm reliance on the men whose services he de- 
termined to purchase? the men who, insensible to 
shame, live for Philip, not for their country ; who 
vainly fancy they have enriched their families hj the 
bribes received from him, when these bribes are really 
the prices for which they have sold their families. 

And now, with respect to the explanation of the 
articles of the peace, which the ambassadors commis- 
sioned by him submitted to our determination (as we 
insisted only on a point universally acknowleged to be 
just, that each party should enjoy their own domi- 
nions), he denies that ever his ambassadors were com- 
missioned to make, or ever did make such a conces- 
sion ; so that his partisans must have persuaded him 
that you have utterly forgotten the declarations made 
publicly in the assembly. But these of all things can- 
not possibly be forgotten : for in the very same as- 
sembly his ambassadors rose, and made these declara- 
tions ; and, in consequence of them, the decree was 
instantly drawn up. As then the recital of the decree 
immediately succeeded the speeches of the ambassa- 
dors it is not possible that you could have recited 



1 This must have happened immediately after their treaty 
with Macedon, before they found any reason to complain of 
the insidious conduct of Philip with respect to this treaty. 



ORATION ON THE HALONESUS. 309 

their declarations falsely. This then is an insinuation 
not against me, but against the assembly ; as if you 
had transmitted a decree containing an answer to 
points never once mentioned. But these ambassadors, 
whose declarations were thus falsified, at the time 
when we returned our answer in form, and invited 
them to a public entertainment, never once rose up, 
never once ventured to say, 4 Men of Athens, we have 
been misrepresented ; you have made us say what we 
never said ;' but acquiesced, and departed. 

Recollect, I intreat you, the declarations of Python, 
who was at the head of this embassy, the man who 
then received the public thanks of the assembly. They 
cannot, I presume, have escaped your memory ; and 
they were exactly consonant to Philip's present letter. 
He accused us of calumniating Philip ; he declared 
that you yourselves were to be blamed ; for, when his 
master was endeavoring to do you service, when he 
preferred your alliance to that of any other of the 
Grecian states, you defeated his kind intentions by 
listening to sycophants, who wished to receive his 
money, and yet loaded him with invectives : that when 
those speeches were repeated to him, in which his repu- 
tation was so severely treated, and which you heard 
with such satisfaction, he naturally changed his de- 
termination, as he found that he was regarded as devoid 
of faith by those whom he had resolved to oblige. He 
desired that the men who spoke in this assembly should 
not declaim against the peace, which certainly was not 
to be broken ; but that, if any article was amiss, it 
should be amended, in which we might be assured of 
Philip's intire concurrence. But that, if they con- 
tinued their invectives, without proposing any thing 
by which the treaty might be confirmed, and all suspi- 
cions of his master removed, then no attention should 
be given to such men. You heard these declarations of 
Python ; you assented ; you said that they were just ; 
and just they certainly were. But by these profes- 
sions it was by no means intended to give up an 



310 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

article l of the treaty so essential to his interest ; to 
give up what all his treasures had been expended to 
obtain : no ; he had been taught by his instructors of 
this place that not a man would dare to propose any 
thing contradictory to that decree of Philocrates by 
which we lost Amphipolis. I, on my part, Athenians, 
never have presumed to propose any thing illegal. I 
have indeed ventured to speak against the decree of 
Philocrates, because it was illegal. For this decree, 
by which Amphipolis was lost, contradicted former 
decrees, by which our right to this territory was as- 
serted. This then was an illegal decree which Philo- 
crates proposed ; and, therefore, he who had the due 
regard to our laws in all that he proposed could not 
but contradict a decree so inconsistent with our laws. 
By conforming to the ancient legal acts of this assem- 
bly, I showed the due attention to the laws, and, at 
the same time, proved that Philip was deceiving you ; 
that he had no intention of amending any article of 
the treaty ; that his sole purpose was to destroy the 
credit of those speakers who asserted the rights of 
their country. 

It is then manifest that, having first consented to 
this amendment of the treaty, he now recals his con- 
cession. He insists that Amphipolis is his ; that you 
have acknowleged it to be his by the very words of 
your decree, which declare that he shall enjoy his 
own possessions. Such was, indeed, your declaration : 



1 An article, &c] That is, to give up Amphipolis, which 
was claimed on each side by virtue of that clause which de- 
clared that the contracting powers should keep all their se- 
veral dominions. Philip was now in possession of this city, 
The right of the Athenians had been at first asserted in the 
congress held for settling the terms of the peace : hut this 
point was afterwards given up. Yet now we find it was re- 
vived ; at least that the speakers who opposed the Macedo- 
nian interest endeavored to persuade the people that the ces- 
sion lately made was illegal, and that the general clause should 
be explained in favor of the Athenian claim to Amphipolis. 



ORATION ON THE HALONESUS. 311 

but not that Amphipolis was Philip's : for a man may 
possess the property of others ; nor can possession 
infer a right, since it is frequently acquired by unjust 
usurpation. So that his argument is no more than an 
idle sophistical equivocation. He insists particularly 
on the decree of Philocrates ; but he forgets his letter 
to this state at the time when he laid siege to Amphi- 
polis ; in which he directly acknowleged that Amphi- 
polis belonged to you, and declared that his intention 
in attacking this city was to wrest it from the then 
possessors, who had no claim to it, and to vest it in 
the Athenians, who were the rightful sovereigns. 
Well, then ! the men who were in possession of this city 
before Philip's conquest usurped our right ; but, when 
Philip had reduced it, did our right cease at once .' 
Did he but recover his own dominions ? When he re- 
duced Olynthus also, when he subdued Apollonia, when 
he gained Pallene, did he but recover his own domi- 
nions? — When he makes use of such evasion, can you 
think that he is at all solicitous to preserve a decent 
semblance of reason and justice ? No : he treats you 
with contempt in presuming to dispute your title to a 
city which the whole nation of Greece, which the Per- 
sian king himself, by the most authentic declarations, 
acknowleged to be ours. 

Another amendment of the treaty which we con- 
tended for was this ; that all the Greeks not included 
in the peace should enjoy their liberty and their laws ; 
and that, if invaded, they should be defended by all 
the confederating parties. For this, I say, we con- 
tended ; sensible that justice and humanity required, 
not only that we and our allies, and Philip and his 
allies, should enjoy the advantages of the peace, but 
that those who were neither allies to Athens nor to 
Macedon should by no means lie exposed to the op- 
pression of any powerful invader : that they also 
should derive security from the peace ; and that we 
should in reality lay down our arms and live in general 
friendship and tranquillity. This amendment his letter 
confesses to be just : you hear that he accepts it. And 



312 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

yet hath he overturned the state of the Pherseans : he 
hath introduced his garrison into the citadel ; certainly, 
that they may enjoy their own laws. His arms are 
directed against Ambracia. Three cities in Cassopia, 
Pandosia, Bucheta, and Elatia, all Elean colonies, hath 
he invaded with fire and sword, and reduced to the 
vassalage of his kinsman Alexander ;* glorious proofs 
of his concern for the liberty and independence of the 
Greeks ! 

As to those promises of great and important service, 
which he was perpetually lavishing on the state, he 
now asserts that I have belied and abused him to the 
Greeks, for that he never once made such promises ; 
so devoid of shame is he, who declared in his letter, 
which still remains on record, that he would effectually 
silence his revilers when an accommodation was once ob- 
tained, by the number of good offices he would confer 
on us, and which should be particularly specified when- 
ever he was assured of such an accommodation ! These 
his favors, then, were all provided, and ready to be 
granted to us when the peace should be concluded ; 
but, when this peace was once concluded, all his favors 
vanished. How great havoc hath been made in Greece 
you need not be informed. His letters assure us of 
his gracious intentions to bestow large benefits on us : 
and now, see the effect of his promises. He refuses 
to restore our dominions ; he claims them as his own. 
And, as to granting us any new dominions, they must 
not be in this country. No ; the Greeks might else be 
offended. Some other country must be sought for, 
some foreign land must furnish such grants. 

As to these places which he seized in time of peace, 
in open violation of his engagements, as he hath no 
pretence to urge, as he stands convicted manifestly of 

1 This Alexander was the brother of Olympias, Philip's 
wife, and had been placed on the throne of Epirus by the in- 
terest and power of the Macedonian. The three cities here 
called Elean colonies might have possibly been thus disposed 
of with the consent of Elis, where the power and influence of 
Philip were in effect absolute. 



ORATION ON THE HALONESUS. 313 

injustice, lie says that he is ready to submit these 
points to the decision of an equal and common tribunal. 
But they are points which, of all others, need no de- 
cision. A fair computation of time determines the 
cause at once. We all know in what month and on 
what day the peace was made. We all know too in 
what month and on what day Serrium, Ergiske, and 
the Sacred Mount were taken. The nature and man- 
ner of these transactions are no secret. Nor is there 
need of a tribunal in a point so evident as this, that 
the peace was made one month before these places 
were seized. 

He asserts that he hath returned all your prisoners 
that were taken. Yet there was one prisoner, a man 
of Carystus, 1 bound to this city by all the strictest ties, 
for whose liberty we sent no less than three deputa- 
tions. Such was Philip's desire to oblige us, that he 
put this man to death ; nay, refused to restore his body 
for interment. 

It is also worthy of attention to consider what was 
the language of his letters with respect to the Cherso- 
nesus, and to compare it with his present actions. All 
that district which lies beyond the forum he claims as 
his own, in defiance of our pretensions, and hath given 
the possession to Apollonides the Cardian. And yet 
the Chersonesus is bounded not by the forum, but by 
the altar of Jupiter of the Mountain, which lies in 
midway between the elm and the chalky shore, where 
the line was traced for cutting through the Cherso- 
nesus. 2 This is evident from the inscription on the 

1 Wolfius is inclined to think that this was the name of the 
prisoner. But I have chosen to translate the passage in this 
manner, as there was a town in the island of Eubcea known by 
the name of Carystus. The name or the country of this man 
are indeed circumstances of no moment ; and, should there 
be a mistake in the translation, the learned reader can 
scarcely find it worth while to detect or to censure it. 

2 A work which Philip had promised to execute at his own 
expense (as is mentioned in the second Philippic), for the 
convenience and expedition of commerce, which was fre- 
quently interrupted by the length of time spent in doubling 



314 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

altar of Jupiter of the Mountain, which is in these 
terms : 

Here, Jove's fair altar, raised hy pious hands, 

Adorns, at once, and marks the neighboring lands : 

On this side, lo, yon chalky cliffs display'd ! 

On that, the elm extends its awful shade ; 

Whilst, in midway, even Heaven's great monarch deigns 

To point the bound'ries, and divide the plains. 

This district, then, whose extent is known to many in 
this assembly, he claims as his property : part of it he 
himself enjoys, the rest he gives to his creatures; and 
thus he deprives us of our most valuable possessions. 
But he is not content with wresting from us all the 
lands which lie beyond the forum : his letter directs 
us to come to a judicial decision of any controversy 
we may have with the Cardians who lie on this side of 
the forum ; with the Cardians, I say, who have pre- 
sumed to settle in our lands. We have, indeed, a con- 
troversy with these men ; and judge ye whether the 
subject be inconsiderable. The lands where they have 
settled they claim as their just property, and deny our 
title. The lands that we enjoy they declare are unlaw- 
fully usurped ; that they themselves are the rightful 
proprietors ; and that their right was acknowleged by a 
decree proposed by your own citizen Calippus, of the 
Paeanean tribe. He did indeed propose such a de- 
cree, for which he was by me impeached of an illegal 
proceeding ;* but you suffered him to escape ; and thus 
was your title to these lands rendered disputable and 
precarious. — But, if you can submit to a judicial de- 
cision of your disputes with the Cardians, what should 
prevent the other inhabitants of the Chersonesus from 
demanding the like trial ? 

With such insolence doth he treat you, that he pre- 

Mount Athos, and sailing round the Chersonesus, or hy con- 
trary winds. 

1 The author of this oration affirms that Calippus was im- 
peached by him of violating the laws. But it is certain that 
Hegesippus, and not Demosthenes, was the author of this im- 
peachment. — Libanius• 



ORATION .ON THE HALONESUS. 315 

sumes to say, that if the Cardians refuse to be de- 
termined by a judicial process, he will compel them ; 
as if we were not able to compel even the Cardians to 
do us justice ; — an extraordinary instance this of his 
regard to Athens ! 

Yet there are men among you who declare that this 
letter is very reasonable ; men much more deserving 
of your abhorrence than Philip. His opposition to 
this state is actuated by the love of glory and power ; 
but citizens of Athens, who devote themselves not to 
their country, but to Philip, should feel that vengeance, 
which it must be your part to inflict with all severity, 
unless your brains have forsaken your heads and de- 
scended to your heels. 1 — It remains that I propose 
such an answer to this so reasonable letter, and to the 
declarations of the ambassadors, as may be just and 
advantageous to the state. 2 

1 This remarkable passage, which has been so much cen- 
sured by critics, is here translated pretty exactly, without any 
attempt to soften the boldness and severity of the original ; 
and it is left to the reader to compare with the expressions 
of greatest freedom in those remains of Demosthenes which 
are confessedly genuine. iEschines has indeed recorded some 
expressions of our author equally rude and disgusting : such 
was his threat, that he would sew up Philip's mouth with a hull- 
rush, <3fc. But it is certain, that in all his addresses to the 
assembly, even where he censures and inveighs with the 
greatest freedom and severity, he still discovers a remarkable 
attention to decorum ; and sometimes tempers his reproof 
with the most artful and delicate flattery. 

2 The deputies who presented Philip's letter seem to have 
been dismissed without any satisfactory answer ; and by the 
eagerness with which the people now listened to the leaders 
who opposed the Macedonian interest, it appeared plainly 
that the influence of Philip's partisans was declining. So 
that Demosthenes judged it a favorable opportunity to prefer 
an accusation against his rival iEschines for fraud and cor- 
ruption in his late conduct of the treaty concluded with Phi- 
lip ; which produced the two orations on the subject of their 
embassy. 



THE SECOND OF THE SUSPECTED ORATIONS, 

INTITLED, 

ON THE TREATY WITH ALEXANDER. 



INTRODUCTION. 

The death of Philip, king of Macedon, was an event, at first, 
judged fatal to the interest of that kingdom ; which gave the 
Athenians hopes of recovering their superiority, and en- 
couraged them to form some confederacies against his succes- 
sor, whose spirit and abilities were not yet completely dis- 
covered. 

It is not here necessary to recount the actions of this prince 
on his accession to the throne ; it may be sufficient to ob- 
serve, that a treaty had been concluded by his father with 
the Greeks, and was by him confirmed ; in which it was pro- 
vided that the laws, privileges and liberties of the several 
states should be secured and confirmed. But such engage- 
ments are seldom found sufficient to restrain a violent youth- 
ful ambition. The Macedonian was soon emboldened to dis- 
cover his contempt of this treaty by acting in several in- 
stances contrary to its articles. The Athenians, who still re- 
tained some remains of their ancient spirit, resented these his 
infractions. An assembly was convened to take the treaty 
into consideration, and to determine on the proper method of 
procedure in consequence of Alexander's conduct. On this 
occasion was the following oration delivered, which contains 
a distinct specification of the several instances of violation 
now complained of. 

Critics seem willing to ascribe this oration to Hegesippus, 
or to Hyperides. It is observed, that the style is diffuse, 
languid, and disgraced by some affected phrases ; and, that the 
whole composition by no means breathes that spirit of bold- 
ness and freedom which appears in the orations of Demo- 
sthenes. But these differences may possibly be accounted 
for without ascribing it to another author. Dejection and 



INTRODUCTION. 317 

vexation, a consciousness of the fallen condition of his country, 
despair and terror at the view of the Macedonian power, 
might have naturally produced an alteration in the style and 
manner of the orator's address. A great epic genius, when 
in its decline, is said by Longinus to fall naturally into the 
fabulous. In like manner, a great popular speaker, when 
hopeless and desponding, checked and controlled by his fears, 
may find leisure to coin words, and naturally recur to affected 
expressions, when the torrent of his native eloquence is 
stopped. Nor is the oration now before us intirely destitute 
offeree and spirit. It appears strong and vehement, but em- 
barrassed. The fire of Demosthenes sometimes breaks forth 
through all obstacles, but is instantly allayed and suppressed, 
as if by fear and caution. The author, as Ulpian expresses 
it, speaks freely, and not freely ; he encourages the citizens 
to war, and yet scruples to move for war in form; as if his 
mind was distracted between fear and confidence. 

In a word, I regard the oration on the Treaty with Alex- 
ander as the real work of Demosthenes, but of Demosthenes 
dejected and terrified, willing to speak consistently with him- 
self, yet not daring to speak all that he feels. It may be com- 
pared to the performance of an eminent painter, necessarily 
executed at a time when his hands or eyes labored under some 
disorder, in which we find the traces of his genius and abili- 
ties obscured by many marks of his present infirmity. 



ON THE TREATY WITH ALEXANDER. 



We should by all means, Athenians ! concur with 
those who so strenuously recommend an exact adhe- 
rence to our oaths and treaties, if they really speak 
their sentiments ; for nothing is so becoming the cha- 
racter of free states as a strict attention to honesty and 
justice. Let not these men therefore who urge the 
necessity of this attention embarrass our councils by 
harangues which their own actions contradict : let them 
submit to an examination ; if their sentiments are ap- 
proved, they will for the future influence the assembly ; 
if not, let them give place to those whose opinions of 
our rights may seem more consonant to truth. Thus 
shall you determine, either to submit quietly to your 
wrongs, and esteem their author as your friend, or to 
prefer the cause of justice to all other considerations, 
and to make such provisions for your interest with 
speed and vigor as none can possibly condemn. The 
very terms of our treaty, and of those oaths by which 
the general peace was ratified, must on the first in- 
spection show who are the transgressors : this I shall 
briefly prove in the most essential articles. 

Suppose this question asked, What event, Athenians ! 
could most effectually excite your resentment ? You 
would answer, an attempt to destroy your liberty. 
Should the family of Pisistratus now revive, and should 
any man attempt to reinstate them in their former 
power, ye would at once take up arms and brave all 
dangers rather than submit to these masters : or if you 
should submit, you would be reduced to the condition 
of purchased slaves ; nay, to a worse condition ; for 
no master wantonly kills his slaves ; but those who are 
under the power of tyrants we see every day destroyed 



ON THE TREATY WITH ALEXANDER. 319 

without the shadow of law, and exposed to insults still 
worse than death, in the persons of their wives and 
children. 

Well, then, in open violation of his oaths, of the 
express terms of the general peace, hath Alexander 
reinstated the family of Philiades in Messene. In this 
hath he acted from a regard to justice ; or from his 
own arbitrary principles, in open contempt of you and 
of his engagements with the Greeks ? — If then an at- 
tempt to introduce arbitrary power into Athens would 
excite your utmost indignation, would rouse you to 
maintain the treaty, you ought not to be indifferent, 
you ought not to neglect this treaty, when in equal 
violation of its sacred purport other states are oppressed 
by the like power : nor should they who so strenuously 
recommend to you to adhere to your engagements leave 
those uncontrolled who have on their part violated 
them in a manner so notorious. Such violation cannot 
be suffered, if you have the due regard to justice : for 
it is expressly declared in our treaty, that he who 
should act as Alexander hath now done, should be 
deemed an enemy to all included in the peace ; that 
all should take up arms against him and against his 
dominions. If then we have the least regard to these 
our declarations we are to consider him as our enemy 
who hath restored this family. But, say the favorers 
of these tyrants, ' the sons of Philiades governed in 
Messene before this treaty was concluded, and there- 
fore were they restored by Alexander/ This is a ridi- 
culous allegation ; the tyrants of Sestos, established 
long before our treaty, were expelled from Antissa and 
Eresus, and this form of government declared to be in 
itself unjust and oppressive. It cannot then be a matter 
of indifference that Messene be exposed to the like 
oppression. 

Besides, it is provided in the very first article of the 
treaty that the Greeks shall enjoy their freedom and 
their laws. And if their freedom and their laws were 
the first points secured, what assertion can be conceived 
more absurd than that he who reduces them to slavery 



320 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

is not guilty of any violation of this treaty? If, then, 
Athenians ! you would adhere to your oaths and your 
engagements, if you have a regard to justice (and this, 
as I have observed, is the advice of your speakers), it 
is incumbent on you to take up arms, to collect your 
allies, and to declare hostilities against those who have 
really violated the peace. Have you, when some fair 
occasion offered, pursued your interest with vigor, 
even though not induced by the motive of supporting 
justice? and now, when justice and a fair occasion, 
and your own interest, all conspire to rouse you, what 
other season do you wait for to assert your own liberty 
and that of Greece ? 

I am now come to another point of right resulting 
from this treaty. It is expressly provided, that if any 
persons should subvert the constitutions subsisting in 
each state at the time of ratifying the peace, they 
should be deemed enemies to all included in the treaty. 
Consider, then, Athenians ! that the Achaeans of Pelo- 
ponnesus at that time enjoyed democratical govern- 
ments : yet of these the Macedonian hath subverted 
the constitution of Pellsene by expelling most of its 
citizens : their fortunes he distributed among his do- 
mestics ; and Chasron the wrestler he established ty- 
rant of the city. In this treaty were we included, 
which thus directs that they who act in this manner 
shall be regarded as enemies. Shall we not then regard 
them as enemies, pursuant to the tenor of those en- 
gagements, by which we are all equally obliged ? Or 
can any of those hirelings of the Macedonian, those 
whose riches are the wages of their treason, be so 
abandoned as to forbid it ? They cannot plead igno- 
rance of these things ; but to such a pitch of insolence 
have they arrived that, guarded as it were by the 
armies of the tyrant, they dare to call on us to adhere 
to oaths already violated, as if perjury were his prero- 
gative : they force you to subvert your laws by releasing 
those who stood condemned at our tribunals, and in 
various other instances drive you to illegal measures. 
Nor is this surprising: for they who have sold them- 



ON THE TREATY WITH ALEXANDER. 321 

selves to the enemies of their country cannot have the 
least regard to law, the least reverence for oaths. The 
names of these, and but the names, serve them to im- 
pose on men who come to this assembly for amusement, 
not for business ; and never once reflect that their pre- 
sent indolence must prove the cause of some strange 
and terrible disorders. 

Here then I repeat what I at first asserted, *that w r e 
should agree with those who recommend an adherence 
to the general treaty: unless they suppose that in re- 
commending this adherence they do not of consequence 
declare that no act of injustice should be committed, 
or imagine it yet a secret that arbitrary power hath 
been established in the place of popular governments, 
and that many free constitutions have been subverted. 
But such a supposition is utterly ridiculous : for these 
are the very terms of the treaty : ' The directors and 
guarantees appointed for the general security shall 
take care that, in the several states included in this 
peace, there shall be no deaths or banishments con- 
trary to the laws established in each society, no con- 
fiscations, no new divisions of land, no abolition of 
debts, no granting freedom to slaves, for the purposes 
of innovation/ But far from preventing these things, 
these men themselves contribute to introduce them : 
and what punishment can be equal to their guilt who 
are the contrivers of these evils in the several states, 
which were deemed of such consequence as to demand 
the united care of the whole body to prevent them ? 

I shall now mention another point in which this 
treaty is infringed. It is expressly provided, that ' no 
flying parties shall make excursions from any of the 
cities included in the treaty, and commit hostilities on 
any other of the confederated cities ; and that whatever 
people should thus offend are to be excluded from the 
alliance/ But so little doth the Macedonian scruple 
to commit hostilities, that his hostilities are never sus- 
pended ; nor are any free from them that he can pos- 
sibly infest. And much more flagrant are his later 
hostilities, as he hath by his edict established tyrants 

DEM. X 



$22 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

in different places ; in Sicyon, his master of exercises. 
If then we should conform to the treaty, as these men 
insist, the cities guilty of these actions should be ex- 
cluded from the confederacy. If the truth must be 
concealed, I am not to declare that these are the Ma- 
cedonian cities : but if, in defiance of the truth, those 
traitorous partisans of Macedon persevere in urging us 
to observe the general treaty, let us concur with them 
(their advice is just and equitable) ; and, as this treaty 
directs, let us exclude those from the alliance who have 
been thus guilty, and consider of the measures neces- 
sary to be pursued against people so insolent and 
aspiring, whose schemes and actions are thus invari- 
ably criminal, and who treat their solemn engagements 
with contempt and ridicule. Why will they not ac- 
knowlege that these consequences are just ? Would 
they have every article that opposes our interest con- 
firmed ? every article that favors us erased ? Are 
these their notions of justice ? If any part of our en- 
gagements provides for the interest of our enemies, in 
opposition to this state, are they to contend for that ? 
but if by any other part our rights and interests are 
secured against our enemies, are all their utmost efforts 
to be directed against this ? 

To convince you still more clearly that none of the 
Greeks will accuse you of infringing this treaty, but 
will acknowlege it as an obligation that you have arisen 
singly to detect those who really infringed it, I shall 
run over a few of its numerous articles. One article 
is thus expressed : - the uniting parties shall all have 
the full liberty of the seas : none shall molest them or 
seize their vessels on pain of being regarded as the 
common enemy/ And now, my fellow-citizens, it is 
notoriously evident to you all that the Macedonians 
have done these things. To such a pitch of lawless 
insolence have they proceeded, as to seize the ships of 
Pontus and send them into Tenedos. Every pretence 
was invented to detain them ; nor were they at last 
released before we had decreed to equip one hundred 
ships, to send them instantly to sea, and had actually 
appointed Menestheus to command them. 



ON THE TREATY WITH ALEXANDER. 323 

W\en such and so many are the outrages committed 
by others, is it not absurd that their friends in this 
assembly should not endeavor to prevail on them to 
change their conduct, instead of advising us to adhere 
to engagements so totally neglected on the other side ? 
as if it were expressly provided that one party might 
transgress when they pleased, and that the other should 
not resist. And could the Macedonians have acted a 
more lawless and a more senseless part than to have 
so far abandoned all regard to their oaths that they 
had well nigh forfeited their sovereignty of the seas ? * 
Nay, they have indisputably forfeited this right to us, 
whenever we are disposed to assert it : for they are 
not to expect that no penalty is to be incurred from 
iolating the treaty because they have for some time 
past discontinued their violations. No ; they should 
rather be well pleased that they have hitherto enjoyed 
the advantage of our indolence and total aversion to 
maintain our rights. 

Can any thing be conceived more mortifying than 
that all other people, Greeks and barbarians, should 
dread our enmity ; but that these men of sudden afflu- 
ence should make us contemptible, even to ourselves, 
by seducing and forcing us to their purposes ? as if 
they had the conduct of affairs at Abdera or Marona?a, 2 



1 The maritime force of Macedon seems to have been, even 
<vt this time, scarcely greater than that of Athens, notwith- 
standing all the attention of Philip to increase and improve it ; 
for we shall immediately find the orator recommending to his 
countrymen to maintain a superiority at sea. But this sove- 
reignty of the seas, which is here acknowleged to belong to 
the Macedonians, seems to have been the consequence of the 
treaty made with Philip immediately after the battle of Chas- 
ronsea, in which the Athenians were obliged to give up the 
dominion of the islands, and Samos was declared the bound 
of their territories and jurisdiction. 

2 Abdera or Maronaea.] Two cities of small consequence 
in Thrace. The understanding of an Abderite was a proverb to 
express a remarkable deficiency in point of genius and acute- 
ness ; though this despised city had produced Democritus, a 
philosopher of no small reputation in Greece. 



324 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

not at Athens. But while they are depressing their 
own country and aggrandising its enemies, they do 
not consider that by prescribing the rules of justice in 
a manner so totally unjust, they in effect acknowlege 
that their country is irresistible ; for this is tacitly to 
confess that, if we have a due attention to our interests, 
we shall easily subdue our enemies. And in this they 
rightly judge : for let us take care to maintain a supe- I 
riority at sea ; let us but take care of this and we shall 
effectually secure noble accessions to our present land 
force ; especially if fortune should so far favor us as 
to crush the men now guarded by the armies of tyrants ; 
if some of them should perish, and others discover 
their insignificance. 

These then have been the infractions of the Macedo- 
nian with respect to maritime affairs, besides the others 
already mentioned ; but we have just now seen the 
most extravagant instance of the pride and insolence 
of his people in daring to sail into the Piraeus, mani- 
festly contrary to the treaty concluded with us. No; 
is this their infraction the less criminal because bm 
one ship of war presumed to enter our harbor. It 
plainly appears that this was an experiment, whethe ? 
we might not prove so inattentive as to suffer them 
hereafter to come in with more ; and that in this as 
well as other instances they renounce all regard to 
decrees and conventions : for that they meant gra- 
dually to introduce and to habituate us to such en- 
croachments appears from this, that he who then put 
in with his ship (which together with its convoy should 
have been destroyed) demanded liberty to build small 
vessels in our port : for this proves that their purpose 
was not to obtain the privilege of entering our harbor, 
but to gain the absolute command of it. It cannot te 
alleged that this demand was made because the mate- 
rials for building ships are in plenty at Athens ; fci 
.they are brought hither from great distances, and pr• *. 
cured with difficulty ; and that they are scarce at Μ 3 
cedon (where they are sold at the cheapest rates γ t 
any that will purchase). No ; they were in hopes t' 



ON THE TREATY WITH ALEXANDER. 325 

gain the power of building and loading vessels in our 
port, a power expressly denied by treaty; and thus 
gradually to proceed to other enormities. In such 
contempt have they been taught to hold you by their 
instructors in this city, who direct their whole con- 
duct ; and thus are they persuaded that this state is 
irrecoverably lost in indolence, incapable of providing 
for its interest, and utterly regardless whether the 
actions of a tyrant be conformable to his treaty or no. 
To this treaty I advise you to adhere ; in that sense, 
I mean, which I before explained : and the experience 
of my age warrants me to assure you that your rights 
will be thus asserted without the least oitence to others, 
and the occasions favorable to your interests most 
effectually improved. These are the terms of the 
treaty ; we must act thus, ' if we would be included/ 
They, then, who act differently, are not to be included. 
And therefore let us now, if ever, refuse to pay an 
abject submission to the directions of others : else must 
we renounce the memory of those ancient and illus- 
trious honors which we of all other people can most 
justly boast. If you command me, Athenians ! I shall 
now move you in form, pursuant to the tenor of our 
engagement, to declare war against those who have 
violated the treaty. 



THE ORATION OF DINARCHUS AGAINST 
DEMOSTHENES. 



INTRODUCTION. 

The reader is here presented with a translation of a perform- 
ance which we find, in some editions, annexed to the public 
orations of Demosthenes. It is an artful, spirited, and viru- 
lent invective against him, when, in the decline of life, he 
had fallen into disgrace and the displeasure of his country- 
men. The occasion of it is distinctly recounted by Plutarch ; 
who informs us, that some time after the famous contest about 
the Crown, in which Demosthenes gained so complete a 
triumph over his rival iEschines, one Harpalus, who had been 
in the service of Alexander, fled to Athens with the remains 
of an immense fortune, which had been dissipated by his 
luxury, and there sought refuge from the anger of his master, 
whose severity towards his favorites alarmed and prompted 
him to this flight. The orators received his money, and la- 
bored to gain him the protection of the state. Demosthenes, 
on the contrary, urged to his countrymen the danger of ex- 
posing themselves to an unnecessary and unjustifiable war 
by entertaining this fugitive. Harpalus, however, found 
means to soften his severity by a present of a magnificent 
vase, accompanied with twenty talents : and, when it was ex- 
pected that Demosthenes would have exerted his abilities in 
the assembly against Harpalus, he pleaded indisposition, 
and was silent. This is the sum of Plutarch's account. But 
Pausanias, who seems to have conceived a more favorable 
opinion of the integrity of Demosthenes, observes, as a proof 
of his innocence, that an authentic account was sent to Athens, 
after the death of Harpalus, of all the sums distributed by 
him in this city, and of the persons to whom each was paid ; 
and that in this account no mention was at all made of Demo- 
sthenes, although Philoxenus, who procured it, was his par- 
ticular enemy, as well as Alexander. But, however this may 
be, the rumor of Harpalus' practices, and the report of the 



INTRODUCTION. 327 

corruption of Demosthenes in particular, raised a consider- 
able ferment at Athens. Demosthenes strenuously asserted 
his innocence, and proposed that the council of areopagus 
should proceed to a strict inquiry into this distribution sup- 
posed to have been made by Harpalus, declaring his readi- 
ness to submit to their sentence, whatever it might be. Con- 
trary to his expectations, the report of the areopagus con- 
demned him. In vain did he represent this report as the 
effect of the malicious practices and contrivance of his ene- 
mies. He was brought to his trial : Stratocles managed the 
prosecution, in which he was assisted by Dinarchus, who, 
though he gave a favorable testimony to the character of 
Demosthenes on a subsequent occasion (in the oration against 
Aristogiton), yet now inveighed against him with the ut- 
most virulence in the following oration. 



THE ORATION OF DINARCHUS AGAINST 
DEMOSTHENES. 



This your minister, Athenians ! who hath pronounced 
sentence of death on himself, should he be convicted 
of receiving any thing from Harpalus — this very man 
hath been clearly convicted of accepting bribes from 
those whom in former times he affected to oppose with 
so much zeal. As Stratocles hath spoken largely on 
this subject; as many articles of accusation have been 
anticipated ; as the council of areopagus hath made a 
report on this inquiry so consonant to equity and truth — 
a report confirmed and enforced by Stratocles, who hath 
produced the decrees enacted against these crimes — ■ 
it remains that we who are now to speak (who are en- 
gaged in a cause of more importance than ever came 
before this state) should request the whole assembly, 
first, that we obtain your pardon if we should repeat 
some things already urged (for here our purpose is, 
not to abuse your patience, but to inflame your indig- 
nation) ; and, secondly, that you may not give up the 
general rights and laws of the community, or exchange 
the general welfare for the speeches of the accused. 
You see that in this assembly it is Demosthenes that is 
tried : in all other places your own trial is depending. 
On you men turn their eyes, and wait with eagerness 
to see how far the interest of your country will engage 
your care ; whether You are to take on yourselves 
the corruption and iniquity of these men, or whether 
you are to manifest to the world a just resentment 
against those who are bribed to betray the state. 

This last is fully in your power. The assembly hath 
made a fair decree. 1 The citizens have discovered 

1 A fair decree.] That is, a decree committing the cogni- 



ORATION OF DINARCHUS, &C. 329 

their desire to detect those speakers, whoever they 
may be, who, to the disgrace and detriment of the com- 
munity, have presumed to receive gold from Harpalus. 
Add to this, that you yourself, Demosthenes, and 
many others, have moved in form that the council, 
agreeably to ancient usage, should enter into an in- 
quiry whether any persons had been thus guilty. The 
council hath made this inquiry ; not that your instances 
were wanting to remind them of their duty, or that 
they wished to sacrifice the truth, the trust reposed in 
them, to you, but from a full persuasion (as the areo- 
pagites have expressed it) of the influence of such 
practices on all our counsels and transactions, and a 
firm resolution never to plead the danger of being ex- 
posed to calumny when they were to detect the man 
who attempted to bring disgrace and danger on his 
country. 

And although the dignity and propriety of this pro- 
cedure have received the approbation of the people, 
Demosthenes has recourse to complaints, to appeals, 
to malicious accusations, now that he finds himself con- 
victed of receiving twenty talents of gold. Shall then 
this council, on whose faith and justice we rely, even 
in the important case of premeditated murder, to whom 
we commit the vengeance due to this crime, who have 
an absolute power over the persons and lives of our 
citizens, who can punish every violation of our laws, 
either by exile or by death — shall this council, I say, 
on an inquiry into a case of bribery, at once lose all 
its authority ? ' Yes ; for the areopagus hath reported 
falsely of Demosthenes/ Extravagant and absurd ! 
What ! report falsely of Demosthenes and Demades, 
against whom even the truth seems scarcely to be de- 
clared with safety? You who have in former times 
moved that this council should take cognisance of pub- 
lic affairs, and have applauded their reports ; you whom 
this whole city hath not been able to restrain within 

sance of the crimes alleged against Demosthenes, &c. to the 
court of areopagus. 



380 ORATION OF DINARCHUS 

the bounds of justice, hath the council reported falsely 
against you ? Why then did you declare to the people 
that you were ready to submit to death if condemned 
by the report of this council ? Why have you availed 
yourself of their authority to take off so many of our 
citizens ? Or whither shall we have recourse ? to whom 
shall we intrust the detection of secret villany? if 
you, notwithstanding all your aiFected regard to our 
popular government, are to dissolve this council, to 
whose protection our lives have been intrusted ; to 
whose protection our liberty and our constitution have 
oftentimes been intrusted ; by whose protection that 
person of thine hath been preserved (for, as you pre- 
tend, it hath frequently been attempted) to utter these 
calumnies against them ; to whose care we have com- 
mitted our secret archives, on which the very being 
of our state depends. 

But it is just — it is just, I say, that the council should 
meet with these returns of calumny : for I shall freely 
speak my sentiments. One of these two methods 
should they have pursued ; either instantly have en- 
tered into the first inquiry relative to the three hun- 
dred talents sent hither by the king of Persia, as the 
people directed, and then this monster would have 
been punished, his accomplices in corruption detected ; 
and all his traitorous practices, by which Thebes was 
betrayed to ruin, being clearly laid open, an ignomini- 
ous death would have freed us from him ; or, if you 
were inclined to pardon this crime in Demosthenes, 
and thus to propagate the race of corrupted hirelings 
within your city, this discovery of your sentiments 
should have determined them not to enter into any 
inquiry on information of the money received by De- 
mosthenes : for now, when the council of the areopagus 
had nobly and equitably proceeded to a full detection 
of this man and his accomplices ; when, regardless of 
the power of Demosthenes and Demades, they have 
adhered inviolably to truth and justice, still Demo- 
sthenes goes round the city, utters his invectives against 
this council, and boasts of his services in those speeches 



AGAINST DEMOSTHENES. 331 

which you shall hear him instantly use to deceive the 
assembly. — ' It was I who gained you the alliance of 
Thebes V — No ! you it was who ruined the common 
interest of both states. — ' I drew out the forces of 
Chasronaea V — No ! you were the only person who 
there fled from your post ! — ' For you have I engaged 
in several embassies/ And what would he do — what 
would he demand — had these his negotiations been suc- 
cessful, when, having ranged through the world only to 
involve us in such calamities and misfortunes, he ex- 
pects to be rewarded with a liberty of receiving bribes 
against his country, and the privilege of speaking and 
of acting in this assembly as he pleases ? To Timo- 
theus, who awed all Peloponnesus by his fleet, who 
gained the naval victory at Corcyra over the Lacedae- 
monians, who was the son of Conon, the man who 
restored liberty to Greece, who gained Samos and 
Methone and Pydna and Potidasa, and besides these 
tw r enty cities more ; you did not admit those important 
benefits which he conferred on us to have any weight 
against the integrity of your tribunals, against those 
oaths by which you were engaged in pronouncing sen- 
tence. No: you imposed on him a fine of one hundred 
talents, because that he had by his own acknowdege- 
ment received money from the Chians and the Rho- 
dians. And shall not this outcast, this Scythian 1 (for 
my indignation will not be restrained), whom not one 
man, but the whole body of the areopagus hath, on 
full inquiry, declared guilty of receiving bribes, de- 
clared an hireling, and fully proved to be a corrupted 
traitor to his country — shall he not be punished with 
that severity which may serve as an example to others ? 
he, who hath not only been detected in receiving money 
from the king, but hath enriched himself with the 
spoils of the state, and now could not even be restrained 

1 A term of reproach which the enemies of Demosthenes 
frequently made use of. His grandfather (by his mother's 
side) had, in the time of his exile, married a woman of 
Scythia. 



332 ORATION OF DINARCHUS 

from sharing the vile wages which Harpalus here dis- 
tributed? 

And can the negotiations of Demosthenes at Thebes 
be deemed equivalent to the smallest part of the noble 
actions of Timotheus? Who can refrain from laughter 
to find you patiently attending, while he presumptu- 
ously displays his pretended services, and dares to 
compare them with those of Timotheus and of Conon ? 
Actions worthy of our state, worthy of the glory of 
our ancestors, disdain all comparison with those of an 
abandoned wretch ! — Here I shall produce the decree 
enacted against Timotheus, and then return to my 
subject. — Read ! 

[The decree.] 
Such was this citizen, Demosthenes, that he might 
reasonably have expected pardon and favor from his 
fellow-citizens of those days. Not in words, but ac- 
tions, did he perform important services to his country. 
His principles were steady, his conduct uniform, not 
various and changeable like yours. He never made so 
unreasonable a request to the people as to be raised 
above the laws. He never required that those who had 
sworn to give sentence justly should break through 
that sacred tie ; but submitted to stand condemned, 
if such was the judgment of his tribunal. He 
never pleaded the necessity of times ; nor thought in 
one manner, and harangued in another. And shall 
this miscreant live, who, besides his other numerous 
and heinous crimes, hath abandoned the state of 
Thebes to its destruction, when for the preservation 
of that state he had received three hundred talents 
from the king of Persia? for, when the Arcadians 
marched to the isthmus, refused to treat with the am- 
bassadors of Antipater, and received those of the un- 
fortunate Thebans, who with difficulty gained access to 
them by sea, appeared before them in the form of 
w r r etched suppliants, declared that their present mo- 
tions were not intended to dissolve their connexions 
with Greece, or to oppose the interests of that nation ; 



AGAINST DEMOSTHENES. 333 

but to free themselves from the intolerable yoke of 
Macedonian tyranny, from slavery, from the horrid 
insults to which freemen were exposed ; when the Ar- 
cadians were disposed to assist them ; when they com- 
miserated their wretched state ; when they discovered 
that, by the necessities of the times alone, they { Λ 
been obliged to attend on Alexander, but that their in- 
clinations were invariably attached to Thebes and to 
the liberties of Greece; when Astylus, their merce- 
nary general, demanded (as Stratocles hath informed 
you) ten talents for leading a reinforcement to the 
Thebans ; when the ambassadors applied to this man, 
who they well knew had received the king's money ; 
requested, besought him to grant such a sum for the 
preservation of the state ; — then did this abandoned, 
this impious, this sordid wretch (when there was so 
fair a prospect of saving Thebes), refuse to part 
with ten talents out of all the vast treasures which he 
received ; insensible to the aifecting consideration, 
urged by Stratocles, that there were those who would 
give as great a sum to divert the Arcadians from this 
expedition, and to prevent them from assisting Thebes. 
Has then Greece but slight, but common injuries to 
urge against Demosthenes and his sordid avarice ? 
Hath the man, so highly criminal, the least pretence to 
mercy ? Do not his late and former offences call for 
the severest punishment ? The world will hear the sen- 
tence you are this day to pronounce. The eyes of all 
men are fixed on you, impatient to learn the fate of so 
notorious a delinquent. You are they who, for crimes 
infinitely less heinous than his, have heavily and inex- 
orably inflicted punishments on many. Menon was by 
you condemned to death for having subjected a free 
youth of Pallsene to his servile offices. Themistius, 
the Amphidnaean, who had abused a Rhodian woman 
that performed on the harp in the Eleusinian cere- 
monies, was by you condemned to death. The same 
sentence you pronounced on Euthymachus for prosti- 
tuting a maiden of Olynthus. And now hath this 
traitor furnished ail the* tents of the barbarians with 



334 ORATION OF DINARCHUS 

the children and wives of the Thebans. A city of our 
neighbors and our allies hath been torn from the very 
heart of Greece. The plougher and the sower now 
traverse the city of the Thebans, who united with us 
in the war against Philip. I say, the plougher and 
the sower traverse their habitations ; nor hath this 
hardened wretch discovered the least remorse at the 
calamities of a people to whom he was sent as our am- 
bassador ; with whom he lived, conversed, and enjoyed 
all that hospitality could confer : whom he pretends to 
have himself gained to our alliance : whom he fre- 
quently visited in their prosperity, but basely betrayed 
in their distress. Our elder citizens can inform us, 
that at a time when our constitution was destroyed, 
when Thrasybulus was collecting our exiles in Thebes, 
in order to possess himself of Phyle ; when the Lace- 
daemonians, now in the height of power, issued out 
their mandate forbidding all states to receive the 
Athenians, or to conduct them through their territo- 
ries, this people assisted our countrymen in their ex- 
pedition, and published their decree, so often recited 
in this assembly, ' that they would not look on with 
unconcern should any enemy invade the Athenian 
territory/ Far different was the conduct of this man, 
who affects such attention to the interests of our allies 
(as you shall soon hear him boast). The very money 
which he received to preserve this people from ruin 
he refused to part with. Let these things sink deep 
into your minds. Think on the calamities which arise 
from traitors ; let the wretched fate of the Olynthians 
and the Thebans teach you to make the just provision 
for your own security. Cut off the men who are ever 
ready to sell the interests of their country for a bribe, 
and rest your hopes of safety on yourselves and the 
gods. These are the means, Athenians, the only means 
of reforming our city ; to bring offenders of eminence 
to justice, and to inflict a punishment adequate to their 
offences. When common criminals are detected, no 
one knows, no one inquires their fate. But the pu- 
nishment of great delinquents commands men's atten- 



AGAINST DEMOSTHENES. 335 

tion ; and a rigid adherence to justice, without regard 
to persons, is sure to meet with due applause. — Read 
the decree of the Thebans — produce the testimonies — 
read the letter. 

[The decree. The testimonies. The letter.] 
He is a corrupted traitor, Athenians! of old a cor- 
rupted traitor ! This is the man who conducted Phi- 
lip's ambassadors from Thebes to this city ; who was 
the occasion of putting an end to the former Avar ; who 
was the accomplice of Philocrates, the author of the 
decree for making peace with Philip, for which you 
banished him : the man who hired carriages for the 
ambassadors that came hither with Antipater ; who en- 
tertained them ; and introduced the custom of paying 
obsequious flattery to the Macedonians. Do not, Ο 
Athenians ! do not suffer this man, whose name is 
subscribed ϊ to the misfortunes of this state, and of all 
the states of Greece, to escape unpunished ; when 
Heaven hath been so far favorable to us that one of 
those pests of our community is driven from the city, 
the life of the other forfeited to the state, let us not 
obstinately reject these favors ; let the men most emi- 
nently guilty bear the load of our offences ; so may 
we form happy presages of our future fortune. For 
what occasion should we reserve this man? When 
may we hope that he will prove of advantage to us ? I 
call on this assembly ; I call on all those who attend 
this trial; — say, in what affairs hath he engaged, either 
private or public, that he hath not ruined. Did he 
not enter the house of Aristarchus, and there concert 
his designs ? and did he not (the fact is well known) 
force this Aristarchus from the city loaded with the 
infamous imputation of contriving the murder of Nico- 



1 Is subscribed, &c] That is, who was the author of all 
those decrees which were purposely contrived to bring on 
these misfortunes. The name of the person who proposed 
any ψήφισμα or decree to the assembly was always affixed to 
it ; and the expression in the original is supposed to allude 
to this custom. 



336 ORATION OF DINARCHUS 

dexmis ? * And such a friend did he find in Demo- 
sthenes, that he regarded him as his evil genius, as the 
author of all his misfortunes. But I must pass over 
his private conduct, for the time will not admit of a 
minute detail. From the moment that he first hegan to 
direct our affairs, hath any one instance of good fortune 
attended us ? Hath not all Greece, and not this state 
alone, been plunged in dangers, calamities, and dis- 
grace ? Many were the fair occasions which occurred 
to favor his administration ; and all these occasions, of 
such moment to our interests, did he neglect. When 
any friend to his country, any useful citizen, attempted 
to do us service, so far was this leader, who is impa- 
tient to boast of his great actions, from co-operating 
with such men, that he instantly infected them with the 
contagion of his unhappy conduct. Charidemus went 
over to the king of Persia, resolved to approve himself 
our friend, not by words, but actions ; and to purchase 
security for us and for the Greeks by his own dan- 
gers. This man went round the public places, framed 
his speeches, and pretended to a share in these trans- 
actions. Then came the severe reverse of fortune ; all 
our expectations were utterly defeated. Ephialtes sailed 
out : he hated Demosthenes ; yet, from necessity, ad- 
mitted him to share in his councils. — The fortune of the 
state destroyed him. Euthydicus assumed the conduct 
of public affairs ; he professed himself a friend to De- 
mosthenes. — He perished. You know these things 
much better than I : shall not then the experience of 
the past direct your judgments of the future? Can 

1 This sentence in the original is somewhat embarrassed ; 
but I have endeavored to express the general purport of it. 
Nicodemus, a native of Aphidna, had been found dead, with 
his eyes torn out. As he was known to have been a friend 
to Eubulus, who was in the party that opposed Demosthenes, 
the suspicion of this murder fell on the orator, who was said to 
have persuaded Aristarchus, a youth with whom he was con- 
nected in friendship, to commit it. Aristarchus was publicly 
accused, and fled to avoid the consequences. — Dem. Orat. in 
Mid. 



AGAINST DEMOSTHENES. 337 

any services be expected from him ? Yes ; the service 
of forming contrivance's in favor of our enemies on 
some critical emergency. Such was the time, when 
the Lacedaemonians had encamped, when the Eleans 
united with them, when they were reinforced with ten 
thousand mercenaries ; Alexander said to be in India ; 
all Greece inflamed with indignation at the ignomini- 
ous state to which traitors had reduced every commu- 
nity ; impatient of distress, and earnest for relief. In 
this conjuncture, who was the man, Demosthenes, that 
had the direction of our councils ? In this perilous 
conjuncture (not to mention other like occasions) did 
you, whom we shall hear expressing the utmost indig- 
nation at the present fallen state of Greece — did you 
propose any decree? Did you assist us with your 
counsels ? did you supply us with your treasures ? 
Not at all ! You were employed in ranging through 
the city, providing your whisperers, forging letters, 
* * * * l the disgrace of his illustrious country, was 
then seen trimly decked with his rings, indulging in 
effeminacy and luxury amidst the public calamities ; 
borne through our streets in his sedan, and insulting 
the distresses of the poor. And can we expect future 
services from him who hath neglected all past occa- 
sions of serving us ? Ο goddess Minerva ! Ο Jupiter 
protector ! May our enemies ever have such counsel- 
lors and leaders ! 

Men of Athens ! do you yet remember the actions 
of your ancestors ? They, when the state was threat- 
ened with many and great calamities, encountered 
dangers for your safety in a manner worthy of their 
country, worthy of their free condition, worthy of their 
reputation. I shall not here engage in a long detail of 
our most early times ; of the actions of Aristides and 
Themistocles, who fortified our city, and brought in 
such immense tributes, the free and voluntary contri- 
butions of the Greeks. Let us confine ourselves to the 
actions performed a little before our own days, the 

1 This passage is supposed to he imperfect in the copies. 
DEM. Υ 



338 ORATION OF DINARCHUS 

actions of Cephalus, of Thraso, of Heliodorus, of other 
great men, some of whom are yet alive. When the 
citadel of Thebes was possessed by the Lacedaemonian 
forces, 1 they assisted those exiles who attempted to 
rescue their country ; they braved the dangers of war, 
and gave liberty to a neighboring state that had long- 
been subjected to slavery. Cephalus was the man 
whose decree roused our fathers to this expedition ; 
who, in defiance of the Lacedaemonian power, of the 
hazards of war, of the danger of advising measures 
whose event was precarious, proposed the resolution 
that the Athenians should march out and support the 
exiles who had now possessed themselves of Thebes. 
And our fathers did issue forth : in a few days the 
Spartan garrison was forced out ; the liberty of Thebes 
restored ; and the conduct of this state approved worthy 
of our ancestors. These were counsellors, Athenians ! 
these were leaders worthy of you and of your country : 
not such miscreants as those, who never did, never can 
prove useful to the public ; attentive only to the pre- 
servation of their own vile persons, to amassing their 
sordid gains ; who render their country more inglorious 
than themselves ; who now, when evidently convicted 
of bribery, practise all their arts to deceive you, and 
expect, amidst their baseness, to find credit and se- 
curity in the fruits of their avarice. Let their long- 
course of iniquity at length meet the just punish- 
ment. Let them die ; their own sentence hath con- 
demned them. 

Is it not scandalous, Athenians ! that your opinion 
of the guilt of Demosthenes should depend only on 
our representations? Do you not know that he is a 
corrupted traitor, a public robber, false to his friends, 
and a disgrace to the state ? What decrees, what laws 
have not been made subservient to his gain? There 
are men in this tribunal who were of the Three Hun- 
dred when he proposed the law relative to our trie- 
rarchs. 2 Inform those who stand near you how, for a 

1 See Plutarch, in the life of Pelopidas. 

2 This was the law of which Demosthenes speaks in the 



AGAINST DEMOSTHENES. 339 

bribe of three talents, he altered and new-modelled 
this law in every assembly ; and, just as he was feed, 
inserted or erased clauses. Say, in the name of 
Heaven ! think ye, Ο men of Athens ! that he gained 
nothing by his decree which gave Diphilus the honors 
of public maintenance and a statue ? Was he not paid 
for obtaining the freedom of our city to Chaerephihis, 
and Phidon, and Pamphilus, and Philip, and such 
mean persons as Epigenes and Conon ? Was it for 
nothing he procured brazen statues to Berisades, and 
Satyrus, and Gorgippus, those detested tyrants, from 
whom he annually receives a thousand bushels of corn 
— although he is ready to lament the distresses of his 
fortune? Was it for nothing he made Taurosthenes 
an Athenian citizen, who enslaved his countrymen, 
and, together with his brother Callias, betrayed all 
Eubcea to Philip ? whom our laws forbid to appear in 
Athens, on pain of suiFering the punishment of those 
who return from exile. 1 Such a man this friend to 
our constitution enrolled amongst our citizens. These 
and many other instances, in which he hath prostituted 
our honors, can be proved by authentic evidence. And 
could he, who gladly descended to small gains, resist 
the temptation of so great a sum as twenty talents ? 
Six months hath the areopagus been engaged in their 
inquiry into the conduct of Demosthenes, Demades, 
and Cephisophon. And was all this time wasted only 
to make a false and unjust report ? The whole body 
of our citizens, and of the Greeks, now fix their eyes 
on you (as I before observed), impatient for the result 
of this day's business, earnest to be informed whether 
corruption may expect its just punishment, or fear no 
control ; whether the authority of our tribunals is to be 
confirmed or destroyed by the sentence passed on De- 
mosthenes ; a man whose public conduct hath long since 

oration on the Crown, by which every citizen was bound to 
contribute to the expense of the navy in proportion to his 
fortune, instead of just paying one sixteenth part of the ex- 
pense of one ship, whatever might be his circumstances. 
1 In the original, from banishment by sentence of the areopagus. 



340 ORATION OF DINARCHUS 

called for severe vengeance ; who is obnoxious to all 
the curses ever denounced within this city ; who hath 
sworn falsely by the tremendous furies, and all the 
divinities, whose names are sacred in the areopagus ; 
who hath been devoted to destruction in every assem- 
bly, as he is convicted of bribery, and hath dealt in- 
sidiously with his country, in defiance of the awful 
execration; 1 whose declarations are ever different from 
his private sentiments ; who gave to Aristarchus the 
most shocking and nefarious advice. If there be any 
punishment due to perjury and villany, surely he must 
this day, this moment, feel its utmost weight. — Ye 
judges, hear the execrations ! 

[The execrations.] 

And now, ye judges, so prone to falsehood and ab- 
surdity is Demosthenes, so devoid of shame, so insen- 
sible to his conviction, tc the awful purport of these 
execrations, that, as I am informed, he presumes to 
urge against me that I was once condemned by the 
areopagus ; and that I am guilty of the greatest in- 
consistency, in first objecting to the authority of this 
„ council, in my own case, and now founding my accu- 
sation against him on their authority. Thus, in order 
to deceive certain persons, hath he framed a tale utterly 
false and groundless. But, that he may not deceive 
you by this insinuation ; that you may be assured that 
the areopagus never did, never can condemn me ; but 
that I was, indeed, treated injuriously by one wicked 
man, on whom you inflicted the just punishment of 
his guilt ; I shall first briefly state this affair, and then 
return to my allegations against Demosthenes. 

There are two methods in which the areopagus may 
proceed to an indictment against any person. And 
what are these ? By entering into an inquiry, either 
of their own mere motion and pleasure, or by direction 
of the popular assembly. There is no other way. If, 

1 The awful execration.] Which was pronounced by the 
herald, on the opening of every assembly, against those who 
should act or speak to the prejudice of the community. 



AGAINST DEMOSTHENES. 341 

then, thou darest to assert, monster as thou art, that 
the proceedings against me were in consequence of the 
assembly's direction, produce the decree, name my 
accusers, as I have done in the present case ; shown 
the decree, by which the council was directed to enter 
into this inquiry, and produced the accusers chosen by 
the people, who have so fully displayed thy guilt. If 
this can be done in my case I am ready to submit to 
death. But if you allege that the areopagus pro- 
ceeded against me of its own motion, produce some 
members of the council to attest this, as I shall to 
attest the contrary. The man, like you, an abandoned 
traitor, who so falsely charged both me and the council, 
I impeached before the Five Hundred, convicted of 
being suborned by Timocles to conduct the prosecu- 
tion against me, and prevailed on his judges to punish 
him with due severity. — Take the evidence which I 
produced in this cause, whose truth and validity were 
never questioned ; and which I shall now produce. 
Read. 

[The evidence.] 
Nor is it at all wonderful, Athenians ! that when 
Pistias, a member of the areopagus, accused me of 
injustice (falsely charging both me and the council), 
truth should for a while be borne down ; and that his 
malicious accusations should gain some credit against 
a man whose infirmities and retired life rendered him 
unable to make the necessary defence. But now, when 
the whole body of the areopagus hath solemnly pro- 
nounced that Demosthenes hath been guilty of accept- 
ing twenty talents, in contempt of his duty, and the 
good of his country ; when this your popular leader, 
on whom all your hopes were fixed, is convicted of 
clandestinely receiving bribes ; shall the laws, shall 
justice, shall truth have less weight than the speeches 
of Demosthenes ? Shall the calumnies he utters against 
the council prevail against the whole force of evi- 
dence ? The council, saith he, hath frequently in- 
dicted persons of illegal proceedings, who have been 
acquitted on a fair trial ; and, in some cases, scarcely 



342 ORATION OF DINARCHUS 

a fifth part of the judges concurred with the areo- 
pagus. But such cases are easily accounted for. This 
council takes cognisance of all crimes whatever, which 
are either referred to them by you, or belong imme- 
diately to their own jurisdiction ; and, in such pro- 
ceedings, they do not act like you (let not my freedom 
give offence), who are frequently influenced by pity 
rather than directed by justice ; but, in whatever cases 
our laws are violated, they consider only the evidence, 
and indict the guilty ; well knowing, that if slight of- 
fences are neglected, men will be habituated and em- 
boldened to proceed to greater. Hence are their in- 
dictments returned to you against several delinquents 
of the inferior kind. 1 These, when brought to trial, 
you acquit ; not from the least suspicion of this coun- 
cil's integrity, but because you are inclined to mercy 
rather than to rigor, and deem the punishment pre- 
scribed by the letter of the law too great for their of- 
fences. In these cases, Demosthenes, were the declara- 
tions of the council false ? By no means ! And yet, in these 
and other cases, have you acquitted those whom they 
declared guilty. Thus, when the areopagus was di- 
rected to inquire whether Polyeuctus had gone to Me- 
gara, and held an intercourse with our exiles, and to 
report their determination, they reported that he had 
gone thither. Accusers were chosen ; he was brought 
to a trial ; you acquitted him, although he confessed 
that he had gone to Megara, to Nicophanes, who mar- 
ried his mother. For you thought it no such heinous 
oifence that he had held an intercourse with his own 
father-in-law, when in exile and distress, and had as- 
sisted him to the utmost of his power. In this case, 
Demosthenes, no objection lay to the proceedings of 
the council : these were acknowleged to be just. Yet 

1 Particular instances of these are mentioned in the tex;t : 
but, as they cannot be interesting to the English reader, I 
have chosen the general expression. The same liberty hath 
been taken in this oration, in sometimes omitting names and 
circumstances, which could not give either light or beauty to 
k the translation. 



AGAINST DEMOSTHENES. 343 

was Polyeuctus acquitted by his judges; for the areo- 
pagus is only to consider and declare the fact ; but the 
criminal, as I have observed, was deemed worthy of 
the mercy of his tribunal. And are we from such 
cases to conclude, that no credit is due to the declara- 
tions of the areopagus, by which you and your accom- 
plices are charged with corruption ? Show your judges, 
if you can, that your case is at all similar to those I 
have hinted at ; that the guilt of bribery deserves 
mercy ; and then you may expect mercy. But what 
saith the law ? In other pecuniary matters it directs 
that the injurious party shall be fined in twice the 
value of his fraudulent gains. In the case of bribery 
two different punishments are prescribed : the first is 
death, that the example of the delinquent may serve 
as a terror to others : the second, a fine, tenfold of the 
bribe received, that they who proceed to such enor- 
mities may be disappointed in their sordid hopes of 
gain. 

To this do you object that all the persons thus de- 
clared guilty by the areopagus confessed that their 
judgment was fair and equitable, but that you have 
objected to their determination ? No ; you are the 
only person who have solicited to be judged by their 
sentence. You yourself preferred the decree by which 
you are now condemned : you made the whole assembly 
a witness to your concessions : you yourself directed 
that death should be your punishment if the council 
declared that you had received any part of those trea- 
sures which Harpalus brought hither : you yourself 
have moved in former cases, that the areopagus should 
have jurisdiction over all our citizens, should proceed 
agreeably to our ancient laws to punish all delin- 
quents. To this council, which you now call an oli- 
garchical faction, did you implicitly resign this whole 
city. By your decree, which acknowleged its autho- 
rity, were two Athenians, the father and the son, de- 
livered to the executioner : by your decree was a de- 
scendant of our great deliverer Harmodius cast into 
"chains : the decision of the areopagus condemned An- 



344 ORATION OF DINARCHUS 

tipho to torture and death: 1 in obedience to its au- 
thority, and in execution of its just sentence, did you 
banish Archinus from the city as a traitor. And do 
you attempt to invalidate this authority in your own 
case ? Is this just? Is this consonant to our laws? 
^On you, ye judges, I denounce the vengeance of the 
^tremendous goddesses who possess this land, of the 
heroes of our country, of Minerva our patroness, of 
all our other guardian divinities, if ye suffer this cor- 
rupted traitor to escape, whom the state hath given into 
your hands ; whose counsels have ruined our fortune, 
defeated our hopes, betrayed us to our assailants ; 
whom our enemies wished to live, convinced that he 
must prove our destruction ; whose death our friends 
regard as the only event which can raise us from this 
fallen state ; and for whose just punishment they 
therefore breathe their warmest wishes, their most fer- 
vent prayers to the gods. To these gods I too pour 
out my petitions, that they may save the Athenians, 
who now see their children, their wives, their honor, 
all that they account valuable, exposed to danger. 

What shall we say, ye judges, to those who stand 
waiting the event of this cause, if (which Heaven 
avert !) the craft of this impostor should deceive you ? 
When we depart from this tribunal, with what face 
can each of you enter under his own roof, if you dis- 
miss this traitor, whose roof was polluted by his cor- 
rupt gains ? And, if you pronounce that council void 
of credit and authority, which we have hitherto re- 
garded as highly awful and august, what hopes, my 
countrymen ! (Oh ! consider this) what hopes can we 
conceive, on any perilous emergency, if we teach men 
to despise the danger of receiving bribes against their 
country ? and, if an assembly, the guardians of their 
country on such emergencies, be branded with disgrace ? 

Let us suppose the case that, agreeably to the decree 
of Demosthenes, Alexander should, by his ambassadors, 

1 See note on the oration for the Regulation of the State, 
p. 292. 



AGAINST DEMOSTHENES. 345 

demand the gold which Harpalus brought hither ; that, 
to confirm the sentence of the areopagus, he should 
send back the slaves, and direct us to extort the truth 
from them. What should we then say? Would you, 
Demosthenes, then move for a declaration of war ? 
you, who have so nobly conducted our former wars ? 
And, if such should be the resolution of the assembly, 
which would be the fairer procedure, to take that 
money to ourselves, which you secreted, in order to 
support cur war ; or to load our citizens with taxes, to 
oblige our women to send in their ornaments, to melt 
down our plate, to strip our temples of their offerings, 
as your decree directed ? Though from your houses in 
the Pyreeus, and in the city, you yourself contributed 
just fifty drachma? : and nobly hath your twenty ta- 
lents repaid such bounty ! Or, would you move that 
we should not declare war ; but that Ave should, agree- 
ably to your decree, return the gold conveyed hither 
to Alexander? In this case, the community must pay 
your share. And is this just, is this equal dealing, is 
this constitutional, that our useful citizens should be 
taxed to glut your avarice ? that men of avowed pro- 
perty should contribute, while your property lies con- 
cealed, notwithstanding you have received one hun- 
dred and fifty talents, partly from the king's, partly 
from Alexander's treasure ; all carefully secreted, as 
you justly dread the consequences of your conduct ? 
that our laws should direct that every public speaker, 
every leader of our forces should recommend himself 
to the confidence of the public, by educating children, 
and by possessing land within our territory, nor assume 
the direction of our affairs until he had given these 
pledges of his fidelity ; and that you should sell your 
patrimonial lands, and adopt the children of strangers, 
to elude the force of laws and oaths ? that you should 
impose military service on others, you who basely fled 
from your own post ? 

To what causes, Athenians ! is the prosperity or the 
calamity of a state to be ascribed ? To none so emi- 
nently as to its ministers and generals. Turn your 



346 ORATION OF DINARCHUS 

eyes to the state of Thebes. It subsisted once ; it was 
once great ; it had its soldiers and commanders. There 
was a time (our elder citizens declare it, and on their 
authority I speak), when Pelopidas led the Sacred 
Band ; when Epaminondas and his colleagues com- 
manded the army. Then did the Thebans gain the 
victory at Leuctra ; then did they pierce into the ter- 
ritories of Lacedaemon, before deemed inaccessible ; 
then did they achieve many and noble deeds. The 
Messenians they reinstated in their city, after a disper- 
sion of four hundred years. To the Arcadians they 
gave freedom and independence ; whilst the world 
viewed their illustrious conduct with applause. On 
the other hand, at what time did they act ignobly, un- 
worthy of their native magnanimity ? When Timolaus 
called himself Philip's friend, and was corrupted by 
his gold ; when the traitor Proxenus led the mercenary 
forces collected for the expedition to Amphissa ; when 
Theagenes, wretched and corrupt, like this man, was 
made commander of their band ; then did these three 
men confound and utterly destroy the aiFairs of that 
state, and of all Greece. So indisputably true it is 
that leaders are the great cause of all the good and all 
the evil that can attend a community. We see this in 
the instance of our own state. Reflect, and say at what 
time was this city great and eminent in Greece, worthy 
of our ancestors, and of their illustrious actions ? when 
Conon (as our ancient citizens inform us) gained 
the naval victory at Cnidos ; when Iphicrates cut off 
the detachment of the Lacedaemonians ; when Chabrias 
defeated the Spartan fleet at Naxos ; when Timotheus 
triumphed in the sea-fight near Corcyra. Then, Athe- 
nians ! then it was that the Lacedaemonians, whose 
wise and faithful leaders, 1 whose adherence to their 
ancient institutions had rendered them illustrious, were 
reduced so low, as to appear before us, like abject sup- 

1 The word η'γ€μων seems to have been sometimes used by 
the orator as a general term, signifying not only commanders 
in war, but popular leaders and ministers. 



AGAINST DEMOSTHENES. 347 

plicants, and implore for mercy. Our state, which 
they had subverted, by means of those who then con- 
ducted our affairs, once more became the sovereign of 
Greece ; and no wonder, when the men now men- 
tioned were our generals, and Archinus and Cepha- 
lus our ministers. For what is the great security of 
every state and nation ? Good generals, and able mi- 
nisters. 

Let this be duly and attentively considered, and let 
us no longer suffer by the corrupt and wretched con- 
duct of Demosthenes. Let it not be imagined that we 
shall ever want good men, and faithful counsellors. 
With all the generous severity of our ancestors, let us 
exterminate the man whose bribery, whose treason, 
are evidently detected ; who could not resist the temp- 
tation of gold ; who hath involved his country in ca- 
lamities the most grievous : let us destroy this pest of 
Greece ; let not his contagion infect our city ; then 
may we hope for some change of fortune, then may 
we expect that our affairs will florish. Attend, Athe- 
nians ! while we read the decree proposed by Demo- 
sthenes, this friend to liberty, in the midst of our pub- 
lic disorders, immediately after the engagement at Chse- 
ronea. Hear also the oracle of Dodona, the voice of 
Dodona?an Jove himself (for long since have we been 
warned to guard against leaders and ministers). — First 
read the oracle. 

[The oracle.] 
Now read this fine decree : — 

[Part of the decree.] 

He is a friend to liberty, indeed, who issues out his 
mandate for our citizens to take up arms, himself 
spiritless arnj. dastardly ! who, if displeased at any of 
his countrymen, orders them to the post of toil and la- 
bor; and assumes, in every instance, a despotic power 
of acting as he pleases ! — Now read the rest. 
[The rest of the decree.] 

You hear, ye judges, that the ambassadors are all 
named in the decree. But the instant this man was in- 
formed of the battle of Chseronea, and that Philip was 



348 ORATION OF DINARCHUS 

preparing to invade us, he procured himself to be* no- 
minated an ambassador, that he might fly from the dan- 
ger which threatened us ; and with a shameless insen- 
sibility to the distresses of his country, did he then 
secrete eight talents of the public money, while other 
citizens were freely contributing to the necessities of 
the state from their own fortunes. Such was this 
minister, and such the occasions, the only occasions, 
he ever took of going abroad : the first, immediately 
after the engagement, when he fled from the danger of 
his country : the second, when protected by his office 
of chief inspector of the solemnities, 1 he went to Olym- 
pia, to confer with Nicanor : a man worthy to be in- 
trusted with the interests of his country, worthy to be 
regarded as our great resource in time of danger, 
who, when his fellow-citizens are called forth to meet 
their enemies, flies from his post, and hides himself at 
home ; when the danger is at home, and his aid de- 
manded here, pretends that he is an ambassador, and 
runs from the city ! When there was a real occasion 
for an embassy, to induce Alexander to peace, he re- 
fused to move one step from home ; but when it was 
once reported that this prince was so favorably dis- 
posed towards us as to permit those to return whom 
his power had banished, and that Nicanor 2 had come 
to Olympia, then did he offer his services, as inspector 
of the solemn rites. Such is this man's conduct: if we 
are to take the field, he is confined at home : if this be 
the scene of duty, he is an ambassador ; if really sent 
on an embassy, we find him a fugitive ! 3 

1 ΑρχιθεωρίΜ. The name of their office, who went as depu- 
ties to offer sacrifices, &c. at the most famous temples, or (as in 
the present case) to attend at the public games. The scenes 
of such solemnities were exempt from all hostilities, and the 
persons of the θεωροί, and αρχιθβωροι were sacred and inviola- 
ble. 

2 Nicanor was the agent of Alexander, sent to the public 
games to proclaim his master's kind intentions to the Greeks. 

3 Plutarch informs us (in his life of Demosthenes) that the 
orator was appointed, with some other Athenians, to go on 



AGAINST DEMOSTHENES. 349 

Attend to those decrees of Demosthenes which em- 
power the areopagus to inquire into such corrupt prac- 
tices — when he himself, and when other citizens, were 
accused ; and, by comparing cases so exactly parallel, 
convince yourselves of the infatuation of Demosthe- 
nes. 

[A decree.] 

Did you, Demosthenes, propose this decree ? You 
did : it cannot be denied. Was the report of the areo- 
pagus decisive in this case ? It was. Were the delin- 
quents punished with death ? They were : your decree 
had its due weight : it cannot be denied. Now read 
that decree which Demosthenes preferred against De- 
mosthenes. Attend, ye judges ! — He hath detected, 
he hath informed against Demosthenes — (this is the 
fact, in one word) : and on himself hath he justly pro- 
nounced the sentence of death. And now, when he is 
consigned over to you judges selected from the body 
of our citizens, sworn to obey the laws and resolutions 
of the assembly, how will you proceed ? Will you im- 
piously defy the vengeance of the gods ? Will you vio- 
late all that is accounted just and sacred among men ? 
Ο no, my countrymen ! by no means ! Grievous and 
scandalous would it be, if other citizens, not more un- 
worthy, not more criminal than Demosthenes, should 
be destroyed by his decrees ; whilst he himself, con- 
victed by himself, and by his own decree, should de- 
spise you and your laws, and triumph in his impunity. 
This very council, this place, these laws, this very 
speaker, were the causes of all the severity which hath 
been or may be felt by other delinquents. The same 
speaker hath, in the presence of the popular assembly, 
committed the decision of his own cause to the same 
council. You were witnesses of this, of the compact 

an embassy to Alexander immediately after the destruction 
of Thebes, in order to conclude a treaty with this prince ; and 
that, when he had proceeded so far as to Citheron, he began 
to reflect seriously on the danger of the Macedonian's resent- 
ment, and returned home in a fit of terror. So far his accu- 
ser's allegations are confirmed by history. 



350 ORATION OF DINARCHUS 

which he made with his country. He drew up the decree 
by which he is condemned: he deposited it with the 
mother of the gods, the guardian of all our public acts 
and laws. It would be impious to rescind it ; to in- 
voke the gods as witnesses to the integrity of your 
decisions; and to decide in opposition to those facts 
which the gods have sanctified. Neptune, when con- 
demned by this council, in his contest with Mars, sub- 
mitted to its decision. The tremendous furies, wit- 
nesses of its sentence in the cause of Orestes, of the 
sanctity and integrity of its judgment, have fixed their 
residence in this council. And how will you proceed, 
you who aifect the character of consummate piety ? 
Shall the wicked arts of Demosthenes prevail on you 
to invalidate its authority? No, Athenians! your wis- 
dom cannot suffer it : you are this day to give sentence 
in no ordinary or trivial cause : you are to determine 
the safety of your country : you are to pronounce sen- 
tence on corruption, on those wicked practices which 
involve the world in calamity. If then you now exert 
yourselves to the utmost, exterminate those criminals, 
and correct the shameless eagerness of receiving bribes, 
then (if Heaven so pleases) you shall enjoy prosperity ; 
but if you permit your public speakers to sell you, 
such negligence must prove the ruin of your country. 

In our popular assembly, Demosthenes proposed (as 
a thing indispensably required by the rules of justice) 
that all the treasure brought into Attica by Harpalus 
should be seized and kept for Alexander : but say, 
how shall we keep this treasure, if you secrete your 
twenty talents, if another secures his sum, if Demades 
is to have his ample portion, if the rest are to possess 
their several shares, as specified in the report? Sixty- 
four talents are declared to be the amount of such dis- 
tributions : and which is the nobler and the juster 
procedure, to intrust the whole to the state until the 
people shall have come to some fair determination, or 
to suffer our orators and some generals to divide the 
spoil ? To intrust it to the public must, in my opi- 
nion, be universally acknowleged just and reasonable : 



AGAINST DEMOSTHENES. 351 

that it should be possessed by private persons can 
never be pretended. 

Many, and various, and inconsistent are the allega- 
tions which you shall hear this man urge, ye judges ! 
for he knows that heretofore you have always suffered 
him to amuse you with airy hopes and false represen- 
tations ; nor ever retained the memory of his promises 
longer than whilst he was delivering them. If then 
the state is to be still loaded with the baseness and 
accursed fortune of Demosthenes, I can only say, that 
whatever may be the event, we must submit : but if we 
still retain the due regard to our country, if we still 
retain the just abhorrence of wicked and corrupted 
men, if we would redeem our fortune and form happy 
presages of futurity, we must be deaf to the intreaties 
of this abandoned impostor ; we must not suffer his 
artful tears and insidious supplications to prevail on 
us. Which of you, Ο Athenians ! is so credulous — 
who so inconsiderate, who so inexperienced in all past 
and present affairs, — as to expect that a state reduced 
from such grandeur to its present ignoble condition 
(from what cause or what fortune I shall not say), — a 
state that now finds its distresses aggravated and its dan- 
gers increased, by the corrupt practices of one of its citi- 
zens, loaded with odious imputations, obliged to justify 
his conduct, to obviate the suspicion of having received 
money which some individuals have secreted; — that 
such a state, I say, can still be saved by the services of 
such a man ? Why should I mention the numerous in- 
stances of his false and inconsistent conduct ? how at one 
time he insisted and proposed that no divinity should 
be admitted but such as descended to us from ancient 
tradition, and the next moment declared that the peo- 
ple should not contend with Alexander about his claim 
of divine honors ? how, when he himself was in dan- 
ger of a trial, he impeached Callimedon of conspiring 
with the exiles at Megara to destroy our constitution, 
and then at once withdrew his impeachment ? how, 
in the assembly lately convened, he procured and 
suborned a witness to testify that a design was formed 



352 ORATION OF D1NARCHUS 

against our stores, but never preferred a decree ; only 
alarmed us with these informations just to serve the 
present purpose? — Of all these things you have been 
witnesses. 

He is, indeed, my countrymen, an impostor and a 
profligate : no true Athenian, as all his conduct and 
transactions declare. What ships of war were pro- 
vided for the state in his administration, as in that of 
Eubulus ? What conveniences or buildings for our 
marine ? When did he, by any decree or any law, 
regulate our cavalry ? What force, either by land or 
sea, did he provide, when so many fair occasions offered 
after the fatal engagement at Chseronea? What offer- 
ings did he deposit in our citadel to grace the shrine 
of our patroness ? What edifices hath he erected in 
our port, in our city, or in our territory ? None. 
And shall this man, who in war hath proved a coward, 
in his civil conduct useless, who hath never once 
attempted to oppose or control the traitorous enemies 
of the state, who hath wavered and changed, and de- 
serted the service of the people, — shall this man find 
mercy ? No. If you are wise, if you have a generous 
regard for yourselves and for your country, embrace 
this happy opportunity ; deliver to the hand of justice 
those public speakers whose corruption hath disgraced 
the state, and guard against that danger which ti 
gods by their sacred oracles have frequently denou: od ; 
the danger to be apprehended from leaders and coun- 
sellors. Hear the words of this oracle. — Read. 
[The oracle.] 

But how can we have one mind, how can we all con- 
spire to the general interest, if our ministers and leaders 
are suffered to desert that interest for a bribe ? 1 If 
you and all the people are to see your native soil, 
your religion, your children, your wives, exposed to 

1 It appears plainly that this oracle concluded with recom- 
mending unanimity, so as to form a connexion with this pas- 
sage, in which probably the very words of the oracle are re- 
peated. 



AGAINST DEMOSTHENES. 353 

the danger of utter ruin, while they form their ini- 
quitous schemes in concert, affect to be severe, and to 
inveigh against each other in public ; but in private all 
conspire and concur in one design, that of deceiving 
and abusing your credulity ? What is really the con- 
duct of a minister true to the community, and sincerely 
an enemy to those who act and speak against its inter- 
est ? or, what is said to have been the regular tenor 
of their conduct who lived before your time, Demo- 
sthenes and Polyeuctes, when the state was involved in 
no distress ? Did they not bring criminals to justice ? 
did they not impeach ? did they not prosecute them 
for illegal practices ? Where is the instance in which 
you have imitated this conduct, you who aifect such 
veneration for the people, who tell us that our security 
depends wholly on their determinations ? Did you 
commence any prosecutions against Demades when his 
administration had been so repeatedly and enormously 
illegal ? did you endeavor to control any of those his 
actions, purposely calculated to oppose our interest ? 
No ; not one ! Did you impeach him when his con- 
duct had in many instances violated our decrees and 
laws ? Never ! — no : you suffered his statue to be 
erected in our city ;• you suffered him to obtain the 
honor of public maintenance, as if equal in merit to 
the descendants of Harmodius and Aristogiton. On 
what occasion hath the people ever experienced your 
affections? When have they felt the good effects of 
your force and energy as public speakers ? Is it then 
you boast this energy, when you deceive them, when 
you can gain their attention to your servile flattery ? 
4 No resource can you find abroad : your only refuge 
is in their kindness/ First, you should have approved 
yourselves zealous in opposing those whose counsels 
are repugnant to the people's interest ; then might you 
expect some credit when you declare that your only 
refuge is in the kindness of the people : but your de- 
clarations are false ; you have secured your resources 
abroad by vying with each other in abject flattery of 
those who confessedly devote themselves to the service 

DEM. Ζ 



354 ORATION OF DINARCHUS 

of Alexander ; who confessedly have shared those bribes 
which the council hath thus detected and condemned. 
You, Demosthenes, in particular, have had your inter- 
view with Nicanor in the presence of all Greece : you 
have been at Olympia ; you have consulted the god. 
Thus it is plain that you are in no danger from abroad. 
Yet you represent your condition as truly pitiable, 
traitor and hireling as you are, vainly imagining that 
your wicked artifices shall deceive, and that you shall 
escape the punishment due to your offences : thus have 
you proved more shameless and abandoned than De- 
mades himself. He indeed did not disguise his guilt ; 
he confessed that he had received and would receive 
gold ; but then he did not presume to show his face in 
public ; he did not dare to object to the report of the 
council, though he never moved that the sentence of 
the council should be decisive in his case ; never con- 
demned himself to die, if adjudged guilty of briber; 
by the council. But such was your dependence ο 
your fair speeches, such was your contempt of th 
simplicity of your countrymen, that you thought 
easy to persuade your judges that in your case on! 
the areopagus had reported falsely ; against you alon 
their sentence had been unjust : — but who can admi 
of such a thought ? 

And now, my fellow-citizens, consider how you ar< 
to act. The people have returned to you an informa 
lion of a crime lately committed. Demosthenes standi 
first before you to suffer the punishment denouncei 
against all whom this information condemns. We 
have explained his guilt with an unbiassed attention t( 
the laws : will you then discover a total disregard of 
all these offences ? Will you, when intrusted with so 
important a decision, invalidate the judgment of the 
people, of the areopagus, of all mankind ? Will you 
take on yourselves the guilt of these men ? or, will 
you give the world an example of that detestation in 
which this state holds traitors and hirelings that op- 
pose our interests for a bribe ? This intirely depends 
on you. You, the fifteen hundred chosen judges, have 



AGAINST DEMOSTHENES. 355 

the safety of our country in your hands. This day, 
this sentence you are now to pronounce must establish 
this city in full security, if it be consonant to justice ; 
or must intirely defeat all our hopes, if it gives support 
to such iniquitous practices. Let not the false tears of 
Demosthenes make an impression on your minds, nor 
sacrifice our rights and laws to his supplications. Ne- 
cessity never forced him to receive his share of this 
gold ; he was more than sufficiently enriched by your 
treasure. Necessity hath not forced him now to enter 
on his defence : his crimes are acknowleged ; his sen- 
tence pronounced by himself. The sordid baseness, 
the guilt of all his past life, have at length brought 
down vengeance on his head : let not then his tears 
and lamentations move you. It is your country that 
much more deservedly claims your pity ; your country, 
which his practices have exposed to danger ; your 
country, which now supplicates its sons, presents your 
wives and children before you, beseeching you to save 
them by punishing this traitor : that country, in which 
your ancestors, with a generous zeal, encountered num- 
berless dangers, that they might transmit it free to 
their posterity, in which we find many and noble ex- 
amples of ancient virtue. Here fix your attention. 
Look to your religion, the sacred rites of antiquity, 
the sepulchres of your fathers, and give sentence with 
an unshaken integrity. When Demosthenes attempts 
to deceive and abuse you, with his tears and wailings, 
then turn your eyes to the city, reflect on its former 
glory, and consider whether Demosthenes hath been 
reduced to greater wretchedness by the city, or the 
i'iy by Demosthenes: you will find that he, from the 
time that he was intrusted with our affairs, rose from 
the condition of a writer of speeches, and hired pleader 
for Ctesippus and Phormio, to a state of affluence su- 
perior to all his countrymen : from obscurity, from a 
birth ennobled by no ancestry, he rose to eminence ; 
but that the city hath been reduced to a condition 
utterly unworthy of its ancient illustrious honors. 
Despising then the intreaties, the f?*lse artifices of 



356 ORATION OF DINARCHUS, &C. 

this man, let justice and integrity be your only objects. 
Consider the good of your country, not that of Demo- 
sthenes. This is the part of honest upright judges. 
And should any man rise to plead in favor of Demo- 
sthenes, consider that such a man, if not involved in the 
same guilt, is at least disaffected to the state ; as he 
would screen those from justice who have been bribed 
to betray its interests ; as he would subvert the au- 
thority of the areopagus, on which our lives depend, 
and confound and destroy all our laws and institutions. 
But should any orator or general rise to defend him, 
in hopes to defeat an indictment by which they them- 
selves must be attacked, suffer them not to speak ; 
consider that they have been accomplices in entertain- 
ing and conveying Harpalus away ; consider that these 
men do really speak against their country, and are the 
common enemies of our laws and constitution : silence 
such insidious advocates. If the facts alleged be false, 
let that be proved : and especially let your indignation 
fall on him who foolishly relies on his power of speak- 
ing ; who, when evidently convicted of receiving bribes, 
adds to his guilt by attempting to practise his artifice 
on you. Inflict that punishment on him which the 
honor of your country and your own honor demands : 
else, by one vote, by one sentence, will you bring 
down all their guilt who have or may be convicted of 
corruption on yourselves and on the people ; and you 
yourselves will condemn that ill-judged lenity which 
"now suifers them to escape, when it is no longer in 
your power to prevent the fatal consequences. 

Thus have I endeavored to discharge my part of this 
prosecution. I have assisted without regard to any 
consideration but that of justice and the interest of the 
state. I have not deserted the cause of my country, 
nor sacrificed the trust reposed in me by the people to 
private favor. I but request that your sentence may 
be directed by the same principles. And now let those 
speak who are to succeed me in this prosecution. 



APPENDIX TO THE NOTES ON THE 
PHILIPPIC ORATIONS. 



The Conclusion to the Philippic Orations contains a brief ac- 
count of the overthrow of Grecian liberty by the arms of Ma- 
cedon. The addition of the oration of Dinarchus to the pre- 
sent collection affords an occasion of deducing the history of 
our orator himself, from his public administration, down to 
the fatal period of his life. A short time before he had been 
loaded with the imputation of having suffered himself to be 
corrupted by Harpalus he had a fair occasion, of explaining 
the general tenor of his public conduct ; and on this occasion 
(I mean his contest with iEschines about the Crown) the 
people gave a full and ample testimony to the wisdom and in- 
tegrity of his counsels, to his patriotic zeal and indefatigable 
ardor in the service of his country. 

Yet his character, great and splendid as it certainly was, 
had yet one fault, which obscured and disgraced its lustre — 
that of too passionate a regard for money : and the indelicate 
means to which he descended of acquiring riches diverted 
the attention of severe observers from the noble purposes 
to which he applied them. Faction must have contributed 
to increase the clamor which the suspicion of his avarice 
excited ; and both might have conspired to give credit to 
the late accusation of his enemies. The testimony of Pau- 
sanias (as mentioned in the introduction to the oration of Di- 
narchus) affords a very strong presumption of his innocence' 
in this case. His own steady appeal to the justice of his 
country ; his forwardness in promoting an inquiry into the 
private practices of Harpalus, and the zeal which he ex- 
pressed for detecting those who had been really guilty of re- 
ceiving his money, seem to be no indications of his own guilt ; 
unless it be supposed that he had arrived to a pitch of con- 
summate hypocrisy, and even of folly. The sentence of the 
areopagus, indeed, condemned him ; but this sentence would 
have more weight had we any authentic evidence that, amidst 
all the corruption and degeneracy of Athens, this council still 
maintained its purity and integrity. A private man (as Di- 
narchus himself declares) found means to corrupt one areo- 
pagite- The Macedonian faction might, with equal ease, have 
corrupted the whole council ; and although the authority of 



358 APPENDIX TO THE NOTES 

this council afforded a plausible and popular argument to our 
orator's accusers, yet the people did not always pay an im- 
plicit deference to their authority. The other persons who 
were on this occasion pronounced guilty by the areopagus, 
were, when brought to trial, acquitted by their judges, though 
Demosthenes was condemned, in the first heat and violence 
of the public resentment. 

In consequence of his condemnation he was committed to 
prison until he should pay the fine of fifty talents imposed on 
him. The disgrace of his sentence operated powerfully on 
his bodily frame ; he grew impatient and unable to endure the 
rigor of confinement, and, by the connivance of his keepers, 
found means to escape, and to fly from the city. He chose 
Troezene for his residence, where he lived for some time in a 
gloomy and dejected state of exile ; frequently turning his 
face towards Attica, (says Plutarch,) and bursting into tears, 
and constantly warning the youth who visited him not to 
meddle in political affairs. 

Whilst Demosthenes continued in this melancholy state 
the Greeks, impatient of subjection, and still possessed with 
hopes of recovering their ancient glory, took the advantage of 
Alexander's absence, and began to concert measures for re- 
ducing the Macedonian power, and recovering their own inde- 
pendence. The satraps of Asia encouraged them in these 
dispositions ; and Leosthenes, an Athenian of eminence, was 
soon made commander of a large body of forces that had been 
dismissed from the service of the Macedonians, and was sup- 
plied by his country with all necessaries for the vigorous pro- 
secution of war. In the midst of these preparations advice 
was received of Alexander's death, which increased the hopes 
and animated the efforts of the Greeks. The Athenians, in 
particular, despatched their ambassadors to the several states, 
to urge them to embrace this happy opportunity, and to take 
up arms for the recovery of their liberty. The states paid 
the utmost attention to these remonstrances, collected their 
forces, marched under the command of Leosthenes, gained 
some advantages over the Macedonians, pressed forward into 
Thessaly, defeated Antipater the governor of Macedon, and 
blocked him up in Lamia, where their general Leosthenes 
was unfortunately slain, as he was visiting the works, and 
directing the siege with the fairest prospect of success. 

During these commotions in Greece Demosthenes, though 
an exile, could not remain an unconcerned spectator. A zeal 
for opposing the progress of the Macedonian power had ever 
been his strongest passion. He still retained the same vio- 
lent impressions, and, transported to find his countrymen now 
full of that spirit, which his life had been spent in raising, 
he attended the Athenian deputies from city to city, assist- 



ON THE PHILIPPIC ORATIONS. 359 

ing and supporting their remonstrances. He was strenuously 
opposed by Pytheas, an Athenian, who had revolted to Anti- 
pater. These two partisans happened to meet in Arcadia, 
where the heat of their opposition was inflamed to a consi- 
derable degree of passion and animosity. f Whenever/ said 
Pytheas, ' we see asses' milk brought into a family, we 
conclude that it is distempered ; just so, when Athenian am- 
bassadors are introduced into any city, we may presume that 
it labors under disorders.' ' True,' replied Demosthenes, * and 
as asses' milk is ever brought into a family to restore its 
health, so the Athenians never send ambassadors to any city 
but to pat an end to the disorders which oppress it.' 

The liveliness of this answer had more effect than all the 
pathetic remonstrances and entreaties of Demosthenes. It 
delighted the imaginations and flattered the vanity of his coun- 
trymen. We may well suppose that their condemnation had 
been violent and precipitate when so slight an incident was 
sufficient to reconcile him to their favor. He was instantly 
recalled ; a ship was despatched to convey him home ; and no 
sooner did he land at the Piraeus than he found himself sur- 
rounded by the whole body of his fellow-citizens, and con- 
gratulated by their united acclamations. 

The fine formerly imposed on him could not indeed be 
remitted. But an expedient was found to elude the law. It 
had been usual to assign a sum of money to the person who 
was intrusted to provide for the celebration of a festival in 
honor of Jupiter the Saver. To this office Demosthenes was 
appointed, and for the performance of it the people assigned 
him fifty talents, the sum in which he had been condemned. 

But Demosthenes did not long enjoy his present triumph. 
A considerable reinforcement which Antipater received from 
Asia enabled him to prosecute the war with new vigor against 
the confederated Greeks, whom he defeated at Cranon in 
Thessaly. Each state was now forced, by a prompt submis- 
sion, to recommend themselves to the mercy of the conqueror. 
The severest terms were imposed on the Athenians. Their 
form of government was changed to an oligarchy ; they were 
obliged to receive a Macedonian garrison ; and Antipater de- 
manded that ten of their public speakers (in which number 
Demosthenes was included) should be given up to his ven- 
geance. Alexander had made the like demand, and the Athe- 
nians bravely refused to comply. But now Demosthenes 
found them by no means inclined to protect him. He there- 
fore fled from the city ; and his fickle countrymen, with a 
shameful servile adulation to the conqueror, condemned him 
to death. He gained Calauria, an obscure island, and there 
took sanctuary in a temple of Neptune. But he was quickly 
pursued to the place of his retirement by Archias, one of the 



360 APPENDIX TO THE NOTES, &C. 

principal instruments of Antipater'si revenge, attended by a 
party of soldiers. This Archias, who had formerly been a 
tragedian, appeared before Demosthenes, affected to commise- 
rate his condition, and gave him hopes of pardon and security. 
To this he replied, with a cold contempt : ' You never could 
aifect me on the stage, nor can your promises make the least 
impression. ' When Archias began to speak in more peremp- 
tory and menacing terms, ' Now/ said Demosthenes, ' you 
pronounce the very dictates of the Macedonian oracle ; be- 
fore, you but acted a part. I desire but a moment's respite, 
that I may send some directions to my family.' He then re- 
tired, and seemed employed in writing for a while. Archias 
and his soldiers drew near, and found him with his head 
bowed down and covered. They imputed his behavior to 
timidity and unmanly terror, and pressed him to rise. The 
great Athenian had now completely executed his fatal pur- 
pose ; and perceiving that the poison he had taken by this 
time had seized his vitals, he uncovered his head, and fixing 
his eyes on Archias, ' Now,' said he, ' you need not scruple 
to act the part of Creon in the tragedy, and cast out this corpse 
unburied.' (Alluding to a speech in the Antigone of Sopho- 
cles, in which Creon orders that the body of Polynices should 
be exposed to dogs and birds of prey.) ' Ο gracious Nep- 
tune!' continued Demosthenes, ' I will not defile thy tem- 
ple : while I yet live I retire from this holy place, which An- 
tipater and the Macedonians have not left unpolluted.' He 
then rose, and desired to be supported ; but, as he passed by 
the altar, in a feeble and trembling pace, he sunk down and 
expired with a groan. 

Thus died Demosthenes, at the age of sixty years. His 
countrymen, ever wavering and inconsistent in their conduct, 
regretted the death of that man, whom they had basely given 
up to destruction ; and, by the honors which they paid to his 
memory, seemed desirous to efface the stain of their ingrati- 
tude. 

Among other honors paid to their illustrious citizen, his 
statue was erected in the city with an inscription on its base 
to the following purport : 

If, with a sage and martial soul inspired, 
Thine arm had conquered, as thy counsels fired, 
Greece then had braved the Macedonian sword, 
Nor bow'd submissive to her conqu'ring lord. 
An inscription which possibly may, without presumption, 
be pronounced defective in point of delicacy, as it professes 
to do honor to Demosthenes, but at the same time keeps in 
full view the great and notoriously exceptionable part of his 
character. 



THE ORATIONS 



^SCHINES AND DEMOSTHENES 



ON THE CROWN. 



ORATION OF .ESCHINES AGAINST 
CTESIPHON. 



INTRODUCTION. 

Through the whole progress of that important contest which 
Athens maintained against the Macedonians Demosthenes 
and iEschines had ever been distinguished by their weight 
and influence in the assemblies of their state. They had 
adopted different systems of ministerial conduct, and stood at 
the head of two opposite parties, each so powerful as to pre- 
vail by turns, and to defeat the schemes of their antagonist. 
The leaders had on several occasions avowed their mutual 
opposition and animosity. Demosthenes, in particular, had 
brought an impeachment against his rival, and obliged him 
to enter into a formal defence of his conduct during an em- 
bassy at the court of Macedon. His resentment was con- 
firmed by this desperate attack ; and his success in bearing 
up against it encouraged him to watch some favorable oppor- 
tunity for retorting on his accuser. 

The defeat at Chaeronea afforded this opportunity. The 
people in general were, indeed, too equitable to withdraw 
their confidence from Demosthenes, although his measures 
had been unsuccessful. But faction, which judges, or affects 
to judge merely by events, was violent and clamorous. The 
minister was reviled, his conduct severely scrutinised, his 
errors aggravated, his policy condemned, and he himself 
threatened with inquiries, trials, and impeachments. The 
zeal of his partisans, on the other hand, was roused by this 
opposition, and they deemed it expedient to procure some 
public solemn declaration in favor of Demosthenes, as the 
most effectual means to silence his accusers. 

It was usual with the Athenians, and indeed with all the 
Greeks, when they would express their sense of extraordi- 
nary merit, to crown the person so distinguished with a 
chaplet of olive interwoven with gold. The ceremony was 
performed in some populous assembly, convened either for 
business or entertainment ; and proclamation was made in due 



364 INTRODUCTION. 

form of the honor thus conferred, and the services for which 
it was bestowed. 

To procure such an honor for Demosthenes, at this parti- 
cular juncture, was thought the most effectual means to con- 
found the clamor of his enemies. He had lately been in- 
trusted with the repair of the fortifications of Athens, in 
which he expended a considerable sum of his own, over and 
above the public appointment, and thus enlarged the work 
beyond the letter of his instructions. It was therefore 
agreed that Ctesiphon, one of his zealous friends, should take 
this occasion of moving the senate to prepare a decree (to be 
ratified by the popular assembly) reciting this particular ser- 
vice of Demosthenes, representing him as a citizen of distin- 
guished merit, and ordaining that a golden crown (as it was 
called) should be conferred on him. To give this transaction 
the greater solemnity, it was moved that the ceremony should 
be performed in the theatre of Bacchus during the festival 
held in honor of that god, when not only the Athenians, but 
other Greeks from all parts of the nation were assembled to 
see the tragedies exhibited in that festival. 

The senate agreed to the resolution. But, before it could 
be referred to the popular assembly for their confirmation 
^Eschines, who had examined the whole transaction with all 
the severity that hatred and jealousy could inspire, pro- 
nounced it irregular and illegal both in form and matter, 
and without delay assumed the common privilege of an 
Athenian citizen to commence a suit against Ctesiphon as 
the first mover of a decree repugnant to the laws, a crime of a 
very heinous nature in the Athenian polity. 

The articles on which he founds his accusation are reduced 
to these three : 

i. Whereas every citizen who has borne any magistracy is 
obliged by law to lay a full account of his administration 
before the proper officers, and that it is expressly enacted 
that no man shall be capable of receiving any public honors 
till this his account has been duly examined and approved ; 
Ctesiphon has yet moved that Demosthenes should receive 
a crown previously to the examination of his conduct in the 
office conferred on him, and before the passing of his ac- 
counts. 

ii. Whereas it is ordained that all crowns conferred by the 
community of citizens shall be presented and proclaimed in 
their assembly, and in no other place whatsoever ; Ctesi- 
phon hath yet proposed that the crown should be presented 
and proclaimed in the theatre. 

in. Whereas the laws pronounce it highly penal for any 
man to insert a falsehood in any motion or decree ; Ctesi- 
phon hath yet expressly declared, as the foundation of this 



INTRODUCTION. 365 

his decree, that the conduct of Demosthenes hath been ever 
excellent, honorable, and highly serviceable to the state ; a 
point directly opposite to the truth. 

The two former of these articles he endeavors to establish 
by an appeal to the laws and ordinances of Athens. Here he 
was obliged to be critical and copious, which may render the 
first parts of his pleading not so agreeable to an English 
reader as that in which he enters into the public trans- 
actions of his country and the ministerial conduct of his ad- 
versary. 

The prosecution was commenced in the year of the fatal 
battle of Chaeronea. But the final decision of the cause had 
been suspended about eight years ; and this interval was full 
of great events, to which each of the speakers frequently 
alluded. 

It was the first care of Alexander on his accession to the 
throne to undeceive those among the Greeks who, like De- 
mosthenes, had affected to despise his youth. He instantly 
marched into Peloponnesus, and demanded the people of 
that country to accept him as commander of their forces 
against Persia. The Spartans alone sullenly refused. The 
Athenians on their part were intimidated, and yielded to his 
demand with greater expressions of reverence and submis- 
sion than they had ever paid to his father. He returned to 
Macedon to hasten his preparations, where he found it neces- 
sary to march against his barbarous neighbors, who were me- 
ditating a descent on his kingdom. His conflicts with these 
people occasioned a report to be spread through Greece that 
the young king had fallen in battle. The Macedonian faction 
were alarmed : their opposers industriously propagated the 
report, and excited the Greeks to seize this opportunity to 
rise up against a power which had reduced them to a state of 
ignominious subjection. The Thebans unhappily yielded to 
such instances, took arms, and slaughtered the Macedonian 
garrison that had been stationed in their citadel. 

But this insolence and cruelty did not long remain un- 
punished. Alexander suddenly appeared before their gates 
at the head of his army, and in a few days became master of 
their city, where he executed his vengeance with fire and 
sword. The miserable state of desolation and captivity to 
which the Thebans were thus reduced is attributed in the 
folio wing oration to the pernicious counsels and machinations 
of Demosthenes, and displayed in the most lively and pathe- 
tic terms. 

Λ or did this extraordinary instance of rigor fail of its in- 
tended effect. The Greeks were astonished and confounded. 
The Athenians thought it expedient to send a deputation of 
their citizens to congratulate the king of Macedon on his late 



366 INTRODUCTION. 

successes. Demosthenes was one of the persons chosen to 
execute this commission ; but, conscious of the resentment 
which his well-known zeal against the Macedonian interest 
must have merited from Alexander, he deserted the other 
deputies while they were on their journey, and returned pre- 
cipitately to Athens. Nor, indeed, were his apprehen- 
sions groundless ; for, although the address was graciously 
received, yet the king took this occasion of complaining, in 
a manner which marked his superiority, of those factious 
leaders among the Athenians, to whom he affected to impute 
all the calamities of Greece, from the battle of Chasronea to 
the destruction of Thebes. He demanded that several of the 
public speakers, and Demosthenes among the rest, should be 
delivered up to the power of the amphictyonic council, there 
to abide their trial, and to meet the punishment due to their 
offences. This was in effect to demand that they should be 
delivered into his own hands. The Athenians were in the 
utmost consternation, but found means to deprecate his re- 
sentment, and prevail on him to be satisfied with the banish- 
ment of Charidemus, one of his most distinguished opposers ; 
who accordingly repaired to the court of Darius, where his 
sage counsel, that the Persian should avoid an engagement 
with Alexander, provoked the haughty and capricious tyrant 
to put him to death. 

During Alexander's famous expedition into Asia, and the 
progress of his stupendous victories, Greece enjoyed a sort 
of calm, and the Athenians found leisure to decide the con- 
test between their rival statesmen. The parties now ap- 
peared before a number of judges, probably not less than five 
hundred, and these chosen from the citizens at large, men of 
lively and warm imaginations, and of all others most suscep- 
tible of the impressions made by the force and artifice of po- 
pular eloquence. The partisans of each side crowded round 
to assist and support their friend ; and the tribunal was sur- 
rounded, not only by the citizens of Athens, but by vast 
numbers from all parts of Greece, curious to hear two so cele- 
brated speakers on a subject so engaging as the late national 
transactions, and to be witnesses of the decision of a cause 
which had been for some years the object of general atten- 
tion and expectation. 



THE ORATION OF JESCHINES AGAINST 
CTESIPHON. 



You see, Athenians ! what forces are prepared, what 
numbers formed and arrayed, what soliciting through 
the assembly, by a certain party ; — and all this to op- 
pose the fair and ordinary course of justice in the 
state. As to me, I stand here in firm reliance, first on 
the immortal gods, next on the laws and you, con- 
vinced that faction never can have greater weight with 
you than law and justice. 

It were to be wished, indeed, that the presidents of 
our senate, and of our popular assembly, would at- 
tend with due care to the order of their debates ; that 
the laws ordained by Solon to secure the decency of 
public speaking might still preserve their force ; that 
so our elder citizens might first arise in due and decent 
form (as these laws direct), without tumult or confu- 
sion, and each declare in order the salutary counsels 
of his sage experience ; that, after these, our other 
citizens who chose to speak, might severally, and in 
order, according to their ages, propose their senti- 
ments on every subject. Thus, in my opinion, would 
the course of government be more exactly regulated, 
and thus would our assemblies be less frequently en- 
gaged in trials. But now, when these institutions, so 
confessedly excellent, have lost their force ; when men 
propose illegal resolutions without reserve or scruple ; 
when others are found to put them to the vote, not re- 
gularly chosen to preside in our assemblies, but men 
who have raised themselves to this dignity by intrigue ; 
when if any of the other senators on whom the lot of 
presidency hath fairly fallen should discharge his 
office faithfully, and report your voices truly, there 



368 ORATION OF ^SCHINES 

are men who threaten to impeach him, men who invade 
our rights, and regard the administration as their pri- 
vate property ; who have secured their vassals, and 
raised themselves to sovereignty ; who have suppressed 
such judicial procedures as are founded on established 
laws, and in the decision of those appointed by tempo- 
rary decrees consult their passions ; now, I say, that 
most sage and virtuous proclamation is no longer 
heard, ' Who is disposed to speak of those above fifty 
years old V and then, ' Who of the other citizens in 
their turns V Nor is the indecent license of our 
speakers any longer restrained by our laws, by our 
magistrates; 1 no, nor by the presiding tribe which 
contains a full tenth part of the community. 

If such be our situation, such the present circum- 
stances of the state, and of this you seem convinced, 
one part alone of our polity remains (as far as I may 
presume to judge) — prosecutions 2 of those who violate 
the laws. Should you suppress these — should you 
permit them to be suppressed — I freely pronounce 
your fate ; that your government must be gradually 
and imperceptibly given up to the power of a few. 
You are not to be informed, Athenians, that there are 
three different modes of government established in the 
world ; the monarchical, the government of the few, 



1 By our magistrates.] In the original, ' by the prytanes, 
nor by the proedri ;' of which officers some account has been 
already given in the introduction to the first Philippic Ora- 
tion translated. 

2 Prosecutions, &c] These any citizen might commence 
against the author of any decree or public resolution, which 
he deemed of pernicious tendency, or repugnant to the es- 
tablished laws. The mover of any new law was also liable to 
the like prosecution : and this was necessary in a constitu- 
tion like that of Athens, where all the decisions were made in 
large and tumultuous assemblies. Here a few leaders might 
easily gain an absolute authority, and prevail on the giddy 
multitude to consent to any proposition whatever (if en- 
forced by plausible arguments), unless they were restrained 
by the fear of being called to account for the motions they 
had made, and the resolutions passed at their instances. 



AGAINST CTESIPHON. 369 

and the free republic. In the two former the adminis- 
tration is directed by the pleasure of the ruling powers ; 
in free states it is regulated by established laws. It is 
then a truth, of which none shall be ignorant, which 
every man should impress deeply on his mind, that 
when he enters the tribunal to decide a case of viola- 
tion of the laws, he thai day gives sentence on his own 
liberties. Wisely therefore hath our legislator pre- 
scribed this as the first clause in the oath of every 
judge ; ' I will give my voice agreeably to the laws ;' 
well knowing that when the laws are preserved sacred 
in every state the freedom of their constitution is 
most effectually secured. Let these things be ever 
kept in memory, that your indignation may be kindled 
against all those whose decrees have been illegal. Let 
not any of their offences be deemed of little moment, 
but all of the greatest importance : nor suffer your 
rights to be wrested from you by any power ; neither 
by the combinations of your generals, who, by con- 
spiring with our public speakers, have frequently in- 
volved the state in danger ; nor by the solicitations of 
foreigners, who have been brought up to screen some 
men from justice, whose administration hath been no- 
toriously illegal. But as each man l among you would 
be ashamed to desert from his post in battle, so think 
it shameful to abandon the post this day assigned to 
you by the laws, that of guardians of the constitution. 

Let it also be remembered that the whole body of 
our citizens hath now committed their state, their li- 
berties, into your hands. Some of them are present 
waiting the event of this trial : others are called away 
to attend on their private affairs. Show the due reve- 
rence to these ; remember your oaths and your laws ; 
and if we convict Ctesiphon of having proposed de- 



1 As each man, &c] To perceive the whole force and arti- 
fice of this similitude, the reader is to recollect, that at the 
battle of Chaeronea Demosthenes betrayed the utmost weak- 
ness and cowardice, a matter of great triumph to his enemies, 
and a constant subject of their ridicule. 

DEM. 2 A 



370 ORATION OF ^ESCHINES 

crees illegal, false, and detrimental to the state, reverse 
these illegal decrees, assert the freedom of your con- 
stitution, and punish those who have administered 
your affairs in opposition to your laws, in contempt of 
your constitution, and in total disregard of your inter- 
est. If, with these sentiments impressed on your 
minds, you attend to what is now to be proposed, you 
must, I am convinced, proceed to a decision just and 
religious, a decision of the utmost advantage to your- 
selves and to the state. 

As to the general nature of this prosecution, thus 
far have I premised, and I trust without offence. Let 
me now request your attention to a few words about 
the laws relative to persons accountable to the public, 
which have been violated by the decree proposed by 
Ctesiphon. 

In former times there were found magistrates of the 
most distinguished rank, and intrusted with the ma- 
nagement of our revenues, who in their several stations 
were guilty of the basest corruption, but who, by 
forming an interest with the speakers in the senate 
and in the popular assembly, anticipated their accounts 
by public honors and declarations of applause. Thus 
when their conduct came to a formal examination, 
their accusers were involved in great perplexity ; 
their judges in still greater : for many of the persons 
thus subject to examination, though convicted on the 
clearest evidence of having defrauded the public, were 
yet suffered to escape from justice ; and no won- 
der. The judges were ashamed that the same man, in 
the same city, possibly in the same year, should be 
publicly honored in our festivals, that proclamation 
should be made, ' that the people had conferred a 
golden crown on him, on account of his integrity and 
virtue ;' that the same man, I say, in a short time 
after, when his conduct had been brought to an exami- 
nation, should depart from the tribunal condemned of 
fraud. In their sentence, therefore, the judges were 
necessarily obliged to attend, not to the nature of those 
offences, but to the reputation of the state. 



AGAINST CTESIPHON. 371 

Some of our magistrates ' observing this, framed a 
law (and its excellence is undeniable) expressly for- 
bidding any man to be honored with a crown whose con- 
duct had not yet been submitted to the legal examina- 
tion. But, notwithstanding all the precaution of the 
framers of this law, pretences were still found of force 
sufficient to defeat its intention. Of these you are to 
be informed, lest you should be unwarily betrayed 
into error. Some of those who in defiance of the laws 
have moved that men who yet stood accountable for 
their conduct should be crowned, are still influenced 
by some degree of decency (if this can with pro- 
priety be said of men who propose resolutions directly 
subversive of the laws) : they still seek to cast a kind 
of veil on their shame. Hence are they sometimes 
careful to express their resolutions in this manner, 
' that the man whose conduct is not yet submitted to 
examination shall be honored with a crown when his 
accounts have first been examined and approved/ 
But this is no less injurious to the state ; for by these 
crowns and public honors is his conduct prejudged, 
and his examination anticipated ; while the author of 
such resolutions demonstrates to his hearers that his 
proposal is a violation of the laws, and that he is 
ashamed of his offence. But Ctesiphon, my country- 
men, hath at once broken through the laws relative to 
the examination of our magistrates : he hath scorned to 
recur to that subterfuge now explained : he hath moved 
you to confer a crown on Demosthenes previously to 
any examination of his conduct ; at the very time while 
he was yet employed in the discharge of his magistracy. 

But there is another evasion of a different kind, to 
which they are to recur. These offices, say they, to 
which a citizen is elected by an occasional decree, are 
by no means to be accounted magistracies, but com- 

1 In the original, νομοθέτης ris: i. e. one of those who were 
appointed to revise the laws, and to propose the amendment 
or abrogation of such as were found inconvenient, as well as 
such new laws as the public interest seemed to demand. — See 
note 1 p. 64. 



372 ORATION OF /ESCHINES 

missions or agencies. Those alone are magistrates 
whom the proper officers * appoint by lot in, the temple 
of Theseus, or the people elect by suffrage in their 
ordinary assemblies ; such as generals of the army, 
commanders of the cavalry, and such like ; all others 
are but commissioners, who are but to execute a parti- 
cular decree. To this their plea I shall oppose your 
own law, a law enacted from a firm conviction that it 
must at once put an end to all such evasions. In this 
it is expressly declared, that all offices whatever, ap- 
pointed by the voices of the people, shall be accounted 
magistracies. In one general term the author of this 
law hath included all. All hath he declared ' magis- 
trates, whom the votes of the assembly have ap- 
pointed :' and particularly ' the inspectors of public 
works/ — Now Demosthenes inspected the repair of 
our walls, the most important of public works. — 
' Those who have been intrusted with any public 
money for more than thirty days. Those who are in- 
titled to preside in a tribunal/ 2 — But the inspectors of 
works are intitled to this privilege. What then doth 



1 The proper officers.] In the original, the thesmothetas ; 
i. e. the six inferior archons, who were called by this general 
name, while each of the three first had his peculiar title. 

2 There was scarcely any Athenian at all employed in pub- 
lic business but had some sort of jurisdiction annexed to his 
office. Inferior suits and controversies were thus multiplied, 
and found perpetual employment for this lively, meddling 
people ; who were trained from their youth, and constantly 
exercised in the arts of managing and conducting suits at law. 
This was their favorite employment, and became the charac- 
teristic mark of an Athenian. ' I saw,' says Lucian, (in Icaro- 
Menip.) ' the Egyptian tilling his ground, the Phoenician at 
his traffic, the Cilician robbing, the Spartan under the lash, 
and the Athenian at his law-suit.' — And this suggests the 
real value of that compliment which Virgil is supposed to 
pay this people, in that well-known passage, * Orabunt cau- 
sae melius,' &c. Critics have discovered in it dishonesty, af- 
fected contempt of eloquence, invidious detraction from the merit 
of Cicero, &c. And yet it seems to amount to no more than 
an acknowlegement of their superior skill, in legal forms and 
pleadings, and the arts of litigation. 



AGAINST CTESIPHON. 373 

the law direct ? That all such should assume, not their 
'commission/ but their 'magistracy/ having first been 
judicially approved (for even the magistrates appointed 
by lot are not exempted from this previous inquiry, 
but must be first approved before they assume their 
office). These are also directed by the law to submit 
the accounts of their administration to the legal officers, 
as well as every other magistrate. And for the truth 
of what I now advance, to the laws themselves do I 
appeal. — Read. 

[The laws.] 

Here then you find that what these men call com- 
missions or agencies are declared to be magistracies. 
It is your part to bear this in memory ; to oppose the 
law to their presumption ; to convince them that you 
are not to be influenced by the wretched sophistical 
artifice that would defeat the force of laws by words ; 
and that the greater their address in defending their 
illegal proceedings, the more severely must they feel 
your resentment : for the public speaker should ever 
use the same language with the law. Should he at 
any time speak in one language, and the law pronounce 
another, to the just authority of law should you grant 
your voices, not to the shameless presumption of the 
speaker. 

To that argument, on which Demosthenes relies as 
utterly unanswerable, I would now briefly speak. This 
man will say, ' I am director of the fortifications. I 
confess it ; but I have expended of my own money, 
for the public service, an additional sum of one hun- 
dred mina?, and enlarged the work beyond my instruc- 
tions ; for what then am I to account ? — unless a man 
is to be made accountable for his own beneficence/ 
To this evasion you shall hear a just and good reply. 
In this city, of so ancient an establishment and a cir- 
cuit so extensive, there is not a man exempted from 
account who has the smallest part in the affairs of state. 
This I shall show, first, in instances scarcely credible : 
thus, the priests and priestesses are by the laws obliged 
to account for the discharge of their office ; all in 



374 ORATION OF /ESCHINES 

general, and each in particular ; although they have 
received no more than an honorary pension, and have 
had no other duty hut of offering up their prayers for 
us to the gods. And this is not the case of single 
persons only, but of whole tribes, as the Eumolpida?, 1 
the Ceryces, and all the others. Again, the trierarchs 2 
are by the law made accountable for their conduct ; 
although no public money hath been committed to their 
charge ; although they have not embezzled large por- 
tions of their revenue, and accounted but for a small 
part ; although they have not affected to confer boun- 
ties on you, while they really but restored your own 
property : no ; they confessedly expended their paternal 
fortunes to approve their zealous affection for your 
service ; and not our trierarchs alone, but the greatest 
assemblies in the state are bound to submit to the 
sentence of our tribunals. First, the law directs that 
the council of the areopagus shall stand accountable 
to the proper officers, and submit their august trans- 
actions to a legal examination: thus our greatest ju- 
dicial body stands in perpetual dependence on your 
decisions. Shall the members of this council then be 
precluded from the honor of a crown ? Such has been 
the ordinance from times the most remote. And have 
they no regard to public honor ? So scrupulous is 
their regard, that it is not deemed sufficient that their 
conduct should not be notoriously criminal, their least 
irregularity is severely punished ; a discipline too ri- 
gorous for our delicate orators. Again, our lawgiver 
directs that the senate of five hundred shall be bound 
to account for their conduct ; and so great diffidence 
doth he express of those who have not yet rendered 
such account, that in the very beginning of the law it 
is ordained, ' that no magistrate who hath not yet 
passed through the ordinary examination shall be per- 



1 Eumolpidae, &c] Families so called from their founders 
Eumolpus and Ceryx, who had an hereditary right of priest- 
hood. 

2 The trierarchs.] See note 2 p. 41. 



AGAINST CTESIPHON. 375 

mitted to go abroad/ But here a man may exclaim, 
1 What ! in the name of Heaven am I, because I have 
been in office, to be confined to the city?' — Yes, and 
with good reason ; lest, when you have secreted the 
public money, and betrayed your trust, you might 
enjoy your perfidy by flight. Again, the laws forbid 
the man who hath not yet accounted to the state to 
dedicate any part of his effects to religious purposes, 
to deposit any offering in a temple, to accept of an 
adoption into any family, to make any alienation of 
his property ; and to many other instances is the pro- 
hibition extended. In one word, our lawgiver hath 
provided that the fortunes of such persons shall be 
secured as a pledge to the community until their ac- 
counts are fairly examined and approved. Nay, far- 
ther, suppose there be a man who hath neither received 
nor expended any part of the public money, but hath 
only been concerned in some affairs relative to the 
state, even such a one is bound to submit his accounts 
to the proper officers. 6 But how can the man who 
hath neither received nor expended pass such ac- 
counts V The law hath obviated this difficulty, and 
expressly prescribed the form of his accounts. It 
directs that it shall consist of this declaration : ' I have 
not received, neither have I disposed of any public 
money/ To confirm the truth of this hear the laws 
themselves. 

[The laws.] 
When Demosthenes therefore shall exult in his eva- 
sion, and insist that he is not to be accountable for the 
additional sum which he bestowed freely on the state, 
press him with this reply : ' It was then your duty, 
Demosthenes, to have permitted the usual and legal 
proclamation to be made : Who is disposed to prose- 
cute ? and to have given an opportunity to every citi- 
zen that pleased to have urged on his part that you 
bestowed no such additional sum ; but that, on the 
contrary, having been intrusted with ten talents for the 
repair of our fortifications, you really expended but a 
small part of this great sum. Do not assume an honor 



376 ORATION OF ^SCHINES 

to which you have no pretensions : do not wrest their 
-suffrages from your judges : do not act in presumptu- 
ous contempt of the laws, but with due submission 
yield to their guidance. Such is the conduct that 
must secure the freedom of our constitution/ 

As to the evasions on which these men rely, I trust 
that I have spoken sufficiently. That Demosthenes 
really stood accountable to the state at the time when 
this man proposed his decree ; that he was really a 
magistrate, as manager of the theatrical funds ; a ma- 
gistrate, as inspector of the fortifications ; that his 
conduct in either of these offices had not been exam- 
ined, had not obtained the legal approbation, I shall 
now endeavor to demonstrate from the public records. 
Read in whose archonship, in what month, on what 
day, in what assembly, Demosthenes was chosen into 
the office of manager of the theatrical funds. So shall 
it appear that, during the execution of this office, the 
decree was made which conferred this crown on him. 
— Read. 

[The computation of the times.] 

If then I should here rest my cause without pro- 
ceeding farther, Ctesiphon must stand convicted ; con- 
victed, not by the arguments of his accuser, but by the 
public records. In former times, Athenians ! it was 
the custom that the state should elect a comptroller, 
who in every presidency of each tribe was to return to 
the people an exact state of the finances. But by the 
implicit confidence which you reposed in Eubulus, the 
men who were chosen to the management of the thea- 
trical money executed this office of comptroller (I 
mean before the law of Hegemon was enacted), toge- 
ther with the offices of receiver and of inspector of our 
naval affairs : they were charged with the building of 
our arsenals, with the repair of our roads ; in a word, 
they were intrusted with the conduct of almost all our 
public business. I say not this to impeach their con- 
duct or to arraign their integrity ; I mean but to con- 
vince you that our laws have expressly directed that 
no man yet accountable for his conduct in any one 



AGAINST CTESIPHON. 377 

office, even of the smallest consequence, shall be in- 
titled to the honor of a crown until his accounts have 
been regularly examined and approved ; and that Cte- 
siphon hath yet presumed to confer this honor on 
Demosthenes, when engaged in every kind of public 
magistracy. At the time of this decree he was a ma- 
gistrate as inspector of the fortifications, a magistrate 
as intrusted with public money, and like other officers 
of the state, imposed fines and presided in tribunals. 
These things I shall ^rove by the testimony of Demo- 
sthenes and Ctesiphon themselves : for in the archon- 
ship of Chasrondas, on the 22nd of the month Tharge- 
lion, was a popular assembly held, in which Demo- 
sthenes obtained a decree, appointing a convention of 
the tribes on the 2nd of the succeeding month ; and on 
the third his decree directed still farther, that super- 
visors should be chosen, and treasurers, from each 
tribe, for conducting the repairs of our fortifications. 
And justly did he thus direct, that the public might 
have the security of good and responsible citizens, who 
might return a fair account of all disbursements. — 
Read these decrees. 

[The decrees.] 

Yes ; but you will hear it urged in answer, that to 
this office of inspector of the works he was not ap- 
pointed in the general assembly either by lot or suffrage. 
This is an argument on which Demosthenes and Ctesi- 
phon will dwell with the utmost confidence. My an- 
swer shall be easy, plain, and brief; but first I would 
premise a few things on this subject. Observe, Athe- 
nians ! of magistracy there are three kinds. First, 
those appointed by lot or by election ; secondly, the 
men who have managed public money for more than 
thirty days,«or have inspected public works. To these 
the law adds another species, and expressly declares 
that all such persons as, in consequence of a regular 
appointment, have enjoyed the right of jurisdiction, 
shall when approved be accounted magistrates : so that 
should we take away the magistrates appointed by lot 
or suffrage, there yet remains the last kind of those 



378 ORATION OF ^SCHINES 

appointed by the tribes, or the thirds of tribes, or by 
particular districts, to manage public money, all which 
are declared to be magistrates from the time of their 
appointment. And this happens in cases like that be- 
fore us, where it is a direction to the tribes to make 
canals or to build ships of war. For the truth of this 
I appeal to the laws themselves. — Read. 
[The law.] 

Let it be remembered that, as I have already ob- 
served, the sentence of the law is this, that all those 
appointed to any office by their tribes shall act as ma- 
gistrates, when first judicially approved. But the 
Pandionian tribe hath made Demosthenes a magis- 
trate, by appointing him an inspector of the works ; 
and for this purpose he hath been intrusted with pub- 
lic money to the amount of near ten talents. Again, 
another law expressly forbids any magistrate who yet 
stands accountable for his conduct to be honored with 
a crown. You have sworn to give sentence according 
to the laws. Here is a speaker who hath brought in a 
decree for granting a crown to a man yet accountable 
for his conduct. Nor hath he added that saving clause, 
'when his accounts have first been passed.' I have 
proved the point of illegality from the testimony of 
your laws, from the testimony of your decrees, and 
from that of the opposite parties. How then can any 
man support a prosecution of this nature with greater 
force and clearness ? 

But farther, I shall now demonstrate that this de- 
cree is also a violation of the law, by the manner in 
which it directs that this crown shall be proclaimed. 
The laws declare in terms the most explicit, that if any 
man receives a crown from the senate, the proclama- 
tion shall be made in the senate-house ; if by the peo- 
ple, in the assembly; never in any other place. — Read 
this law. 

[The law.] 

And this institution is just and excellent. The au- 
thor of this law seems to have been persuaded that a 
public speaker should not ostentatiously display his 



AGAINST CTESIPHON. 379 

merits before foreigners ; that he should be contented 
with the approbation of this city, of these his fellow- 
citizens, without practising vile arts to procure a public 
honor. So thought our lawgiver. What are the sen- 
timents of Ctesiphon? — Read his decree. 
[The decree.] 

You have heard, Athenians ! that the law directs, in 
every case where a crown is granted by the people, that 
the proclamation shall be made in presence of the people, 
in the Pnyx, in full assembly : never in any other place. 
Yet Ctesiphon hath appointed proclamation to be made 
in the theatre : not contented that the act itself should 
violate our laws, he hath presumed to change the scene 
of it. He confers this honor, not while the people are 
assembled, but while the new tragedies are exhibiting ; 
not in the presence of the people, but of the Greeks; 
that they too may know on what kind of man our ho- 
nors are conferred. 

And now when the illegal nature of this decree is so 
incontestably established, the author, assisted by his 
confederate Demosthenes, hath yet recourse to subtle- 
ties, in order to evade the force of justice. These I 
must explain : I must so guard you against them that 
you may not be surprised by their pernicious influence. 
These men can by no means deny that our laws ex- 
pressly direct that a crown conferred on any citizen by 
the people shall be proclaimed in the assembly, and in 
no other place. But, to defend their conduct, they 
produce a law relative to our festivals ; of this they 
but quote a part, that they may more effectually de- 
ceive you ; and thus recur to an ordinance by no means 
applicable to the case before us. Accordingly they 
will tell you there are in this state two laws enacted 
relative to proclamations. One is that which I have 
now produced, expressly forbidding the proclamation 
of a crown granted by the people to be issued in any 
other place but the assembly. The other, say they, is 
contrary to this : it allows the liberty of proclaiming 
a crown so conferred in the theatre, when the trage- 
dies are exhibited ; ■ provided always, that the people 



380 ORATION OF ^SCHINES 

shall so determine by their voices/ On this law it is 
(thus will they plead) that Ctesiphon has founded his 
decree. To this artifice I shall oppose your own laws, 
my assistants, 1 my constant reliance, through the whole 
course of this prosecution. If this be so ; if such a 
custom hath been admitted into our government, that 
laws repealed are still allowed to hold their place 
amidst those in full force ; that two directly contradic- 
tory to each other are enacted on the same subject; 
what shall we pronounce on that polity where the laws 
command and forbid the very same things ? But this 
is by no means the case ; and never may your public 
acts be exposed to such disorder ! The great lawgiver 
to whom we owe our constitution was not inattentive to 
guard against such dangers. It is his express direc- 
tion that in every year our body of laws shall be ad- 
justed by the legal inspectors in the popular assembly; 
and if, after due examination and inspection, it shall 
appear that a law hath been enacted contradictory to 
a former law ; or that any one when repealed shall 
still hold its place among those actually in force ; or 
that any more than one have been enacted on the same 
subject ; that in all such cases the laws shall be tran- 
scribed and fixed up in public on the statues of our 
heroes ; that the presidents shall convene the assem- 
bly, shall specify the authors of these several laws ; 
and that the proper officer shall propose the question 
to the people, that they may by their voices repeal 
some and establish others ; that so one single law and 
no more may remain in force on one subject. To 
prove this — Read the laws. 

[The laws.] 
If then the allegations of these men were just, and 
that in reality there were two different laws relative 



1 My assistants.] The strict import of the original expres- 
sion is, my council, or my advocate. So that, by a bold figure, 
the laws are represented as personally present, supporting 
the cause of iEschines, pleading on his side, detecting the 
fallacy and prevarication of his adversary. — Tourreil. 



AGAINST CTESIFHON. 381 

to proclamations, it seems impossible but that the in- 
spectors must have detected this ; the president of 
the assembly must have returned them to their respec- 
tive authors ; and the one or other must have been 
repealed — either that which grants the power of pro- 
claiming, or that which denies it. But since nothing 
of all this appears, these men must stand convicted of 
asserting what is not only false, but absolutely impos- 
sible. 

The source from whence they derive this falsehood 
I shall here explain, when first I have premised on 
what occasions these laws were enacted relative to 
proclamations in the theatre. — It hath been the custom 
in this city, during the performance of the tragedies, 
that certain persons made proclamation, not of an act 
ordained of the people, but some, of a crown conferred 
on them by their tribe, or sometimes by their district ; 
of others, it was thus notified that they granted free- 
dom to their slaves, to which they called on the Greeks 
as witnesses; and (which was the most invidious case) 
some persons who had obtained the honors of hospita- 
ble reception in foreign states used their interest to 
gain a proclamation, importing that such a community 
as that of Rhodes, for instance, or of Chios, conferred 
a crown on them on account of their virtue and mag- 
nanimity. And this they did, not as men honored by 
the senate or by the people, in consequence of your 
concession, by virtue of your suffrage, and with a due 
acknowlegement of your favor, but merely on their 
own authority, without any decree of yours. By these 
means it happened that the audience and the managers 
and the performers were disturbed ; and the men who 
obtained proclamations in the theatre were really more 
honored than those on whom the people conferred 
crowns. These had a place assigned for receiving 
these honors — the assembly : in no other place could 
proclamation be made : the others displayed their ho- 
nors in the presence of all the Greeks. The one ob- 
tained their crowns from your decree by your permis- 
sion ; the others without any decree. One of our 



382 ORATION OF ^SCHINES 

statesmen observing this, established a law by no means 
interfering 'with that which respects persons crowned 
by the people ; by no means tending to render this 
invalid: for it was not the assembly that was disturbed, 
but the theatre : nor was it his intention to contradict 
laws already established; our constitution forbids this. 
No ; the law I mean solely regards those who are 
crowned without a decree of the people, by their tribe 
or district ; those who give freedom to their slaves ; 
those who receive crowns from foreigners ; and it ex- 
pressly provides that no person shall make their slaves 
free in the theatre ; no persons shall be proclaimed as 
honored with a crown by their tribe, by their district, 
or by any other people whatsoever (these are the words 
of this law), on pain of infamy to the herald who shall 
make such proclamation. 

Since then it is provided that those crowned by the 
senate shall be proclaimed in the senate-house, those 
by the people, in the assembly ; since it is expressly 
forbidden that men crowned by their districts or by 
their tribes shall have proclamation made in the thea- 
tre ; that no man may indulge an idle vanity by public 
honors thus clandestinely procured : since the law di- 
rects still farther, that no proclamation shall be made 
by any others, but by the senate, by the people, by 
the tribes, or by the districts, respectively ; if we 
deduct all these cases, what will remain but crowns 
conferred by foreigners ? That I speak with truth the 
law itself affords a powerful argument. It directs 
that the golden crown conferred by proclamation in 
the theatre shall be taken from the person thus ho- 
nored and consecrated to Minerva. But who shall 
presume to impute so illiberal a procedure to the com- 
munity of Athens? Can the state, or can a private 
person be suspected of a spirit so sordid, that when 
they themselves have granted a crown, when it hath 
been just proclaimed, they should take it back again 
and dedicate it ? No ; I apprehend that such dedica- 
tion is made because the crown is conferred by fo- 
reigners, that no man, by valuing the affection of 



AGAINST CTES1PH0N. 383 

strangers at a higher rate than that of his country, 
may sutler corruption to steal into his heart. But 
when a crown hath been proclaimed in the assembly, 
is the person honored bound to dedicate it? No; he 
is allowed to possess it, that not he alone but his pos- 
terity may retain such a memorial in their family, and 
never suffer their affections to be alienated from their 
country. Hence hath the author of the law farther 
provided, that no proclamation shall be made in the 
theatre of any foreign crown, unless the people shall 
so direct by their decree ; so the community which is 
desirous of granting a crown to any of our citizens 
may be obliged to send ambassadors and solicit your 
permission, and the person crowned shall owe less 
gratitude to those who confer this honor than to you, 
by whose permission it is proclaimed. For the truth 
of this consult the laws themselves. 
[The laws.] 

When these men therefore insidiously alleged that 
the law hath declared it allowable to confer a crown, 
by virtue of a decree of the assembly, remember to 
make this reply : ' True ; if such a crown be offered 
by any other state : but if it be the gift of the Athe- 
nian people, the place of conferring it is determined. 
No proclamation is to be made but in the assembly.' 
Wrest and torture this clause, £ and in no other place 
whatever/ to the utmost ; still you can never prove 
that your decree hath not violated the laws. 

There remains a part of this my accusation, on 
which I must enlarge with the greatest care — that 
which respects the pretence on which he hath pro- 
nounced this man worthy of the crown. These are 
the words of his decree : * And the herald shall make 
proclamation in the theatre, in presence of the Greeks, 
that the community of Athens hath crowned him on 
account of his virtue and magnanimity ; and (what is 
still stronger) for his constant and inviolable attach- 
ment to the interest of the state through the course of 
all his counsels and administration/ And from hence- 
forward I have but to lay before you a plain simple 



384 ORATION OF ^ESCHINES 

detail ; such as can give you no trouble in forming 
your determination : for it is my part, as the prose- 
cutor, to satisfy you in this single point, that the 
praises here bestowed on Demosthenes are false : that 
there never was a time in which he commenced a faith- 
ful counsellor, far from persevering in any course of 
conduct advantageous to the state. If this be proved, 
Ctesiphon must at once stand justly condemned ; for 
all our laws declare that no man is to insert any false- 
hood in the public decrees. On the other hand, it is 
incumbent on the defendant to prove the contrary. 
You are to determine on our several allegations. Thus 
then I proceed. 

To enter into a minute examination of the life of 
Demosthenes I fear might lead me into a detail too 
tedious. And why should I insist on such points as 
the circumstances of the indictment for his wound, 
brought before the areopagus against Demomeles his 
kinsman, and the gashes he inflicted on his own head ? 
or why should I speak of the expedition under Cephi- 
sodotus, and the sailing of our fleet to the Hellespont, 
when Demosthenes acted as a trierarch, entertained 
the admiral on board his ship, made him partaker of 
his table, of his sacrifices and religious rites, confessed 
his just right to all those instances of aifection, as an 
hereditary friend ; and yet, when an impeachment had 
been brought against him which affected his life, ap- 
peared as his accuser? Why, again, should I take 
notice of his affair with Midias ; of the blows which he 
received in his office of director of the entertainments ; 
or how, for the sum of thirty minas, he compounded 
this insult, as well as the sentence which the people 
pronounced against Midias in the theatre ? These and 
the like particulars I determine to pass over ; not that 
I would betray the cause of justice ; not that I would 
recommend myself to favor by an affected tenderness ; 
but lest it should be objected that I produce facts true, 
indeed, but long since acknowleged and notorious. 
Say, then, Ctesiphon, when the most heinous instances 
of this man's baseness are so incontestably evident that 



AGAINST CTESIPHON. 385 

his accuser exposes himself to the censure, not of ad- 
vancing falsehoods, but of recurring to facts so long 
acknowleged and notorious, is he to be publicly ho- 
nored, or to be branded with infamy ? And shall you, 
who have presumed to form decrees equally contrary 
to truth and to the laws, insolently bid defiance to the 
tribunal, or feel the weight of public justice ? 

My objections to his public conduct shall be more 
explicit. I am informed that Demosthenes, when ad- 
mitted to his defence, means to enumerate four diffe- 
rent periods in which he was engaged in the adminis- 
tration of aifairs. One, and the first of these (as I am 
assured) he accounts t/aat time in which we were at 
war with Philip for Amphipolis : and this period he 
closes with the peace and alliance which we concluded, 
in consequence of the decree proposed by Philocrates, 
in which Demosthenes had equal share, as I shall im- 
mediately demonstrate. The second period he com- 
putes from the time in which we enjoyed this peace 
down to that day when he put an end to a treaty that 
had till then subsisted, and himself proposed the de- 
cree for war. The third, from the time when hostili- 
ties were commenced down to the fatal battle of Chse- 
ronea. The fourth is this present time. 

After this particular specification, as I am informed, 
he means to call on me, and to demand explicitly on 
which of these four periods I found my prosecution ; 
and at what particular time I object to his administra- 
tion as inconsistent with the public interest. Should 
I refuse to answer, should Ϊ attempt the least evasion 
or retreat, he boasts that he will pursue me and tear 
off my disguise ; that he will haul me to the tribunal, 
and compel me to reply. That I may then at once 
confound this presumption, and guard you against 
such artifice, I thus explicitly reply : Before these your 
judges, before the other citizens spectators of this trial, 
before all the Greeks who have been solicitous to hear 
the event of this cause (and of these I see no small 
number, but rather more than ever yet known to 
attend on any public trial) I thus reply ; I say, that on 
DEM. 2 Β 



386 ORATION OF jESCHINES 

every one of these four periods which you have thus 
distinguished is my accusation founded. And if the 
gods vouchsafe me their assistance ; if the judges grant 
me an impartial hearing ; and if my memory shall 
faithfully recal the several instances of your guilt, I 
am fully confident that I shall demonstrate to this 
tribunal that the preservation of the state is to be 
ascribed to the gods, and to those citizens who have 
conducted our affairs with a truly patriotic and well- 
tempered zeal, and that all our calamities are to be 
imputed to Demosthenes as their real author. And in 
this charge I shall observe the very same method 
which, as I am informed, he intends to use. I shall 
begin with speaking of his first period ; then proceed 
to the second, and the third in order ; and conclude 
with observations on present affairs. To that peace 
then I now go back, of which you Demosthenes and 
Philocrates were the first movers. 

You had the fairest opportunity, Athenians ! of con- 
cluding this first peace in conjunction with the general 
assembly of the Greeks, had certain persons suffered 
you to wait the return of our ambassadors, at that' 
time sent through Greece to invite the states to join 
in the general confederacy against Philip ; and in the 
progress of these negotiations the Greeks would Tiave 
freely acknowleged you the leading state. Of these 
advantages were you deprived by Demosthenes and 
Philocrates, and by the bribes which they received in 
traitorous conspiracy against your government. If at 
first view this assertion should seem incredible to any 
in this tribunal, let such attend to what is now to be 
advanced, just as men sit down to the accounts of 
money a long time since expended. We sometimes 
come from home possessed with false opinions of the , 
state of such accounts ; but when the several sums | 
have been exactly collected, there is no man of a temper I 
so obstinate as to dissemble or to refuse his assent to 
the truth of that which the account itself exhibits. 
Hear me in the present cause with dispositions of the 
same kind. And if with respect to past transactions 



AGAINST CTESIPHON. 387 

any one among you hath come hither possessed with 
an opinion that Demosthenes never yet appeared as 
advocate for the interests of Philip, in dark confede- 
racy with Philocrates ; if any man, I say, be so per- 
suaded, let him suspend his judgment, and neither 
assent nor deny until he hath heard (for justice re- 
quires this). And if I shall obtain your attention to a 
brief recital of these periods, and to the decree which 
Demosthenes and Philocrates jointly proposed ; if the 
fair state of truth itself shall convict Demosthenes of 
having proposed many decrees in concert with Philo- 
crates, jointly proposed ; if the fair state of truth itself 
shall convict Demosthenes of having proposed many 
decrees in concert with Philocrates relative to the 
former peace and alliance ; of having flattered Philip 
and his ambassadors with a most abandoned and shame- 
less servility ; of having precipitated our negotiations 
without waiting the return of our deputies, and forced 
the people into a separate peace, without the concur- 
rence of the general convention of the Greeks ; of 
having betrayed Cersobleptes, king of Thrace, the 
friend and ally of this state, into the hands of Philip ; 
if I shall clearly prove these points, I make but this 
reasonable request, that, in the name of Heaven, you 
would concur with me, that during the first of these 
four periods his administration hath been by no means 
excellent. I shall proceed in such a manner that you 
may accompany me without any difficulty. 

Philocrates proposed a decree, by which Philip was 
admitted to send hither his heralds and ambassadors 
to treat about a peace and an alliance. This decree 
was accused as a violation of the law : the time of trial 
came : Lycinus, who had first moved for this trial, now 
appeared as prosecutor : Philocrates entered on his 
defence : in this he was assisted by Demosthenes ; and 
Philocrates escaped. Then came the time in which 
Themistocles was archon. During his magistracy De- 
mosthenes obtains a seat in the senate as a member of 
that body, without any ' immediate right, or any re- 

1 Without any, &c] Not chosen by lot into the office of a 



388 ORATION OF yESCHINES 

versionary title, but by intrigue and bribery ; and this 
in order to support Philocrates with all his power and 
interest, as the event itself discovered : for Philocrates 
prevailed still farther, so as to obtain another decree, 
by which it was resolved to choose ten deputies, who 
should repair to Philip and require him to send hither 
ambassadors with full powers to conclude a peace. 
Of these, Demosthenes was one. At his return to the 
city he applauded the treaty ; his report was exactly 
consonant with that of the other deputies ; and he 
alone, of all the senators, moved that we should pro- 
ceed to a solemn ratification of the treaty with Philip's 
ministers. 

Thus did he complete the work which Philocrates 
began. The one allows these ministers to repair to 
Athens ; the other ratifies the negotiation. What I 
am now to observe demands your utmost attention. 
Through the course of this treaty the other deputies (who 
on a change of aifairs were exposed to all the malignity 
of Demosthenes) had scarcely any transactions with 
the ministers of Macedon. The great agents were 
Demosthenes and Philocrates; and with good reason : 
for they had not only acted as deputies, but had also 
been authors of the decrees which secured these im- 
portant points ; first, that you should not wait the 
return of the ambassadors sent to unite the Greeks 
against Philip ; that you should conclude this treaty 
separately, and not in conjunction with the Greeks : 
secondly, that you should resolve not only to conclude 
a peace but an alliance with Philip ; that if any of the 
states preserved a regard for us, they might at once 
be confounded with despair, when at the very time 
that you were prompting them to war they found you 
not only concluding a peace, but entering into a strict 
alliance with the enemy : and lastly, that Cersobleptes 



senator, nor appojnted conditionally, to fill the place of an- 
other on whom the lot had fallen, but who might die, or 
whose character might not be approved on the scrutiny 
previously necessary to a citizen's entering into any public 
office or station. 



AGAINST CTESIPHON. 389 

should be excluded from the treaty ; that he should be 
denied a share in this alliance and this peace at the 
very time when his kingdom was threatened with an 
immediate invasion. 

The prince whose gold purchased these important 
points is by no means to be accused. Before the treaty 
was concluded, and previously to his solemn engage- 
ments, we cannot impute it as a crime that he pursued 
his own interests : but the men who traitorously re- 
signed into his hands the strength and security of the 
state should justly feel the severest effects of your 
resentment. He, then, who now declares himself the 
enemy of Alexander ; Demosthenes, who at that time 
was the enemy of Philip ; he who objects to me my 
connexions of friendship with Alexander, proposed a 
decree utterly subversive of the regular and gradual 
course of public business, by which the magistrates 
were to convene an assembly on the eighth of the 
month Elaphebolion, a day destined to the sacrifices 
and religious ceremonies in honor of Esculapius, when 
the rites were just preparing. And what was the pre- 
tence for choosing this solemn festival, on which no 
assembly hath ever been remembered ? ' In order/ 
saith he, ' that if ambassadors should arrive from Ma- 
cedon, the people may as soon as possible deliberate 
on sending their deputies to Philip/ Thus, before 
the ambassadors had yet appeared, an assembly was 
secured to favor them ; you were at once precluded 
from all the advantages which time might produce, 
and your transactions fatally precipitated, that you 
might conclude this treaty separately, not in conjunc- 
tion with the Greeks,• on the return of your ambas- 
sadors. After this, the ministers of Philip arrived at 
Athens ; ours were still abroad, laboring to stir up the 
Greeks against Macedon. Then did Demosthenes ob- 
tain another decree, by which it was resolved that you 
should take into consideration, not only a peace, but 
an alliance ; and this (without waiting for the return 
of your ambassadors) immediately after the festival of 



390 ORATION OF ^ESCHINES 

Bacchus, on the 18th day of the month. For the truth 
of this I appeal to the decrees. 

[The decrees.] 

After these festivals our assemblies were accordingly 
convened. In the first was the general resolution of 
our allies publicly read ; the heads of which I shall 
here briefly recite. They in the first place resolved 
that you should proceed to deliberate only about a 
peace. Of an alliance not one word was mentioned ; 
and this not from inattention, but because they 
deemed even a peace itself rather necessary than 
honorable. In the next place, they wisely provided 
against the fatal consequences of the corruption of De- 
mosthenes ; for they expressly resolved still farther, 
that ' it shall and may be lawful for any of the Grecian 
states whatever, within the space of three months, to 
accede in due form to this treaty, to join in the same 
solemn engagements, and to be included in the same 
stipulations/ Thus were two most important points 
secured. First, an interval of three months was pro- 
vided for the Greeks ; a time sufficient to prepare their 
deputations ; and then the whole collected body of the 
nation stood well affected and attached to Athens ; that 
if at any time the treaty should be violated, we might 
not be involved in war single and unsupported. These 
resolutions are themselves the amplest testimony to the 
truth of my assertions. 

[The resolutions of the allies.] 

To these resolutions I confess that I gave my voice, 
as did all the speakers in the first assembly : and the 
people in general rose with a firm persuasion that a 
peace indeed should be concluded ; but that as to an 
alliance, it would be most expedient to postpone the 
consideration of this, on account of the invitations 
sent through Greece, as this should be the act of the 
whole nation. Night intervened, and the next morn- 
ing we were again assembled : but now Demosthenes 
had taken care to secure the gallery, and to exclude 
all those who might speak against his measures. He 



AGAINST CTESIPHON. 391 

declared that all the proceedings of the day before 
must be utterly ineffectual, unless the Macedonian 
ministers could be persuaded to concur ; that he on 
his part had no conception of a peace distinct from an 
alliance : we ought not, said he, (I well remember his 
expression, which the odiousness both of the speaker 
and of the term itself hath impressed deeply on my 
mind) — we ought not to rend the alliance from the peace ; 
we ought not to wait the dilatory proceedings of the 
Greeks, but at once determine either to support the 
war alone or to make a separate peace. He concluded 
with calling up Antipater to the gallery : he proposed 
some questions to him which had been previously con- 
certed between them, and to which he instructed him 
in such a reply as might effectually defeat the interest 
of the state. Thus the deliberation ended in the full 
establishment of those measures to which the importu- 
nity of Demosthenes extorted your consent, and which 
were confirmed in form by the decree of Philocrates. 

Nothing now remained but to make an absolute 
resignation of Cersobleptes and the Thracian territo- 
ries : and this they effected on the 26th of the same 
month, before that Demosthenes had proceeded on the 
second embassy appointed for the solemn ratification 
of the treaty : for this hater of Alexander, this foe to 
Philip, this your public speaker, went twice on an 
embassy to Macedon, although he needed not have 
once accepted of this charge : he who now urges you 
to spurn with contempt the Macedonians — he, I say, 
having taken his place in the assembly — I mean that 
which was convened on the 26th, he whose intrigues 
procured him the dignity of a senator, betrayed Cer- 
sobleptes into the hands of Philip, with the assistance 
of his confederate Philocrates. For this Philocrates 
surreptitiously inserted in his decree — that decree which 
Demosthenes proposed in form — the following clause 
among many others : ' That the several representatives 
of the allies shall be bound to enter into solemn ratifi- 
cations of the peace with the ministers of Philip on 
this very day/ But Cersobleptes had no representa- 



392 ORATION OF iESCHINES 

tives then present ; and therefore he who moved that 
the representatives should then swear to the treaty, 
by direct consequence excluded Cersobleptes from the 
treaty, who had not been at all represented in this 
assembly. To prove the truth of this, read the authors 
of this decree and the name of the president who pro- 
posed it. 

[The decree. — The president.] 

A noble institution this — a truly noble institution, 
Athenians ! this exact preservation of our public re- 
cords ! Thus they remain unalterable, and "never 
change from one to the other party, with our variable 
politicians ; but, whenever we are pleased to resort to 
them, afford us ample satisfaction as to the real cha- 
racters of those who, after a long course of baseness, 
affect to be thought men of worth and excellence, on 
any change of circumstances. 

It remains that I produce some instances of his 
abandoned flattery. For one whole year did Demo- 
sthenes enjoy the honor of a senator ; and yet in all 
that time it never appears that he moved to grant pre- 
cedency to any ministers : for the first, the only time, 
he conferred this distinction on the ministers of Philip : 
he servilely attended to accommodate them with his 
cushions and his carpets: by the dawn of day he con- 
ducted them to the theatre ; and, by his indecent and 
abandoned adulation, raised an universal uproar of 
derision. When they were on their departure towards 
Thebes he hired three teams of mules, and conducted 
them in state into that city. Thus did he expose his 
country to ridicule. But, that I may confine myself 
to facts, read the decree relative to the grant of prece- 
dency. 

[The decree.] 

And yet this abject, this enormous flatterer, 1 when 

1 Enormous flatterer, &c] The reader may not be displeased 
with the following account of this transaction from Plutarch, 
together with the reflections of the biographer : 

1 Demosthenes, having received private information of 






AGAINST CTESIPHON. 393 

he had been the first that received advice of Philip's 
death, from the emissaries of Charidemus, pretended 
a divine vision, and, with a shameless lie, declared 
that this intelligence had been conveyed to him, not 
by Charidemus, but by Jupiter and Minerva ! Thus 
he dared to boast that these divinities, by whom he 
had sworn falsely in the day, had condescended to 
hold communication with him in the night, and to in- 
form him of futurity. Seven days had now scarcely 
elapsed since the death of his daughter, when this 
wretch, before he had performed the usual rites of 
mourning, before he had duly paid her funeral honors, 
crowned his head with a chaplet, put on his white 
robe, made a solemn sacrifice in despite of law and 
decency ; and this when he had lost his child — the first, 
the only child that had ever called him by the tender 
name of father ! I say not this to insult his misfor- 
tunes ; I mean but to display his real character : for 

Philip's death, in order to inspirit his countrymen, appeared 
in the senate with an air of gaiety, pretending to have seen a 
vision, which promised some good fortune to the Athenians. 
Immediately after arrives an express with the full account 
of this event. The people in a transport of joy sacrifice to 
the gods, for the good tidings, and decree a crown to Pau- 
sanias. On this occasion Demosthenes appeared in public, 
with a chaplet on his head, and in splendid attire, although it 
was but the seventh day from the death of his daughter, as 
iEschines observes, who discovers his own want of firmness 
and elevation by reproaching him on this account as devoid 
of natural affection. As if tears and lamentations were the 
infallible signs of tenderness and sensibility, he objects to 
him that be bore his misfortune with composure. 1 do not 
say that it was right to wear chaplets and to offer sacrifices 
on the death of a prince who has used his good fortune 
with so much moderation. It was rather base and ungene- 
rous to pay him honors, and to enrol him among their citizens, 
when alive ; and, when he had been killed, to break out into 
such extravagances, to insult over his dead body, and to sing 
hymns of joy, as if they themselves had performed some great 
exploit. But I can by no means condemn Demosthenes for 
leaving it to the women to mourn over the misfortune of his 
family, and exerting himself in what he deemed the service 
of his country on this emergency.' — Plut. in Vit. Demost, 



394 ORATION OF ^SCHINES 

he who hates his children, he who is a bad parent, 
cannot possibly prove a good minister. He who is in- 
sensible to that natural affection which should engage 
his heart to those who are most intimate and near to 
him, can never feel a greater regard to your welfare 
than to that of strangers. He who acts wickedly in 
private life cannot prove excellent in his public con- 
duct : he who is base at home can never acquit him- 
self with honor when sent to a strange country in a 
public character : for it is not the man, but the scene 
that changes. 

By what fortunate revolution he hath been enabled 
to assume a new character (for I now come to the 
second period) ; whence it is that Philocrates, for the 
same conduct in which he was equally concerned, hath 
been impeached and condemned to exile, while Demo- 
sthenes supports his station, and maintains the power 
of impeaching others ; and by what means this aban- 
doned wretch hath been enabled to plunge you into 
such calamities ; — these are points which merit your 
peculiar attention. 

When Philip, then, had possessed himself of Ther- 
mopylae by surprise ; when, contrary to all expecta- 
tion, he had subverted the cities of the Phocians ; 
when he had raised the state of Thebes to a degree of 
power too great (as we then thought) for the times, or 
for our interest ; when we were in such consternation 
that our effects were all collected from the country, 
and deposited within these walls, the severest indigna- 
tion was expressed against the deputies in general, 
who had been employed in the negotiation of the 
peace, but principally, and above all others, against 
Philocrates and Demosthenes ; because they had not 
only been concerned in the deputation, but were the 
first movers and authors of the decree for peace. It 
happened, at this juncture, that a difference arose be- 
tween Demosthenes and Philocrates, nearly on the 
same occasion which you yourselves suspected must 
produce animosities between them. The ferment 
which arose from hence, together with the natural dis- 



AGAINST CTESJPHOX. 395 

temper of his mind, produced such counsels, as no- 
thing but an abject terror could dictate, together with 
a malignant jealousy of the advantages which Philo- 
crates derived from his corruption. He concluded 
that by inveighing against his colleagues, and against 
Philip, Philocrates must inevitably fall ; that the 
other deputies must be in danger ; that he himself 
must gain reputation ; and, notwithstanding his base- 
ness and treachery to his friends, he must acquire the 
character of a consummate patriot. The enemies of 
our tranquillity perceived his designs : they at once 
invited him to the gallery, and extolled him as the 
only man who disdained to betray the public interest 
for a bribe. The moment he appeared he kindled up 
the flame of war and confusion. He it was, Athenians, 
who first found out the Serrian fort, and Doriscum, 
and Ergiske, and Murgiske, and Ganos, and Ganides 
— places whose very names were hitherto utterly un- 
known : and such was his power in perverting and 
perplexing, that, if Philip declined to send his mi- 
nisters to Athens, he represented it as a contemptu- 
ous insult on the state : if he did send them, they 
were spies and not ministers : if he inclined to sub- 
mit his disputes with us to some impartial mediating 
state, no equal umpire could be found, he said, be- 
tween us and Philip. This prince gave us up the 
Halonesus. But he insisted that we should not re- 
ceive it, unless it was declared, not that he resigned, 
but restored ; thus cavilling about syllables. And to 
crown all his conduct ; by paying public honors to 
those who had carried their arms into Thessaly and 
Magnesia, under the command of Aristodemus, in 
direct violation of the treaty, he dissolved the peace, 
and prepared the way for calamity and war. 

Yes, but by the alliance of the Eubceans and the 
Thebans, did he (for thus he boasts) surround our 
city with walls of brass and adamant. But the truth 
is, Athenians, that in these transactions he committed 
no less than three most enormous offences, of which 
you are utterly uninformed. Although I am impa- 



SDb ORATION OF iESCHINES 

tient to come to that grand article, the alliance of the 
Thebans, yet, for the sake of order, I must begin with 
that of the Euboeans. 

Yon, my countrymen ! had received many and 
gjeat injuries from Mnesarclrus the Chalcidian, the 
father of Callias and Taurosthenes (the man whom he 
hath now presumed, for the sake of a wretched bribe, 
to enrol among the citizens of Athens), and also from 
Themisan the Eretrian, who, in time of profound 
peace, wrested Oropus from you. Yet you consented 
to bury all this in oblivion ; and, when the Thebans 
had invaded Eubcea, in order to enslave the cities, 
within five days you appeared in their defence with a 
powerful armament ; and, before thirty days had yet 
elapsed, you obliged the Thebans to capitulate, and to 
evacuate the island. Thus absolute masters of Eubcea, 
you reinstated its cities and communities in all their 
privileges ; you generously and equitably relied on 
their faith, and thought it highly unjust to retain the 
memory of ancient animosities when they implicitly 
resigned themselves to your honor. Yet to these impor- 
tant obligations the people of Chalcis did by no means 
make the due returns. On the contrary, when you 
had passed into Eubcea to assist Plutarch, at first in- 
deed you were received with all the appearances of 
friendship ; but when once we had advanced beyond 
Tamynas, and passed the eminence named Cotylseum, 
Callias now perceiving that we had encamped in a 
dangerous situation, from whence it was impossible to 
disengage ourselves but by a victory, and where we 
could receive no reinforcement either by sea or land ; 
this Callias, I say, on whom Demosthenes, having re- 
ceived his bribes, so freely lavishes his applause, col- 
lected an army from all quarters of Eubcea, which 
he reinforced with a detachment sent in by Philip : 
while his brother Taurosthenes, he who so graciously 
salutes and smiles on every citizen, brought down. his 
band of mercenaries from Phocis, and both advanced 
with a firm purpose to destroy us : and had not some 
deity graciously interposed to save our army, and had 



AGAINST CTESIPHON. 397 

not all our forces, both infantry and cavalry, perform- 
ed extraordinary acts of valor at the Hippodrome of 
Tamynas, and after a complete victory obliged the 
enemy to lay down their arms, the state must have 
been exposed to a defeat the most disgraceful. For a 
defeat is not of itself the greatest of calamities : but 
when that defeat is the consequence of an engage- 
ment with dishonorable enemies, then the calamity is 
doubled. 

Yet, notwithstanding this treatment, you were again 
reconciled to these people. And Callias, now restored 
to your favor, preserved appearances for a little time, 
but soon returned with extraordinary violence to his 
natural dispositions. His pretence was to form a con- 
vention of the Eubcean states at Chalcis ; his real de- 
sign, to fortify the island against us, and to secure to 
himself a sovereignty of peculiar importance. And, 
hoping to prevail on Philip to assist him in this de- 
sign, he went over to Macedon ; was constantly in 
Philip's train, and came to be regarded as one of those 
who are styled his companions. But, having forfeited 
this prince's favor by his otfences, he was obliged to 
fly ; and, having rendered himself obnoxious at 
Thebes, he retired from that city also ; and thus his 
course of conduct, more uncertain and variable than 
the Euripus that flows by his native habitation, in- 
volved him in the resentment both of the Thebans and 
of Philip. In the midst of his confusion and per- 
plexity, when an army was actually preparing to 
inarch against him, he saw but one resource left, and 
this was to prevail on the Athenians, by acknowleging 
him as their confederate, to enter into solemn engage- 
ments to defend him, if attacked by any enemy : and 
it was evident that he must be attacked, unless you 
were to prevent it. Possessed with this design, he 
sent hither his deputies, Glaucetes, Empedon, and 
Diodorus, so distinguished in the race, 1 who came 

1 In the race.] In the original, the runner in the long race. 
And, whatever air of ridicule the speaker affects to throw 



398 ORATION OF iESCHINES 

with airy hopes for the people, but with money for 
Demosthenes and his associates. And three material 
points there were, for all of which he then bargained : 
first, that he should not be disappointed of our al- 
liance ; for if the Athenians were to remember his 
former oiFences, and to reject him as a confederate* 
he had but one melancholy alternative — either to fly 
from Chalcis, or to suffer himself to be taken and put 
to death ; with such formidable powers were both Phi- 
lip and the Thebans now preparing to surround him. 
In the second place, the manager and mover of this 
alliance was to contrive (and for this gold was libe- 
rally bestowed) that the Chalcidians should not be 
obliged to attend the convention held at Athens. The 
third point was, that they should be excused from 
paying their contributions. Nor was Callias defeated 
in any one of these schemes. No. 1 This Demosthe- 
nes, this foe to tyrants, as he calls himself, this man 
whom Ctesiphon declares a faithful minister, betrayed 
the most critical interests of the state, and by his de- 
cree obliged us to take up arms, on every occasion, in 
defence of the Chalcidians. This was the purport, 
though not the formal style of the decree : to secure 
his point in the most delicate and least offensive man- 
ner, he artfully changed a single phrase, and ordained 
that the Chalcidian should take up arms if on any 
occasion the Athenians should be attacked. But as to 
the acknowlegement of our superiority in the general 
convention, as to obliging the confederates to pay their 
subsidies, the great support of war ; these articles he 
intirely gave up : he who disguises the basest actions 
by the most honorable names : whose importunity 

on this accomplishment, the foot-race, it is well known, 
held a distinguished rank among the athletic exercises of 
Greece. The common course was a stadium, or six hundred and 
twenty-five feet. Sometimes the racers returned hack again, 
performing what was called diavkos, or the double course. But 
the δολιχοδρομος (as Diodorus is here styled) was the man 
who could continue his career for twelve stadia or more. 
1 See History of the Life of Philip, b. iv. sect. 2. 



AGAINST CTESIPHON. 399 

obliged you to declare that you were resolved to send 
assistance to any of the Greeks that needed it : but 
that you must suspend all farther engagements of 
alliance ; which should be formed only with those 
whose good offices you had experienced. To prove the 
truth of my assertions I produce the instrument of 
Callias, the treaty of alliance, and the decree. 
[The decree.] 

Nor is it his most heinous offence that he hath sold 
our interests, our rights of precedency, and our sub- 
sidies ; what I have now to produce must be acknow- 
leged still more enormous. For to such a pitch of inso- 
lence and extravagance did Callias proceed, and to such 
sordid corruption did Demosthenes descend, he whom 
Ctesiphon hath thus applauded, that they contrived 
in your presence, in your view, in the midst of your 
attention, to defraud you of the contributions from 
Oreum, and of those from Eretria, to the amount of ten 
talents. And, when the representatives of these states 
had appeared in Athens, they sent them back to Chal- 
cis to assist in what was called the convention of Eu- 
bcea. By what means, and by what iniquitous prac- 
tices they effected this, will deserve your serious re- 
gard. 

I am then to inform you that Callias was now no 
longer satisfied to negotiate with us by his emissaries : 
he appeared in person ; he rose up and addressed him- 
self to the assembly in a speech concerted by Demo- 
sthenes. He told us that he was just arrived from Pe- 
loponnesus, where he had been lately employed in 
settling the subsidies which each city was to pay, in 
order to support a war against Philip ; the whole 
amounting to a hundred talents. He distinguished the 
sums to be paid by each state. The contributions of 
all the Achaeans and Megarseans he rated at sixty, 
those of the cities of Eubcea at forty talents ; a sum, 
as he observed, sufficient to maintain a formidable ar- 
mament both by sea and land. Many other Grecian 
states were ready to join in this supply ; so that there 
would be no deficiency either in money or in forces. 



400 ORATION OF iESCHINES 

These were the effects of his public negotiations ; but 
he had besides carried on some secret transactions 
which were not to be explained ; of these some of our 
own citizens were witnesses ; and then he called on 
Demosthenes by* name, and required him to confirm 
this by his testimony. With a face of gravity and im- 
portance Demosthenes then rose ; bestowed the most 
extravagant applause on Callias, and pretended to be 
well acquainted with his secret transactions. He de- 
clared himself ready to report the success of his own 
embassy to Peloponnesus, and of that to Acarnania. 
The sum of all was this, that by his means the whole 
body of the Peloponnesians and all the Acarnanians 
were ready to march against Philip ; that the amount 
of their several contributions would be sufficient to 
complete an armament of one hundred ships of war, 
ten thousand infantry, and one thousand horse ; that 
to these were to be added the domestic forces of each 
state ; from Peloponnesus more than two thousand 
heavy-armed foot, and from Acarnania the same num- 
ber ; that all these states had freely resigned the chief 
command to you ; and that their preparations were not 
fixed to some distant time, but were to be completed 
by the 16th of the month Anthesterion, as, by his di- 
rection and appointment, the states were to hold their 
convention at Athens, at the time of full moon. For 
in these cases the man acts a distinguishing and pe- 
culiar part. Other boasters, when they advance their 
falsehoods, are careful to express themselves in vague 
and obscure terms, from a just dread of being detected : 
but Demosthenes, when he would obtrude his impos- 
tures, first adds an oath to his lie, and imprecates all 
the vengeance of Heaven on his own head. And then, 
if he is to assure us of events, which he knows will 
never be, he has the hardiness to assign their particular 
times ; if to persuade us that he has negotiated with 
those he never saw, he enters into a distinct detail of 
their names ; thus insinuating himself into your con- 
fidence, and imitating the natural and explicit manner 
of those who speak truth ; so that he is doubly an ob- 



AGAINST CTESIPHON. 401 

ject of detestation, as he is base and false, and as be 
would confound all the marks of truth and honesty. 

When he had finished, he presented a decree to the 
secretary longer than the Iliad, more frivolous than 
- the speeches which he usually delivers, or than the 
life which he hath led ; filled with hopes never to be 
gratified* and with armaments never to be raised. And 
while he diverted your attention from his fraud, while 
he kept you in suspense by his flattering assurances, 
he seized the favorable moment to make his grand at- 
tack, and moved that ambassadors should be sent to 
Eretria, who should intreat the Eretrians (because such 
intreaties were mighty necessary) not to send their 
contribution of five talents to Athens, but to intrust it 
to Callias ; again, he ordained that ambassadors should 
be appointed to repair to Oreum, and to prevail on that 
State to unite with Athens in strict confederacy. And 
now it appeared, that through this whole transaction 
he had been influenced by a traitorous motive ; for 
these ambassadors were directed to solicit the people 
of Oreum also to pay their five talents, not to you, 
but to Callias. To prove the truth of this read the de- 
cree, — not all the pompous preamble, the magnificent 
account of navies, the parade and ostentation ; but 
confine yourself to the point of fraud and circumven- 
tion, which were practised with too much success by 
this impious and abandoned wretch, whom the decree 
of Ctesiphon declares to have persevered, through the 
course of all his public conduct, in an inviolable at- 
tachment to the state. 

[The decree.] 

Here is a grand account of ships and of levies, of the 
full moon, and of conventions. Thus were you amused 
by words ; while, in fact, you lost the contributions 
of your allies, you were defrauded of ten talents. 

It remains that I inform you of the real motive 
which prompted Demosthenes to procure this decree ; 
and that was a bribe of three talents ; one received 
from Chalcis by the hands of Callias, another from 
Eretria by Clitarchus, the sovereign of this state : the 
dem. 2 c 



402 ORATION OF ^SCHINES 

third paid by Oreum ; by which means the stipulation 
was discovered ; for, as Oreum is a free state, all things 
are there transacted by a public decree. And as the 
people of this city had been quite exhausted in the war 
with Philip, and reduced to the utmost indigence, they 
sent over Gnosidemus, who had once been their sove- 
reign, to intreat Demosthenes to remit the talent ; pro- 
mising, on this condition, to honor him with a statue of 
bronze to be erected in their city. He answered their 
deputy, that he had not the least occasion for their 
paltry brass ; that he insisted on his stipulation, which 
Callias should prosecute. The people of Oreum, thus 
pressed by their creditor, and not prepared to satisfy 
him, mortgaged their public revenues to Demosthenes 
for this talent, and paid him interest at the rate of one 
drachma 1 a month for each mina, until they were en- 
abled to discharge the principal. And, to prove this, 
I produce the decree of the Oreitans. — Read. 
[The decree.] 

Here is a decree, Athenians, scandalous to our 
country. It is no small indication of the general con- 
duct of Demosthenes, and it is an evidence of the most 
flagrant kind, which must condemn Ctesiphon at once ; 
for it is not possible that he who hath descended to 
such sordid bribery can be that man of consummate 
virtue which Ctesiphon hath presumed to represent 
him in his decree. 

And now I proceed to the third of these periods ; 
which was indeed the fatal period, distinguished by the 
calamities in which Demosthenes involved all Greece 
as well as his own city, by his impious profanation of 
the Delphian temple, and by the iniquitous and oppres- 
sive treaty in which he engaged us with the Thebans. 
But first I must speak of his oiFences towards the gods. 

There is a plain, Athenians, well known by the name 
of Cyrrha, and a port, now called the devoted ana accursed. 
This tract the Cyrrhaeans and Acragallidse inhabited ; a 

1 At the rate of one drachma, &c] At the rate of about 
twelve per cent per ann 



AGAINST CTESIPHON. 403 

lawless people, whose sacrilegious violence profaned 
the shrine of Delphi and the offerings there deposited, 
and who presumed to rebel against the amphictyonic 
council. The amphictyons in general, and your an- 
cestors in particular, (as tradition hath informed us,) 
conceived the justest resentment, and addressed them- 
selves to the oracle, in order to be informed by what 
punishment they might suppress these outrages. The 
priestess pronounced her answer, that they were to 
wage perpetual war against the Cyrrhaeans and Acra- 
gallida?, without the least intermission either by day or 
night ; that they were to lay waste their lands, and to 
reduce their persons to slavery ; that their possessions 
were to be set apart from all worldly purposes, and de- 
dicated to the Pythian Apollo, to Diana, to Latona, 
and to Minerva ; and that they were not to cultivate 
their lands nor to suifer them to be cultivated. In 
consequence of this oracle the amphictyons decreed, 
and Solon the Athenian was the first mover of this de- 
cree (the man so eminent for making laws, and so con- 
versant in the arts of poesy and philosophy), that they 
should take up arms against these impious men, in obe- 
dience to the divine commands of the oracle. A suf- 
ficient force being accordingly raised by the amphic- 
tyons, they reduced these men to slavery, demolished 
their harbor, rased their city, and consecrated their dis- 
trict, as the oracle directed : and, to confirm these 
proceedings, they bound themselves by an oath, that 
they would never cultivate this consecrated land, nor 
suffer others to cultivate it ; but that they would sup- 
port the rights of the god, and defend this district thus 
consecrated with their persons and all their power. Nor 
were they contented to bind themselves by an oath con- 
ceived in the usual form ; they enforced it by the 
addition of a most tremendous imprecation. Thus it 
was expressed : ' If any shall violate this engagement, 
whether city or private person, or community, may such 
violators be devoted to the vengeance of Apollo, of 
Diana, of Latona, and of Minerva ! may their lands 
never yield their fruits ! may their women never bring 



404 ORATION OF iESCHINES 

forth children of the human form, but hideous mon- 
sters ! may their herds be accursed with unnatural bar- 
renness ! may all their attempts in war, all their trans- 
actions in peace, be ever unsuccessful ! may total ruin 
for ever pursue them, their families, and their descend- 
ants ! and may they never (these are the very terms) 
appease the offended deities, either Apollo, or Diana r 
or Latona, or Minerva ! but may all their sacrifices be 
for ever rejected V To confirm the truth of this, let the 
oracle be read ; listen to the imprecations, and recal 
to mind the oath by which your ancestors were engaged 
in conjunction with the other amphictyons. 

THE ORACLE. 

Still shall these towers their ancient pride maintain ; 

Nor force nor valor e'er their rampart gain ; 

Till Amphitrite, queen of* azure waves, 

The hallow'd lands of sovereign Phoebus laves ; 

Till round his seat her threatening surges roar, 

And burst tumultuous on the sacred shore. 

[The oath. — The imprecation.] 
Yet, notwithstanding these imprecations, notwith- 
standing the solemn oath and the oracle, which to this 
day remain on record, did the Locrians and the Amphis- 
saeans, or, to speak more properly, their magistrates, 
lawless and abandoned men, once more cultivate this 
district, restore the devoted and accursed harbor, erect 
buildings there, exact taxes from all ships that put into 
this harbor, and by their bribes corrupt some of the 
pylagoras who had been sent to Delphi, of which num- 
ber Demosthenes was one. For, being chosen into 
this office, he received a thousand drachmae from the 
Amphissaeans, to take no notice of their transactions 
in the amphictyonic council. And it was stipulated 
still farther that, for the time to come, they should 
pay him at Athens an annual sum of twenty minae out 
of their accursed and devoted revenues ; for which he 
was to use his utmost efforts on every occasion to sup- 
port the interest of the Amphissaeans in this city. A 
transaction which served but to give still farther evi- 



AGAINST CTESIPHON. 405 

dence to this melancholy truth, that, whenever he hath 
formed connexions with any people, any private per- 
sons, any sovereign magistrates, or any free communi- 
ties, he hath never failed to involve them in calamities 
the most deplorable. For now, behold how Hea\en 
and fortune asserted their superior power against this 
impiety of the Amphissaeans ! 

In the archonship of Theophrastus, when Diognetus 
was ieromnemon, you chose for pylagoras, Midias 
(that man who on many accounts I wish were still alive) 
and Thrasycles ; and with these was I joined in com- 
mission. On our arrival at Delphi, it happened that 
the ieromnemon Diognetus was instantly seized with a 
fever, and that Midias also shared the same misfortune. 
The other amphictyons assembled ; when some per- 
sons who wished to approve themselves the zealous 
friends of this state informed us that the Amphissaeans, 
now exposed to the power of the Thebans, and studious 
to pay them the most servile adulation, had introduced 
a decree against this city, by which a fine of fifty ta- 
lents was to be imposed on the community of Athens, 
because we had deposited some golden shields in the 
new temple before it had been completely finished, 
which bore the following and a very just inscription : — 
f By the Athenians ; taken from the Medes and The- 
bans, when they fought against the Greeks/ 

The ieromnemon sent for me, and desired that I 
should repair to the amphictyons, and speak in de- 
fence of the city, which I had myself determined to 
do. But scarcely had I began to speak, on my first 
appearance in the assembly (where I rose with some 
warmth, as the absence of the other deputies increased 
my solicitude), when I was interrupted by the clamors 
of an Amphissasan, a man of outrageous insolence, who 
seemed a total stranger to politeness, and was perhaps 
driven to this extravagance by some evil genius. He 
began thus : — ' Ye Greeks, were ye possessed with the 
least degree of wisdom, ye would not suffer the name 
of the Athenians to be mentioned at this time ; ye 
would drive them from the temple as the objects of 



406 ORATION OF #SCHINES 

divine wrath.' He then proceeded to take notice of 
our alliance with the Phocians, which the decree of 
Crobylus had formed, and loaded the state with many 
other odious imputations, which I then could not hear 
with temper, and which I cannot now recollect but 
with pain. His speech inflamed me to a"*degree of 
passion greater than I had ever felt through my whole 
life. Among other particulars, on which I shall not now 
enlarge, it occurred to me to take notice of the impiety 
of the Amphissaeans with respect to the consecrated 
land ; which I pointed out to the amphictyons from 
the place where I then stood, as the temple rose above 
the Cyrrhsean plain, and commanded the whole prospect 
of that district. i You see/ said I, ' ye amphictyons, 
how this tract hath been occupied by the people of 
Amphissa : you see the houses and factories they have 
there erected. Your own eyes are witnesses that this 
accursed and devoted harbor is completely furnished 
with buildings. You yourselves know, and need not 
any testimony, that they have exacted duties, and 
raised large sums of wealth from this harbor/ I then 
produced the oracle, the oath of our ancestors, and 
the imprecation by which it was confirmed ; and made 
a solemn declaration that, ' for the people of Athens, 
for myself, for my children, and for my family, I would 
support the rights of the god, and maintain the conse- 
crated land with all my might and power ; and thus 
rescue my country from the guilt of sacrilege. Do 
you, ye Greeks/ thus did I proceed, 6 determine for 
yourselves, as ye judge proper. Your sacred rites are 
now prepared ; your victims stand before the altars ; 
you are ready to offer up your solemn prayers for 
blessings on yourselves and on your countries ; — but, 
Ο consider, with what voice, with what front, with 
what confidence, can you breathe out your petitions, 
if ye suffer these sacrilegious men, thus devoted and 
accursed, to escape with impunity. The imprecation 
is not conceived in dark or doubtful terms. No : the 
curse extends not only to these impious profaners, but 
to all those who suffer their profanation to pass unre- 



AGAINST CTESIPHON. 407 

venged. These are the very words with which the 
awful and affecting form is closed : May they who per- 
mit them to escape unpunished never offer up an ac- 
ceptable sacrifice to Apollo, or to Diana, or to Latona, 
or to Minerva! but may all their devotions be rejected 
and abhorred!' 

When I had urged these and many other particu- 
lars I retired from the assembly ; when a considerable 
clamor and tumult arose among the amphictyons : and 
the debate was now no longer about the shields which 
we had dedicated, but about the punishment due to the 
Amphissasans. Thus was a considerable part of that 
day wasted, when at length a herald arose and made 
proclamation, That all the inhabitants of Delphi, above 
the age of sixteen, both slaves and freemen, should 
the next morning by sunrise assemble in the adjoining 
plain, called the plain of victims, with spades and mat- 
tocks : and by another proclamation it was ordained 
that the representatives of the several states should 
repair to the same place to support the rights of the 
god and the consecrated land ; and that, if any repre- 
sentatives should disobey this summons, their state 
was to be excluded from the temple, as sharing in the 
sacrilege, and involved in the imprecation. The next 
day we accordingly repaired to the place appointed, 
from whence we went down to the Cyrrhaean plain ; 
and, having there demolished the harbor, and set fire 
to the buildings, we retired. During these transactions 
the Locrians of Amphissa, who are settled at the dis- 
tance of sixty stadia from Delphi, assembled in arms, 
and fell on us with their whole force ; and, had we not 
with difficulty gained the town by a precipitate flight, 
we must have been in danger of total destruction. On 
the succeeding day Cattyphus, who acted as president 
of the council, summoned a convention of the amphic- 
tyons ; so they call an assembly formed not only of 
the representatives, but of all who come to offer 
sacrifice, or consult the oracle. In this convention 
many accusations were urged against the Amphissaeans, 
and much applause bestowed on our state. The whole 



408 ORATION OF jESCHINES 

debate was closed with a resolution, by which the 
ie'romnemons were directed to repair to Thermopylae, 
at a time appointed, previous to the next ordinary as- 
sembly, with a decree prepared for inflicting the due 
punishment on the Amphissaeans, for their sacrilegious 
oiFences against the god and the consecrated land, and 
for their outrage on the amphictyons. To prove the 
truth of this I produce the resolution itself. 
[The resolution.] 

And when at our return we reported this resolution, 
first in the senate, and then in the assembly of the 
people ; when we had made a full relation of all our 
transactions to the people, and the whole state de- 
termined to act agreeably to the dictates of piety ; 
when Demosthenes, from his private connexions with 
Amphissa, labored to defeat this purpose, and his ini- 
quitous practices were by me clearly detected in your 
presence ; when he found it impossible to defeat the 
interests of his country by a public opposition, he 
had recourse to secret management in the senate. 
There, having first taken care to exclude all private 
citizens, he gained a resolution (by taking advantage 
of his inexperience who moved it) which he produced 
to the popular assembly : and this resolution he con- 
trived to be confirmed by the voices of the people, and 
to be made their decree, at a time when the assembly 
was actually adjourned, when I was absent (else I 
never should have suffered it), and when the people 
were dismissed from their attendance. The purport 
of the resolution was this : ' That the ieromnemon and 
pylagorae, who should at any time be deputed by the 
Athenians to execute these offices, should repair to 
Thermopylae and to Delphi, at the times appointed by 
our ancestors/ — This was speciously expressed, but it 
concealed the basest purpose, which was, to prevent 
our deputies from attending the extraordinary council 
at Thermopylae, necessary to be held before the next 
stated day of assembly. 

But there was another clause in this resolution still 
plainer and more virulent. It directed that the i'erom- 



AGAINST CTESIPHON. 409 

nemon and pylagorae, who should at any time be ap- 
pointed by the Athenians, were to have no sort of 
intercourse with this extraordinary council, either in 
word, or deed, or decree, or any transaction whatever. 
* To have no sort of intercourse/ — What is the intent 
of this ? Shall I declare the truth ? or shall I speak to 
please you ? The truth by all means : for by consult- 
ing only your gratification in all that is here delivered 
hath the state been reduced to its present condition. 
The real purpose therefore of this clause is, that we 
should renounce all regard to the oath by which our 
ancestors were engaged, to the awful imprecation, and 
to the oracles of the god. 

Agreeably to this resolution we stayed at home, 
while all the other deputies assembled at Thermopylae, 
except those of one people, whose name I cannot bear 
to mention : (and never may any Grecian state suffer 
calamities in the least like theirs !) in this assembly it 
was resolved to undertake a war against the Amphis- 
saaans ; and Cattyphus the Pharsalian, who then pre- 
sided in the assembly, was appointed general. Nor 
was Philip at this time in Macedon ; no, nor in any 
part of Greece, but removed as far as Scythia ; he 
who Demosthenes presumes to say was by me brought 
down on the Greeks. In the first expedition, when 
the Amphissaeans were at their mercy, they treated 
them with the utmost moderation ; and, for their most 
heinous offences, they only imposed a fine, which was 
to be paid to the god by a time appointed ; removed 
the most notoriously criminal and principal authors of 
the sacrilege, and restored those who had been banished 
on account of their scrupulous regard to religion. But 
when this fine was not discharged, when the principal 
offenders were recalled home, and the innocent and 
religious men whom the amphictyons had restored 
were once more expelled ; then was the second expe- 
dition made against the Amphissagans, a considerable 
time after, when Philip was on his return from the 
Scythian expedition. And now, when the gods pre- 
sented you with the sovereign command in this holy 



410 ORATION OF ^SCHINES 

war, by the corruption of Demosthenes were you de- 
prived of that honor. 

And did not the gods warn us of our danger? did 
they not urge the necessity of vigilance in a language 
scarcely less explicit than that of man ? Surely never 
was a state more evidently protected by the gods, and 
more notoriously ruined by its popular leaders. Were 
we not sufficiently alarmed by that portentous incident 
in the mysteries, the sudden death of the initiated ? 
Did not Amyniades still farther warn us of our danger, 
and urge us to send deputies to Delphi to consult the 
god? And did not Demosthenes oppose this design? 
did he not say the Pythian priestess was inspired l by 
Philip ? rude and brutal as he is ; insolently presuming 
on that full power to which your favor raised him. 
And did he not at last, without one propitious sacri- 
fice, one favorable omen, to assure us of success., send 
out our armies to manifest and inevitable danger? 
Yet, he lately presumed to say that Philip did not 
venture to march into our territories ; for this very 
reason, because his sacrifices had not been propitious. 
What punishment therefore is due to thy offences, 
thou pest of G reece ? If the conqueror was prevented 
from invading the territories of the vanquished by un- 
propitious sacrifices, shouldst thou, who, without the 
least attention to futurity, without one favorable omen, 
hast sent our armies to the field — shouldst thou be 
honored with a crown for those calamities in which 
thou hast involved the state, or driven from our 
borders with ignominy ? 

And what can be conceived surprising or extraordi- 
nary that we have not experienced ? Our lives have 
not passed in the usual and natural course of human 
affairs : no, we were born to be an object of astonish- 
ment to posterity. Do we not see the king of Persia, 
he who opened a passage for his navy through Mount 

1 Was inspired, &c] Demosthenes expressed this by an 
artificial phrase, * the priestess Philippised/ on which the 
adversary founds his charge of rudeness and brutality. 



AGAINST CTESIPHON. 411 

Athos, who stretched his bridge across the Hellespont, 
who demanded earth and water from the Greeks ; he 
who in his letters presumed to style himself sovereign 
of mankind from the rising to the setting sun ; now no 
longer contending to be lord over others, but to secure 
his personal safety? Do not we see those crowned 
with honor, and ennobled with the command of the 
war against Persia, who rescued the Delphian temple 
from sacrilegious hands? Hath not Thebes, our neigh- 
boring state, been in one day torn from the midst of 
Greece ? And, although this calamity may justly be 
imputed to her own pernicious councils, yet we are 
not to ascribe such infatuation to any natural causes, 
but to the fatal influence of some evil genius. Are not 
the Lacedaemonians, those wretched men, who had but 
once slightly interfered in the sacrilegious outrage on 
the temple, who in their day of power aspired to the 
sovereignty of Greece, now reduced to display their 
wretchedness to the world by sending hostages to 
Alexander, ready to submit to that fate which he shall 
pronounce on themselves and on their country ; to 
those terms which a conqueror, and an incensed con- 
queror, shall vouchsafe to grant ? And is not this our 
state, the common refuge of the Greeks, once the great 
resort of all the ambassadors from the several cities, 
sent to implore our protection, as their sure resource, 
now obliged to contend, not for sovereign authority, 
but for our native land ? And to these circumstances 
have we been gradually reduced from that time when 
Demosthenes first assumed the administration. Well 
doth the poet Hesiod pronounce on such men, in one 
part of his works, where he points out the duty of 
citizens, and warns all societies to guard effectually 
against evil ministers. I shall repeat his words ; for i. 
presume we treasured up the sayings of poets in our 
memory when young, that in our riper years we might 
apply them to advantage. 

When one man's crimes the wrath of Heaven provoke, 
Oft hath a nation felt the fatal stroke. 



412 ORATION OF jESCHINES 

Contagion's blast destroys, at Jove's command, 

And wasteful famine desolates the land. 

Or, in the field of war, her boasted powers 

Are lost ; and earth receives her prostrate towers. 

In vain in gorgeous state her navies ride ; 

Dash'd, wreck'd, and bury'din the boisterous tide. 

Take away the measure of these verses, consider 
only the sentiment, and you will fancy that you hear, 
not some part of Hesiod, but a prophecy of the admi- 
nistration of Demosthenes ; for true it is, that both 
fleets and armies, and whole cities have been com- 
pletely destroyed by his administration ; and, in my 
opinion, neither Phryrondas, nor Eurybatus, nor any of 
those most distinguished by their villanies in former 
times have been equal to this man in the arts of impos- 
ture and deceit ; this man, who (hear it, Ο earth ! hear 
it all ye gods, and all of human race who have the 
least regard to truth!) dares to meet the eyes of his 
fellow-citizens, and shamelessly assert that the The- 
bans were induced to the confederacy with us, not 
by the conjuncture of their aifairs, not by the terror 
which possessed them, nor yet by our reputation ; but 
by the negotiations of Demosthenes. True it is, that 
before this time we sent many ambassadors to Thebes, 
all of them united with that state in the strictest con- 
nexions. First we sent our general Thrasybulus, a man 
highest above all others in the confidence of the The- 
bans ; after him Thraso, on whom the Thebans con- 
ferred the honors of hospitality ; then again Leodamas, 
nothing inferior to Demosthenes in the powers of elo- 
quence, and in my opinion a much more pleasing 
speaker; Archidemus, another powerful speaker, whose 
attachment to Thebes had exposed him to considerable 
danger ; Aristophon, the popular leader, who had long 
incurred the censure of being in his heart a Boeotian. 
Add to these Pyrandrus, the public speaker, who is 
yet alive. And yet not one of these was ever able to 
prevail on them to unite in alliance with our state. I 
know the cause ; but I must not insult their calamities. 
— -The truth is (as I conceive), that when Philip had 



AGAINST CTESIPHON. 413 

wrested Nicaea from them, and delivered it to the 
Thessalians ; when he had transferred the war from 
Phocis to the very walls of Thebes, that war which he 
had before repelled from the territories of Boeotia ; and 
when, to crown all, he had seized and fortified and fixed 
his garrison in Elataea, then did their fears of ap- 
proaching ruin force them to apply to Athens ; and 
then did you march out and appear at Thebes, with all 
your power, both of infantry and cavalry, before De- 
mosthenes had ever proposed one syllable about an al- 
liance. For it was the times, the present terror, and 
the necessity of uniting with you, which then brought 
you to Thebes ; not Demosthenes. 

And let it be observed that in these his negotiations 
he committed three capital offences against the state. 
In the first place, when Philip made war on us only in 
name, but in reality pointed all his resentment against 
Thebes (as appears sufficiently from the event, and 
needs not any farther evidence), he insidiously con- 
cealed this, of which it so highly concerned us to be in- 
formed ; and pretending that the alliance now pro- 
posed was not the effect of the present conjuncture, but 
of his negotiations, he first prevailed on the people not 
to debate about conditions, but to be satisfied that the 
alliance was formed on any terms ; and having secured 
this point, he gave up all Boeotia to the power of 
Thebes, by inserting this clause in the decree, that if 
any city should revolt from the Thebans, the Athe- 
nians would grant their assistance to such of the Boeo- 
tians only as should be resident in Thebes ; thus con- 
cealing his fraudulent designs in specious terms., and 
betraying us into his real purposes, according to his 
usual practice ; as if the Boeotians, who had really la- 
bored under the most grievous oppression, were to be 
fully satisfied with the fine periods of Demosthenes, 
and to forget all resentment of the wrongs which they 
had suffered. — Then as to the expenses of the war, two 
thirds of these he imposed on us, who were the farthest 
removed from danger, and one third only on the The- 
bans ; for which, as well as all his other measures, he 



414 ORATION OF iESCHINES 

was amply bribed. And with respect to the command, 
that of the fleet he indeed divided between us ; the ex- 
pense he imposed intirely on Athens ; and that of the 
land forces (if I am to speak seriously I must insist 
on it) he absolutely transferred to the Thebans ; so 
that during this whole war our general Stratocles had 
not so much authority as might enable him to provide 
for the security of his soldiers. And here I do not 
urge offences too trivial for the regard of other men. 
No, I speak them freely ; all mankind condemns 
them, and you yourselves are conscious of them ; yet 
will not be roused to resentment. For so completely 
hath Demosthenes habituated you to his offences, that 
you now hear them without emotion or surprise. But 
this should not be ; they should excite your utmost in- 
dignation, and meet their just punishment, if you would 
preserve those remains of fortune which are still left 
to Athens. 

A second and a much more grievous offence did he 
commit in clandestinely taking away all authority of 
our senate, all the jurisdiction of our popular assem- 
bly, and transferring them from Athens to the citadel 
of Thebes, by virtue of that clause which gave the 
magistrates of Bceotia a share in all councils and 
transactions. And such an uncontrolled power did 
he assume, that he rose publicly in the assembly, and 
declared that he would go as ambassador, whither he 
himself thought proper, although not authorised by 
your commission ; and, if any of the generals should 
attempt to control him, he declared (as a warning to 
our magistrates to acknowlege his sovereign power, 
and as a means of accustoming them to implicit sub- 
mission) that he would 4 commence a suit for esta- 
blishing the pre-eminence of the speaker's gallery 
over the general's pavilion ; ? for that the state had de- 
rived more advantages from him in this gallery than 
ever it had gained from the generals in their pavilions. 
Then, by his false musters in the contract for the fo- 
reign troops, he was enabled to secrete large sums of 
the money destined to the military service. And by 



AGAINST CTESIPHON. 415 

hiring ten thousand of these troops to the Amphis- 
saeans, in spite of all my remonstrances, all my earnest 
solicitations in the assembly, he involved the state in 
the most perilous difficulties, at a time when the loss 
of these foreign troops had left us unprovided to en- 
counter dangers. What think you was at this time 
the object of Philip's most ardent wishes ? Was it not 
that he might attack our domestic forces separately, 
and our foreign troops at Amphissa separately, and 
thus take advantage of the general despair into which 
the Greeks must sink at such an important blow? 
And now Demosthenes, the great author of these 
evils, is not contented that he escapes from justice, 
but if he be denied the honor of a crown, expresses 
the highest indignation ; nor is he satisfied that this 
crown should be proclaimed in your presence ; but, 
unless all Greece be made witness of his honors, he 
complains of the grievous injury. And thus we find 
that when a disposition naturally base hath obtained 
any considerable share of power, it never fails to work 
the ruin of a state. 

I am now to speak of a third offence, and this still 
more heinous than the others. Philip by no means 
despised the Greeks ; was by no means ignorant (for 
he was not devoid of all sense) that by a general en- 
gagement he must set his whole power to the hazard 
of a day ; he was well inclined to treat about an ac- 
commodation, and was on the point of sending depu- 
ties for this purpose ; while the Theban magistrates, on 
their parts, were alarmed at the approaching danger, 
with good reason : for it was not a dastardly speaker 
who fled from his post in battle that presented it to 
their thoughts, but the Phocian war, that dreadful 
contest of ten years, which taught them a lesson never 
to be forgotten. Such was the state of affairs, and 
Demosthenes perceived it : he suspected that the 
Boeotian chiefs were on the point of making a separate 
peace, and would receive Philip's gold without ad- 
mitting him to a share : and deeming it worse than 
death to be thus excluded from any scheme of corrup- 



416 ORATION OF ^ESCHINES 

tion, he started up in the assembly before any man 
had declared his opinion that a peace should or should 
not be concluded with Philip, but with an intent of 
warning the Boeotian chiefs by a kind of public pro- 
clamation that they were to allow him his portion of 
their bribes : he swore by Minerva (whom it seems 
Phidias made for the use of Demosthenes in his vile 
trade of fraud and perjury), that if any man should 
utter one word of making peace with Philip, he him- 
self with his own hands would drag him by the hair to 
prison: imitating in this the conduct of Cleophon, who 
in the war with Lacedsemon, as we are informed, 
brought destruction on the state. 1 But when the ma- 
gistrates of Thebes paid him no attention, but on the 
contrary had countermanded their troops when on 
their march, and proposed to you to consult about a 
peace, then was he absolutely frantic : he rose up in 
the assembly ; he called the Boeotian chiefs traitors to 
Greece, and declared that he himself would move (he 
who never dared to meet the face of an enemy) that 
you should send ambassadors to the Thebans to demand 
a passage through their territory for your forces, in 
their march against Philip. And thus through shame, 
and fearing that they might really be thought to have 
betrayed Greece, were the magistrates of Thebes di- 
verted from all thoughts of peace, and hurried at once 
to the field of battle. 2 

And here let us recal to mind those gallant men 
whom he forced out to manifest destruction, without 



1 Destruction on the state.] After the battle of Cyzicum 
the Spartans offered to conclude a peace with Athens. Their 
ambassador proposed fair and equitable terms, and the mo- 
derate part of the state inclined to an accommodation. But 
the violent and factious leaders, among whom this Cleophon 
was distinguished, inflamed the people's vanity by a magni- 
ficent display of their late success (as if Fortune, says Dio- 
dorus, had, contrary to her usual course, determined to con- 
fine her favors to one party). And thus the majority were 
prevailed on to declare for war : and the event proved fatal. 

2 See History of Philip, b. v. sect. 2. 



AGAINST CTESIPHON. 417 

one sacred rite happily performed, one propitious 
omen to assure them of success ; and yet, when they 
had fallen in battle, presumed to ascend their monu- 
ment with those coward feet that fled from their post, 
and pronounced his encomiums on their merit. But 
Ο thou who, on every occasion of great and important 
action, hast proved of all mankind the most worthless, 
in the insolence of language the most astonishing, canst 
thou attempt in the face of these thy fellow-citizens to 
claim the honor of a crown for the misfortunes in 
which thou hast plunged thy city ? Or, should he claim 
it, can you restrain your indignation, and hath the 
memory of your slaughtered countrymen perished with 
them? Indulge me for a moment, and imagine that 
you are now not in this tribunal, but in the theatre ; 
imagine that you see the herald approaching, and the 
proclamation prescribed in this decree on the point of 
being delivered ; and then consider, whether will the 
friends of the deceased shed more tears at the trage- 
dies, at the pathetic stories of the great characters to 
be presented on the stage, or at the insensibility of 
their country? What inhabitant of Greece, what hu- 
man creature who hath imbibed the least share of 
liberal sentiments, must not feel the deepest sorrow- 
when he reflects on one transaction which he must 
have seen in the theatre ; when he remembers, if he 
remembers nothing else, that on festivals like these, 
when the tragedies were to be presented, in those times 
when the state was well governed, and directed by 
faithful ministers, a herald appeared, and introducing 
those orphans whose fathers had died in battle, now 
arrived at maturity, and dressed in complete armour, 
made a proclamation the most noble, and the most 
effectual to excite the mind to glorious actions : * That 
these youths, whose fathers lost their lives in fighting 
bravely for their country, the people had maintained 
to this their age of maturity : that now, having fur- 
nished them with complete suits of armour, they dis- 
miss them (with prayers for their prosperity) to attend 
dem. 2 D 



418 ORATION OF jESCHINES 

to their respective affairs, and invite them to aspire to 
the highest offices of the state/ 

Such were the proclamations in old times ; but such 
are not heard now. And, were the herald to introduce 
the person who had made these children orphans, what 
could he say, or what could he proclaim ? Should he 
speak in the form prescribed in this decree, yet the 
odious truth would still force itself on you ; it would 
seem to strike your ears with a language different, 
from that of the herald : it would tell you that ' the 
Athenian people crowned this man, who scarcely de- 
serves the name of man, on account of his virtue, 
though a wretch the most abandoned ; and on account 
of his magnanimity, though a coward and deserter of 
his post/ Do not, Athenians ! I conjure you by all 
the powers of Heaven, do not erect a trophy in your 
theatre to perpetuate your own disgrace : do not ex- 
pose the weak conduct of your country in the presence 
of the Greeks : do not recal all their grievous and 
desperate misfortunes to the minds of the wretched 
Thebans ; who, when driven from their habitations by 
this man, were received within these walls ; whose 
temples, whose children, whose sepulchral monuments, 
were destroyed by the corruption of Demosthenes and 
the Macedonian gold. 

Since you were not personal spectators of their cala- 
mities, represent them to your imaginations ; think 
that you behold their city stormed, their walls levelled 
with the ground, their houses in flames, their wives 
and children dragged to slaveiy, their hoary citizens, 
their ancient matrons, unlearning liberty in their old 
age, pouring out their tears, and crying to you for 
pity ; expressing their resentment, not against the in- 
struments, but the real authors of their calamities ; 
importuning you by no means to grant a crown to this 
pest of Greece, but rather to guard against that curse, 
that fatal genius which evermore pursues him : for 
never did any state, never did any private persons, 
conduct their affairs to an happy issue, that were 



AGAINST CTESIPHON. 419 

guided by the counsels of Demosthenes. And is it not 
shameful, my countrymen, that in the case of those 
mariners who transport men over to Salamis, it should 
be enacted by a law, that whoever shall overset his 
vessel in this passage, even inadvertently, shall never 
be again admitted to the same employment (so that 
no one may be suffered to expose the persons of the 
Greeks to careless hazard) ; and yet that this man, who 
hath quite overset all Greece, as well as this state, 
should be still intrusted with the helm of govern- 
ment ? 

That I may now speak of the fourth period, and 
thus proceed to the present times, I must recal one 
particular to your thoughts : that Demosthenes not 
only deserted from his post in battle, but fled from his 
duty in the city, under the pretence of employing 
some of our ships in collecting contributions from the 
Greeks : but when, contrary to expectation, the pub- 
lic dangers seemed to vanish, he again returned. At 
first he appeared a timorous and dejected creature: he 
rose in the assembly, scarcely half alive, and desired 
to be appointed a commissioner for settling and esta- 
blishing the treaty : but during the first progress of 
these transactions you did not even allow the name of 
Demosthenes to be subscribed to your decrees, but 
appointed Nausicles your principal agent : yet now he 
has the presumption to demand a crown. When Phi- 
lip died, and Alexander succeeded to the kingdom, 
then did he once more practise his impostures. He 
raised altars to Pausanias, and loaded the senate with 
the odium of offering sacrifices and public thanks- 
givings on this occasion. He called Alexander a mar- 
gites, 1 and had the presumption to assert that he would 

1 A margites.] A contemptible idiot. — Immediately after 
the* death of Philip, says Plutarch, the states began to form a 
confederacy, at the instigation of Demosthenes. The The- 
bans, whom he supplied with arms, attacked the Macedonian 
garrison, and cut off numbers of them. The Athenians pre- 
pared to join with Thebes. Their assemblies were directed 
solely by Demosthenes, who sent dispatches to the king's 



420 ORATION OF ^ESCHINES 

never stir from Macedon ; for that lie would be satis- 
fied with parading through his capital, and there tear- 
ing up his victims in search of happy omens. ' And 
this/ said he, ' I declare, not from conjecture, but from 
a clear conviction of this great truth, that glory is not 
to be purchased but by blood:' — the wretch! whose 
veins have no blood ; who judged of Alexander, not 
from the temper of Alexander, but from his own das- 
tardly soul. 

But when the Thessalians had taken up arms against 
us, and the young prince at first expressed the warmest 
resentment, and not without reason — when an army 
had actually invested Thebes, then was he chosen our 
ambassador ; but when he had proceeded as far as 
Cithaeron he turned and ran back to Athens. Thus 
hath he proved equally worthless, both in peace and in 
war. But what is most provoking, you refused to give 
him up to justice ; nor would you suffer him to be 
tried in the general council of the Greeks : and if that 
be true which is reported, he hath now repaid your 
indulgence by an act of direct treason ; for the mariners 
of the Paralian galley, and the ambassadors sent to 
Alexander, report (and with great appearance of truth) 
that there is one Aristion, a Plataean, the son of Aris- 
tobulus the apothecary (if any of you know the man). 
This youth, who was distinguished by the beauty of 
his person, lived a long time in the house of Demo- 
sthenes : how he was there employed, or to what pur- 
poses he served, is a matter of doubt, and which it 
might not be decent to explain particularly : and, as I 
am informed, he afterwards contrived (as his birth and 
course of life were a secret to the world) to insinuate 
himself into the favor of Alexander, with whom he 
lived with some intimacy. This man Demosthenes 
employed to deliver letters to Alexander, which served 
in some sort to dispel his fears, and affected his recon- 

lieutenants in Asia, to prevail on them to rise against Alex- 
ander, whom he called a boy, and a margites. — Tlut. in De- 
mostk. 



AGAINST CTESIPHON. 421 

ciliation with the prince, which he labored to confirm 
by the most abandoned flattery. 

And now observe how exactly this account agrees 
with the facts which I allege against him ; for if De- 
mosthenes had been sincere in his professions, had he 
really been that mortal foe to Alexander, there were 
three most fortunate occasions for an opposition, not 
one of which he appears to have improved. The first 
was when this prince had but just ascended the throne, 
and before his own affairs were duly settled, passed 
over into Asia, when the king of Persia was in the 
height of all his power, amply furnished with ships, 
with money, and with forces, and extremely desirous 
of admitting us to his alliance, on account of the danger 
which then threatened his dominions. Did you then 
utter one word, Demosthenes ? Did you rise up to 
move for any one resolution ? Am I to impute your 
silence to terror — to the influence of your natural timi- 
dity I But the interests of the state cannot wait the 
timidity of a public speaker. Again, when Darius 
had taken the field with all his forces ; when Alexander 
was shut up in the" defiles of Cilicia, and as you pre- 
tended, destitute of all necessaries ; when he was on 
the point of being trampled down by the Persian ca- 
valry (this was your language) ; when your insolence 
was insupportable to the whole city ; when you marched 
about in state with your letters in your hands, point- 
ing me out to your creatures as a trembling and de- 
sponding wretch, calling me the ' gilded victim,' and 
declaring that I was to be crowned for sacrifice if any 
accident should happen to Alexander ; still were you 
totally inactive ; still you reserved yourself for some 
fairer occasion. — But to pass over all these things, and 
to come to late transactions. The Lacedaemonians, in 
conjunction with their foreign troops, had gained a 
victory, and cut to pieces the Macedonian forces near 
Corragus ; the Eleans had gone over to their party, 
and all the Achasans, except the people of Pellene ; all 
Arcadia also, except the Great City ; and this was be- 
sieged, and every day expected to be taken. Alex- 



422 ORATION OF JESCHINES 

ander was at a distance farther than the pole ; almost 
beyond the limits of the habitable world : Antipater 
had been long employed in collecting his forces ; and 
the event was utterly uncertain . In this juncture, say, 
Demosthenes, what were your actions ? what were 
your speeches? If you please I will come down, and 
give you an opportunity of informing us. — But you 
are silent. Well, then, I will show some tenderness 
to your hesitation, and I myself will tell the assembly 
how you then spoke. And do you not remember his 
strange and monstrous expressions ? which you (O 
astonishing insensibility!) could endure to hear. He 
rose up and cried, ' Some men are pruning the city ; 
they are lopping the tendrils of the state ; they cut 
through the sinews of our affairs ; we are packed up 
and matted; they thread us like needles/ — Thou aban- 
doned wretch ! What language is this ? Is it natural 
or monstrous ? Again, you writhed and twisted your 
body round in the gallery ; and cried out, as if you 
really exerted all your zeal against Alexander, ' I con- 
fess that I prevailed on the Lacedaemonians to revolt ; 
that I brought over the Thessalians and Perrhibseans/ 
Influence the Thessalians ! Could you influence a 
single village — you who in time of danger never ven- 
ture to stir from the city : no ; not from your own 
house ? Indeed, where any money is to be obtained, 
there you are ever ready to seize your prey, but utterly 
incapable of any action worthy of a man. If fortune 
favors us with some instances of success, then indeed 

. he assumes the merit to himself; he ascribes it to his 
own address : if some danger alarms us, he flies : if 
our fears are quieted, he demands rewards, he expects 
golden crowns. 

ζ But all this is granted : yet he is a zealous friend 

¥ to our free constitution. 7 — If you consider only his 
fair and plausible discourses, you may be deceived in 
this as you have been in other instances : but look 
into his real nature and character, and you cannot be 
deceived. Hence it is that you are to form your 
judgment. And here I shall recount the several par- 



AGAINST CTESIPH0X. 423 

ticulars necessary to form the character of a faithful 
citizen and an useful friend to liberty. On the other 
hand, I shall describe the man who is likely to prove 
a bad member of society and a favorer of the arbitrary 
power of a few. Do you apply these two descriptions 
to him, and consider not what he alleges, but what he 
really is. 

I presume then it must be universally acknowleged 
that these are the characteristics of a friend to our free 
constitution. First, he must be of a liberal descent, 
both by father and mother, lest the misfortune of his 
birth should inspire him with a prejudice against the 
laws which secure our freedom. Secondly, he must 
be descended from such ancestors as have done service 
to the people, at least from such as have not lived in 
enmity with them : this is indispensably necessary, 
lest he should be prompted to do the state some in- 
jury in order to revenge the quarrel of his ancestors. 
Thirdly, he must be discreet and temperate in his 
course of life, lest a luxurious dissipation of his for- 
tune might tempt him to receive a bribe in order to 
betray his country. Fourthly, he must have integrity 
united with a powerful elocution : for it is the perfec- 
tion of a statesman to possess that goodness of mind 
which may ever direct him to the most salutary mea- 
sures, together with a skill and power of speaking 
which may effectually recommend them to his hearers: 
yet. of the two, integrity is to be preferred to elo- 
quence, Fifthly, he must ha re a manly spirit, that in 
war and danger he may not desert his country. It may 
be sufficient to say, without farther repetition, that a 
friend to the arbitrary power of a few is distinguished 
by the characteristics directly opposite to these. 

And now consider which of them agree to Demo- 
sthenes. Let us state the account with the most scru- 
pulous regard to justice. This man's father was De- 
mosthenes of the Pa?anian tribe, a citizen of repute 
(for I shall adhere strictly to truth). But how he 
stands as to family, with respect to his mother and her 
father, I must now explain. There was once in Athens 



424 ORATION OF ^ESCHINES 

a man called Gylon, who, by betraying Nymphasum in 
Pontus to the enemy, a city then possessed by us, was 
obliged to fly from his country in order to escape the 
sentence of death denounced against him, and settled 
on the Bosphorus, where he obtained from the neigh- 
boring princes a tract of land called 'The Gardens/ 
and married a woman, who indeed brought him a con- 
siderable fortune, but was by birth a Scythian : by 
her he had two daughters, whom he sent hither with a 
great quantity of wealth : one of them he settled, I 
shall not mention 1 with whom, that I may not provoke 
the resentment of too many ; the other Demosthenes 
the Pseanian married, in defiance of our laws ; and 
from her is the present Demosthenes sprung — our tur- 
bulent and malicious informer. So that by his grand- 
father, in the female line, he is an enemy to the state ; 
for this grandfather was condemned to death by your 
ancestors : and by his mother he is a Scythian ; one 
who assumes the language of Greece, but whose aban- 
doned principles betray his barbarous descent. 

And what hath been his course of life ? — He first 
assumed the office of a trierarch ; and having exhausted 
his paternal fortune by his ridiculous vanity, he de- 
scended to the profession of an hired advocate : but 
having lost all credit in this employment, by betraying 
the secrets of his clients to their antagonists, he forced 
his way into the gallery, and appeared a popular 
speaker. When those vast sums of which he had de- 
frauded the public were just dissipated, a sudden tide 
of Persian gold poured into his exhausted coiFers : nor 
was all this sufficient ; for no fund whatever can prove 
sufficient for the profligate and corrupt. In a word, 
he supported himself, not by a fortune of his own, but 

1 I shall not mention, &c] The name which iEschines 
suppresses from motives of policy, Demosthenes has himself 
discovered in his oration against Aphobus ; where he declares 
that his mother was daughter to this Gylon, and that her 
sister married Demochares. This passage must have escaped 
Plutarch, as he expresses a doubt whether the account here 
given of the family of Demosthenes be true or false. — Tourreil. 



AGAINST CTESIPHON. 425 

by your perils. But how doth he appear with respect 
to integrity and force of elocution ? Powerful in 
speaking* ; abandoned in his manners. Of such unna- 
tural depravity in his sensual gratifications, that I 
cannot describe his practices ; I cannot offend that deli- 
cacy to which such shocking descriptions are always 
odious. And how hath he served the public ? His 
speeches have been plausible ; his actions traitorous. 

As to his courage, I need say but little on that head. 
Did he himself deny that he is a coward ? Were you 
not sensible of it, I should think it necessary to detain 
you by a formal course of evidence. But as he hath 
publicly confessed it in our assemblies, and as you 
have been witnesses of it, it remains only that I re- 
mind you of the laws enacted against such crimes. It 
was the determination of Solon, our old legislator, 
that he who evaded his duty in the field, or left his 
post in battle, should be subject to the same penalties 
with the man directly convicted of cowardice : for 
there are laws enacted against cowardice. It may 
perhaps seem wonderful that the law should take cog- 
nisance of a natural infirmity. But such is the fact. 
And why ? That every one of us may dread the pu- 
nishment denounced by law, more than the enemy ; 
and thus prove the better soldier in the cause of his 
country. The man, then, who declines the service of 
the field, the coward, and he who leaves his post in 
battle, are by our lawgiver excluded from all share l in 
public deliberations, rendered incapable of receiving 
the honor of a crown, and denied admission to the reli- 
gious rites performed by the public. But you direct 
us to crown a person whom the laws declare to be in-. 

1 From all share, &c] The original expression imports 
1 from the lustral vessels of our public place of assembling.' 
These vessels of hallowed water were placed at the entrance 
of their temples, and the avenues of their forum, for the same 
purpose to which they are at this day applied in Popish 
churches. And it was a part of the religious ceremonies per- 
formed in their public assemblies, previously to all delibera- 
tion, to sprinkle the place, and the people, from those vessels. 



426 ORATION OF iESCHINES 

capable of receiving a crown ; and by your decree you 
introduce a man into the theatre who is disqualified 
from appearing there ; you call him into a place sa- 
cred to Bacchus, who by his cowardice hath betrayed 
all our sacred places. — But, that I may not divert you 
from the great point, remember this. When Demo- 
sthenes tells you that he is a friend to liberty, examine 
not his speeches, but his actions ; and consider not 
what he professes to be, but what he really is. 

And now that I have mentioned crowns and public 
honors, while it yet rests on my mind, let me recom- 
mend this precaution. It must be your part, Athe- 
nians, to put an end to this frequency of public honors, 
these precipitate grants of crowns; else, they who ob- 
tain them will owe you no acknowlegement; nor shall 
the state receive the least advantage : for you never 
can make bad men better, and those of real merit 
must be cast into the utmost dejection. Of this truth 
I shall convince you by the most powerful arguments. 
Suppose a man should ask at what time this state sup- 
ported the most illustrious reputation — in the present 
days, or in those of our ancestors ? With one voice 
you would reply, ' In the days of our ancestors/ At 
what time did our citizens display the greatest merit ? 
Then, or now ? They were then eminent ; now, much 
less distinguished. At what time were rewards, 
crowns, proclamations, and public honors of every 
kind most frequent ? Then, or now ? Then they were 
rare, and truly valuable ; then the name of merit bore 
the highest lustre : but now it is tarnished and effaced ; 
while your honors are conferred by course and custom, 
not with judgment and distinction. 

It may possibly seem unaccountable that rewards 
are now more frequent, yet that public affairs were then 
more florishing ; that our citizens are now less worthy, 
but were then of real eminence. This is a difficulty 
which I shall endeavor to obviate. Do you imagine, 
Athenians, that any man whatever would engage in 
the games held on our festivals, or in any others, 
where the victors receive a crown, in the exercises 



AGAINST CTESIPHON. 427 

of wrestling, or in any of the several athletic contests, 
if the crown was to be conferred, not on the most 
worthy, but on the man of greatest interest ? Surely 
no man would engage. But now, as the reward of 
such their victory is rare, hardly to be obtained, truly 
honorable, and never to be forgotten, there are cham- 
pions found ready to submit to the severest prepara- 
tory discipline, and to encounter all the dangers of 
the contest. Imagine then that political merit is a 
kind of game which you are appointed to direct ; and 
consider that if you grant the prizes to a few, and 
those the most worthy, and on such conditions as the 
laws prescribe, you will have many champions in this 
contest of merit. But if you gratify any man that 
pleases, or those who can secure the strongest interest, 
you will be the means of corrupting the very best 
natural dispositions. 

That you may conceive the force of what I here ad- 
vance I must explain myself still more clearly. Which, 
think ye, was the more worthy citizen — Themistocles, 
who commanded your fleet when you defeated the 
Persian in the sea-fight at Salamis ; or this Demo- 
sthenes, who deserted from his post ? Miltiades, who 
conquered the barbarians at Marathon ; or this man ? 
The chiefs who led back the people from Phyle ? ! 
Aristides, surnamed the Just, a title quite different 
from that of Demosthenes? — No; by the powers of 
Heaven, I deem the names of these heroes too noble 
to be mentioned in the same day with that of this 
savage. And let Demosthenes show, when he comes 
to his reply, if ever a decree was made for granting a 
golden crown to them. Was then the state ungrateful 1 
No : but she thought highly of her own dignity. And 
these citizens, who were not thus honored, appear to 
have been truly worthy of such a state : for they ima- 
gined that they were not to be honored by public 

1 From Phyle.] When Thrasybulus had expelled the thirty 
tyrants established by the Lacedemonians in Athens, at the 
conclusion of the Peloponnesian war. 



428 ORATION OF ^ESCHINES. 

records, but by the memories of those they had 
obliged : and their honors have there remained from 
that time down to this day in characters indelible and 
immortal. There were citizens in those days who, 
being stationed at the river Strymon, there patiently 
endured a long series of toils and dangers, and at 
length gained a victory over the Medes. At their 
return they petitioned the people for a reward ; and a 
reward was conferred on them (then deemed of great 
importance) by erecting three Mercuries of stone in 
the usual portico, on which, however, their names 
were not inscribed, lest this might seem a monument 
erected to the honor of the commanders, not to that 
of the people. For the truth of this I appeal to the 
inscriptions. That on the first statue was expressed 
thus : 

Great souls ! who fought near Strymon's rapid tide, 
And braved the invader's arm, and quell'd his pride. 
Eion's high towers confess'd the glorious deed, 
And saw dire famine waste the vanquish' d Mede. 
Such was our vengeance on the barbarous host • 
And such the generous toils our heroes boast. 

This was the inscription on the second : 

This, the reward which grateful Athens gives ! 
Here, still the patriot and the hero lives ! 
Here let the rising age with rapture gaze, 
And emulate the glorious deeds they praise. 

On the third was the inscription thus : 

Menestheus hence led forth his chosen train, 
And pour'd the war o'er hapless Ilion's plain. 
'Twashis (so speaks the bard's immortal lay) 
To form the imbody'd host in firm array. 
Such were our sons ! — Nor yet shall Athens yield 
The first bright honors of the sanguine field. 
Still, nurse of heroes ! still the praise is thine, 
Of every glorious toil, of every act divine. 

In these do we find the name of the general ? No ; 
but that of the people. Fancy yourselves transported 
to the grand portico ; for in this your place of assem- 
bling the monuments of all great actions are erected 
full in view. There we find a picture of the battle of 



AGAINST CTESIPHON. 429 

Marathon. Who was the general in this battle ? To 
this question you would all answer, Miltiades. And 
yet his name is not inscribed. How ? Did he not 
petition for such an honor ? He did petition ; but the 
people refused to grant it. Instead of inscribing his 
name, they consented that he should be drawn in the 
foreground, encouraging his soldiers. In like manner, 
in the temple of the great Mother adjoining to the 
senate-house you may see the honors paid to those 
who brought our exiles back from Phyle. The decree 
for these honors was solicited and obtained by Archi- 
nes, one of those whom they restored to the citizens. 
And this decree directs, first, that a thousand drachmae 
shall be given to them for sacrifices and otFerings ; a 
sum which allowed not quite ten drachmae to each. 
In the next place, it ordains that each shall be crowned 
with a wreath of olive, not of gold : for crowns of 
olive were then deemed highly honorable ; now, those 
of gold are regarded with contempt. Nor was even 
this to be granted precipitately, but after an exact pre- 
vious examination by the senate into the numbers of 
those who had maintained their post at Phyle, when 
the Lacedaemonians and the thirty had marched to 
attack them, not of those who had fled from their post 
at Chaeronea, on the first appearance of an enemy. 
And for the truth of this let the decree be read. 
[The decree for honoring those who had been at Phyle.] 
Compare this with the decree proposed by Ctesiphon 
in favor of Demosthenes, the author of our most griev- 
ous calamities. — Read. 

[The decree of Ctesiphon.] 
By this decree are the honors granted to those who 
restored our exiles utterly effaced. If to confer the 
one was laudable, to grant the other must be scandal- 
ous. If they were worthy of their public honors, he 
must be utterly unworthy of this crown. — But it is his 
purpose to allege (as I am informed) that I proceed 
without candor or justice in comparing his actions 
with those of our ancestors. In the Olympic games, 
saith he, Philamon is not crowned because he hath 



430 ORATION OF /ESCHINES 

excelled Glaucus the ancient wrestler, but because he 
hath conquered his own antagonists ; as if you did 
not know that in these games the contest is between 
the immediate combatants ; but, where political merit 
is to be honored, the contest is with merit itself; nor 
can the herald at all deviate from truth when he is to 
make proclamation in the presence of the Greeks. Do 
not then pretend to say you have served the state bet- 
ter than PataBcion: prove that you have attained to 
true and perfect excellence, and then demand honors 
from the people. But that I may not lead you too far 
from the subject, let the secretary read the inscription 
in honor of those who brought back the people from 
Phyle. S 

THE INSCRIPTION. 

These wreaths Athenian gratitude bestows 
On the brave chiefs who first for freedom rose, 
Drove the proud tyrants from their lawless state, 
And bade the rescued land again be great. 

That they had overturned a government repugnant 
to the laws : this is the very reason here assigned for 
their public honors. For such was the universal reve- 
rence for the laws at that time, that men's ears were 
perpetually ringing with this maxim, that, by defeat- 
ing impeachments against illegal practices, our consti- 
tution was instantly subverted. So have I been in- 
formed by my father, who died at the age of ninety- 
five, after snaring all the distresses of his country. 
Such were the principles he repeatedly inculcated, in 
his hours of disengagement. By him have I been 
assured that, at the time when our freedom was just 
restored, the man who stood arraigned for any viola- 
tion of the laws received the punishment due to his 
offence without respite or mercy. And what offence 
can be conceived more impious than an infringement 
of the laws either by word or action ? — At that time, 
said he, such causes were not heard in the same man- 
ner as at present. The judges exerted more severity 
against those who stood impeached than even the pro- 
secutor. It was then usual for them to interrupt the 



AGAINST CTES1PH0N. 431 

secretary, to oblige him again to read the laws, and to 
compare them with the decree impeached : and to pro- 
nounce their sentence of condemnation, not on those 
only who had been convicted of violating the whole 
tenor of the laws, but even on those who had deviated 
from them in one single particle. But the present 
course of procedure is even ridiculous. The officer 
reads the indictment ; but as if it was an idle song, or 
some trivial matter of no concernment to them, the 
judges turn their attention to some other subject. And 
thus seduced by the wiles of Demosthenes, you have 
admitted a shameful practice into your tribunals ; and 
public justice is perverted: the prosecutor is obliged 
to appear as the defendant ; while the person accused 
commences prosecutor : the judges sometimes forget 
the points to which their right of judicature extends, 
and are forced to give sentence on matters not fairly 
cognisable on their tribunals ; and if the impeached 
party ever deigns to enter on his defence, his plea is, 
not that he is innocent of the charge, but that some 
other person, equally guilty, hath on some former 
occasion been suffered to escape. And on this plea 
Ctesiphon relies with greatest confidence, as I am in- 
formed. 

Your citizen Aristophon once dared to boast that 
fifty-five times had he been prosecuted for illegal de- 
crees, and as many times had he escaped. Not so Ce- 
phalus our old minister, he whom we deemed the most 
zealously attached to the constitution. He on the 
contrary accounted it his greatest glory that, although 
he had proposed more decrees than any other citizen, 
yet had he been not once obliged to defend himself 
against an impeachment. And this was really matter 
of triumph ; for in his days prosecutions were com- 
menced, not by the partisans of opposite factions against 
each other, but by friends against friends, in every 
case in which the state was injured. To produce an 
instance of this. Archimus commenced a prosecution 
against Thrasybulus, on account of a decree for 
crowning one of those who had returned from Phyle, 



432 ORATION OF ^SCHINES 

which in some circumstances was repugnant to the 
laws ; and notwithstanding his late important services, 
sentence was pronounced against him. These were 
not at all regarded by the judges. It was their prin- 
ciple, that as Thrasybulus had once restored our 
exiles, so he in effect drove his fellow-citizens into 
exile by proposing any one act repugnant to the laws. 
But now Ave have quite different sentiments. Now 
our generals of character, our citizens whose services 
have been rewarded by public maintenance, 1 exert 
their interest to suppress impeachments ; and in this 
they must be deemed guilty of the utmost ingratitude, 
For the man who hath been honored by the state, a 
state which owes its being only to the gods and to the 
laws, and yet presumes to support those who violate 
the laws, in effect subverts that government by which 
his honors were conferred. 

Here then I shall explain how far a citizen may 
honestly and regularly proceed in pleading for an 
offender. — When an impeachment for illegal practices 
is to be tried in the tribunal, the day of hearing is 
divided into three parts ; the first part is assigned to 
the prosecutor, to the laws, and to the constitution ; 
the second is granted to the accused and to his assist- 
ants. If then sentence of acquittal be not passed on 
the first question, a third portion is assigned for the 
consideration of the fine, and for adjusting the degree 
of your resentment. He then who petitions for your 
vote, when the fine is to be considered, petitions only 
against the rigor of your resentment. But he who pe- 
titions for your vote on the first question, petitions you 
to give up your oath, to give up the law, to give up the 
constitution: a favor which it is impious to ask — which, 
if asked, it is impious to grant. Tell these interceders, 
then, that they are to leave you at full liberty to decide 

1 By public maintenance.] In the original, some of those who 
have their table in the PrytaruEum ; the greatest honor which 
a citizen could receive for his public services. Such persons 
then had a natural authority and influence in public assemblies. 



AGAINST CTESIPHON. 433 

the first question agreeably to the laws : let them re- 
serve their eloquence for the question relative to the 
fine. 

On the whole, Athenians, I am almost tempted to 
declare that a law should be enacted solely respecting 
impeachments for illegal proceedings ; that neither the 
prosecutor nor the accused should ever be allowed the 
assistance of advocates ; for the merits of such causes 
are not vague and undetermined. No ; they are ac- 
curately defined by your laws. As in architecture, 
when we would be assured whether any part stand up- 
right or no, we apply the rule by which it is ascertain- 
ed ; so in these impeachments we have a rule pro- 
vided in the record of the prosecution, in the decree 
impeached, and in the laws with which it is compared. 
Show then, in the present case, that these last are con- 
sonant to each other, and you are at once acquitted. 
What need you call on Demosthenes? But if you 
evade the equitable method of defence, and call to 
your assistance a man practised in craft, in all the 
wiles of speaking, you then abuse the attention of 
your judges, you injure the state, you subvert the 
constitution. 

It must be my part effectually to guard you against 
such evasion. When Ctesiphon rises up and begins 
with repeating the fine introduction composed for him ; 
when he winds through his solemn periods without 
ever coming to the great point of his defence ; then 
remind him calmly and quietly to take up the record 
of his impeachment, and compare his decree with the 
laws. Should he pretend not to hear you, do you 
too refuse to hear him ; for you are here convened to 
attend, not to those who would evade the just methods 
of defence, but to the men who defend their cause 
fairly and regularly. And should he still decline the 
legal and equitable defence, and call on Demosthenes 
to plead for him, my first request is that you would 
not at all admit an insidious advocate, who thinks to 
subvert the laws by his harangues : that when Ctesi- 
phon asks whether he shall call Demosthenes, no man 
DEM. 2 Ε 



434 ORATION OF jESCHINES 

should esteem it meritorious to be the first to cry, ' Call 
him, call him/ If you call him, against yourselves you 
call him ; against the laws you call him ; against the con- 
stitution you call him. Or if you resolve to hear him, 
I then request that Demosthenes may be confined to 
the same method in his defence which I have pursued 
in this my charge. And what method have I pursued? 
That I may assist your memories, observe that I have 
not begun with the private life of Demosthenes ; that 
I have not introduced my prosecution with a detail of 
misdemeanors in his public conduct ; although I could 
not want various and numberless instances to urge, un- 
less I were totally inexperienced in affairs. Instead 
of this, I first produced the laws which directly forbid 
any man to be crowned whose accounts are not y 
passed : I then proved that Ctesiphon had proposed 
decree for granting a crown to Demosthenes while his 
accounts yet remained to be passed, without any qua- 
lifying clause, or any such addition as, 6 when his ac- 
counts shall first have been approved ;' but in open 
and avowed contempt of you and of the laws. I men- 
tioned also the pretences to be alleged for this proce- 
dure, and then recited the laws relative to proclama- 
tions, in which it is directly enacted, that no crown shall 
be proclaimed in any other place but in the assembly 
only : so that the defendant has not only proposed a 
decree repugnant in general to the laws, but has trans- 
gressed in the circumstances of time and place, by di- 
recting the proclamation to be made, not in the assem- 
bly, but in the theatre ; not when the people were 
convened ; not when the tragedies were to be presented. 
From these points I proceeded to take some notice of 
his private life ; but chiefly I insist on his public of- 
fences. 

It is your part to oblige Demosthenes to the same 
method in his defence. First, let him speak of the 
laws relative to magistrates yet accountable to the 
public ; then of those which regard proclamations ; and 
thirdly, which is the point of greatest moment, let 
him prove that he is worthy of this honor : and should 



AGAINST CTESIPHON. 435 

he supplicate to be allowed his own method ; and should 
he promise to conclude his defence with obviating the 
charge of illegality ; grant him not this indulgence : 
know -that in this he means to engage in a trial of skill 
with his tribunal. It is not his intention to return at 
any time to this great point ; but, as it is a point he 
can by no means obviate by any equitable plea, he 
would divert your attention to other matters, that so 
you may forget the grand article of this impeachment. 
But, as in athletic contests you see the wrestlers strug- 
gling with each other for the advantage of situation, 
so in this contest for the state, and for the method of 
his pleading, exert the most incessant and obstinate 
efforts. Suffer him not to wander from the great article 
of ' illegality ; y confine him, watch him, drive him to 
the point in question ; and be strictly guarded against 
the evasive windings of his harangue. 

Should you decline this strict and regular exami- 
nation of the cause, it is but just that I warn you of 
the consequences. The impeached party will produce 
that vile impostor, that robber, that plunderer of the 
public. He can weep w r ith greater ease than others 
laugh ; and for perjury is of all mankind the most 
ready. Nor shall I be surprised if he should suddenly 
change his wailings to the most virulent abuse of those 
who attend the trial ; if he should declare that the no- 
torious favorers of oligarchical power are, to a man, 
ranged on the side of the accuser, and that the friends 
of liberty appear as friends to the defendant. But 
should he thus allege, his seditious insolence may be 
at once confounded by the following reply : ' If those 
citizens who brought back the people from their exile 
in Phyle had been like you, Demosthenes, our free 
constitution had never been established : but they, 
when the most dreadful calamities were impending, 
saved the state by pronouncing one single word — an 
amnesty (that noble word, the genuine dictate of wis- 
dom) ; while you tear open the wounds of your conn- 
try, and discover more solicitude for the composition 
of your harangues than for the interest of the state/ 



436 ORATION OF iESCHINES 

When this perjured man comes to demand credit to 
his oaths, remind him of this, that he who hath fre- 
quently sworn falsely, and yet expects to be believed 
on his oath, should be favored by one of these two 
circumstances, of which Demosthenes finds neither — 
his gods must be new, or his auditors different. As to 
his tears, as to his passionate exertions of voice, when 
he cries out, ' Whither shall I fly, ye men of Athens ? 
You banish me from the city, and, alas ! I have no 
place of refuge / let this be your reply : ' And where 
shall the people find refuge? What provision of allies? 
What treasures are prepared ? What resources hath 
your administration secured ? We all see what pre- 
cautions you have taken for your own security ; you 
who have left the city, not, as you pretend, to take up 
your residence in the Piraeus, but to seize the first 
favorable moment of flying from your country : you, 
who, to quiet all your dastardly fears, have ample 
provisions secured in the gold of Persia, and all the 
bribes of your administration/ — But, after all, why 
these tears ? why these exclamations ? why this vehe- 
mence? Is it not Ctesiphon who stands impeached? 
and in a cause where judges are at liberty to moderate 
his punishment. You are not engaged in any suit by 
which either your fortune or your person, or your 
reputation may be affected. For what then doth he 
express all this solicitude ? for golden crowns ; for pro- 
clamations in the theatre, expressly forbidden by the 
law. The man who, if the people could be so infatu- 
ated, if they could have so completely lost all memory, 
as to grant him any such honor at a season so improper, 
should rise in the assembly and say, ' Ye men of 
Athens, I accept the crown, but approve not of the 
time appointed for the proclamation. While the city 
wears the habit of a mourner, let not me be crowned 
for the causes of her sorrow/ This would be the 
language of a truly virtuous man. You speak the sen- 
timents of an accursed wretch, the malignant enemy of 
all goodness. And let no man conceive the least fear 
(no, by Hercules, it is not to be feared!) that this 



AGAINST CTESIPHON. 437 

Demosthenes, this generous spirit, this distinguished 
hero in war, if disappointed of these honors, shall 
retire and despatch himself: he who holds your esteem 
in such sovereign contempt, that he hath a thousand 
times gashed that accursed head, that head which yet 
stands accountable to the state, which this man hath 
proposed to crown in defiance of all law : he who 
hath made a trade of such practices, by commencing 
suits for wounds inflicted by himself; who is so com- 
pletely battered, that the fury of Midias still remains 
imprinted on his head : — head, did I call it ? No, it is 
his estate. 

With respect to Ctesiphon, the author of this de- 
cree, let me but mention some few particulars. I pass 
over many things that might be urged, proposedly to 
try whether you can of yourselves, and without di- 
rection, mark out the men of consummate iniquity. I 
then confine myself to such points as equally affect 
them both, and may be urged with equal justice against 
the one and the other. They go round the public 
places, each possessed with the justest notions of his 
associate, and each declaring truths which cannot be 
denied. Ctesiphon says that for himself he has no 
fears ; he hopes to be considered as a man of weakness 
and inexperience ; but that his fears are all for the 
corruption of Demosthenes, his timidity and cowardice. 
Demosthenes on the other hand declares, that with 
respect to himself he hath full confidence, but that he 
feels the utmost apprehensions from the iniquity of 
Ctesiphon and his abandoned debauchery. When 
these therefore pronounce each other guilty, do you, 
their common judges, by no means suffer their offences 
to remain unpunished. 

As to the calumnies with which I am attacked, I 
would prevent their effect by a few observations. I 
am informed that Demosthenes is to urge that the state 
hath received services from him, but in many instances 
hath been injured by me : the transactions of Philip, 
the conduct of Alexander, all the crimes by them com- 
mitted, he means to impute to me. And so much doth 



438 ORATION OF ^SCHINES 

he rely on his powerful abilities in the art of speaking, 
that he does not confine his accusations to any point of 
administration in which I may have been concerned ; 
to any counsels which I may have publicly suggested ; 
he traduces the retired part of my life, he imputes my 
silence as a crime. And that no one topic may escape 
his officious malice, he extends his accusations even to 
my conduct when associated with my young companions 
in our schools of exercise. The very introduction of 
his defence is to contain a heavy censure of this suit. 
Ϊ have commenced the prosecution, he will say, not to 
serve the state, but to display my zeal to Alexander, 
and to gratify the resentment of this prince against 
him. And (if I am truly informed) he means to ask 
why I now condemn the whole of his administration, 
although I never opposed, never impeached any one 
part of it separately ; and why, after a long course of 
time, in which I scarcely ever was engaged in public 
business, I now return to conduct this prosecution ? 

I on my part am by no means inclined to emulate 
that course of conduct which Demosthenes hath pur- 
sued ; nor am I ashamed of mine own. Whatever 
speeches I have made, I do not wish them unsaid ; nor, 
had I spoken like Demosthenes, could I support my 
being. My silence, Demosthenes, hath been occasioned 
by my life of temperance. I am contented with a 
little ; nor do I desire any accession which must be 
purchased by iniquity. My silence, therefore, and my 
speaking, are the result of reason, not extorted by the 
demands of inordinate passions. But you are silent 
when you have received your bribe ; when you have 
spent it you exclaim. And you speak not at such 
times as you think fittest, not your own sentiments ; 
but whenever you are ordered, and whatever is dic- 
tated by those masters whose pay you receive. So 
that without the least sense of shame you boldly as- 
sert what in a moment after is proved to be absolutely 
false. This impeachment, for instance, which is in- 
tended not to serve the state, but to display my officious 
zeal to Alexander, was actually commenced while Phi- 



AGAINST CTESIPHON. 439 

lip was yet alive, before ever Alexander had ascended 
the throne, before you had seen the vision about Pau- 
sanias, and before you had held your nocturnal inter- 
views with Minerva and Juno. How then could I have 
displayed my zeal to Alexander, unless we had all seen 
the same visions with Demosthenes 1 

You object to me that I speak in public assemblies, 
not regularly, but after intervals of retirement ; and 
you imagine it a secret that this objection is founded 
on a maxim, not of democratical, but of a different 
form of government. For in oligarchies, it is not any 
man who pleases, but the man of most power that ap- 
pears as prosecutor : in democracies, every man that 
pleases, and when he pleases. To speak only on par- 
ticular occasions is a proof that a man engages in pub- 
lic affairs, as such occasions and as the interests of the 
public require : to speak from day to day shows that 
he makes a trade, and labors for the profit of such an 
occupation. As to the objection that you have never 
yet been prosecuted by me, never brought to justice 
for your offences ; when you fly for refuge to such 
evasions, surely you must suppose that this audience 
hath lost all memory, or you must have contrived to 
deceive yourself. Your impious conduct with respect 
to the Amphissasans, your corrupt practices in the 
affairs of Eubcea ; — some time hath now elapsed since 
I publicly convicted you of these, and therefore you 
may perhaps flatter yourself that it is forgotten. But 
what time can possibly erase from our memory that, 
when you had introduced a resolution for the equip- 
ment of three hundred ships of war, when you had 
prevailed on the city to entrust you with the direction 
of this armament, I evidently proved your fraud, in 
depriving us of sixty-five ships of this number ; by 
which the state lost a greater naval force than that 
which gained the victory of Naxos over the Lacedae- 
monians and their general Pollis? Yet so effectual 
were your artful recriminations to secure you against 
justice, that the danger fell, not on you, the true delin- 
quent, but on the prosecutors. To this purpose served 



440 ORATION OF ^ESCHINES 

your perpetual clamors against Alexander and Philip ; 
for this you inveighed against men who embarrassed 
the affairs of government ; you, who on every fair oc- 
casion have defeated our present interests, and, for the 
future, amused us with promises. In that my last at- 
tempt to bring an impeachment against you, did you 
not recur to the contrivance of seizing Anaxilus, the 
citizen of Oreum, the man who was engaged in some 
commercial transactions with Olympias ? Did not your 
own hand inflict the torture on him, and your own de- 
cree condemn him to suffer death ? And this was he 
under whose roof you had been received ; at whose 
table you ate and drank, and poured out your liba- 
tions ; whose right hand you clasped in yours, and 
whom you pronounced your friend and host. This 
very man you slew ; and when all these points were 
fully proved by me in presence of the whole city ; 
when I called you murderer of your host, you never 
attempted to deny your impiety : no ; you made an 
answer that raised a shout of indignation from the 
people and all the strangers in the assembly. You 
said that you esteemed l the salt of Athens more than 
the tables of foreigners. 

I pass over the counterfeited letters, the seizing of 
spies, the tortures for fictitious crimes, all to load me 
with the odium of uniting with a faction to introduce 
innovations in the state. — Yet still he means to ask 
me, as I am informed, what would be thought of that 
physician who, while the patient labored under his dis- 
order, never should propose the least advice, but when 
he had expired should attend his funeral, and there 

1 You esteemed, &c] The expressions, salt and tables, 
were symbols of friendship, familiarity, and affection. So 
that this declaration imported no more than that any con- 
nexions he had formed abroad were not to interfere with his 
duty and attachment to the state ; a declaration which might 
well be justified. But his hearers either suspected his sin- 
cerity, or were violently transported by that habitual horror 
which they entertained of every violation of the rights of 
hospitality. 



AGAINST CTESIPHOX. 441 

enlarge on those methods which} if pursued, would 
have restored his health. But you do not ask your- 
self what must be thought of such a minister as could 
amuse his countrymen with flattery, while he betrayed 
their interests at such junctures as might have been 
improved to their security ; while his clamors pre- 
vented their true friends from speaking in their cause ; 
who should basely fly from danger, involve the state 
in calamities the most desperate, yet demand the honor 
of a crown for his merit, though author of no one pub- 
lic service, but the cause of all our misfortunes ; who 
should insult those men whom his malicious prosecu- 
tions silenced in those times when we might have been 
preserved, by asking why they did not oppose his 
misconduct. If this still remains to be answered, they 
may observe that, at the time of the fatal battle, we 
had no leisure for considering the punishment due to 
your offences ; we were intirely engaged in negotia- 
tions to avert the ruin of the state. But after this, 
when you, not content with escaping from justice, dared 
to demand honors ; when you attempted to render 
your country ridiculous to Greece ; then did I rise, 
and commence this prosecution. 

But, Ο ye gods ! how can I restrain my indignation 
at one thing which Demosthenes means to urge (as I 
have been told), and which I shall here explain? He 
compares me to the Sirens, whose purpose is not to 
delight their hearers, but to destroy them. Even so, if 
we are to believe him, my abilities in speaking, whether 
acquired by exercise, or given by nature, all tend to 
the detriment of those who grant me their attention. — 
I am bold to say that no man hath a right to urge an 
allegation of this nature against me ; for it is shameful 
in an accuser not to be able to establish his assertions 
with full proof. But if such must be urged, surely it 
should not come from Demosthenes ; it should be the 
observation of some military man, who had done im- 
portant services, but was unskilled in speech ; who re- 
pined at the abilities of his antagonist, conscious that 
he could not display his own actions, and sensible that 



442 ORATION OF iESCHINES 

his accuser had the art of persuading his audience to 
impute such actions to him as he never had committed. 
But when a man composed intirely of words, and these 
the bitterest and most pompously labored ; when he 
recurs to simplicity, to artless facts, who can endure 
it ? He who is but an instrument, take away his tongue, 
and he is nothing. 

I am utterly at a loss to conceive, and would gladly 
be informed, Athenians, on what grounds you can pos- 
sibly give sentence for the defendant. Can it be be- 
cause this decree is not illegal? No public act was 
ever more repugnant to the laws. Or because the 
author of this decree is not a proper object of public 
justice ? All your examinations of men's conduct are 
no more, if this man be suffered to escape. And is 
not this lamentable, that formerly your stage was filled 
with crowns of gold, conferred by the Greeks on the 
people (as the season of our public entertainments was 
assigned for the honors granted by foreigners) ; but 
now, by the ministerial conduct of Demosthenes, you 
should lose all crowns, all public honors, while he en- 
joys them in full pomp ? Should any of these tragic 
poets whose works are to succeed our public procla- 
mations represent Thersites crowned by the Greeks, 
no man could endure it, because Homer marks him as 
a coward and a sycophant ; and can you imagine that 
you yourselves will not be the derision of all Greece 
if this man be permitted to receive his crown? In 
former times your fathers ascribed every thing glorious 
and illustrious in the public fortune to the people ; 
transferred the blame of every thing mean and dis- 
honorable to bad ministers. But now, Ctesiphon would 
persuade you to divest Demosthenes of his ignominy, 
and to cast it on the state. You acknowlege that you 
are favored by fortune ; and justly, for you are so 
favored ; and will you now declare by your sentence 
that fortune hath abandoned you ; that Demosthenes 
hath been your only benefactor ? Will you proceed to 
the last absurdity, and in the very same tribunals con- 
demn those to infamy whom you have detected in cor- 



AGAINST CTESIPHON. 443 

mption ; and yet confer a crown on him whose whole 
administration you are sensible hath been one series of 
corruption? In our public spectacles, the judges of 
our common dancers are at once fined if they decide 
unjustly ; and will you who are appointed judges, not 
of dancing, but of the laws, and of public virtue, confer 
honors not agreeably to the laws, not on a few, and 
those most eminent in merit, but on any man who can 
establish his influence by intrigue ? A judge who can 
descend to this leaves the tribunal after having reduced 
himself to a state of weakness, and strengthened the 
power of an orator : for, in a democratical state, every 
man hath a sort of kingly power founded on the laws 
and on our public acts ; but when he resigns these into 
the hands of another, he himself subverts his own sove- 
reignty : and then the consciousness of that oath by 
which his sentence was to have been directed pursues 
him with remorse. In the violation of that oath con- 
sists his great guilt ; while the obligation he confers is 
a secret to the favored party, as his sentence is given 
by private ballot. 

It appears to me, Athenians, that our imprudent 
measures have been attended with some degree of 
lucky fortune, as well as no small danger to the state ; 
for that you, the majority, have in these times re- 
signed the whole strength of your free government 
into the hands of a few, I by no means approve. But 
that we have not been overwhelmed by a torrent of 
bold and wicked speakers is a proof of our good for- 
tune. In former times the state produced such spirits 
as found it easy to subvert the government, while they 
amused their fellow-citizens with flattery : and thus 
was the constitution destroyed, not by the men we 
most feared, but by those in whom we most confided. 
Some of them united publicly with the Thirty, and put 
to death more than fifteen hundred of our citizens 
without trial ; without suffering them to know the 
crimes for which they were thus condemned ; without 
admitting their relations to pay the common rites of 
interment to their bodies. Will you not then keep 



444 ORATION OF JESCHINES 

your ministers under your own power ? Shall not the 
men, now so extravagantly elated, be sent away duly 
humbled ? And can it be forgotten, that no man ever 
hath attempted to destroy our constitution until he had 
first made himself superior to our tribunals ? 

And here, in your presence, would I gladly enter 
into a discussion with the author of this decree, as to 
the nature of those services for which he desires that 
Demosthenes should be crowned. If you allege, agree- 
ably to the first clause of the decree, that he hath sur- 
rounded our walls with an excellent intrenchment, I 
must declare my surprise. Surely the guilt of having 
rendered such a work necessary far outweighs the 
merits of its execution. It is not he who hath strength- 
ened our fortifications, who hath digged our intrench- 
ments, who hath disturbed the tombs of our ancestors, 1 
that should demand the honors of a patriotic minister, 
but he who hath procured some intrinsic services to 
the state. If you have recourse to the second clause, 
where you presume to say that he is a good man, and 
hath ever persevered in speaking and acting for the 
interest of the people, strip your decree of its vain- 
glorious pomp ; adhere to facts ; and prove what you 
have asserted. I shall not press you with the instances 
of his corruption in the affairs of Amphissa and Eu- 
boea. But if you attempt to transfer the merit of the 
Theban alliance to Demosthenes, you but impose on 
the men who are strangers to aifairs, and insult those 
who are acquainted with them, and see through your 



1 The tombs of our ancestors, &c] To understand this, it 
must be observed that Themistocles, who built these walls, of 
which Demosthenes was charged with the repair, had or- 
dered that the materials should be instantly collected from 
all places without distinction, public or private, profane or 
sacred. ' Quod factum est,' says Cornelius Nepos, * ut Athe- 
niensum muri ex sacellis sepulcrisque constarent.' Thus the 
speaker had a fair opportunity not only for detracting from 
the merit of his rival, but for converting it into an heinous 
crime ; no less than that of violating those tombs of their an- 
cestors, which had made part of their fortifications. 



AGAINST CTESIPHON. 445 

falsehood. By suppressing all mention of the urgent 
juncture, of the illustrious reputation of these our fellow- 
citizens, the real causes of this alliance, you fancy that 
you have effectually concealed your fraud in ascribing 
a merit to Demosthenes which really belongs to the 
state. And now I shall endeavor to explain the great- 
ness of this arrogance by one striking example. The 
king of Persia, not long before the descent of Alex- 
ander into Asia, despatched a letter to the state, ex- 
pressed in all the insolence of a barbarian. His shock- 
ing and unmannered license appeared in every part ; 
but in the conclusion, particularly, he expressed him- 
self directly thus : ' I will not grant you gold : trouble 
me not with your demands; they shall not be gratified.' 
And yet this man, when he found himself involved in 
all his present difficulties, without any demand from 
Athens, but freely, and of himself, sent thirty talents 
to the state, which were most judiciously rejected. It 
was the juncture of affairs, and his terrors, and his 
pressing want of an alliance, which brought this sum : 
the very causes which effected the alliance of Thebes, 
You are ever sounding in our ears the name of Thebes, 
you are ever teazing us with the repetition of that un- 
fortunate alliance ; but not one word is ever suffered 
to escape of those seventy talents of Persian gold 
which you diverted from the public service into your 
own coffers. Was it not from the want of money, from 
the want of only five talents, that the foreign troops 
refused to give up the citadel to the Thebans 1 Was it 
not from the want of nine talents of silver that, when 
the Arcadians were drawn out, and all the leaders pre- 
pared to march, the whole expedition was defeated? 
But you are in the midst of affluence, you have trea- 
sures to satisfy your sensuality ; and, to crown all, 
while he enjoys the royal wealth, the dangers all de- 
volve on you. 

The absurdity of these men well deserves to be con- 
sidered. Should Ctesiphon presume to call on Demo- 
sthenes to speak before you, and should he rise and 
lavish his praises on himself, to hear him would be 



446 ORATION OF iESCHINES 

still more painful than all you have suffered by his 
conduct. Men of real merit, men of whose numerous 
and glorious services we are clearly sensible, are not 
yet endured when they speak their own praises ; but 
when a man, the scandal of his country, sounds his 
own encomium, who can hear such arrogance with any 
temper ? No, Ctesiphon, if you have sense, avoid so 
shameless a procedure ; make your defence in person. 
You cannot recur to the pretence of any inability for 
speaking. It would be absurd that you, who suffered 
yourself to be chosen ambassador to Cleopatra, Philip's 
daughter, in order to present our condolements on the 
death of Alexander, king of the Molossi, should now 
plead such an inability. If you were capable of con- 
soling a woman of another country in the midst of her 
grief, can you decline the defence of a decree for which 
you are well paid ? Or is he to whom you grant this 
crown such a man as must be totally unknown, even 
to those on whom he hath conferred his services, un- 
less you have an advocate to assist you ? Ask the 
judges whether they know Chabrias, and Iphicrates, 
and Timotheus. Ask for what reason they made them 
presents and raised them statues. With one voice 
they will instantly reply, that to Chabrias they granted 
these honors on account of the sea-fight at Naxos ; to 
Iphicrates, because he cut off the detachment of Lace- 
daemonians ; to Timotheus on account of his expedi- 
tion to Corcyra ; and to others as the reward of those 
many and glorious services which each performed in 
war. Ask them again why they refuse the like honors 
to Demosthenes: they will answer,• because he is a 
corrupted hireling, a coward, and a deserter. Crown 
him ! would this be to confer an honor on Demo- 
sthenes? Would it not rather be to disgrace your- 
selves and those brave men who fell in battle for their 
country ? Imagine that you see these here, roused to 
indignation at the thoughts of granting him a crown. 
Hard indeed would be the case, if we remove 1 speech- 

1 If we remove, &c] Draco the lawgiver had enacted this 



AGAINST CTESIPHON. 447 

less and senseless beings from our borders, such as 
blocks and stones, when by accident they have crushed 
a citizen to death ; if in the case of a self-murderer we 
bury the hand that committed the deed separate from 
the rest of the body ; and yet that we should confer 
honors on Demosthenes, on him who was the author 
of the late expedition, the man who betrayed our citi- 
zens to destruction. This would be to insult the dead, 
and to damp the ardor of the living, when they see 
that the prize of all their virtue is death, and that 
their memory must perish. 

But to urge the point of greatest moment : should 
any of your sons demand by what examples they are 
to form their lives, how would you reply ? For you 
well know that it is not only by bodily exercises, by 
seminaries of learning, or by instructions in music, 
that our youth is trained, but much more effectually 
by public examples. Is it proclaimed in the theatre 
that a man is honored with a crown for his virtue, his 
magnanimity, and his patriotism, who yet proves to be 
abandoned and profligate in his life ? The youth who 
sees this is corrupted. Is public justice inflicted on a 
man of base and scandalous vices like Ctesiphon ? 
This affords excellent instruction to others. Doth the 
judge who has given a sentence repugnant to honor 
and to justice return home and instruct his son ? That 
son is well warranted to reject his instruction. Advice 
in such a case may well be called impertinence. Not 
then as judges only, but as guardians of the state, 
give your voices in such a manner that you may ap- 
prove your conduct to those absent citizens who may 
inquire what hath been the decision. You are not to 
be informed, Athenians, that the reputation of our 

law for exterminating even such inanimate beings as had oc- 
casioned the death of a citizen, in order, as it seems, to in- 
spire a peculiar horror of homicide — the crime most to be 
guarded against among a people not yet completely civilised. 
And it may be proper to observe that Solon, who abolished 
the laws of Draco as too severe, meddled not with those which 
related to homicide, but left them in full force. — Tourreil. 



448 ORATION OF ^SCHINES 

country must be such as theirs who receive its honors. 
And surely it must be scandalous to stand in the same 
point of view, not with our ancestors, but with the 
unmanly baseness of Demosthenes. 

How then may such infamy be avoided ? By guard- 
ing against those who aiFect the language of patriotism 
and public spirit, but whose real characters are trai- 
torous. Loyalty and the love of liberty are words that 
lie ready for every man : and they are the more prompt 
to seize them whose actions are the most repugnant to 
such principles. Whenever therefore you have found 
a man solicitous for foreign crowns, and proclamations 
of honors granted by the Greeks, oblige him to have 
recourse to that conduct which the law prescribes ; to 
found his pretensions and proclamations on the true 
basis, the integrity of his life, and the exact regulation 
of his manners. Should he not produce this evidence 
of his merit, refuse your sanction to his honors ; sup- 
port the freedom of your constitution, which is now 
falling from you. Can you reflect without indigna- 
tion that our senate and our assembly are neglected 
with contempt, while letters and deputations are sent 
to private houses, not from inferior personages, but 
from the highest potentates in Asia and in Europe, 
and for purposes declared capital by the laws ? That 
there are men who are at no pains to conceal their 
part in such transactions ; who avow it in the presence 
of the people ; who openly compare the letters ; some 
Of whom direct you to turn your eyes on them, as the 
guardians of their constitution ; others demand public 
honors, as the saviours of their country ? While the 
people, reduced by a series of dispiriting events, as it 
were to a state of dotage, or struck with infatuation, 
regard only the name of freedom, but resign all real 
power into the hands of others : so that you retire from 
the assembly, not as from a public deliberation, but 
as from an entertainment, where each man hath paid 
his club and received his share. 

That this is a serious truth, let me offer something 
to convince you. There was a man (it grieves me to 



AGAINST CTESIPHON. 449 

dwell so often on the misfortunes of the state) of a 
private station, who, for the bare attempt of making 
a voyage to Samos, was, as a traitor to his country, put 
instantly to death by the council of areopagns. Ano- 
ther private man whose timid spirit, unable to support 
the general consternation, had driven him to Rhodes, 
was not long since impeached, and escaped only by 
the equality of voices : had but one vote more been 
given for his condemnation, banishment or death must 
have been his fate. To these let us oppose the case 
now before us. A popular orator, the cause of all our 
calamities, is found guilty of desertion in the field. 
This man claims a crown, and asserts his right to the 
honor of a proclamation. And shall not this wretch, 
the common pest of Greece, be driven from our bor- 
ders ? Or shall we not seize and drag to execution 
this public plunderer, whose harangues enable him to 
steer his piratical course through our government ? 
Think on this critical season, in which you are to give 
your voices. In a few days the Pythian games are to 
be celebrated, and the convention of Grecian states to 
be collected. There shall our state be severely cen- 
sured on account of the late measures of Demosthenes. 
Should you crown him, you must be deemed accessa- 
ries to those who violated the general peace : if, on 
the contrary, you reject the demand, you will clear 
the state from all imputation. Weigh this clause ma- 
turely, as the interest, not of a foreign state, but of your 
own : and do not lavish your honors inconsiderately : 
confer them with a scrupulous delicacy ; and let them 
be the distinctions of exalted worth and merit : nor be 
contented to hear, but look round you, where your 
own interest is so intimately concerned, and see who 
are the men that support Demosthenes. Are they his 
former companions in the chase, his associates in the 
manly exercises of his youth ? No, by the Olympian 
god ! he never was employed in rousing the wild boar, 
or in any such exercises as render the body vigorous : 
he was solely engaged in the sordid arts of fraud and 
circumvention. 

DEM. 2 F 



450 * ORATION OF ^ESCHINES 

And let not his arrogance escape your attention, 
when he tells you that by his embassy he wrested 
Byzantium from the hands of Philip ; that his elo- 
quence prevailed on the Acarnanians to revolt ; his 
eloquence transported the souls of the Thebans. He 
thinks that you are sunk to such a degree of weakness 
that he may prevail on you to believe that you harbor 
the very genius of persuasion in your city, and not a 
vile sycophant. And when at the conclusion of his 
defence he calls up his accomplices in corruption as 
his advocates, then imagine that you see the great bene- 
factors of your country in this place from whence I 
speak, arrayed against the villany of those men : 
Solon, the man who adorned our free constitution with 
the noblest laws, the philosopher, the renowned legis- 
lator, intreating you, with that decent gravity which 
distinguished his character, by no means to pay a 
greater regard to the speeches of Demosthenes than to 
your oaths and laws : Aristides, who was suffered to 
prescribe to the Greeks their several subsidies, whose 
daughters received their portions from the people at 
his decease, roused to indignation at this insult on 
public justice, and asking whether you are not ashamed, 
that when your fathers banished Arthmius 1 the Zelian, 
who brought in gold from Persia ; when they were 
scarcely restrained from killing a man connected with 
the people in the most sacred ties, and by public pro- 
clamation forbad him to appear in Athens, or in any 
part of the Athenian territory ; yet you are going to 
crown Demosthenes with a golden crown, who did not 
bring in gold from Persia, but received bribes himself, 
and still possesses them. And can you imagine but 
that Themistocles, and those who fell at Marathon, 
and those who died at Plataea, and the very sepulchres 
of our ancestors, must groan if you confer a crown on 
this man, who confessedly united with the barbarians 
against the Greeks ? 

And now bear witness for me, thou earth, thou sun, 

1 Arthmius, &c] See note p. 149. 



AGAINST CTESIPHON. 451 

Ο Virtue, and Intelligence, and thou, Ο Erudition, 
which teachethus the just distinction between vice and 
goodness, I have stood up, I have spoken in the cause 
of justice. If I have supported my prosecution with 
a dignity befitting its importance, I have spoken as 
my wishes dictated ; if too deficiently, as my abilities 
admitted. Let what hath now been offered, and what 
your own thoughts must supply, be duly weighed, and 
pronounce such a sentence as justice and the interests 
of the state demand. 



THE ORATION OF DEMOSTHENES ON THE 
CROWN. 



In the first place, ye men of Athens, I make my prayer 
to all the powers of Heaven, that such aifection as I 
have ever invariably discovered to this state and all its 
citizens, yon now may entertain for me on this present 
trial : and (what concerns you nearly, what essentially 
concerns your religion and your honor) that the gods 
may so dispose your minds as to permit me to proceed 
in my defence, not as directed by my adversary, (that 
would be severe indeed !) but by the laws and by your 
oath ; in which, to all the other equitable clauses, we 
find this expressly added — ' Each party shall have 
equal audience/ This imports not merely that you 
shall not pre-judge, not merely that the same impar- 
tiality shall be shown to both ; but still farther, that 
the contending parties shall each be left at full liberty 
to arrange 1 and to conduct his pleading as his choice 
or judgment may determine. 

1 To arrange, &c] This is a liberty the orator hath ac- 
cordingly assumed, and most artfully and happily. Under 
the pretence of guarding against all prepossessions, he first- 
enters into a full detail of public affairs, and sets his own 
services in the fairest point of view. Having thus gained the 
hearts of his hearers, then he ventures on the points of law 
relative to his accounts, &c. : and these he soon dismisses, 
with an affected contempt of his adversary, and a perfect 
confidence in the merits of his own cause. Then come his ob- 
jections to the character of the prosecutor, which naturally 
led him round again to the history of his own administration,, 
the point on which he chiefly relied; and where he had the 
finest occasions of displaying his own merits, and of loading 
iEschinec and his adherents with the heaviest imputations, 
as traitors to the state, and malicious enemies to those who 



ORATION ON THE CROWN. 453 

In many instances hath iEschines the intire advan- 
tage in this cause. Two there are of more especial 
moment. First, as to our interests in the contest, 
we are on terms utterly unequal ; for they are by no 
means points of equal import, for me to be deprived 
of your affections, and for him to be defeated in his pro- 
secution. As to me — but, when I am entering on my 
defence, let me suppress every thing ominous, sensible 
as I must be of this the advantage of my adversary. — 
In the next place, such is the natural disposition of 
mankind, that invective and accusation are heard with 
pleasure, while they who speak their own praises are 
received with impatience. His then is the part which 
commands a favorable acceptance ; that which must 
prove offensive to every single hearer is reserved for 
me. If, to guard against this disadvantage, I should 
decline all mention of my own actions, I know not by 
what means I could refute the charge or establish my 
pretensions to this honor. If, on the other hand, I 
enter into a detail of my whole conduct, private and 
political, I must be obliged to speak perpetually of 
myself. Here then I shall endeavor to preserve all 
possible moderation : and what the circumstances of 
the case necessarily extort from me must, in justice, 
be imputed to him who first moved a prosecution so 
extraordinary. 

I presume, ye judges, you will all acknowlege that 
in this cause Ctesiphon and I are equally concerned ; 
that it calls for my attention no less than his : for in 
every case it is grievous and severe to be deprived of 
our advantages, and especially when they are wrested 
from us by an enemy. But to be deprived of your 
favor and affections is a misfortune the most severe, 
as these are advantages the most important : and if 
such be the object of the present contest, I hope, and 
it is my general request to this tribunal, that while I 
endeavor to defend myself fairly and equitably against 

were distinguished by their zeal in support of her rights and 
dignity. ι 



^ 



454 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

this charge, you will hear me as the laws direct ; those 
laws which their first author, Solon, the man so tender 
of our interests, so true a friend to liberty, secured ; 
not by enacting only, but by the additional provision 
of that oath imposed on you, ye judges ; not as I con- 
ceive from any suspicion of your integrity, but from a 
clear conviction, that as the prosecutor, who is first to 
speak, hath the advantage of loading his adversary 
with invectives and calumnies, the defendant could 
not possibly prevail against them, unless each of you 
who are to pronounce sentence should, with a reverend 
attention to that duty which you owe to Heaven, fa- 
vorably admit the just defence of him who is to answer, 
vouchsafe an impartial and equal audience to both 
parties, and thus form your decision on all that hath 
been urged by both. 

As I am on this day to enter into an exact detail of 
all my conduct, both in private life and in my public 
administration, here permit me to repeat those suppli- 
cations to the gods with which I first began, and in 
your presence to offer up my prayers ; first, that I may 
be received by you on this occasion with the same 
affection which I have ever felt for this state and all 
its citizens ; and, in the next place, that Heaven may 
direct your minds to that determination which shall 
prove most conducive to the general honor of all, and 
most exactly consonant to the religious engagements 
of each individual. 

Had iEschines confined his accusation to those points 
only on which he founded his impeachment, I too 
should have readily proceeded to support the legality 
of the decree ; but as he hath been no less copious on 
other subjects, as he hath pressed me with various 
allegations, most of them the grossest falsehoods, I 
deem it necessary, and it is but just that I first speak 
a few words of these, that none of you may be influ- 
enced by matters foreign to the cause, and no prepos- 
sessions conceived against me when I come to the chief 
point of my defence. 

As to all that scandalous abuse which he hath vented 



ORATION ON THE CROWN. 455 

against my private character, mark on what a plain 
and equitable issue I rest the whole. If you know me 
to be such a man as he alleges (for I am no stranger — 
my life hath been spent among you), suffer me not to 
speak : no ; though my public administration may have 
had the most transcendent merit, rise up at once and 
pronounce my condemnation : but if you have ever 
esteemed — if you have known me to be much superior 
to him, of a family more reputable, inferior to no citi- 
zen of common rank, either in character or birth (to 
say more might seem arrogant and offensive), then let 
him be denied all confidence in other matters ; for here 
is a plain proof that he hath equally been false in all : 
and let me be now favored with the same regard 
which I have experienced on many former trials. Yes, 
^Eschines ! depraved as is your heart, your under- 
standing here appears equally depraved — to imagine 
that I could be diverted from the account of all my 
political transactions by turning aside to these your 
personal scurrilities ! I shall not proceed thus : I am 
not so infatuated : no ; I shall first examine all that 
falsehood and virulence with which you have loaded 
my administration ; and then proceed to those ca- 
lumnies with which he hath so licentiously abused 
my private character, if this audience can endure the 
odious detail. 

To proceed then to the articles on which I am ac- 
cused. 1 These are many and grievous ; some of that 
kind, against which the laws denounce severe, nay, 
the utmost punishments. But the whole scheme of 
this prosecution discovers all the rancor of enmity, 
all the extravagance and virulence and insolence of 
malice ; w r hich, I call the godsjo witness ! is neither 
right nor constitutional, nor jusu^ True it is, that no 
man should be denied the privilege of appearing and 
speaking before the people ; but this privilege never 



1 In the common editions of the original this whole passage 
is embarrassed and confused. The translator has followed 
the arrangement of Dr. Taylor. 



456 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

should be perverted to the purposes of animosity and 
envy. Yet thus hath he abused it : for had he really 
been witness of my crimes against the state, and of 
crimes so heinous as he hath now set forth with such 
theatrical solemnity, he might have resorted to the 
legal punishments while the facts were recent : had he 
seen me acting so as to merit an impeachment, he 
might have impeached : had I proposed illegal decrees, 
he might in due form have accused me of illegal de- 
crees, or whatever other crimes his malice hath now 
falsely urged against me, whatever other instances of 
guilt he had discovered in my conduct : there are 
laws against them all ; there are punishments ; there 
are legal forms of procedure, which might have con- 
demned me to the severest penalties. Here was his 
resource. And did it appear that he had proceeded 
thus, that he had thus embraced the legal advantages 
against me, then had he been consistent in the present 
prosecution : but now, as he hath deviated from the 
regular and equitable method, as he hath declined all 
attempts to convict me while the facts were recent, 
and after so long an interval hath collected such a heap 
of calumny, of ribaldry and scandal, it is evident he 
but acts a part ; while I am the person really accused, 
he aiFects the form of proceeding only against this 
man ; while on the very face of the prosecution there 
appears a malicious design against me, he dares not 
point his malice at the real object, but labors to destroy 
the reputation of another : so that to all the other 
arguments obvious to be urged with all the force of 
truth in defence of Ctesiphon, I might fairly add one 
more : — that whatever be our particular quarrels, jus- 
tice requires that they should be discussed between 
ourselves ; that we ourselves, I say, should support 
the contest, and not seek for some innocent victim to 
sacrifice to our animosities. This is the severest injus- 
tice. No : he cannot pursue Ctesiphon on my ac- 
count ; and that he hath not directed his impeachment 
against me can proceed but from a consciousness that 
such impeachment could not be supported. 



ORATION ON THE CROWN. 457 

Here then I might rest my cause, as it is natural to 
conclude, from what hath now been offered, that all 
the several articles of his accusation must be equally 
unjust and equally devoid of truth. But it is my pur- 
pose to examine them distinctly, one by one ; and 
especially his injurious falsehoods relative to the Peace 
and Embassy, where he would transfer the guilt of 
those actions on me which he himself committed in 
conjunction with Philocrates. And here, my fellow- 
citizens, it is necessary, nor is it foreign to the purpose, 
to recal to your remembrance the state of our affairs 
in those times, that, together with each conjuncture, 
ye may have a clear view of each particular transac- 
tion. 

At that period, then, when the Phocion war broke 
out (not by my means, for I had no share in public 
business at that time), such were, in the first place, the 
dispositions of this state, that w r e wished the safety of 
the Phocians, although we saw the injustice of their 
conduct ; and what calamity soever the Thebans might 
have suffered would have given us pleasure, as we were 
incensed, and not without reason and justice, against 
this people : indeed they had not used their success at 
Leuctra with moderation. Then, Peloponnesus was 
all divided : those who hated the Lacedaemonians were 
not strong enough to destroy them ; nor could the 
governors appointed by Lacedaemon maintain their 
authority in the several cities ; but they and all were 
every where involved in desperate contention and dis- 
order. Philip, perceiving this (for it was no secret), 
and lavishing his gold on the traitors in the several 
states, aided the confusion, and inflamed them still 
more violently against each other. Thus did he con- 
trive to make the faults and errors of other men sub- 
servient to his own interests, so as to rise to that height 
of power which threatened all Greece. And now, when 
men began to sink under the calamity of a long pro- 
tracted war ; when the then insolent but now unhappy 
Thebans were on the point of being compelled, in the 
face of Greece, to fly to you for protection, Philip, to 



458 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

prevent this, to keep the states from uniting, promised 
a peace to you ; to them, a reinforcement. What was 
it then which so far conspired with his designs that 
you fell into the snare by an error almost voluntary ? 
The cowardice, shall I call it ? or the ignorance of 
the other Greeks ? or rather a combination of both ? 
who, while you were maintaining a tedious and inces- 
sant war, and this in the common cause (as was evident 
in fact), never once provided for your support, neither 
by money nor by troops, nor by any assistance what- 
ever. This conduct you received with a just and a 
becoming resentment, and readily listened to the over- 
tures of Philip. Hence were you prevailed on to grant 
the peace, not by any promises of mine, as he hath 
falsely asserted. And it must appear, on a fair ex- 
amination, that the iniquity and corruption of these 
men, in the course of that treaty, have been the real 
cause of all our present difficulties. But I shall now 
proceed to a faithful and exact detail of this whole 
transaction ; conscious that, if any instances of guilt 
ever so heinous should appear in it, not one can be 
fairly charged on me. 

The first who ever moved or mentioned a peace was 
Aristodemus the player. The man who seconded his 
instances and proposed the decree, and who with him 
had hired out his services on this occasion, was Philo- 
crates ; your accomplice, iEschines, not mine : no ! 
though you roar out your falsehoods till you burst. 
They who united with them in support of this measure 
(from what motives I shall not now inquire) were Eu- 
bulus and Cephisophon. I had no part in it at all. 
And though this be really the fact, though it be proved 
by the evidence of truth itself, yet so abandoned is he 
to all sense of shame, as to dare not only to assert that 
I was the author of this peace, but that I prevented 
the state from concluding it in conjunction with the 
general assembly of the Greeks. Ο thou — by what 
name can I properly call thee ? When thou wast pre- 
sent, when thou sawest me depriving the state of an 
interest so important, a conjunction of such moment 7 



ORATION ON THE CROWN. 459 

as thou now describest with so much pomp, didst thou 
express thy indignation? Didst thou rise up to ex- 
plain, to enforce, that guilt of which thou now accusest 
me ? And had Philip purchased this my important 
service, of preventing the union of the Greeks, surely 
it was not thy part to be silent, but to cry aloud, to 
testify, to inform these thy fellow-citizens. But this 
was never done ; thy voice was never once heard on 
this occasion. And, in fact, no embassy w r as at that 
time sent to any of the Grecian states ; they had all 
discovered their sentiments long before : such is the 
absurdity of his assertions. And, what is still worse, 
these his falsehoods are principally directed against 
the honor of our state : for if you called on the other 
.Greeks to take up arms, and at the same time sent out 
your ministers to Philip to treat for peace, this was 
the act of an Eurybatus, not the part of this city, not 
the procedure of honest men. But this is not the fact : 
no : for what purpose could you have sent to them at 
that period ? For a peace ? They were all at peace. 
For a war ? We were then actually deliberating about 
the treaty. On the whole, therefore, it doth not ap- 
pear that I was at all the agent, or at all the author of 
this first peace : nor can he produce the least reason- 
able evidence to support those other falsehoods he 
hath urged against me. 

Again, from the time when this state had agreed to 
peace, examine fairly what course of conduct each of 
us adopted : thus you will clearly see who was Phi- 
lip's agent on every occasion ; w r ho acted for you, 
and sought the real interest of his country. 

I, on my part, proposed a decree in the senate, that 
our ambassadors should embark with all expedition 
for such place as they were informed was the present 
residence of Philip, and receive his oaths of ratifica- 
tion : but they, even after my decree had passed, de- 
clined to pay the due obedience. And here, Athe- 
nians, I must explain the import and moment of this 
my decree. It was the interest of Philip that the 
interval between our acceding and his swearing to the 



460 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

treaty should be as long ; yours, that it should be as 
short as possible. And why? You had abandoned 
all warlike preparations, not only from the day when 
you had sworn to the peace, but from the moment you 
had first conceived an expectation of it : he, on the 
contrary, redoubled his attention to all military affairs 
through the whole intervening period ; concluding 
(and it proved a just conclusion) that whatever places 
he could wrest from us previously to his oaths of ratifi- 
cation, he might retain them all securely, and that no 
one could think of rescinding the treaty on that ac- 
count. This I foresaw ; I weighed it maturely ; and 
hence proposed this decree, that they should repair to 
Philip and receive his oaths with all expedition : that 
so he should be obliged to ratify the treaty while the 
Thracians, your allies, yet kept possession of those 
places, the object of this man's ridicule — Serrium, 
Myrtium, and Ergyske : not that Philip, by seizing- 
such of them as were most convenient to his purposes, 
should become master of all Thrace ; not that he 
should acquire vast treasures ; not that he should 
gain large reinforcements, and thus execute all his 
future schemes with ease. Here is a decree which 
jEschines hath never mentioned, never quoted. But, 
because I moved in the senate that the ambassadors 
of Macedon should be introduced, he inveighs. against 
me as highly criminal. What should I have done ? 
Was I to move that they should not be introduced ? 
The men who came purposely to treat with us ? Was 
I to forbid that any seats should be appointed for 
them in the theatre ? Why, they might have pur- 
chased seats at the common trifling price. Was I to 
show my concern for Athens by such minute savings, 
while, like him and his accomplices, I sold our capital 
interests to Philip ? No. Take my decree, which he, 
though well acquainted with it, hath passed over in 
silence. — Read. 

THE DECREE. 

' In the archonship of Mnesiphilus, on the nineteenth day 



ORATION' ON THE CROWN. 461 

of the month HecatombaBon, the Pandionian tribe presiding — 
Demosthenes, son of Demosthenes, of the Pseanian tribe, 
proposed the following decree : 

* Whereas Philip, by his ambassadors sent to Athens to 
confer about a peace, hath agreed and concluded on the terms : 
It is resolved by the senate and people of Athens, in order to 
the final execution of this treaty, agreeably to the resolutions 
and conventions of a former assembly, that five ambassadors 
be chosen from the community of Athens : which ambassa- 
dors thus chosen shall depart, and without delay repair to 
such place as, they shall be informed, is the place of Philip's 
residence, and with all possible expedition mutually receive 
and take the oaths necessary for ratification of the treaty con- 
cluded, as aforesaid, with the people of Athens, including 
the allies on each side. — The persons chosen into this com- 
mission are Eubulus, JEschines, Cephisophon, Democrates, 
and Cleon.' 

When by this decree I had approved my attachment 
to the state, not to the interests of Philip, our excel- 
lent ambassadors sat down in perfect indifference three 
whole months in Macedon, although within the space 
of ten, or rather of three or four days, they might 
have arrived at the Hellespont, tendered the oaths, 
and thus saved the towns before he had reduced them: 
for he would not have attempted the least hostility in 
our presence ; or, if he had, we might have refused 
his ratification, and disappointed his hopes of peace : 
for he could not have enjoyed both — a peace and his 
conquests also. 

Such was the first instance of Philip's artifice in 
this negotiation, and of the corruption of these wicked 
men ; for which I then denounced, and now and ever 
must denounce, perpetual war and opposition against 
these enemies of Heaven. — I proceed to point out 
another, and a still more flagrant instance of iniquity. 
When Philip had in due form acceded to the treaty, 
having first possessed himself of Thrace by means of 
those ministers who refused obedience to my decree, 
he bribed them once again not to depart from Mace- 
don until he had completed his armament against the 
Phocians, lest a fair report of his designs and prepara- 
tions should prompt you to issue forth, steer your 



462 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

course to Thermopylae, as on a former occasion, 1 and 
block up the straits of Euboea with your navy. He 
resolved that the news of his preparations and his 
passage through the straits should arrive together : 
and such were his apprehensions, such the violence of 
his terror, lest when he had gained the straits, before 
he had completed the destruction of Phocis, you should 
be informed of his motions, resolve to assist this state, 
and thus defeat his grand design, that he again bribed 
this wretch, not in conjunction with the other depu- 
ties, but now, apart and by himself, to make such re- 
presentations and to give you such assurances as effec- 
tually ruined all our interests. 

And here, my fellow-citizens, I desire, I beseech 
you to bear in mind, through the whole course of this 
dispute, that, if iEschines had urged nothing against 
me foreign to his cause, I too should have confined 
myself to the great point in contest ; but as he hath 
recurred to every charge, every invective which malice 
could suggest, it becomes necessary for me to make 
some short reply to all the several crimes alleged 
against me. 

What then were the declarations which he made at 
this juncture, and which proved so fatal to our inter- 
ests ? That you ought not to be violently alarmed at 
Philip's passage through the straits ; that the event 
would answer to your most sanguine wishes if you 
but continued quiet ; that in two or three days you 
should hear that he had entered into strict friendship 
with those who seemed the object of his hostilities ; 
and that he had become their enemy, with whom he 
now united. ' For it is not words/ said he, in all the 
solemnity of language, 6 that form the strict band of 
friendship, but a similarity of interests : and it is 
equally the interest of all — of Philip, of the Phocians, 
and of Athens, to be relieved from the insolence and 
stupidity of the Thebans/ And what were the imme- 

1 is on a former occasion, &c] See the Introduction to 
Philippic I• 



ORATION ON THE CROWN. 463 

diate consequences ? The unhappy Phocians were 
speedily destroyed, and their cities rased to their 
foundations : you who had relied on his assurances, 
and continued quiet, were shortly obliged to leave 
your lands desolate, and collect your property within 
these walls, while he received his gold. And, still 
farther, the inveterate hatred of the Thebans and 
Thessalians fell, with all its weight, on Athens, while 
Philip's conduct was attended with applause and popu- 
larity. To prove these things, read the decree of Cal- 
listhenes, and the letter received from Philip : they 
both confirm the truth of my assertions. — Read. 

THE DECREE, 

* In the archonship of Mnesiphilus, on the twenty-first day 
of the month of Maemacterion, in an assembly extraordinary, 
convened by authority of the generals, prytanes, and senate, 
at the motion of Callisthenes, it is resolved, 

1 That no citizen of Athens be permitted, on any pretence 
whatever, to pass .the night in the country : but that every 
man shall confine himself within the city, or the precincts of 
the Pirams, excepting only such persons as maybe appointed 
to the defence of some post. That every such person shall 
be obliged to maintain his station, without presuming to ab- 
sent himself, either by night or day. That whoever refuses 
to pay due obedience to this resolution and decree shall in- 
cur the penalties ordained for traitors, unless he can allege 
some necessary cause to be approved of by the general im- 
mediately in command, the treasurer, and the secretary of the 
senate, who shall have the sole power of judging of such alle- 
gations. That all effects now in the country shall be instantly 
removed; those within the distance of one hundred and 
twenty stadia, into the city or Piraeus : those at any greater 
distance, to Eleusis, Phyle, Aphidna, Rhamnusium, and 
Sunium.' 

Were these the hopes which induced you to con- 
clude the peace ? Were these the promises with which 
this hireling amused you ? — Now read the letter soon 
afterwards received from Philip. 

THE LETTER. 

• Philip, king of Macedon, to the senate and people of 
Athens, health : 
! Know ye that we have passed the straits of Thermo- 



464 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

pylse, and reduced Pliocis. We have stationed our garrisons 
in such towns as have submitted and acknowleged our au- 
thority. Those which have presumed to resist our force we 
have taken by assault, reduced the inhabitants to slavery, and 
rased their habitations to the ground. But, being informed 
that you are making dispositions for the support of these 
people, we, by these presents, recommend to you to spare 
yourselves the pains of such an ineffectual attempt. Your 
conduct must certainly appear extremely inequitable and ex- 
travagant, in arming against us, with whom yo'u have so lately 
concluded a treaty. If you have determined to show no re- 
gard to your engagements, we shall only wait for the com- 
mencement of hostilities, to exert a resolution on our part, no 
less vigorous and formidable/ 

You hear how he announces his intention in this 
letter: how explicitly he declares to his allies, ' I have 
taken these measures in despite of the Athenians, and 
to their eternal mortification." If ye are wise, then, ye 
Thebans and Thessalians, ye will regard them as ene- 
mies, and submit to me with an intire confidence/ 
These are not his words indeed ; but thus he would gladly 
be understood. And by these means did he acquire 
such an absolute dominion over their affections that, 
blind and insensible to all consequences, they suffered 
him to execute the utmost schemes of his ambition. 
Hence all the calamities which the wretched Thebans 
experience at this day : while he who was the great 
agent and coadjutor in procuring this implicit confi- 
dence ; he who in this place uttered his falsehoods, and 
deceived you by his flattering assurances ; he it is who 
affects a deep concern at the misfortunes of Thebes, 
who diplays them in such pathetic terms ; although he 
himself be the real author both of these and the calami- 
ties of Phocis, and of all others which the Greeks 
have suffered. Yes, iEschines, you must be affected 
deeply with these events ; you must indeed feel com- 
passion for the Thebans ; you who have acquired pos- 
sessions in Bceotia; you who enjoy the fruits of their 
lands : and I must surely rejoice at their misery ; I 
who was instantly demanded by the man who had in- 
flicted it. 

But I have been led insensibly to some particulars 



ORATION ON THE CROWN. 465 

which I may shortly introduce with more propriety. 
I now return to the proof of my assertion, that the 
corruption and iniquity of these men have been the real 
cause of our present difficulties. — When Philip had 
contrived to deceive you so effectually, by means of 
those who, during their embassy, had sold themselves 
to this prince, and never reported one word of truth 
to your assemblies ; when the wretched Phocians also 
had been betrayed, and their cities levelled with the 
ground ; — what followed ? — The miscreant Thessalians 
and the stupid Thebans regarded Philip as their friend, 
their benefactor, their savior : he was every thing 
with them : nor could they bear a word which tended 
to oppose these sentiments. On your part, although 
you looked with a just suspicion on the progress of 
affairs, although you felt the utmost indignation, yet 
still you adhered to the treaty : for it was not possible 
to act, single as you were. The other Greeks too, 
equally abused with you, and equally disappointed in 
their hopes, were yet determined to the same pacific 
conduct, though Philip, in effect, had long since made 
war on them. For when in the circuit of his expe- 
dition he had destroyed the illyrians and the Tribal- 
lians, and even some Grecian states ; when a certain 
set of men had seized the opportunity of a peace, 
issued forth from the several cities, and repairing to 
Macedon, had there received his bribes (of which 
number iEschines was one), then were the real objects 
of his hostilities discovered, and then was the attack 
made on the several states. Whether they yet per- 
ceived this attack or no, is another question, a question 
which concerns not me : I was ever violent in fore- 
warning, in denouncing the danger here, and in every 
place to which I was deputed. But, in fact, the states 
were all unsound. Those who had the conduct and 
administration of affairs had been gained by gold : 
while their private citizens and popular assemblies 
w r ere either blind to all consequences, or caught by 
the fatal bait of temporary ease and quiet. And such 
was the general infatuation, that each community con- 
PEM. 2 G 



466 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

ceived that they alone were to be exempted from the 
common calamity — nay, that they could derive their 
own security from the public danger. To this I must 
impute it, that the many found their inordinate and ill- 
timed indolence exchanged for slavery ; while their 
statesmen, who imagined that they were selling every 
thing but themselves, found at length that they had 
first sold themselves. Instead of friends and guests 
(so were they styled while they were receiving their 
bribes), now, are they called flatterers, enemies to 
Heaven, and every other odious name so justly merited. 
For it is not the interest of the traitor that is at all re- 
garded by the man who bribes him ; nor when the pur- 
chased service hath been once obtained is the traitor 
ever admitted into his future confidence. If he were, 
no man could be happier than the traitor. But this is 
not the case, my fellow-citizens. How should it? No I 
impossible ! When the votary of ambition hath once 
obtained his object, he also becomes master of his vile 
agents ; and as he knows their baseness, then — then he 
detests them — he keeps them at a wary distance — he 
spurns them from him. Reflect on former events : 
their time indeed is passed: but men of sense may 
always find a time to derive instruction from them* 
Lasthenes was called the friend of Philip, until he had 
betrayed Olynthus ; Timolaus, until he had destroyed 
the Thebans ; Eudicus and Simo, until they had given 
him the dominion of Thessaly; then were they driven 
away with scorn, then were they loaded with every 
kind of wretchedness ; and traitors in disgrace were 
dispersed through the whole nation. How was Aris- 
tratus received at Sicyon? How Perilaus atMegara? 
Are they not in abject infamy? And hence it evidently 
appears that he who is most vigilant in defence of his 
country, and most zealous in his opposition to such 
men, is really a friend to you, iEschines, and your 
venal, traitorous faction (as his conduct makes it 
necessary to bribe you) ; and that your safety and 
your gains depend intirely on the number of such 
patriots, and their obstinate aversion to your counsels. 
If left to yourselves, you must have long since perished. 



ORATION ON THE CROWN. 467 

And now, as to the transactions of those times, I 
might say more ; but I have already said what I deem 
more than sufficient. To him must it be imputed, who 
hath disgorged all the foulness of his own iniquity on 
me, which it was necessary to wipe aw r ay, for the sake 
of those who were born since the events I speak of. 
To you, ye judges, the detail must be tedious and dis- 
gusting. Before I had uttered one word you were 
well informed of his prostitution. He calls it friend- 
ship and intimate connexion. Thus hath he just now 
expressed it. — * He who reproaches me with the inti- 
macy of Alexander!' — I reproach thee w r ith the inti- 
macy of Alexander ! — How couldst thou obtain it ? 
How couldst thou aspire to it ? I could never call thee 
the friend of Philip ; no, nor the intimate of Alexander. 
I am not so mad ; — unless we are to call those menial 
servants, who labor for their wages, the friends and 
intimates of those who hire them.• — But how can this 
be ? Impossible ! No ! I formerly called you the hire- 
ling of Philip ; I now call you the hireling of Alex- 
ander ; and so do all these our fellow-citizens. If you 
doubt it, ask them ; or I shall ask them for you.— Ye 
citizens of Athens, do you account JSschines the hire- 
ling, or the intimate of Alexander 1 — You hear their 
answer. 1 

1 You hear their answer.] Commentators seem surprised at 
the boldness and the success of this appeal. Some tell us 
that the speaker was hurried into the hazardous question by 
his impetuosity. Some, that his friend Menander was the 
only person who returned the answer he desired. Others 
again, that he pronounced falsely on purpose, and that the 
assembly intended but to correct his pronunciation, when 
they echoed back the word μισθωτοε, hireling. But the truth 
is, he was too much interested in the present contest to surfer 
himself to he really transported beyond the strictest bounds 
of prudence and caution ; he was too well supported to rely 
on a single voice, if such could be at all heard in the assem- 
bly ; and he had too much good sense to recur to a ridiculous 
and childish artifice. The assembly to which he addressed 
himself was of a quite different kind from one of our modern 
courts of law, where order and decorum are maintained. The 
audience were not at ail concerned to suppress the emotions 



468 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

I now proceed to my defence against the several 
articles of his impeachment, and to the particulars of 
my ministerial conduct, that iEschines (although he 
knows them well) may hear the reasons on which I 
justly claim the honor of this decree, and might claim 
still greater honors. — Take the impeachment. — Read it. 

THE IMPEACHMENT. 

' In the archonship of Chaerondas, on the sixth day of the 
month Elaphebolion : JEschines, son of Atrometus, of the 
Cothocidian tribe, impeached Ctesiphon, son of Leosthenes, 
of the Anaphlystian tribe, before the archon, of a violation of 
the laws. 

■ Forasmuch as he hath been author of an illegal decree, im- 
porting that a golden crown should be conferred on Demo- 
sthenes, son of Demosthenes, of the Pseanian tribe; and that 
proclamation should be made in the theatre during the grand 
festival of Bacchus, and the exhibition of the new tragedies, 
that the people of Athens had conferred this golden crown 
on the said Demosthenes, on account of his virtue, and affec- 
tionate attachment to Greece in general, and to Athens in 
particular ; as also, on account of that magnanimity and 
steady zeal in speaking and acting for the interests of this 
state, «which he hath ever discovered, and still discovers on 
every occasion, to the utmost of his power ; — all which clauses 
are false, and repugnant to our laws : as it is enacted, 

* First, that no man shall enter false allegations into our 
public acts. 

' Secondly, that no man yet accountable for any office of 
trust shall receive a crown; whereas Demosthenes was di- 
rector of the fortifications, and manager of the theatrical 
funds. 

* Lastly, that no crown shall be proclaimed in the theatre 
during the festival, or dramatic entertainments, but in the 
senate-house, if the crown be granted by the senate ; if by 
the commons, in the pnyx, and in full assembly. 

' The penalty, fifty talents. 1 The agents, Cephisophon and 
Cleon/2 

raised in them by the speaker ; and Demosthenes had a large 
party present, who, he w r as well assured, would return the 
proper answer loudly. 

1 The penalty, &c] The damages, if we may so call them, 
were laid at such a vast sum as Ctesiphon, if condemned, 
could by no means discharge ; in which case he must have 
been banished or branded with infamy ; and Demosthenes 
must probably have shared the same fate ; against whom, no 



ORATION ON THE CROWN. 469 

Here you have the several articles of the decree, on 
which he founds his prosecution ; and on these very 
articles I mean to rest the justice of my cause. I shall 
take them in the order of this impeachment, and speak 
to them one by one, without any voluntary omission. — 
As to the clause of ' that steady zeal in speaking and 
acting for the interest of this state, which I have ever 
discovered, and still discover on every occasion, to the 
utmost of my power/ and the honors appointed to me 
on this account, the decision must depend on my 
ministerial conduct. From this conduct duly con- 
sidered, it will appear whether Ctesiphon hath adhered 
to truth and propriety in these assertions, or whether 
they be false. — As to the omission of conferring the 
crown ' when my accounts of office should first be 
passed/ and the appointment of the theatre as the 
place of proclamation ; these points too might be de- 
termined by my administration ; this might decide 
whether I be worthy of such an honor and such a pub- 
lication. Yet I deem it incumbent on me to produce 
the laws by which these clauses are fully warranted : 
so upright, and so plain is the scheme of my de- 
fence. 

I proceed, then, to the particular measures of my 
administration. And let no man think that I am sus- 
pending the discussion of this cause, if I enter into the 
aifairs and counsels of Greece. He who hath attacked 
this assertion, that * I have ever spoken and acted for 
the general interest / he who expressly accuses it of 
falsehood ; he it is who makes the account of all my 
public conduct, all my whole system of administration, 
immediately pertinent and necessary to this suit. Be- 
sides, among the different departments of those who 
engage in public business, mine was of that nature 

doubt, vEschines would have immediately commenced a se- 
cond prosecution, with the fairest prospect of success. 

2 The agents, &c] These were usually some friends of the 
contending party, who were employed in summoning the ac- 
cused, citing witnesses, and other matters of form and legal 
procedure. 



470 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

which attached me more immediately to the interests 
of Greece. From these I must, therefore, be allowed to 
deduce my evidence. 

As to those conquests and acquisitions which Philip 
had obtained before I had engaged in the administra- 
tion, before my appearance as a popular leader, I shall 
pass them over; for they by no means (as I conceive) 
aifect the merits of my cause. As to those various in- 
stances in which he found his ambition most effectually 
restrained, from the very day on which I first entered 
on public business, these I shall recal to your thoughts, 
and freely submit to your judgments. But let this be 
first premised : one advantage did our adversary en- 
joy, and this, mj fellow-citizens, of great import- 
ance. It was the unhappy fortune of the several Grecian 
states, not of some only, but equally of all, to supply 
so vast a provision of traitors, of hirelings, of men de- 
voted by the gods, as was not known in the memory of 
man. These did Philip engage as his agents and co- 
adjutors, and by their means inflamed the animosities 
which had already torn and distracted the Greeks. 
Some he deceived ; some he gained by bribes ; on 
others he employed all his engines of seduction ; and 
thus rent the nation into many different parties, al- 
though all were alike engaged in one common cause — 
that of uniting against the progress of his power. In 
such a general dissension of the Grecian states, in such 
a general blindness both to the present and to the rising 
evil, consider, Athenians, what were the measures, what 
was the conduct which became this state? And for 
these let me be brought to a strict account ; for I am 
the man who advised and directed them. 

Say, then, JEschines, was it our part, in despite of 
every generous sentiment, every consideration of our 
dignity, to have taken our station with the Thessalians 
and Dolopians, to have ranged ourselves on the side 
of Philip, in order to subvert the dominion of the 
Greeks, the honors and the conquests of our ancestors? 
Or, if we were to reject such conduct (and surely none 
could be more shameful), was it our part— ours, who 



ORATION ON THE CROWN. 471 

had foreseen, who seemed perfectly convinced of the 
consequences which must arise, unless seasonably pre- 
vented, to have proved indifferent spectators when 
these consequences had really arisen ? Yes ! I would 
gladly ask the man who appears most severe in his 
censure of our measures, what, in his opinion, was our 
proper part ? Was it the part of those who were the 
immediate cause of all the misfortunes and calamities 
which fell on the Greeks, as the Thessalians and their 
associates ? or of those who affected an indifference 
to all events from views of private interest, as the 
Arcadians, the Messenians, and the Argives ? — And 
yet most of these have, in the event, proved greater 
sufferers than we. 

I shall suppose, that after Philip had made all his 
conquests, he had retired to his kingdom, and there 
lived in peace, without attempting to molest either his 
own allies or the other Greeks. Even in this case, 
some share of censure and reproach must have fallen 
on those who had refused to arm against him. But 
when his assaults were equally directed against the 
dignity, the sovereignty, and the liberty of our whole 
nation ; nay, against the very being of those states 
more immediately exposed to his power, what measures 
could ha\e been devised more glorious than those 
which you embraced, and I suggested ? 

But let me not wander from my point. What con- 
duct, iEschines, did the dignity of this state demand 
when we beheld Philip aiming at the conquest and 
sovereignty of Greece ? or what advice should I, her 
counsellor, have given, what resolutions should I have 
proposed, and this in an assembly of Athenians, the 
circumstance of most importance ? — I, who well knew, 
that from earliest times down to the very day on which 
I first spoke in public, my country had been incessantly 
contending for pre-eminence, for honor and renown ? 
had expended more blood and treasure for glory and 
the interests of Greece than all the other Grecian states 
jever had expended for their several private interests ? — 
I, who saw this very prince, with whom we fought for 



472 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

power and empire, with one eye torn out, his neck 
dislocated, pierced in his arm, maimed in his leg, 
freely and cheerfully resigning any part of his body 
which fortune pleased to take, so that he might enjoy 
the rest with renown and glory ? And let no man pre- 
sume to say that such elevated sentiments became him 
who was bred at Pella (a place at that time ignoble 
and obscure), as to aspire to the sovereignty of Greece, 
or to entertain a thought of such a daring purpose ; 
and yet that you, the citizens of Athens, you who in 
every assembly, in every theatrical entertainment, find 
perpetual memorials of the virtue of your ancestors, 
might descend to such abject meanness, as to resign 
the liberty of Greece freely and voluntarily into the 
hands of Philip. No ! let not the presumptuous asser- 
tion be once heard. 

The only course then left, and the necessary course, 
was this — to defend your just rights against all his 
injurious attempts. This course did you instantly 
pursue with good reason, and with becoming dignity. 
And in this Ϊ was your counsellor, I was the first 
mover, during my administration. I confess it. And 
how should I have acted ? Say, iEschines : I call on 
you. — Let all former transactions be forgotten : Am- 
phipolis, Pydna, Potidaea, Halonesus, I speak not of 
them. Serrium and Doriscum too, and the storming 
of Peparethus, and all the other instances in which 
the state was injured ; let the memory of them be 
effaced. You say, indeed, that I dwelt invidiously on 
them, in order to embroil my country in a war ; al- 
though the decrees respecting these several places 
were proposed by Eubulus, and Aristophon, and Dio- 
pithes ; not by me. No, thou prompt slanderer ! nor 
do I now dwell on them. But when he had deprived 
us of Euboea ; when he had erected his fortress to com- 
mand our whole territory ; when he had attacked the 
Megareans, and possessed himself of Oreum, and rased 
Porthmus ; when he had distributed his governors 
through the cities, established Philistides in Oreum, 
Clitarchus in Eretria ; when he had reduced the whole 



ORATION ON THE CROWN. 473 

Hellespont to his obedience, and laid siege to Byzan- 
tium ; when the Grecian cities had some of them been 
subverted by his arms, others forced to receive their 
exiles, in these instances did he act unjustly ? did he 
violate the treaty, or did he not ? Was it incumbent 
on some state to rise up against these attempts, or was 
it not ? If not ; if Greece was to have proved a prey 
for Mysians l (according to the proverb), and this while 
Athens yet existed and was witness of her fall ; then 
was I officious in remonstrating against these trans- 
actions ; then was the state officious in yielding to my 
remonstrances : mine was then the guilt and error of 
every measure we pursued. But if the progress of 
his arms demanded a vigorous opposition, what com- 
munity but that of Athens should have risen at the 
call of honor ? — This was the great principle of my 
administration. I saw the man aspiring to universal 
dominon ; — I opposed him ; I warned my fellow-citi- 
zens ; I taught them to rise against the ambition of the 
Macedonian. — And yet the formal commencement of 
hostilities did not proceed from us. No, iEschines, 
but from Philip, by his capture of our ships. Produce 
the decrees, and the letter received from Philip. Read 
each in order. These, when duly weighed, will enable 
us to give each transaction to its proper author. — Read. 

THE DECREE. 

' In the archonship of Neocles — an assembly extraordinary 
being convened by the generals, in the month of Boedro- 
mion — Eubulus, son of Mnesitheus, of the Cyprian tribe, 
proposed the following decree : 

' Whereas the generals have reported to the assembly, that 
Leodamus our admiral, together with twenty ships sent un- 
der his command to import corn from the Hellespont, have 
been taken and brought into Macedon by Amyntas, a com- 

1 For Mysians.] To the weakest of all people. The proverb 
is said to have arisen from the distresses of the Mysians in 
the absence of their king, Telephus, and their helpless state 
of oppression, when all their neighbors fell on them and 
pillaged the miserable and defenceless people without mercy. 



474 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

mander in the service of King Philip ; it is decreed, that it 
shall be the care of the prytanes and generals that the senate 
be convened, and ambassadors chosen, who shall repair to 
Philip, and demand the dismission of the admiral, the vessels, 
and the soldiers ; that they be instructed to declare, that if 
Amyntas hath in this acted through ignorance, the state 
of Athens hath no complaints to urge against him : that, if 
their officer hath in any wise exceeded his commission, they 
are ready to take cognisance of his oiFence, and to punish him 
as his inadvertence may have merited : but if neither of these 
be the case, but that this outrage be avowed either by the 
person who gave, or who received the commission, that the 
ambassadors shall demand an explanation, and report the 
same, that the state may determine on the proper measures/ 

And this decree did Eubulus frame ; not I. Aristo- 
phon proposed the next: then did Hegesippus move 
for his : then Aristophon again : then Philocrates : 
then Cephisophon : and then the other speakers : I 
had no concern in any. — Read the next. 

THE DECREE. 

' In the archonship of Neocles, on the last day of the month 
Boedromion, by a resolution of the senate. 

'The prytanes and generals having reported the decree of 
the general assembly, that ambassadors be sent to Philip to 
demand the restoration of the ships, and that the said ambas- 
sadors be furnished with particular instructions, together with 
a copy of the decree of the assembly : 

' The persons hereby chosen into this commission are Ce- 
phisophon, Democritus, and Polycrates. Aristophon the 
Cothocydian moved this resolution, in the presidency of the 
tribe Hippothoontis.' 

As I produce these decrees, so, JEschines, do you 
produce that particular decree of mine which makes 
me author of the war. You have not one to show ; if 
you had, it must have made your first and favorite 
charge. Nay, Philip himself, amidst all his insinua- 
tions against others, never once accuses me. Read his 
own letter to the state. 

THE LETTER. 

* Philip, king of Macedon, to the senate and people of 
Athens, health ! 

' I have received three of your citizens in quality of ambas- 



ORATION ON THE CROWN. 475 

sadors, who have conferred with me about the dismission of 
certain ships commanded by Leodamas. I cannot but con- 
sider it as an extraordinary instance of weakness, to imagine 
that I can possibly believe that these ships were destined to 
import corn from the Hellespont for Lemnos ; and that they 
were not really sent to the relief of the Selymbrians, now 
besieged by me, and who are by no means included in the 
treaty of pacification, by which we stand mutually engaged. 
Such were the orders your officer received, not from the peo- 
ple of Athens, but from certain magistrates, and others in no 
private station, who are by all means solicitous to prevail on 
the people to violate their engagements, and to commence 
hostilities against me. This they have much more at heart 
than the relief of Selymbria, fondly imagining that they may 
derive advantages from such a rupture. Persuaded as I am 
that our mutual interest requires us to frustrate their wicked 
schemes, I have given orders that the vessels brought in to 
us be immediately released. For the future, let it be your 
part to remove those pernicious counsellors from the admi- 
nistration of your affairs, and to let them feel the severity of 
your justice, and 1 shall endeavor to adhere inviolably to my 
treaty. Farewell!' 

Here is no mention * of Demosthenes, no charge 
against me. And whence is it, that in all his acrimony 
against others, he takes not the least notice of my con- 
duct ? Because he must have brought his own usur- 
pations full into view had he mentioned me. On these 
I fixed ; and these I obstinately opposed. I instantly 
moved for an embassy to Peloponnesus, the moment ho 
bad entered Peloponnesus. I then moved for an em- 
bassy to Eubcea, as soon as he had landed in Eubcea. 
Then did I propose the expedition (not an embassy) to 
Oreum, and that to Eretria, as soon as lie had stationed 
his governors in these cities. After this did I send 
out those armaments which saved the Chersonesus and 
Byzantium, and all our confederates, from which this 



1 Here is no mention, &c] There is indeed no express 
specification of any person in this letter. But those alluded 
to were well known; and probably they were the persons 
who had been most active in moving the assembly to exert 
themselves on this occasion — Eubulus, Aristophon, Philo- 
crates, and Cephisophon. 



476 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

state derived the noblest consequences, applause, glory, 
honors, crowns, thanks, from those who had received 
such important services. And even of those who had 
injured us, such as on this occasion yielded to your 
remonstrances, found effectual security : they who 
neglected them, had only the sad remembrance of your 
repeated warnings, and the conviction that you were 
not only their best friends, but men of true discern- 
ment, of a prophetic spirit ; for in every instance 
the event proved exactly consonant to your predic- 
tions. 

That Philistides would have gladly given the great- 
est sums to have kept Oreum ; that Clitarchus would 
have given largely to have kept Eretria ; that Philip 
himself would have given largely that he might possess 
stations so convenient for annoying us ; and that all his 
other actions should pass unnoticed, all his injurious 
proceedings unimpeached, cannot be a secret to any 
man ; but least of all to you. You, iEschines, received 
the deputies sent hither by Clitarchus and Philistides : 
by you were they entertained. Those whom we drove 
from us as enemies, as men whose overtures were 
neither consistent with justice nor with the interest of 
Athens, were your dearest friends. How false and 
groundless then are your malicious accusations ! You, 
who say that I am silent when I get my bribe, clamor- 
ous when I have spent it. — Your case is different : you 
are clamorous when you receive your bribe ; and your 
clamors can never cease — unless this day's decision 
should silence them effectually by the justly-merited 
infamy. 

And when you rewarded these my services with a 
crown ; when Aristonicus proposed his decree, con- 
ceived precisely in the very words of this which Ctesi- 
phon hath framed ; when proclamation of the honor 
thus conferred on me was made in the theatre (for this 
is the second time I have been thus distinguished), 
^Eschines, though present, never made the least oppo- 
sition, never attempted an impeachment. — Take the 
decree. — Read. 



ORATION ON THE CROWN. 477 



THE DECREE. 

1 In the archonship of Chaerondas, son of Hegemon, on the 
twenty-fifth of the month Gamelion, the Leontidian tribe then 
presiding, at the motion of Aristonicus the following decree 
was made : 

* Whereas Demosthenes, son of Demosthenes of the Paea- 
nian tribe, hath at many times done various and eminent ser- 
\"ices to the community of Athens, and to many of our confe- 
derates ; and, at this time, hath by his counsels secured the 
interests of the state, and particularly restored the liberties of 
certain cities in Eubcea ; as he hath ever uniformly perse- 
vered in an unalterable attachment to the state of Athens, and 
both by words and actions exerted himself to the utmost of 
his power, in the service of the Athenians, and the other 
Greeks : — Be it enacted by the senate and the popular assem- 
bly, that public honors shall be paid to the aforesaid Demo- 
sthenes ; and that he shall be crowned with a golden crown ; 
that the crown shall be proclaimed in the theatre, on the feast 
of Bacchus, at the time of the performance of the new trage- 
dies ; and that the making this proclamation shall be given in 
charge to the presiding tribe, and to the director of the pub- 
lic entertainments. This is the motion of Aristonicus of the 
Phraerian tribe.' 

And is there a man can say that this decree brought 
any of that disgrace on the state, any of that derision 
and contempt, which he affirms must happen, if I should 
obtain this crown ? When actions are recent and no- 
torious, if good, they are received with applause ; if 
bad, they meet their punishment. But it is well known 
that on this occasion I received marks of public favor ; 
never w r as censured, never punished. And the conse- 
quence is obvious. Down to the period of these trans- 
actions I must have invariably acted for the true in- 
terest of the state : for in all your consultations my 
opinions and my measures ever were adopted. These 
measures I conducted to effectual execution : they were 
attended with crowns to the state, to me, and to you 
all ; with sacrifices to the gods, and solemn processions, 
as instances of great success. 

And now, when Philip had been driven from Eubcea 
(yours was the military glory, but the policy, the 
counsels, — yes ! though these my enemies should 



478 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

burst with envy, were mine), he raised another engine 
against this state. He saw that we, of all people, used 
the greatest quantities of imported grain. Determined 
to secure this branch of commerce to himself, he 
passed over into Thrace ; and applying to the Byzan- 
tines, then in alliance with him, he first required them 
to join in a war against us. But when they refused, 
when they told him (and they told him truth) that they 
had not engaged in his alliance for such purposes, he 
instantly prepared his works, erected his machines, 
and besieged their city. Ϊ shall not say what conduct 
became us on this emergency. It is manifest. Who 
then supported the Byzantines ? Who rescued them 
from destruction? Who prevented the Hellespont from 
falling under a foreign power on this occasion ? You, 
my countrymen. But when I say you, Ϊ mean the 
state. Who spake ? Who framed the decrees ? Who 
acted for the state ? Who devoted all his powers, 
wholly and freely, to the public interests ? I ! — And 
how essentially the public interests were advanced by 
these measures, there need no words to prove. You 
have facts, you have experience to convince you. For 
the war in which we then engaged (besides the glory 
which attended your arms) supplied you with all the 
necessaries of life, in greater plenty, and at cheaper 
rates, than the present peace, maintained by these 
good citizens, in opposition to the interests of their 
country, from their hopes of private advantage. — Con- 
founded be their hopes ! — Never may they share in 
these blessings, for which your prayers, ye true friends 
of Athens, are offered up to Heaven ! And O, never 
may they involve you in the fatal consequences of 
their machinations ! — Let them hear the crowns con- 
ferred by Byzantium, and those by Perinthus, with 
which our state was honored on this occasion : 

THE DECREE OF THE BYZANTINES. 

' Bosphoricus being hieromnemon, Demagetus, by permis- 
sion of the senate, drew up the following resolution : 

' Whereas the people of Athens have, from the earliest 



ORATION ON THE CROWN. 479 

times, persevered in an unalterable affection to the Byzan- 
tines, and to their confederates, kinsmen, and the Perinthians ; 
and have lately, when Philip of Macedon invaded and laid 
waste their territories with fire and sword, and attacked their 
cities, done them many and signal services; and, by a rein- 
forcement of one hundred and twenty ships, with provisions, 
arms, and soldiers, have extricated us from the utmost dan- 
gers, restored our ancient constitution, our laws, and the 
sepulchres of our fathers ; it is therefore resolved by the 
people of Byzantium and Perinthus, to grant to the Athe- 
nians the right of intermarriage, the freedom of our states, 
the power of purchasing lands, and the first and most honor- 
able seats in all our public entertainments — in the tholus, in 
the senate, and in the popular assembly : and that whatever 
Athenian shall choose to reside in our respective cities, shall 
enjoy a perfect immunity and exemption from all taxes. And 
it is farther resolved, that three statues, sixteen cubits high, 
shall be erected in the port of Byzantium, representing the 
community of Athens crowned by the Byzantines and Perin- 
thians : and that honorary presents shall be sent to the seve- 
ral general assemblies of Greece, the Isthmian, TsTemean» 
Olympic, and Pythian, where proclamation shall be duly 
made of that crown, now by us conferred on the people of 
Athens, that all Greece may be informed of the magnanimity 
of Athens, and the gratitude of the Byzantines and Perin- 
thians/ 

Read too the crowns conferred by the inhabitants of 
Chersonesus. 

THE DECREE OF THE CHERSONESETES, 

' The Chersonesites, inhabitants of Sestos, Eleus, Madytus, 
and Halonesus, do Crown the senate and people of Athens 
with a golden crown of sixty talents : they also consecrate an 
altar to Gratitude and the Athenians, on account of the im- 
portant services conferred by this people on the inhabitants 
of" the Chersonesus, in delivering them from the power of Phi- 
lip, and in restoring their country, their laws, their liberties, 
and their religion : of which the Chersonesites shall ever retain 
a just and grateful sense, and be ever ready, to the utmost of 
their power, to return the important obligation. — Thus it was 
resolved in a full assembly of the senate/ 

And thus the measures Ϊ concerted, the conduct I 
pursued, not only saved the Chersonesus and Byzan- 
tium ; not only foiled the Macedonian in his scheme of 
commanding the Hellespont; not only gained these 



480 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

public honors to the state ; but displayed to all the 
world the generous sentiments of Athens, and the base 
periidiousness of Philip. He, the friend, the ally of 
the Byzantines, in the face of Greece besieged their 
city ! (Can we conceive a baser, a more abandoned out- 
rage ?) You justly, repeatedly incensed against them, 
by injuries received in former times, not only forgot 
all your wrongs; not only refused to look with indif- 
ference on their danger ; but appeared their great de- 
liverers ; and by such transcendent generosity ac- 
quired universal love and glory. That you have fre- 
quently honored those with crowns to whom the con- 
duct of your aifairs hath been intrusted, is full well 
known ; but name the citizen, if you can — I mean the 
minister or public speaker, except myself, by whose 
means the state hath been thus honored. 

I am now to show that all those virulent invectives 
which he hath thrown out against the Eubceahs and 
Byzantines (invidiously recalling to your view every 
instance of their former offences) are merely the effect 
of malice ; not only as his representations have been 
false ; (of this I presume there can be no doubt;) but 
because we might admit them to be true-: and even on 
this supposition, it will appear that my measures were 
the measures which your interests demanded. For 
this purpose, permit me to lay before you, in a few 
words, one or two instances of the noble conduct of 
this state. By the most illustrious of their former ac- 
tions it is that private men, or public bodies, should 
model their succeeding conduct. 

There was a time, then, 1 my fellow-citizens, when 
the Lacedsempnians were sovereign masters, both by 
sea and land ; when their troops and forts surrounded 
the intire circuit of Attica ; when they possessed Eu- 
boea, Tanagra, the whole Boeotian district, Megara, 
./Egina, Cleone, and the other islands ; while this state 
had not one ship, not one wall. Then did you march 
to Haliartus ; and not many days after were your 

1 There was a time, then, &c] See note 1 p. 31. 



ORATION ON THE CROWN. 481 

forces once more led to Corinth. And yet the Athe- 
nians of these days had many injuries to resent, both 
from Corinth and from Thebes, by their conduct 
during the Decelian war. But far were they from 
harboring such resentment. Observe then, iEschines ; 
they acted thus, in both these instances ; not that they 
acted for their benefactors ; not that they saw no dan- 
ger in these expeditions. Such considerations never 
could induce them to abandon those who fled to their 
protection. No : from the nobler motives of glory 
and renown, they devoted their services to the dis- 
tressed. And surely this their determination was just 
and generous : for death must come to close the 
period of man's life, into whatever corner one may 
shrink from the inevitable blow r : but the truly brave 
should draw- the sword on all occasions of honorable 
danger, armed in fair hopes of success, yet still re- 
signed with an equal fortitude to whatever may be de- 
creed by Heaven. Such was the conduct of our an- 
cestors ; such the conduct of our elder citizens, who, 
though the Lacedaemonians had been no friends, no 
benefactors to our state, but had injured us in many 
and important instances ; yet, when the Thebans, 
flushed with their success at Leuctra, had attempted to 
destroy them, defeated the attempt ; undismayed by 
the then formidable power of Thebes ; determined by 
the motive of glory, not by the behavior of those in 
whose cause they were exposed. And by these actions 
did you demonstrate to the Greeks that, whatever in- 
juries Athens may receive, her resentment is reserved 
only for the just occasion : when the being, when the 
liberty of the injurious party is once in danger, her 
wrongs never are remembered, never regarded. 

Nor were these the only instances in which such 
generous principles were displayed. Again, when 
Thebes 1 had seduced the Eubceans from their attach- 
ment to this state ; far from abandoning the island to 
the consequences of this revolt ; far from remembering 

1 When Thebes, &c] See note 1 p. 31. 
DEM. 2 Η 



482 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

the injuries received from Themison and Theodoras, 
in the affair of Oropus, you instantly armed for their 
relief. And on this occasion did our trierarchs, for 
the first time, engage voluntarily in the public service ; 
of which number I was one.— But of this hereafter.— 
And if you acted nobly in thus rescuing the island, 
still your succeeding conduct was far more noble. 
When the inhabitants were at your mercy, when you 
were masters of their cities, you gave up all, with 
strictest integrity, to the men who had offended you. 
Nor were their offences once regarded when they had 
trusted implicitly to our faith. I might recount ten 
thousand instances of the same kind ; but I pass them 
over ;— engagements at sea ; expeditions by land ; the 
achievements of ancient times ; and our own illustri- 
ous actions ; all in defence of the liberty and safety 
of other Grecian states. And if I saw my country 
cheerfully engaging in so numerous and so perilous 
contentions for the interests of others, when her own 
interests were in some sort the object of debate, what 
should I have advised ? What measures should I have 
suggested? To cherish the remembrance of their of- 
fences, when these men had accepted our protection ? 
To seek pretences for abandoning all our important 
interests ? — Would not the first brave arm have de- 
servedly stabbed me to the heart had I thus disgraced 
the noble actions of my country— even but in words ? 
for that, in fact, you never could have yielded to 
such disgrace, I cannot doubt. Had you been in the 
least inclined, where was the obstacle ? Had you not 
the power ? Had you not advisers ? Were not these 
men urgent in their applications ? 

But I must return to those parts of my public con- 
duct which were subsequent to this period. And, 
here again, consider what the interest of the state 
really demanded. I saw the wretched decay to which 
our marine had been reduced ; I saw our richer citizens 
purchase a total exemption from public taxes, at the 
expense of a trifling contribution ; men of moderate 
or of small property despoiled and ruined ; every op- 



ORATION ON THE CROWN. 483 

portunity of action lost to the state. I proposed a law, 
which obliged the rich to act fairly, relieved the poor 
from their oppressions, and, what was of most conse- 
quence, provided for the speedy and effectual exe- 
cution of all our military operations. I was indicted 
on this occasion for an infringement of our established 
laws : I appealed to your justice as my sole resource ; 
and my accuser had the mortification to find not a fifth 
of the suffrages in his favor. — What sums of money, 
think ye, would our richer citizens have given me — 
they who contribute most largely to the public service, 
or even they who contribute in the next degrees, not 
to have proposed this law at all; or, at least, to have 
suffered it to be defeated by affected cavil and delay ? 
Such sums, my fellow-citizens, as I am ashamed to 
mention. — And with good reason. By the former 
law, sixteen of their number were to unite in the dis- 
charge of one assessment, so that the proportion of 
each was almost nothing ; and thus they loaded the 
poor with the public burdens. Bat by my law every 
individual pays in proportion to his fortune : so that 
lie must now equip two ships of war, who by the for- 
mer assessment was taxed but at the sixteenth part 
of one. And accordingly they styled themselves not 
4 trierarchs/ but ' contributors/ They would there- 
fore have given any price to have been disengaged 
from the necessity of thus acting justly. First read 
the decree relative to my indictment ; then produce 
the assessments, those of the former laws, and that 
prescribed by mine. 

THE DECREE. 

1 Polycles being archon. On the sixteenth of the month 
Boedromion : the tribe Hippothois presiding. 

4 Whereas Demosthenes, son of Demosthenes the Paeanian, 
proposed a law relative to the duty of trierarchs, to be sub- 
stituted in the place of former laws for regulating assess- 
ments for the navy : and whereas an indictment was brought 
by Patrocles against the said Demosthenes for an illegal pro- 
posal : — Be it remembered that the prosecutor, not having a 
fifth of the suffrages in his favor, was condemned in the fine 
of five hundred drachmae. ' 



484 orations of; Demosthenes. 

Produce now the first excellent assessment. 

' The trierarchs shall unite in the equipment of one ship, to 
the/number of sixteen men, from the age of twenty-five to 
forty years : each to contribute equally to the expense.' 

Now compare this with the assessment appointed by 
my law. — Read it. 

' Trierarchs shall be taxed according to their fortunes. He 
who is worth ten talents by valuation shall fit out one ship : 
if his fortune be rated higher, he shall be taxed, agreeably to 
the same proportion, in a higher sum ; not exceeding the ex- 
pense of three ships and a tender. The same proportion also 
shall be observed in the assessment of those whose fortunes 
do not amount to ten talents ; who are to unite, in order to 
make up the sum necessary for fitting out a ship.' 

And can this be thought κ» trivial service to the 
poor? or would the rich have given but a trivial 
sum to have eluded this equitable mode of taxation ? — 
But I do not magnify my integrity in conducting this 
transaction. Ϊ do not insist on my honorable acquit- 
tal. My glory is, that I procured a salutary law, a 
law approved by experience as highly valuable : for, 
during the whole course of our late war, in all the 
armaments conducted agreeably to my regulation, 
not one frierarch was ever known to petition against 
the severity of his assessment ; not one was known to 
have fled to sanctuary ; not one ever was imprisoned ; 
not a vessel did the state lose abroad ; not a vessel was 
detained here as unfit for service. But while our for- 
mer laws subsisted we were perpetually exposed to all 
such inconveniences. And they proceeded from our 
poorer citizens. These were insufficient for the dis- 
charge of their assessments ; and we were continually 
feeling the effects of such insufficiency. But by my 
means were the public burdens transferred from the 
poorer to our richer citizens, and the business of the 
state conducted without the least interruption. Per- 
mit me then to claim some praise on this account 
at least, that through the course of my public admi- 
nistration I constantly pursued such measures as re- 
flected glory on the state, exalted her renown, and en- 
larged her power. No sordid envy, no rancor, no 



ORATION ON THE CROWN. 48$ 

malignity, have I ever discovered ; no meanness, no- 
thing unworthy of my country. Such was the gene- 
ral tenor of my administration, in the affairs of this 
city, and in the national concerns of Greece. And no 
wonder. Here, I was never known to prefer the favor 
of the great to the rights of the people. And, in the 
affairs of Greece, the bribes, the flattering assurances 
of friendship which Philip lavished never were so 
dear to me as the interests of the nation. 

The only articles, I presume, which now remain for 
me to speak to, are those of the proclamation and 
the accounts. For that I have pursued the true in- 
terest of the state, that I have on all occasions disco- 
vered a warm affection, and zealous alacrity in your 
service, I trust hath been established already, with the 
clearest evidence. I have indeed omitted the most 
important parts of my administration, the greatest of 
my services ; both because I deem it incumbent on me 
to proceed to my defence against the charge of vio- 
lating the laws ; and because I am convinced your own 
consciences must bear the amplest testimony in my 
favor, although I should be totally silent as to the 
other parts of my conduct. Ar 

As to what he hath urged with such confusion and 
embarrassment, about his authentic transcripts of the 
laws, Heaven is my witness, that I am convinced you 
could not comprehend it : and to me it is, for the most 
part, utterly unintelligible. But my course shall' be 
more ingenuous and direct. I shall lay before you the 
plain dictates of truth and equity. Far from asser ting- 
that I am not accountable to the public, as he hath 
repeatedly insinuated and affirmed, I here declare that 
through my whole life I must ever stand accountable 
for every trust which I have executed, every measure 
which I have directed. But for what I have freely 
expended of my private fortune, in the service of the 
public, I cannot at any time be liable to account. (Ob- 
serve me, iEschines!) No! nor any other citizen, 
.were he the first of our magistrates. For, where is 
that law so pregnant with injustice and inhumanity, as 



486 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

to rob the man of all his merit, whose fortune hath 
been expended for the state, whose public spirit and 
munificence have been displayed in some important 
instance? To expose him to the malice of informers? 
To give them a power to scrutinise his bounty ? There 
can be no such law ! If there be, let him produce it, 
and I shall submit in silence. No, my countrymen, 
he cannot ! 

6 But/ saith this sycophant, ' the senate hath con- 
ferred public honors on him, while his accounts were 
yet to be approved, under the pretence of some addi- 
tional disbursements from his own fortune, when ma- 
nager of the theatrical funds/• — Not for any part of 
that conduct which stood accountable ; but for those 
additional disbursements, thou sycophant ! — ' But 
you were director of our fortifications/ — Yes : and on 
that occasion was intitled to my honors ; for I ex- 
pended more than the state had granted, without 
charging this addition to the public. Where a charge 
is made, the accounts must be examined ; but where a 
free gift is conferred, favor and applause are the natu- 
ral and just returns. This decree of Ctesiphon in my 
favor is, therefore, strictly warranted. It is a point 
determined, not by the laws only, but by our constant 
usage. This I shall readily demonstrate in various 
instances. In the first place, Nausicles, when at the 
head of our forces, was frequently honored with a 
crown, for his bounty to the state. Then Diotimus, 
who gave the arms, and Charidemus also received 
their crowns. I have another instance before me : Ne- 
optolemus. He was frequently intrusted with public 
works, and received honors for his additional disburse- 
ments. For it would be hard indeed, if the man in- 
vested with some office of authority should either stand 
precluded, by this office, from assisting the state with 
his private fortune; or find his liberal assistance the 
object of account and scrutiny, instead of meeting the 
due returns of gratitude. — To confirm what I have now 
advanced, produce the decrees made on these occa- 
sions. — Read. 



ORATION ON THE CROWN. 487 



* In the archonship of Deinonicus, the twenty-sixth of the 
month Boedromion — Callias thus reported the resolution of 
the senate and people : 

' It is resolved by the senate and people to confer a crown 
on Nausicles, the general in command ; inasmuch as when two 
thousand regular forces of Athens were in Imbrus, assisting 
the Athenian colony in that island, and when by means of the 
severity of the season Phialon their agent could not sail thither 
and pay the soldiers, the said Nausicles made the necessary 
disbursements from his own fortune without any charge to 
the public in his accounts : and that proclamation be made 
of the crown thus granted, during the feast of Bacchus, and 
the performances of the new tragedies.' 

A DECREE. 

' The motion of Callias ; agreeably to the report made of the 
resolution of the senate. 

- Whereas Charidemus, commander of the infantry in the 
expedition to Salamis, and Diotimus, general of horse, when 
in the engagement at the river some of our forces had been 
stripped of their arms by the enemy, at their own private ex- 
pense furnished the new levies with eight hundred bucklers : 
It is resolved by the senate and people that golden crowns be 
conferred on the said Charidemus and Diotimus ; which crowns 
shall be proclaimed in the grand festival of Minerva during 
the gymnastic games and new tragedies ; of which the magis- 
trates and managers of the entertainments are to take notice, 
and cause proclamation to be duly made as aforesaid.' 

Each of these, ./Esehines, was bound to account for 
the office he enjoyed ; but the action for which he was 
honored was by no means subject to account. Then 
why should mine be subject? Surely I may claim the 
same treatment with others, in like circumstances. I 
gave my additional contribution to the public : I was 
honored for it ; not as a man who stood accountable 
for this donation. I held a magisterial office: lac- 
counted for my conduct in this office ; not for my free 
bounty. 

' True ! — but you have acted iniquitously in your 
office/ — If so, were you not present when my accounts 
were passed? and why did you not impeach me? — 



488 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

But to convince you that lie himself is witness that 
this crown is not conferred for any part of my conduct 
really subject to account, take, read this decree of 
Ctesiphon at large. The clauses unimpeached will 
show the malice of his prosecution in those he hath 
attacked. — Read. 

THE DECREE. 

' In the archonship of Euthycles ; the twenty -ninth of the 
month Pyanepsion : the Oenian tribe presiding. The decree 
of Ctesiphon, son ofLeosthenes the Anaphlystian. 

' Whereas Demosthenes, son of Demosthenes, of the Paea- 
nian tribe, in his office of director of the fortifications, ex- 
pended an additional sum of three talents from his private 
fortune, which he gave freely to the public ; and, when ma- 
nager of the theatrical funds, increased the general collection 
by a voluntary addition of one hundred minae for sacrifices : 
Be it resolved, by the senate and people of Athens, to grant 
public honors to the said Demosthenes, on account of his 
virtue and nobleness of disposition, which he hath on all 
occasions invariably discovered towards the community of 
Athens ; and to crown him with a golden crown : and that 
proclamation shall be made of this crown thus conferred, in 
the theatre, during the feast of Bacchus, and the exhibition 
of the new tragedies ; of which the directors of the theatre 
are to take notice, and cause proclamation to be made as 
aforesaid.' 

My free grant of these additional sums is the article 
not included in your indictment : the honors Screed 
for this bounty is that on which you found your charge. 
You admit that to accept my bounty is no infringement 
of the laws ; you insist that to confer the due returns 
of favor, on this account, is criminal and illegal. In 
the name of Heaven, what part could the most aban- 
doned, the malignant wretch, odious to the gods, have 
acted on this occasion ? Must he not have acted thus ? 

As to the circumstance of making proclamation in 
the theatre, I shall not mention that many times many 
thousands have been granted such an honor ; or that I 
myself have been thus honored on many former oc- 
casions. But, is it possible, ye powers? Art thou, 
yEschines, indeed so lost to all sense and reason, as 
to be incapable of apprehending that, to the party who 



ORATION ON THE CROWN*. 4S9 

receives the honor, it comes with equal dignity, wherever 
it be proclaimed ? That it is for their sakes who grant 
it that the theatre is appointed for the proclamation : 
for, by this means, the multitude who hear it are in- 
spired with ardor to approve themselves zealous in the 
service of their country ; and they who give this testi- 
mony of their gratitude share more largely in the 
public applause than those who receive it. On this 
principle w _ as our law enacted. Take up the law it- 
self. — Read it. 

THE LAW. 

4 In all cases where a crown is conferred on any person by 
a single district, proclamation shall be made of the said 
crown in the particular district so conferring it. Provided 
always, that where crowns are granted by the people of 
Athens at large, or by the senate, it shall and may be lawful 
to make proclamation in the theatre during the festival of 
Bacchus.' 

iEschines ! Dost thou hear ? Are not these the very 
words of our law? — ' Provided always, that where 
crowns are granted by the people or the senate, procla- 
mation shall be made of these/ Why, then, unhappy 
man, hath thy malice been thus restless ? Why this 
fictitious tale ? Why not recur to medicine, to cure 
this disorder of thy mind ? And feelest thou no shame 
at a prosecution dictated by envy, not by justice ; sup- 
ported by false recitals of our laws, by imperfect quo- 
tations of detached sentences ; those law r s which should 
have fairly and fully been laid before our judges, as 
they have sworn to decide agreeably to their true 
tenor ? — Hence you proceed to delineate the characters 
of a patriotic statesman, as if you were giving a model 
for a statue, and found the piece not conformable to 
your model : as if words could mark out the patriotic 
statesman, and not his actions and administration. — 
Then comes your clamorous abuse, 1 vented without 

1 Your clamorous abuse, &c] In the original, ωσπερ e£ 
αμαζηε, as from a cart. Some derive this proverbial expres- 
sion from the first rude state of ancient comedy, and find a 
particular spirit in the allusion, as containing a reflection on 



490 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

distinction or reserve, but suited to you and to your 
family, not to me. And this, Athenians, I take to be 
the true distinction between a vague invective and a 
regular prosecution. This is supported by criminal 
facts, whose penalties the laws have ascertained. That 
is attended with the rancor which enemies naturally 
throw out against each other. Our ancestors, I pre- 
sume, erected these tribunals, not for assembling to 
indulge our private and personal animosities in mutual 
scurrility ; but to give us occasion of convicting that 
man fairly who hath injured the community in any 
instance. This yEschines must know as well as I. 
Yet, instead of establishing his evidence, he hath dis- 
charged his virulence against me. Nor is it just that 
he should escape without the due returns of severity 
on my part. — But before I am involved in the odious 
task, let me ask him one question. — Say, iEsehines, 
are we to deem thee an enemy to Athens, or to me ? 
I presume, to me. And yet, on every occasion, where 
you had all the advantage of the law in bringing me 
to justice (if I had oiFended) ; on passing my accounts, 
on moving my decrees, on former trials, where my 
conduct was impeached, you were silent. But in a 
case where all the laws pronounce me innocent, where 
the procedure hath been regular, where numberless 
precedents are in my favor, where my conduct, far 
from discovering any thing of a criminal tendency, 

the theatrical character of ^Eschines. But the scholiasts on 
Aristophanes and Suidas explain the proverb in another 
manner. They tell us that the Athenian women, when they 
went in their carriages to the celebration of the Eleusinian 
mysteries, usually took great liberties in their abuse of each 
other, and hence the Greek expression, τα eic των αμαξών 
σκωμματα, to signify licentious and indecent ribaldry. It is 
true the French translator is extremely shocked at this inter- 
pretation, and cannot persuade himself that the Athenian 
ladies could so far forget the modesty and reserve peculiar to 
their sex. But it is well if this was the worst part of their 
conduct, or if they were guilty of no greater transgression of 
modesty in the course of their attendance on these famous 
rites. 



ORATION ON THE CROWN. 491 

appears, in every instance, to have reflected a degree 
of honor on my country; in such a case, I say, hast 
thou chosen to attack me. — Beware, then, that while I 
am the pretended object of thy enmity, thou prove 
not really the enemy of Athens. 

Well, then; 1 since you are all determined on the 
truly religious and equitable sentence, the virulence 
this man hath uttered obliges me (I think), though not 
naturally fond of invective, to retort his numerous and 
false assertions, by some necessary remarks on his 
character ; by showing who he is, and of w r hat family, 
who so readily begins the hateful work of personal 
abuse ; who presumes to censure some of my expres- 
sions, though he himself hath uttered what no man of 
modest merit could have ventured to pronounce. No ! 
had one of the awful judges of the shades impeached 
me — an ^Eacus, or a Rhadamanthus, or a Minos, and 
not this babbling sycophant, this wretched, hackneyed 
scrivener, he could have used no such language — he 
could have searched for no such insolent expressions, 
no such theatrical exclamations as you have now heard 
from this man. — ' Ο Earth ! and thou Sun ! Ο Virtue !*■ 
— And again, those pompous invocations — ' Prudence ! 
Erudition ! that teacheth us the just distinction be- 
tween good and evil V — Virtue ! thou miscreant ! what 
communion can Virtue hold with thee or thine ? What 
acquaintance hast thou with such things ? How didst 
thou acquire it ? By what right canst thou assume it? 
And what pretensions hast thou to speak of erudition ? 
Not a man of those who really possess it could thus 
presume to speak of his own accomplishments. Nay, 
were they mentioned by another, he would blush. But 
they who, like you, are strangers to it, and yet so 
stupid as to affect it, do but wound our ears when 
they utter their presumption ; never acquire the cha- 
racter for which they labor. — And here I hesitate, not 

1 Well, then, &c] Here the speaker evidently takes advan- 
tage of some acclamations in the assembly, which he affects 
to regard as the general voice of his judges. 



492 ORATIONS OF, DEMOSTHENES. 

for want of matter to urge against you and your family, 
but because I am in doubt where to begin. Shall I 
first say how your father Tromes was loaded with his 
chain and log, when a slave to Elpias, who taught 
grammar at the temple of Theseus ? Or how your 
mother, by those marriages daily repeated, in her cell 
near the hero Calamites, 1 maintained this noble figure, 
this accomplished actor of third characters ? Or how 
Phormio, the piper in our navy, the slave of Dion, 
raised her up from this honorable employment? — No ! 
I call the gods to witness, that I fear to mention what 
is suited to your character, lest I should be betrayed 
into a language unbecoming of my own. Let these 
things be then buried in silence; and let me proceed 
directly to the actions of his own life ; for the person 
now before you is not of ordinary rank, but eminent ; — 
yes, as an object of public execration. It is but lately — 
lately I say, but yesterday, that he commenced at once 
a citizen and a speaker. By the help of two additional 
syllables, he transformed his father from Tromes to 
Atrometus, and dignified his mother with the stately 
name of Glaucothea. 2 And now observe the ingrati- 
tude and malignity of his nature. Though raised by 
your favor from slavery to freedom, from beggary to 
affluence, far from retaining the least affection to his 
country, he hath hired himself to oppose our interests. 
As to those parts of his conduct where his disaffection 
may be at all disputable, I pass them over : but what 
he evidently and incontestably committed, as an agent 
to our enemies, this I must recal to view. 

Who knows not the banished Antipho ? he who 
promised Philip to set fire to our arsenal, and for this 
purpose came back to Athens ? And when I had seized 
him in his concealment at the Piraeus, when I produced 

1 The hero Calamites.] I. e. near the chapel dedicated to 
this hero, or near the place where his statue was erected. 

2 Glaucothea.] The original adds, ' who, every one knows, 
was called Empusa,' &c. (i. e. hag or spectre.) This, with 
the cause assigned, has been purposely omitted in the trans- 
lation. 



ORATION ON THE CROWN. 493 

him to the assembly, so effectual was the violence of 
this railer, so prevalent were his clamors — that ' my 
actions were not to be tolerated in a free government y 
— ί I insulted the misfortunes of my fellow-citizens ' — 
' I forced into their houses without authority/ — that 
this man w r as suffered to escape unsentenced ! And 
had not the court of areopagus been informed of the 
transaction ; had they not perceived your error, an 
error so dangerous on so critical an occasion ; had they 
not pursued this man ; had they not once more seized, 
and brought him before you, criminal as he was, he 
must have been snatched from justice, and instead of 
meeting the punishment due to his offences (thanks to 
this pompous speaker), retired in security. But, hap- 
pily, you gave him the torture, and you punished him 
with death ; a punishment which this his advocate 
should have suffered. And so justly did the council 
of areopagus conceive of his conduct, on this occasion, 
that, when influenced by the same error which so often 
proved fatal to your interests, you had appointed him 
a pleader for your privileges in the temple of Delos, 
this council to whom your appointment was referred, 
and who were to ratify the nomination, instantly re- 
jected this man as a traitor, and appointed Hyperides 
to plead. On this occasion w r ere their suffrages given 
solemnly at the altar ; and not one suffrage could this 
miscreant obtain. To prove this, call the witnesses. 

THE WITNESSES. 

\ Callias, Zeno, Cleon, and Demonicus, in the name of all 
the areopagites, testify in behalf of Demosthenes, that at the 
time when the people had chosen iEschines as advocate for' 
the rights of Athens in the temple of Delos, before the am- 
phictyons, we in full council determined that Hyperides was 
more worthy to speak for the state. And Hyperides was ac- 
cordingly commissioned.' 

Thus, by rejecting this man, when on the point of 
proceeding on his commission, and by substituting 
another, the council did in effect declare him a traitor 
and an enemy to Athens. — Here then we have a fact. 



494 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

which clearly marks the public conduct of this noble 
personage ; such a fact as differs widely from those he 
hath urged against me. One more there is, not to be 
forgotten. When Python the Byzantine came on his 
embassy from Philip ; and came attended by commis- 
sioners from all the several powers in league with 
Macedon ; as if to expose us — as if to bring witnesses 
of our injustice ; then did I stand forth ; and instead 
of submitting to the insolence of Python — instead of 
yielding to the torrent of his abuse against the state, 
I retorted the charge ; I supported the rights of Athens. 
And with such powerful evidence did I demonstrate 
the injurious conduct of our enemy, that his own con- 
federates were themselves forced to rise, and to con- 
fess it. But ^Sschines was the great coadjutor of this 
man. He gave testimony against his country ; and 
falsely too. Nor did he stop here. In some time after 
this transaction he held, and was detected in his inter- 
course with Anaxinus the Spy, at the house of Thraso. 
And surely the man who holds his private interviews, 
who confers with an agent of our enemies, is himself a 
spy and an enemy to his country. — To prove my alle- 
gations, call the witnesses. 

THE WITNESSES. 

' Celedemus, Cleon, and Hyperides, being duly sworn, 
testify in behalf of Demosthenes, that, to their knowlege, 
./Eschines repaired to the house of Thraso, at an unseasona- 
ble hour of the night, and there held conference with Anaxi- 
nus, legally convicted of being Philip's spy. This deposition 
was signed in the archonship of Nicias, the third day of the 
month Hecatombeon. , 

Numberless other articles I could urge against him ; 
but I suppress them. For the fact is this : I might dis- 
play the many instances in which his conduct during 
these periods was equally calculated to serve our ene- 
mies, and to indulge his malice against me. But so 
slight are the impressions which such things make on 
your minds, that they are not even remembered, much 
less received with due resentment. Nay, so dangerous 



ORATION ON THE CROWN. 495 

a custom hath prevailed, that you have granted full 
Liberty to every man who pleased to supplant and to 
malign your faithful counsellor ; thus exchanging the 
real welfare of your country for the pleasure of listen- 
ing to personal abuse. Hence is it ever easier and less 
dangerous for the servile tool of our enemies to earn 
his bribes, than for him to serve the state who hath 
attached himself to your interests. — That he manifestly 
supported the cause of Philip, previous to the com- 
mencement of hostilities, shocking as it is (yes ! I call 
Heaven and earth to witness ! for it was an opposition to 
his country) ; yet forgive him, if you please — forgive 
him this. But when this prince avowedly made prizes 
of our ships ; when the Chersonesus was plundered by 
his troops ; w hen he marched in person into Attica ; when 
affairs were no longer doubtful, but the war raged at 
our very gates ; then was this slanderer intirely in- 
active ; no instance of his zeal can this theatrical ranter 
show ; not one decree of any import, great or small, 
was ever framed by ^schines in defence of your in- 
terests. If he denies this, let him break in on the time 
allowed for my defence, and let him produce such de- 
cree. No ; he cannot ! — He is therefore necessarily 
reduced to this alternative. He must acknowiege, 
either that the measures I proposed on that occasion 
were not liable to censure, as he himself never offered 
to suggest any other measures ; or that his attachment 
to our enemies prevented him from directing us to 
some better course. —But was he thus silent, was he 
thus inactive, when there was an opportunity of in- 
juring his country ? On this occasion, no man could 
be heard but TEschines. 

And yet the indulgence of the state may possibly 
endure the other instances of his clandestine conduct ; 
but one there is, my countrymen — one act of his, that 
crowns all his former treasons ; a subject on which 
he hath exhausted his whole artifice, in a tedious nar- 
rative of decrees about the Locrians of Amphissa, as 
if to pervert the truth. But this cannot be : — impos- 



496 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

sible ! No ; nor shall this profusion of words ever wash 
away the stain of guilt from thy conduct on this occa- 
sion. — And here, and in your presence, ye Athenians, 
I invoke all the deities of Heaven, all the divine guard- 
ians of our country, and above all, the Pythian Apollo, 
tutelary god of Athens ! I beseech these powers to 
grant me safety and prosperity, as I now speak the 
truth, as I at first publicly spake the truth, from the 
moment that I found the miscreant engaging in this 
transaction ; for he could not escape my notice : no ; I 
instantly detected him.— But, if to indulge my spleen, 
if from personal animosity, I produce a false charge 
against him, may these gods blast my hopes of happi- 
ness ! — But why this solemnity of imprecation ? Why 
all this vehemence ? — The reason is this. We have the 
authentic records in vur archives, which prove my 
charge : you yourselves remember the transactions 
clearly : and yet I have my fears that he may be 
deemed an instrument too mean for such great mis- 
chiefs as he hath really effected. This was the case 
when he brought down ruin on the wretched Phocians, 
by the false assurances which he gave in our assembly : 
for, as to the Ampnissean war, which opened the 
gates of Elate a to our enemy, which gave him the 
command of the amphictyonic army, and at once over- 
turned the fortune of Greece ; here stands the great 
agent in this black design, the sole cause of all the 
grievous calamities we endured. When I attested this 
in the assembly ; when I exclaimed with all my powers, 
4 You are bringing an enemy to our gates ; — yes, JEs- 
chines, the whole amphictyonic body to fall on us;' 
his coadjutors* at once silenced me ; while others stood 
confounded at the assertion, and regarded it as a 
groundless charge, the effect of personal animosity. — 
But, since you were at that time prevented from re- 
ceiving the important information, attend now, my 
countrymen ; hear the true nature of this whole trans- 
action ; the secret motives which produced, and the 
contrivance which effected it. So shall you discover a 



ORATION ON THE CROWN. 497 

scheme 'well concerted, receive new and useful lights 
into the history of public affairs, and see what deep 
designs the heart of Philip could conceive. 

This prince saw no means of terminating his war 
with Athens ; no resource, unless he were to arm the 
Thebans and Thessalians against us. No resource, I 
say ; for although the conduct of your generals had 
been scandalous and unsuccessful, yet the war itself, 
and the vigilance of our cruisers, had involved him in 
numberless distresses ; as he found it equally imprac- 
ticable to export the produce of his kingdom and to 
supply his own demands by importation. He was not 
at that time superior to us at sea : nor could he pene- 
trate into Attica by land, while the Thessalians refused 
to follow him, and the Thebans denied him a passage 
through their territory. Victorious therefore as he 
proved against your generals ; (such as you employed ; — 
of that I shall not speak ;) yet still the situation of his 
kingdom, and the circumstances on each side, reduced 
him in the event to great distress. He knew that his 
private interest could not obtain the least regard, either 
from Thebes or Thessaly, as a motive for engaging in 
hostilities against us ; but could he once be admitted 
to lead their forces in some common cause of theirs, 
he trusted to the united power of fraud and flattery, 
and was confident of success. His scheme, then, was 
this ; and observe how well it was concerted : — to em- 
broil the amphictyons in a war, by raising dissensions 
in their general assembly : for in such a war he pre- 
sumed that he should soon be wanted. And now, 
were he to choose the instrument of this design, 
either from his own deputies or from those of his con- 
federates, this must awaken suspicion : the Thebans 
and Thessalians, and all the states, must be roused to 
the strictest vigilance. But could he obtain an Athenian 
for his agent, a citizen of that state which avowedly 
opposed him, this must secure him from detection. 
Thus he reasoned ; and thus was the event. How 
then was this point gained? By bribing iEschines. 
Here stands the man who seized the advantage of that 
DEM. 2 ι 



498 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

inattention, that unsuspecting confidence, which you 
too frequently discover on such occasions ; was pro- 
posed as one of our representatives, and by the few 
voices of a faction confirmed in this commission. Thus 
invested with the august authority of his state, he 
repairs to the general council ; and, regardless of all 
other concerns, applies himself directly to the service 
for which he had received his wages. He frames his 
specious harangues ; he delivers his legendary tale of 
the Cyrrhean plain and its consecration ; and pre- 
vails on the hieromnemons (men unexperienced in the 
artifices of a speaker — men whose views never were 
extended beyond the present moment) to decree that a 
survey should be had of this district, which the people 
of Amphissa claimed and occupied as their own, but 
which this man now asserted to be sacred ground : 
not provoked by any insolence of the Locrians, by any 
fine which they imposed on our state, as he now pre- 
tends, but falsely, as I shall convince you by one 
undoubted proof. Unless citation had been regularly 
issued, it was impossible for the Locrians to have 
commenced any suit against our state. Who then 
cited you? Produce the record of this citation. Name 
the man who can inform us of it : let him appear. 
No ; you cannot : your pretence therefore is false and 
groundless. 

The amphictyons, then, having proceeded to the 
survey of this district, agreeably to his direction, were 
assaulted by the Locrians with a violence which had 
well-nigh proved fatal to them all. Some of the hie- 
romnemons were even made prisoners : and when the 
ferment became general, and war was denounced against 
the Amphisseans, Cottyphus was at first chosen to 
lead the amphictyonic army. But when some states 
refused to obey his summons, and those who did obey 
refused to act, in the next general council Philip was 
appointed to the command ; so effectual was the in- 
fluence of his agents, the old traitors of Thessaly, and 
those of other states : nor did their allegations want a 
fair and specious color. ' Either we must raise a 



ORATION ON THE CROWN. 499 

subsidy/ said they, ' maintain a mercenary army, and 
fine those people who refuse their cjuota, or we must 
choose him general/ Need I say more ? He was 
chosen : his forces were collected with the utmost 
diligence : he marched as if towards Cyrrha. But 
now, farewell at once to all regard either to the Cyr- 
rheans or the Locrians ! He seizes Elatea. 1 Had 
not the Thebans then instantly repented, and united 
with our state, the whole force of this invasion must 
have fallen like a thunder-storm on Athens : but in 
this critical conjuncture they started up and stopped 
his progress ; a blessing which you owe to some gra- 
cious divinity, who then defended us ; and, under him, 
to me, as far as one man could be the instrument of 
such a blessing. — Give me the decrees : produce the 
date of each transaction. Thus shall you see what 
infinite confusion this abandoned wretch could raise, 
and yet escape unpunished. — Read the decrees. 

THE DECREE OF THE AMPHICTYONS, 

' In the pontificate of Clinagoras, at the general assembly 
of amphictyons, held in the spring, It is resolved by the pyla- 
goras, and the assessors in the said assembly, that whereas 
the people of Amphissa continue to profane the consecrated 
lands, and do at this time actually occupy them by tillage and 
pasture, — the pylagorae and assessors shall repair to the said 
lands, and determine the boundaries by pillars ; strictly en- 
joining the people of Amphissa to cease from such violation 
for the future.' 

ANOTHER DECREE. 

■ In the pontificate of Clinagoras, at the general assembly 
held in the spring : Whereas the people of Amphissa have 
cantoned out the consecrated lands, have occupied them by 
tillage and pasture, and when summoned to desist from such 

1 He seizes Elatea, &c] Which by its situation com- 
manded the territory of Attica and Bceotia, so as to awe both 
Thebes and Athens. But we shall immediately learn the 
policy of this step from Demosthenes himself, and the cause 
of that dreadful consternation it raised in Athens, which the 
speaker is just now to paint in such lively colors. 



500 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

profanation, rose up in arms, and forcibly repelled the general 
council of Greece, wounding some of the members, and parti- 
cularly Cottyphus, the Arcadian general of the amphictyons : 
It is therefore resolved by the pylagorae, the assessors, and the ' 
general assembly, that a deputation shall be sent to Philip, king 
of Macedon, inviting him to assist Apollo and the amphicty- 
ons, and to repel the outrage of the wretched Amphisseans ; 
and farther, to declare that he is constituted by all the Greeks 
a member of the council of amphictyons, general and com- 
mander of their forces, with full and unlimited powers.' 

Read now the date of these transactions ; for they 
correspond exactly with the time in which he acted as 
our representative. 

THE DATE. 

* In the archonship of Mnesithides, the sixteenth day of 
the month Anthesterion/ 

Give me the letter which, when the Thebans had 
refused to concur with him, Philip sent to his confe- 
derates in Peloponnesus. This will fully prove that the 
real motive of this enterprise was studiously concealed ; 
I mean his design against Greece, his schemes against 
Thebes and Athens ; while he aiFected but to execute 
the orders of the amphictyonic council : a pretence for 
which he was indebted to this man. — Read. 



THE LETTER. 

' Philip, king of Macedon, to the magistrates and counsel- 
lors of the confederated people of Peloponnesus, health. 

? Whereas the Locri, called Ozolae, inhabitants of Amphissa, 
profanely commit outrages on the temple of Apollo in Delphi, 
and in an hostile manner invade, and make depredations in, 
the sacred territory : know ye, that we have resolved, in con- 
junction with you, to assert the rights of the god, and to op- 
pose those impious wretches who have thus presumed to 
violate all that is accounted sacred among men. Do you, 
therefore, meet me in arms at Phocis, with provisions for 
forty days, within this present month, called by us Lous ; by 
the Athenians, Boedromion ; and by the Corinthians, Pane- 
mus. Such as attend us shall be duly consulted, and all 
measures pursued with their concurrence : they who refuse 
obedience to these orders shall be punished. Farewell !' 



ORATION ON THE CROWN. 501 

You see with what caution he keeps his real pur- 
pose concealed ; how he flies for shelter to the acts of 
the amphictyons. And w r ho was the man that pro- 
cured him this subterfuge ? Who gave him such plausi- 
ble pretences ? Who was the great author of all our 
calamities ? Was it not this man ? — Yet, mistake me 
not, Athenians ; when our public calamities are the 
subject of your conversation, say not that we owe 
them intirely to a single person. No, not to one, let 
Heaven and earth bear witness! but to many aban- 
doned traitors in the several states, in which number 
he stands distinguished : he, w r hom, if no regards con- 
trolled me, I should not scruple to pronounce the 
accursed destroyer of persons, places, cities, all that 
were involved in the general overthrow' : for the sower 
of the seed is surely author of the w r hole harvest 
of mischief. Astonishing indeed it is, that you can 
behold him, and not instantly turn away with horror 
from an object so detestable. But this is the effect of 
that thick cloud in which the truth has lain concealed. 

And thus, from touching slightly on the designs which 
he pursued against his country, I am led naturally to 
those measures in which I was myself engaged, in op- 
position to such traitorous designs. These demand 
your attention for various reasons ; chiefly, because it 
would be shameful, w r hen I have labored in your ser- 
vice with indefatigable zeal, to refuse to hear my ser- 
vices recounted. — No sooner then did I perceive the 
Thebans — I might have said the Athenians also, de- 
ceived so effectually by those agents which Philip's 
gold had secured in each state, as to look with indif- 
ference on an object equally formidable to both — I 
mean the increasing power of this prince ; no sooner 
did I see them resign all thoughts of guarding against 
his progress, and, in defiance of their common danger, 
ready to encounter each other in mutual enmity, than 
I roused all my vigilance, exerted my incessant efforts, 
to prevent such rupture. This I considered as a real 
service to my country ; and not on my own judgment 



502 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

only : I had the authority of Aristophon and Eubulus 
to confirm me ; men who had ever labored to effect this 
scheme of union between the two states : (however 
violent their opposition on other points, in this they 
ever were agreed :) men who, when living, were per- 
secuted by thy abject flattery; yet now, when they are 
no more, thou presumest to arraign their conduct ; — so 
lost art thou to shame ! Yes, thou scandal to huma- 
nity ! for whatever is urged against me, with respect 
to Thebes, affects their characters much more than 
mine. They had declared loudly for this alliance long 
before it was proposed by me. — But I have digressed 
too far. When JEschines had effected this Amphis- 
sean war; when his traitorous coadjutors had possessed 
our minds with animosity against the Thebans, the 
great secret of that confusion raised amongst the states 
was now discovered. Philip marched directly to at- 
tack us : and had we not been suddenly awakened to 
a vigorous exertion of our powers, the danger must 
have overwhelmed us ; so far had these men carried 
on their desperate design. — But to form a perfect 
judgment of the terms on which we then stood with 
Thebes, consult your own decrees, and the answers 
received on this occasion. — Take them. — Read. 

A DECREE. 

F In the archonship of Heropythus, on the twenty-fifth day 
of the month Elaphebolion, the Erecthian tribe presiding, the 
senate and generals came to the following resolution : 

'Whereas Philip hath possessed himself of some adjacent 
cities, and demolished others, and is actually preparing to 
make an inroad into Attica, in manifest contempt of his en- 
gagements, and to rescind all his late treaties and obligations, 
without the least regard to public faith : — It is resolved, that 
ambassadors shall be sent to confer with him, and to exhort 
him to preserve that harmony, and to adhere to those engage- 
ments, which have hitherto subsisted between us : at least, 
tli at he may grant the state time to deliberate and make a 
truce till the month Thargelion. Simus, Euthydemus, and 
Bulagoras, are elected from the senate for this comπχission. , 



ORATION* ON THE CROWN. 503 

ANOTHER DECREE. 

1 In the archonship of Heropythus, the last day of the month 
Alunichion : at the motion of the polemarch — 

' Whereas Philip is exerting his most strenuous efforts to 
alienate the Thebans from us, and prepares to march with all 
his army to the frontiers of Attica, in direct violation of the 
treaty now subsisting between us : — It is resolved by the 
senate and people of Athens that an herald and ambassadors 
be sent to him, who shall require and demand a cessation of 
hostilities, that the people may have an opportunity of deli- 
berating on this exigency ; as at present they are inclined to 
judge that the honor of the state cannot be supported but by 
an extraordinary and vigorous opposition. Nearchus and 
Polycrates are chosen for this commission from the senate, 
and Eunomus from the people, in quality of herald.' 

Now read the answers. 

philip's answer to the Athenians. 

'Philip, king of IVIacedon, to the senate and people of 
Athens, health. 

* How you have been affected towards us from the begin- 
ning we are by no means ignorant ; nor of that assiduity with 
which you have labored to bring over to your party the Thes•- 
salians, the Thebans, and even the Boeotians. As these peo- 
ple had just ideas of their real interests, and have refused to 
submit to your direction, when you find yourselves disap- 
pointed, you send heralds and ambassadors to us to put us in 
mind of former treaties ; and you demand a truce, although 
you have in no one instance felt the force of our arms. I, on 
my part, have admitted your ambassadors to an audience. I 
agree to your demands, and am ready to grant the cessation 
which you require, provided that you remove your evil coun- 
sellors, and brand them with the infamy which they so justly 
merit. Farewell!' 

the answer to the thebans. 

* Philip, king of Macedon, to the senate and people of 
Thebes, health. 

' I have received your letter, wherein you take notice of 
the harmony and peace subsisting between us. I am in- 
formed that the Athenians have been assiduous in their soli- 
citations to prevail on you to comply with them in those de- 
mands which they have lately made. I must confess I for- 
merly imagined that I had discovered some disposition in 



504 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

your state to be influenced by their promises, and to acquiesce 
in their measures ; but now I have received full assurances 
of your attachment to us, and of your resolutions to live in 
peace rather than to submit to the guidance of foreign coun- 
sels. I feel the sincerest satisfaction, and highly applaud 
your conduct ; and more particularly as, by your adherence 
to us, you have in the most effectual manner provided for 
your interests and safety. Persevere in the same sentiments, 
and in a short time I hope you will experience their good 
effects. Farewell!' 

t/* Thus successful in confirming the mutual separation 
* of our states, and elevated by these decrees and these 
replies, Philip now leads his forces forward, and seizes 
Elatea ; presuming that, at all events, Athens and 
Thebes never could unite. You are no strangers to 
the confusion which this event raised within these 
walls. Yet permit me to relate some few striking cir- 
cumstances of our own consternation. — It was evening. 
A courier arrived, and repairing to the presidents of 
the senate, informed them that Elatea was taken. In 
a moment some started from supper, 1 ran to the public 
place, drove the traders from their stations, and set fire 
to their sheds ; 2 some sent round to call the generals ; 
others clamored for the trumpeter. 3 Thus was the 
city one scene of tumult. — The next morning, by dawn 
of day, the presidents summoned the senate. The 
people were instantly collected ; and, before any re- 
gular authority could convene their assembly, the 
whole body of citizens had taken their places, above. 
Then the senate entered : the presidents reported 
their advices, and produced the courier. He repeated 

1 From supper.] I. e. from the table provided at the expense 
of the public for such citizens as had been distinguished by 
their services and merits. 

2 Set fire to, &c] Wolfius asks why 1 and for what pur- 
pose 1 The answer I apprehend is obvious. To clear the 
place for an assembly ; and in their confusion and impatience 
they took the speediest and most violent method. 

3 The trumpeter.] Possibly to summon the assembly on 
this extraordinary occasion, when there was no leisure nor 
opportunity for the regular and usual method of convening 
the citizens. 



ORATION ON THE CROWN. 505 

his intelligence. The herald then asked in form, ' Who 
chooses to speak V All was silence. The invitation 
was frequently repeated : still no man rose ; though the 
generals, though the ordinary speakers were all pre- 
sent ; though the voice of Athens then called on some 
man to speak and save her : for surely the regular 
and legal proclamation of the herald may be fairly 
deemed the voice of Athens. — If an honest solicitude 
for the preservation of the state had, on this occasion, 
been sufficient to call forth a speaker, then, my country- 
men, ye must have all risen and crowded to the gal- 
lery ; for well I know this honest solicitude had full 
possession of your hearts. If wealth had obliged a 
man to speak, the Three Hundred 1 must have risen. 
If patriotic zeal and wealth united were the qualifica- 
tion necessary for the speaker, then should w r e have 
heard those generous citizens, whose beneficence was 
afterwards displayed so nobly in the service of the 
state ; for their beneficence proceeded from this union of 
wealth and patriotic zeal. But the occasion, the great 
day, it seems, called not only for a well-affected and 
an affluent citizen, but for the man who had traced 
these affairs to their very source ; who had formed the 
exactest judgment of Philip's motives, of his secret 
intentions, in this his conduct. He who was not per- 
fectly informed of these ; he who had not watched the 
whole progress of his actions with consummate vigil- 
ance ; however zealously affected to the state, however 
blessed with wealth, was in no wise better qualified to 
conceive or to propose the measures which your in- 
terests demanded on an occasion so critical. On that 
day then I was the man who stood forth. And the 
counsels I then proposed may now merit your atten- 
tion, on a double account : first, to convince you that, 
of all your leaders and ministers, I was the only one 
who maintained the post of a zealous patriot in your 

1 The Three Hundred.] I. e. the body of richer citizens who 
were to advance money for the exigences of the state.— -See 
note % p. 57, 



506 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

extremity, whose words and actions were devoted to 
your service, in the midst of public consternation : 
and, secondly, to enable you to judge more clearly of 
my other actions, by granting a little time to this. — 
My speech then was thus : 

6 They who are thrown into all this confusion, from 
an opinion that the Thebans are gained over to the in- 
terests of Philip, seem to me intirely ignorant of the 
present state of aifairs. Were this the case, I am con- 
vinced you would now hear, not that he was at Elatea, 
but on our very frontier. His intent (I clearly see it) 
in seizing this post is to facilitate his schemes in 
Thebes. Attend, and I shall now explain the circum- 
stances of that state. Those of its citizens whom his 
gold could corrupt, or his artifice deceive, are all at 
his devotion ; those who at first opposed, and continue 
to oppose him, he finds incapable of being wrought 
on. What then is his design ? Why hath he seized 
Elatea ? — That, by drawing up his forces, and display- 
ing his powers on the borders of Thebes, he may in- 
spire his adherents with confidence and elevation, and 
strike such terror into his adversaries, that fear, or 
force, may drive them into those measures they have 
hitherto opposed. If then we are resolved in this con- 
juncture to cherish the remembrance of every unkind- 
ness we may have received from the Thebans, if we 
regard them with suspicion, as men who have ranged 
themselves on the side of our enemy, we shall, in the 
first place, act agreeably to Philip's warmest wishes ; 
and then I am apprehensive that the party who now 
oppose him may be brought over to his interest, 
the whole city declare unanimously in his favor, and 
Thebes and Macedon fall with their united force on 
Attica. — Grant the due attention to what I shall pro- 
pose ; let it be calmly weighed, without dispute or 
cavil, and I doubt not but that my counsels may direct 
you to the best and most salutary measures, and dispel 
the dangers now impending over the state. What then 
,do I propose ? — First shake off that terror which hath 
possessed your minds, and, instead of fearing for your- 



ORATION ON THE CROWN. 507 

selves, fear for the Thebans ; they are more imme- 
diately exposed, and must be the first to feel the 
danger. In the next place, let all those of the age for 
military service, both infantry and cavalry, march in- 
stantly to Elensis, that Greece may see that you too 
are assembled in arms ; and your friends in Thebes be 
emboldened to assert their rights ; when they are as- 
sured that, as they who have sold their country to the 
Macedonian have a force at Elatea to support them, 
you too stand prepared to support their antagonists. 
I recommend it, in the last place, that you nominate 
ten ambassadors, who, w r ith the generals, shall have full 
authority to determine the time, and all other circum- 
stances of this march. — When these ambassadors shall 
arrive at Thebes, how are they to conduct this great 
affair? This is a point worthy your most serious atten- 
tion. — Make no demands at all of the Thebans : at this 
juncture, it would be dishonorable. Assure them that 
your forces are ready, and but wait their orders to 
march to their support ; as you are deeply affected by 
their danger, and have been so happy as to foresee and 
to guard against it. If they are prevailed on to em- 
brace these overtures, we shall effectuate our great 
purpose, and act with a dignity worthy of our state ; 
but, should it happen that we are not so successful, 
whatever misfortunes they may suffer, to themselves 
they shall be imputed ; while your conduct shall ap- 
pear, in no one instance, inconsistent with the honor 
and renown of Athens/ 

These, and other like particulars, did I suggest. I 
came down amidst the universal applause of the as- 
sembly, without one word of opposition or dissent. 
Nor did I thus speak without proposing my decree in 
form : nor did I propose my decree without proceed- 
ing on the embassy : nor did I proceed on the embassy 
without prevailing on the Thebans. From first to last, 
my conduct was uniform, my perseverance invariable, 
my whole powers intirely devoted to repel the dangers 
then encompassing the state. — Produce the decree made 
on this occasion. — Say, ^Eschines, what character are 



508 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

we to ascribe to you on that great day ? And in what 
light am I to be considered ? As a Batalus, the odious 
name your scorn and malice have given me ? And you, 
a hero of no ordinary rank? — a dramatic hero, a Cres- 
phontes, a Creon, or an OEnomaus, the character in 
which your vile performance was punished with such 
heavy stripes ? On that day our country had full proof 
that I the Batalus could perform more worthy services 
than you the (Enomaus. You performed no services 
at all : I discharged the duty of a faithful citizen in 
the amplest manner. 

THE DECREE. 

'In the archonship of Nausicles, the Aiantidian tribe pre- 
siding, on the sixteenth day of the month Scirophorion ; — 
Demosthenes, the son of Demosthenes of the Peeanian tribe, 
proposed this decree : 

' Whereas Philip, king of the Macedonians, hath in various 
times past violated the treaty of peace subsisting between 
him and the state of Athens, in open contempt of his most 
solemn engagements, and of all that is esteemed sacred in 
Greece ; possessing himself of cities to which he had no 
claim or pretensions ; reducing some to slavery that were un- 
der the Athenian jurisdiction ; and this without any previous 
injury committed on the part of Athens. — And whereas he, 
at this time, perseveres in his outrages and cruelty, imposing 
his garrisons on the cities of Greece, subverting their consti- 
tutions, enslaving their inhabitants, and rasing their walls ; 
in some, dispossessing the Greeks, and establishing barba- 
rians ; abandoning the temples and sepulchres to their inhu- 
man rage (actions agreeable to his country and his manners) ; 
insolent in his present fortune, and forgetful of that mean 
origin from whence he hath arisen to this unexpected power. 
— And whereas, while the Athenian people beheld him ex- 
tending his dominion over states and countries like his own, 
barbarous, and detached from Greece, they deemed them- 
selves little affected, or injured by such conquests ; but now, 
when Grecian cities are insulted by his arms, or totally sub- 
verted, they justly conceive it would be unwarrantable, and 
unworthy of the glory of their illustrious ancestors, to look 
on with indifference, while the Greeks are thus reduced to 
slavery. For these reasons, the senate and people of Athens 
(with due veneration to the gods and heroes, guardians of 
the Athenian city and territory, whose aid they now implore; 
and with due attention to the virtue of their ancestors, to 



ORATION ON THE CROWN. 509 

whom the general liberty of Greece was ever dearer than the 
particular interest of their own state,) have resolved, 

* That a fleet of two hundred vessels shall be sent to sea 
(the admiral to cruise within the straits of Thermopylae). — 
That the generals and commanders, both of horse and foot, 
shall march with their respective forces to Eleusis. That 
ambassadors shall be sent to the states of Greece ; and parti- 
cularly to the Thebans, as the present situation of Philip 
threatens their confines more immediately. That these am- 
bassadors shall be instructed to exhort them not to be terri- 
fied by Philip, but to exert themselves in defence of their 
own liberty, and that of Greece: to assure them that the 
people of Athens, far from harboring the least resentment 
on account of any former differences which might have alien- 
ated their states from each other, are ready to support them 
with all their powers, their treasures, their forces, and their 
arms ; well knowing that to contend for sovereignty among 
themselves is an honor to the Greeks ; but to be commanded 
by a foreigner, or to suffer him to wrest from them their su- 
periority, is unworthy of the Grecian dignity, and the glorious 
actions of their ancestors. To assure them that the Athenian 
people do not look on those of Thebes as aliens, but as kins- 
men and countrymen ; that the good offices conferred on 
Thebes by their progenitors are ever fresh in their memory, 
who restored the descendants of Hercules to their hereditary 
dominions, from which they had been expelled by the Pelo- 
ponnesians, and, by force of arms, subdued all those who 
opposed themselves to that illustrious family ; who kindly 
entertained CEdipus and his adherents in the time of their 
calamity ; and who have transmitted many other monuments 
of their affection and respect to Thebes : that the people of 
Athens, therefore, will not at this conjuncture desert the 
cause of Thebes and Greece ; but are ready to enter into 
engagements, defensive and offensive, with the Thebans, 
cemented and confirmed by a mutual liberty of intermarriage, 
and by the oaths of each party tendered and accepted with all 
due solemnity. The ambassadors chosen on this occasion 
are Demosthenes, Hyperides, Mnesithides, Democrates, and 
Callaeschrus.' 

Here was the foundation laid ; here was the first es- 
tablishment of our interest in Thebes. Hitherto the 
traitors had been too successful, and all w^as animo- 
sity, aversion, and suspicion between the cities. But 
by this decree that danger which hung lowering over 
our state was in an instant dissipated like a vapor. 
And surely it was the duty of an honest citizen, if he 



510 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

had any better measures to propose, to have declared 
them publicly, not to have cavilled now. For the 
counsellor and the sycophant are characters intirely 
different in every particular ; but in this are they 
more especially distinguished from each other, that 
the one fairly declares his opinion previous to the 
event, and makes himself accountable to those he 
hath influenced — to fortune, to the times, to the world : 
while the other is silent when he ought to speak ; but 
when some melancholy accident hath happened, he 
dwells on this with the most invidious censure. That 
was the time (I repeat it) for a man sincerely attached 
to his country and to truth. — Yet, such is my confi- 
dence in the abundant merits of my cause, that if any 
man can now point out a better course ; nay, if there 
be any course at all, but that which I pursued, I 
shall confess myself criminal: for if any more expe- 
dient conduct hath been now discovered, I allow that 
it ought not to have escaped me. But if there neither 
is, nor was, nor can be such a conduct pointed out — no, 
not at this day, what was the part of your minister? Was 
it not to choose the best of such measures as occurred ; 
of such as were really in his power? And this I did, 
JBschines, when the herald asked in due farm, ' Who 
chooses to address the people V Not, ' Who will in- 
veigh against things past?' Not, ' Who will answer 
ι for things to come V In this juncture you kept your 
seat in the assembly without uttering one word. I 
rose up and spoke. Well! though you were then si- 
lent, yet now explain your sentiments. Say, what ex- 
pedient was there which I should have devised ? What 
favorable juncture was lost to the state by my means? 
What alliance, what scheme of conduct was there, to 
which I should have rather led my fellow-citizens? 
Not that the time once elapsed is ever made the sub- 
ject of debate : for that time no man ever suggests 
expedients. It is the coming, or the present juncture 
which demands the offices of a counsellor. And in 
that juncture, when some of our misfortunes, it 
seems, were coming on, some were already present, 



ORATION ON THE CROWN. oil 

consider my intention ; do not point your malice at the 
event. The final issue of all human actions depends on 
God. — Do not then impute it as my offence that Phi- 
lip was victorious in the battle. This is an event de- 
termined by God, not by me. Let it be proved that I 
did not take every precaution which human prudence 
could suggest ; that I did not exert myself with in- 
tegrity, with assiduity, with toil even greater than my 
strength ; that the conduct I pursued was not noble, 
was not worthy of the state, was not necessary : let 
this be proved; arid then accuse me. But, if a sudden 
clap of thunder, if a furious tempest burst at once on 
us, and laid prostrate, not our state alone, but e very- 
state in Greece : — What then ? Am I to be accused? 
With equal justice might the trader, who sends out his 
vessel equipped and furnished for a voyage, be deemed 
guilty of her wreck, when she had encountered a storm 
so violent, as to endamage, nay, to tear down her tackle. 
He might plead thus ; ' I was not pilot in the voyage/ 
— Nor was I commander of your army ; nor I master 
of Fortune. She it is who commands the world. — And 
let this be duly weighed : if, when the Thebans engaged 
on our side, we were yet fated to this calamity, what 
were we to expect, if they had not only been detached 
from us, but united with our enemy, in compliance 
with all his urgent solicitations ? If, when the armies 
fought at a distance of three days' march from Attica, 
such danger and consternation fell on this city, what if 
the defeat had happened in our own territory ? Think 
you that w r e could have stood ? that we could have as- 
sembled here ? that we could have breathed ? The 
respite of one day (at least of two or three) is often- 
times of signal moment to the preservation of a peor>l^ 
— In the other case — bu + I 
what we must have su-" 
protected by the favv 
sition of this allianc 
of your clamoroi : 

All this parti 
ye judges, and 



512 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

tribunal. As to this miscreant, he needs but one short 
and plain reply. If you, iEschines, were the only man 
among us who foresaw the issue, it was your duty to 
have foretold it to your countrymen : if you did not 
foresee it, you are as accountable for such ignorance 
as any other citizen. What better right then have you 
to urge this as a crime against me, than I, to accuse 
you on the same occasion ? When, at this juncture, 
not to mention others, I approved myself so far a better 
citizen than you, as I was intirely devoted to what ap- 
peared the true interest of my country ; not nicely 
weighing, not once considering my private danger: 
while you never proposed any better measures ; else 
we had not adopted these : nor, in the prosecution of 
these, were we assisted by any services of yours. No, 
the event discovered that your conduct had been such 
as the basest, the most inveterate enemy to this state 
must have pursued. — And, observable indeed it is, that 
at the very time when Aristratus at Naxos, and Ari- 
stolaus at Thassus, equally the avowed foes of Athens, 
are harassing the Athenian partisans by prosecutions, 
here ^Eschines hath brought his accusation against 
Demosthenes. But the man who derives his conse- 
quence from the calamities of Greece should rather 
meet his own just punishment, than stand up to prose- 
cute another : the man whose interests are advanced 
by the conjunctures most favorable to those of our 
public enemies can never, surely, be a friend to our 
country. And, that this is your case, your life, your 
actions, the measures you have pursued, the measures 
1 all demonstrate. Is there any thing- 
advantage to the state ? Ms- 
—*d by an untoward acci- 
^ur old sprains and 
< any malady hath 

on the event, I 

the name of 

• let it be 

2 we all 



ORATION ON THE CROWN. 513 

known what fortune was to attend our efforts ; had we 
all foreseen the final issue ; had you foretold it, JSs- 
chines ; had you bellowed out your terrible denuncia- 
tions (you whose voice was never heard) ; yet, even 
in such a case, must this city have pursued the very 
same conduct, if she had retained a thought of glory, 
of her ancestors, or of future times : for, thus, she 
could only have been deemed unfortunate in her at- 
tempts : and misfortunes are the lot of all men, when- 
ever it may please Heaven to inflict them. But if that 
state which once claimed the first rank in Greece had 
resigned this rank in time of danger, she had incurred 
the censure of betraying the whole nation to the ene- 
my. If we had indeed given up those points, without 
one blow, for w r hich our fathers encountered every 
peril, who would not have spurned you with scorn ? — 
you, the author of such conduct, not the state, or me ? 
In the name of Heaven ! say, with what face could we 
have met those foreigners who sometimes visit us, if 
such scandalous supineness on our part had brought 
affairs to their present situation? if Philip had been 
chosen general of the Grecian army, and some other 
state had drawn the sword against this insidious no- 
mination? and fought the battle, unassisted by the 
Athenians, that people who, in ancient times, never 
preferred inglorious security to honorable danger ? 
What part of Greece, what part of the barbarian world 
has not heard, that the Thebans in their period of suc- 
cess, that the Lacedaemonians whose power was older 
and more extensive, that the king of Persia would 
have cheerfully and joyfully consented that this state 
should enjoy her own dominions, together with an ac- 
cession of territory ample as her wishes, on this con- 
dition, that she should receive la * r , and suffer another 
state to preside in Greece ? But, to Athenians, this 
was a condition unbecoming their descent, intolerable 
to their spirit, repugnant to their nature. Athens 
never was once known to live in a slavish, though a 
secure obedience to unjust and arbitrary power. No : 
our whole history is one series of noble contests for 
dem. 2 κ 



514 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

pre-eminence ; the whole period of our existence hath 
been spent in braving dangers, for the sake of glory 
and renown. And so highly do you esteem such con- 
duct, so consonant to the Athenian character, that 
those of your ancestors who were most distinguished 
in the pursuit of it are ever the most favorite objects 
of your praise. And with reason: for who can reflect 
without astonishment on the magnanimity of those men 
who resigned their lands, gave up their city, and em- 
barked in their ships, to avoid the odious state of sub- 
jection? who chose Themistocles, the adviser of this 
conduct, to command their forces ; and, when Cyrsilus 
proposed that they should yield to the terms prescribed, 
stoned him to death ? Nay, the public indignation was 
not yet allayed. Your very wives inflicted the same 
vengeance on his wife : for the Athenians of that day 
looked out for no speaker, no general to procure them 
a state of prosperous slavery. They had the spirit to 
reject even life, unless they were allowed to enjoy that 
life in freedom. For it was a principle fixed deeply in 
every breast, that man was not born to his parents 
only, but to his country. And mark the distinc- 
tion. He who regards himself as born only to his 
parents, waits in passive submission for the hour of his 
natural dissolution. He who considers that he is the 
child of his country also, is prepared to meet his fate 
freely, rather than behold that country reduced to vas- 
salage ; and thinks those insults and disgraces which 
he must meet, in a state enslaved, much more terrible 
than death. Should I then attempt to assert that it 
was I who inspired you with sentiments worthy of your 
ancestors, I should meet the just resentment of every 
hearer. No : it is my point to show that such senti- 
ments are properly your own ; that they were the senti- 
ments of my country long before my days. I claim but 
my share of merit, in having acted on such principlei 
in every part of my administration. He then who con- 
demns every part of my administration, he who directs 
you to treat me with severity, as one who hath involved 
the state in terrors and dangers, while he labors to de- 



ORATION ON THE CROWN. 515 

prive me of present honor, robs you of the applause of 
all posterity. For if you now pronounce, that as my 
public conduct hath not been right, Ctesiphon must 
stand condemned, it must be thought that you yourselves 
have acted wrong, not that you owe your present state 
to the caprice of fortune. — But it cannot be ! No, my 
countrymen, it cannot be that you have acted wrong 
in encountering danger bravely for the liberty and the 
safety of all Greece. No ! by those generous souls of 
ancient times who were exposed at Marathon ! by those 
who stood arrayed at Platea ! by those who encoun- 
tered the Persian fleet at Salamis, who fought at Arte- 
misium ! by all those illustrious sons of Athens, w r hose 
remains lie deposited in the public monuments ! all of 
whom received the same honorable interment from 
their country : not those only who prevailed, not those 
only who were victorious. — And with reason. What 
was the part of gallant men they all performed : their 
success was such as the supreme director of the world 
dispensed to each. 

Well, then, thou miscreant ! thou abject scrivener ! 
thou wiio, to rob me of the honors and the affections 
of these my countrymen, talkest of battles, of trophies, 
of brave deeds of old. And what are these*, or any of 
these to the present cause ? Say, thou vile player ! 
when I assumed the character of a public counsellor, 
and on an object so important as the natural pre-emi- 
nence of my country, with what principles should I 
have arisen to speak ? Those of suggesting measures 
unworthy of my countrymen ? Then must I have met 
that death I merited. And when the interests of the 
state come before you, your minds, my fellow-citizens, 
should be possessed with an extraordinary degree of 
elevation, oeyond what is necessary in private causes. 
When these are to be decided, you have only to con- 
sider the ordinary transactions of the world, the tenor 
of your laws, and the nature of private facts. But, in 
questions of state, you are to look up to your illus- 
trious ancestors; and every judge is to suppose that, 
with the symbols of his authority, he is also invested 



516 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

with the high character of his country. Thus, and 
thus only shall he determine on such questions in a 
manner worthy of these his ancestors. 

But I have been so transported by mentioning the 
acts of your predecessors, that there are some decrees 
and some transactions that have escaped me. I return, 
then, to the points from whence I thus digressed. — 
On our arrival at Thebes, we there found the ambas- 
sadors of Philip, those of the Thessalians and the other 
confederates, all assembled : our friends in terror, his 
party elevated. That this is not asserted merely to 
serve my present purpose, I appeal to that letter which 
we the ambassadors instantly despatched on this oc- 
casion. — Yet, so transcendent is the virulence of this 
man, that if in any instance our designs have been 
effectual, he ascribes it to the juncture of affairs, not 
to me ; in every instance where they have been de- 
feated, he charges all to me and to my evil genius. It 
seems, then, that I, the speaker and counsellor, can 
claim no share of merit in such advantages as have 
been gained by speaking and by counsel ; but where 
our arms have been unsuccessful, where the conduct 
of a war hath been unfortunate, I am loaded with the 
whole blame. Can we conceive a temper more cruel, 
more execrable in its malice? — Read the letter. 
[The letter is here read.] 

The assembly was now convened. The deputies of 
Macedon were first admitted to an audience, as they 
appeared in the character of allies. They rose up and 
addressed themselves to the people ; lavishing their 
praises on Philip, urging many articles of accusation 
against you, and dwelling on every act of opposition 
which you had ever made to Thebes. This was the 
sum of all. They called on the Thebans to make the 
due return to the benefits conferred by Philip, and to 
inflict due vengeance for the injuries received from you. 
And for this they had their option, either to allow the 
Macedonian a free passage through their territory, or 
to unite with him in the invasion of Attica. It was 
clearly proved, as they affected to suppose, that if 



ORATION ON THE CROWN. 517 

their counsels were embraced, the cattle, slaves, and 
all the wealth of Attica must be transferred to Boeotia ; 
but that our overtures tended to expose Bceotia to all 
the havoc of the war. To these they added many 
other particulars, all tending to the same purpose. — 
And, now, I should esteem it my greatest happiness to 
lay before you the whole detail of what we urged in 
reply. But you, I fear, are too sensible that these 
things are past, that the torrent hath since broken in, 
and, as it were, overwhelmed all our affairs ; and there- 
fore must think it useless and odious to speak of these 
things at all. I shall therefore confine myself to the 
resolutions we obtained, and the answ r er returned to 
you. Take them : — read. 

[The answer of the Thebans is here read.] 

In consequence of these their resolutions they called 
you forth ; they invited you in due form. You 
marched ; you came to their support : and with such 
affectionate confidence were you received (for I pass 
over the intermediate transactions) that, w r hile their 
army, both infantry and cavalry, were stationed with- 
out the Avails, your forces were admitted into their 
city, were received into their houses, amidst their 
children, their wives — all that they held most dear. 
And thus, in one day, did the Thebans give three the 
most public and most honorable testimonies to your 
merit : one to your valor, another to your justice, and 
a third to your continence : for by determining to 
unite their arms with yours, rather than to fight against 
you, they declared their sense of your superior valor, 
as well as the superior justice of your cause ; and by 
intrusting to your disposal what they and all mankind 
are most solicitous to protect, their children and their 
wives, they demonstrated an absolute reliance on your 
strict continence. And your conduct confirmed these 
their sentiments in every particular ; for, from the 
moment that our army appeared within their walls, no 
man ever could complain of any one instance of your 
injurious demeanor ; such purity of manners did you 



518 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

display. And in the two first engagements, 1 that of 
the river, and that fought in winter, you approved 
yourselves not blameless only, but worthy of admira- 
tion — in discipline, in judgment, in alacrity. Hence, 
other states were engaged in praises of your conduct, 
ours in sacrifices and religious processions. And here 
I would gladly ask ^Eschines this question — whether, 
in the course of these events, when the city was one 
scene of unbounded joy and acclamation, he took his 
part in our religious rites, and shared in the general 
festivity, or shut himself in his chamber, grieved, 
afflicted, and provoked at the successes of his country ? 
If he appeared, if he was then found among his fellow- 
citizens, what injustice — nay, what impiety is this, 
when he had solemnly called Heaven to witness that 
he approved these measures, to desire that you should 
condemn them by your present sentence ; you, who by 
your oath have made as solemn an appeal to Heaven ? 
If he did not appear, is not that man worthy of a 
thousand deaths who looks with grief on those events 
which fill his countrymen with joy? — Read these de- 
crees. 

[The decrees relative to the sacrifices are here read.] 
Thus were we, then, engaged in sacrificing to the 
gods ; the' Thebans, in acknowleging that we had been 
their deliverers. Thus, the people who had been re- 
duced by the machinations of my adversary and his 
faction to the condition of seeking assistance, were 
raised by my counsels to that of granting it to others : 
and what the style was which Philip then adopted, 
what his confusion at these events, you may learn from 
his own letters sent to Peloponnesus. Take them: 
read : thus shall you see that my perseverance, my 
journies, my fatigues, as well as my various decrees, 
now the object of his malice, were by no means inef- 

1 And in the two first engagements.] These, wherever 
fought, have been considered by historians as of too little 
consequence to he recorded. And the extravagance of joy 
with which the accounts of them were received strongly mark 
the levity of the Athenian character. 



ORATION OX THE CROWN. 519 

fectual. And, permit me to observe, that this state 
afforded numbers of able and illustrious speakers be- 
fore my time. Such were Callistratus, Aristophon, 
Cephalus, Thrasybulus, and a thousand others : and 
yet, of all these, not one ever devoted his whole powers 
on all occasions to the service of his country. He 
who moved the decree did not charge himself with the 
embassy ; he who went ambassador was not author of 
the decree. Each reserved to himself a respite from 
business ; and, in case of accident, a resource. But I 
may be asked, ' What ! are you so superior to other 
men in powers and confidence that you can do all 
yourself V I say not so. But such and so alarming 
was my sense of the danger then impending over us, 
that I thought it no time for private considerations, 
for entertaining any thought of personal security, for 
conceiving any better hopes than that all the powers 
of every citizen might possibly effect the necessary 
service. As to myself, I was persuaded, not perhaps 
on solid grounds, yet I was persuaded that no mover 
of decrees could frame more useful decrees than I ; no 
agent, in the execution of them, could execute them 
more effectually ; no ambassador could proceed on his 
embassy with greater vigor and integrity. And hence 
did I assume all these functions. — Read Philip's let- 
ters. 

[The letters are read.] 

To such condescension did I reduce this prince. 
Yes, ^Eschines, by me was he obliged to use such 
language ; he who, on all former occasions, treated 
this state with so much insolence and arrogance. — And 
my fellow-citizens repaid these my services with the 
honor of a crown, You were present, yet acquiesced. 
Diondas, who traversed this grant, could not obtain a 
fifth of the suffrages. — Read the decrees. 
[The decrees are read.] 

Here are decrees framed literally in the same terms 
with those which Aristonicus had before proposed, and 
that which Ctesiphon hath now moved ; decrees, which 
iEseiUiies h a *k neither impeached, nor united in the 



520 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

impeachment brought against their author. And surely + 
if this his present accusation be justly founded, he 
might have prosecuted Demomeles who proposed them, 
and Hyperides, with much more reason than Ctesi- 
phon. And why? Because Ctesiphon can appeal to 
these men, and the decisions of your courts in their 
case. He can plead that iEschines never attempted 
to accuse them, though their decrees were conceived 
in the same terms with his. He can urge the illegality 
of commencing a prosecution on a case already decided ; 
not to mention other reasons. Whereas, in the former 
suit, the cause was to be supported only by its merits, 
without any previous considerations in its favor. But 
he could not then have pursued his present method. 
He could not have searched old chronicles to support 
his malicions charge ; he could not have ransacked our 
archives for scraps of obsolete decrees, never once 
thought of, never once conceived as in any degree 
applicable to the present case ; he could not have 
made up a plausible harangue, by confounding dates 
and disguising facts with all the arts of falsehood, in- 
stead of stating them fairly. No ; he must have 
deduced all his arguments from truths recent, from 
facts well remembered ; all lying as it were before 
you. Hence did he decline the immediate discussion 
of these transactions ; but brings his charge now, after 
so long an interval ; as if this were a contest in a school 
of rhetoric, not a real inquiry into public aifairs. Yes ; 
he must suppose that you are now to judge of speeches, 
not of political transactions. — Then, observe his so- 
phistical craft. He tells you that whatever opinions 
you had formed of us both on coming hither, they 
must be forgotten ; that you are to judge of what ap- 
pears on this examination like men settling an account 
of money. You may have conceived that a balance is 
yet due ; but when you find the accounts cleared, and 
that nothing remains, you must acquiesce. — And here 
you may observe how dangerous it is to rely on any 
argument not founded in truth ; for by this subtle si- 
militude he hath confessed that you came hither firmly 



ORATION ON THE CROWN. 521 

persuaded that I have ever spoken for my country ; 
he, for Philip : for he could not have attempted to 
alter your persuasion, unless you had been thus per- 
suaded, with respect to each. And, that he is not 
justly warranted to demand such alteration, I shall 
now demonstrate, not by the help of figures (for we 
are not counting money) ; but by a short summary of 
my services, which I shall submit to you, my hearers, 
both as examiners and as vouchers of my account. 

By my conduct, then, which he treats with such 
severity, the Thebans, instead of joining with the 
Macedonian in an invasion of our territory, as we all 
expected, united with us, and prevented that invasion. 
— The war, instead of raging here in Attica, was con- 
fined to the district of Bceotia, at a distance of seventy 
stadia from the city. — Our coast, instead of being ex- 
posed to all the rapine of the Euboean corsairs, was 
preserved in tranquillity during the whole war. In- 
stead of Philip's becoming master of the Hellespont 
by the possession of Byzantium, the Byzantines joined 
with us, and turned their arms against him. Are we 
then to use figures and accounts in examining trans- 
actions, and shall these articles be erased from the 
account? Shall we not rather labor to perpetuate 
their remembrance ? — I do not set it down as an ad- 
ditional article, that the cruelty which Philip was 
known to exercise towards those he had reduced, was 
all felt by other states ; while we happily reaped all 
the fruit of that humaneness which he well knew how 
to assume, when some future schemes were to be ad- 
vanced. I do not insist on this. 

But one thing I shall assert with less reserve : that 
he who enters on a fair inquiry into the conduct of any 
minister, without descending to a malicious prosecu- 
tion, must scorn the mean arts vvhich you have prac- 
tised of inventing metaphors, and mimicking phrases 
and gestures. It essentially concerns the interests of 
Greece, no doubt, that I should use this, and reject 
that phrase ; that I should move my arm this way, and 
not to that side. No : the fair inquirer would con- 



522 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

sider the state of facts; would examine what resources, 
what powers we possessed, when I first entered on 
affairs ; what accessions I procured to these ; and what 
were the circumstances of our enemies. If I had really 
weakened the powers of my country, such iniquitous 
conduct should be detected : if I had considerably in- 
creased them, your malice should not have pursued 
me. But, as you have avoided this method, I shall 
adopt it. And to you, my hearers, I appeal for the 
truth of what I now deliver. 

First, then, as to our powers at this juncture : we 
commanded but the islands ; and not all of these ; only 
the weakest of them. Neither Chios, nor Rhodes, nor 
Corcyra were then ours. Of our finances, the amount 
was forty-five talents ; and even this sum had been 
anticipated. Of infantry and cavalry, except those 
within our walls, we had not any : and, what was the 
circumstance most alarming, and most favorable to our 
enemies, their artifices had been so effectual, that the 
adjacent states, Megara, Thebes, Eubcea, were all in- 
clined to hostilities rather than an alliance with us• 
Such was the situation of our affairs. It cannot be 
denied; it cannot be at all controverted. And now 
consider those of Philip our antagonist. In the first 
place, his power over all his followers was absolute 
and uncontrolled ; the first great necessary article in 
war. Then, their arms were ever in their hands. 
Again, his finances were in the most florishing con- 
dition. In all his motions he consulted only with him- 
self: he did not announce them by decrees; he did 
not concert them in a public assembly ; he was not ex- 
posed to false accusers ; he was not to guard against 
impeachments ; he was not to submit his conduct to 
examination ; but was in all things absolutely lord, 
leader, and governor. To this man was I opposed. 
It is but just that you consider my circumstances. 
What did I command ? Nothing. I had but the right 
of audience in our assemblies ; a right which you 
granted to his hirelings equally with me : and, as 
often as they prevailed against my remonstrances (and 



ORATION ON THE CROWN, 523 

oftentimes did they thus prevail, on various pretences), 
were you driven to resolutions highly favorable to the 
enemy. Loaded with all these difficulties, I yet brought 
over to your alliance the Eubceans, Achaeans, Corin- 
thians, Thebans, Megareans, Leucadians, Corcyreans. 
And thus did we collect fifteen hundred foot, and two 
thousand horse, exclusive of our own citizens. And 
thus were our finances enlarged by as ample subsidies 
as I could raise. 

If you insist on what contingents should strictly 
have been required from the Thebans, or from the 
Byzantines, or from the Eubceans ; if you talk of di- 
viding the burden of the war in exact proportion ; I 
must in the first place inform you, that, when the 
united fleet was drawn out to defend the interests of 
Greece, the whole number of ships amounted to three 
hundred ; and of these two hundred were supplied by 
Athens. Nor did we think ourselves aggrieved ; nor 
did we prosecute those who had advised it ; nor did 
we discover any marks of discontent. That would 
have been shameful. No : we thanked the gods that, 
when all Greece was threatened with imminent dan- 
ger, we were enabled to give twice as much assistance 
to the common cause as any other state. And then — 
little is the public favor which your malicious invec- 
tives against me can gain. For why do you now tell 
us what we should have done ? Were you not then in 
the city ? Were you not in the assembly ? Why did 
you not propose your scheme, if it suited the circum- 
stances of affairs ? For here was the point to be con- 
sidered ; what these circumstances admitted, not what 
our wishes might suggest. Had we once rejected the 
alliance of any people, there was one ready to pur- 
chase them — to bid much higher for them — to receive 
them with open arms. And, if my conduct is now 
questioned, what if, by any exact and scrupulous de- 
mands, in my stipulations with the several states, they 
had withdrawn their forces, and united with our ene- 
my ; and thus Philip had been master of Euboea, 
Thebes, and Byzantium ? — how busy would these im- 



524 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

pious men have then been — how violent in their cla- 
mors ! Must they not have cried out, that we had 
rejected these states? That we had driven them from 
us, when they were courting our alliance ? That Phi- 
lip was confirmed sovereign of the Hellespont by the 
Byzantines? That the whole corn trade of Greece was 
at his disposal ? That Thebes had enabled him to push 
the war to our very confines ? That it had fallen with 
all its weight on Attica? That the sea was impassable ; 
for that corsairs were perpetually issuing from Eu- 
boea ? — Should we not have heard all this and more ? 
— A false accuser, my countrymen, is a monster, a 
dangerous monster, querulous, and industrious in 
seeking pretences of complaint. And such is the very 
nature of this fox in human shape, a stranger to every 
thing good and liberal ; this theatrical ape, this strol- 
ling player, this blundering haranguer ! — For, of what 
use is this your vehemence to the public ? — do you 
waste it on transactions long since past ?- — Just as if a 
physician should visit his infirm and distempered 
patients, should never speak, never prescribe the 
means of expelling their disorders ; but when one of 
them had died, and the last offices were performing to 
his remains, to march after to the grave, and there 
pronounce with all solemnity, ' if this man had pro- 
ceeded thus, and thus, he would not have died/ In- 
fatuated wretch ! and dost thou vouchsafe to speak at 
last? 

As to the defeat, that incident in which you so exult ! 
(accursed wretch! who should rather mourn for it.) 
Look through my whole conduct, and you shall find 
nothing there that brought down this calamity on my 
country. Let it be considered that there is no one in- 
stance in which the ambassadors of Macedon ever pre- 
vailed against me, in any of those states where I ap- 
peared as the ambassador of Athens : not in Thessaly, 
nor in Ambracia, nor in Illyria, nor among the Thra- 
cian princes, nor in Byzantium ; in no one place ; no, 
nor in the last debate at Thebes. But whatever was 
thus acquired by my superiority over the ambassadors 



ORATION ON THE CROWN. 525 

of Philip, their master soon recovered by force of 
arms. And this is urged as my offence. My adver- 
sary, even at the very time that he affects to ridicule 
my weakness, is so shameless as to require, that I in 
my single person should conquer all the powers of the 
Macedonian, and conquer them by words. What else 
could I command ? I had no power over the life of 
any one citizen, over the fortune of our soldiers, or 
the conduct of our armies, for which thou art so ab- 
surd as to call me to account. In every particular 
where a minister is accountable, there let your scrutiny 
be strict and severe. I never shall decline it. And 
what are the duties of a minister ? To watch the first 
rise of every incident ; to foresee, to forewarn his fellow- 
citizens. And this did I perform. To confine those 
evils within the narrowest bounds, which are natural 
and necessary to be encountered in every state ; to 
restrain the fatal influence of irresolution, supineness, 
prejudice, and animosity ; and, on the other hand, to 
dispose the minds of men to concord and unanimity, to 
rouse them to a vigorous defence of their just rights. 
All this did I perform ; nor can an instance be pro- 
duced in which I proved deficient. If a man were 
asked what were the means by which Philip effected 
most of his designs ; the answer is obvious : It was by 
his armies, by his bribes, by corrupting those who 
were at the head of affairs. As to his armies, I neither 
commanded, nor directed them. I am not therefore 
to account for any of their motions. As to his bribes, 
I rejected them. And, in this, I conquered Philip: 
for, as the purchaser conquers when a man accepts 
his price, and sells himself; so, the man who will not 
be sold, who disdains to be corrupted, conquers the 
purchaser. — Well, then, with respect to me, this state 
remains still unconquered. 

Thus have I produced such instances of my conduct 
as (not to mention many others) justly authorise this 
decree of Ctesiphon in my favor. And now I pro* 
ceed to facts well known to all who hear me. — No 
sooner had the battle been decided, than the people 
(and they had known and seen all my actions), in the 



526 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

midst of public consternation and distress, when it 
could not be surprising* if the multitude had made me 
feel some marks of their resentment, were directed by 
my counsels in every measure taken for the defence of 
the city. Whatever was done to guard against a siege, 
the disposition of our garrison, our works, the repair 
of our walls, the money to be raised for this purpose, 
all was determined by decrees framed by me. Then, 
when they were to appoint a commissioner for providing 
corn, the people elected me from their whole body. 
Again, when persons bent on my destruction had 
conspired against me, when they had commenced pro- 
secutions, inquiries, impeachments, and I know not 
what, at first not in their own names, but by such 
agents as they thought best fitted to conceal the real 
authors ; — yes, you all know, you all remember that 
at the beginning of this period I was every daj r ex- 
posed to some judicial process ; nor was the despair of 
Sosicles, nor the malice of Philocrates,,nor the mad- 
ness of Diondas and Melanus, nor any other engine 
left untried for my destruction. I say, then, that at 
the time when I was thus exposed to various assaults, 
next to the gods, my first and great defenders, I owed 
my deliverance to you and all my countrymen. And 
justice required that you should support my cause ; 
for it was the cause of truth, a cause which could never 
fail of due regard from judges bound by solemn oaths, 
and sensible of their sacred obligation. — As you then 
gave sentence in my favor, on all occasions where I 
had been impeached, as my prosecutor could not ob- 
tain a fifth part of the voices, you, in eiFect, pronounced 
that my actions had been excellent : as I was acquitted 
on every trial for an infringement of the laws, it was 
evident that my counsels and decrees had ever been 
consonant to law; and, as you ever passed and ap- 
proved my accounts, you declared authentically that I 
had transacted all your affairs with strict and uncor^ 
rupted integrity. In what terms, then, could Ctesi- 
phon have described my conduct, agreeably to decency 
and justice 1 Was he not to use those, which he found 
his country had employed — which the sworn judges 



ORATION ON THE CROWN• 527 

had employed — which truth itself had warranted on all 
occasions ? — Yes ! but I am told that it is the glory of 
Cephalus, that he never had occasion to be acquitted 
on a public trial. True ! and it is his good fortune 
also. But where is the justice of regarding that man 
as a more exceptionable character, who was oftentimes 
brought to trial, and as often was acquitted ; never 
once condemned ? — Yet, let it be observed, Athenians, 
that with respect to ^Eschines, I stand in the very 
Same point of glory with Cephalus ; for he never ac- 
cused, never prosecuted me. Here, then, is a con- 
fession of your own, that I am a citizen of no less 
worth than Cephalus. 

Among the various instances in which he hath dis- 
played his absurdity and malice, that part of his 
harangue which contains his sentiments on fortune is 
not the least glaring. That a mortal should insult his 
fellow-mortal on account of fortune is, in my opinion, 
an absurdity the most extravagant. He w r hose condi- 
tion is most prosperous, whose fortune seems most fa- 
vorable, knows not whether it is to remain unchanged 
even for a day. How then can he mention this sub- 
ject ? How can he urge it against any man as his re- 
proach ? But since my adversary hath on this occa- 
sion, as on many others, given a free scope to his inso- 
lence, hear what I shall oiFer on the same subject, and 
judge whether it be not more consonant to truth, as 
well as to that moderation which becomes humanity. 

As to the fortune of this state, I must pronounce it 
good. And this, I find, hath been the sentence, both 
of the Dodonean Jove, and of the Pythian Apollo. As 
to that of individuals, such as all experience at this 
day, it is grievous and distressful. Look through all 
Greece, through all the barbarian world ; and where 
can we find the man who doth not feel many calamities 
in this present juncture? But this I take to be the hap- 
piness of our fortune as a state, that we have pursued 
such measures as are most honorable ; that we have 
been more prosperous than those states of Greece who 
vainly hoped to secure their own happiness by desert- 



528 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

ing us. — That we have encountered difficulties, that 
events have not always corresponded with our wishes ? - 
in this We have but shared that common lot which other 
mortals have equally experienced. As to the fortune 
of an individual, mine and that of any other must he 
determined, I presume, by the particular incidents of. 
our lives. Such are my sentiments on this subject ; 
and I think you must agree with me that they are 
founded on truth and equity. But my adversary de- 
clares that my fortune hath been greater than that of 
the whole community. What ! a poor and humble for- 
tune superior to one of excellence and elevation ! How 
can this be ? No, iEschines, if you are determined to 
examine into my fortune, compare it with your own : 
and if you find mine superior, let it be no longer the 
subject of your reproach. Let us trace this matter 
fully. And here, in the name of all the gods ! let me 
not be censured as betraying any indication of a low 
mind. No man can be more sensible than I, that he 
who insults poverty, and he who, because he hath been 
bred in affluence, assumes an air of pride and conse- 
quence, are equally devoid of understanding. But the 
virulence and restless malice of an inveterate adver- 
sary hath forced me on this topic, where I shall study 
to confine myself within as strict bounds as the case 
<can possibly admit. 

Know, then, iEschines, it was my fortune when a 
youth, to be trained up in a liberal course of educa- 
tion, supplied in such a manner as to place me above 
the base temptations of poverty : when a man, to act 
suitably to such an education, to contribute in my full 
proportion to all the exigences of the state ; never to 
be wanting in any honorable conduct, either in private 
or in public life, but on all occasions to approve my- 
self useful to my country and to my friends. When I 
came into the administration of public affairs, I de- 
termined on such a course of conduct its frequently 
gained me the honor of a crown, both from this and 
other states of Greece. Nor could you, my enemies, 
attempt to say that I had determined on a dishonor- 



ORATION ON THE CROWN. 529 

able course. Such hath been the fortune of my life — 
a subject on which I might enlarge ; but I must re- 
strain myself, lest I should give oifence by an affecta- 
tion of importance. 

Come, then, thou man of dignity, thou who spurnest . 
at all others with contempt ; examine thy own life ; say, 
of what kind hath thy fortune been? She placed thee 
when a youth in a state of abject poverty, an assistant 
to thy father in his school, employed in the menial 
services of preparing his ink, washing down his benches, 
and sweeping his room, like a slave, rather than the 
child of a citizen. When arrived at manhood, we find 
thee dictating the forms of initiation to thy mother, 
assisting in her trade, every night employed with thy 
fawn-skin and lustral bowls, purifying the novitiates, 
modelling their little figures of clay and bran, then 
rousing them, and teaching them to pronounce, ' I 
have escaped the bad ; I have found the better ; n glo- 
rying in this noble accomplishment of howling out 
such jargon louder than the rest. And it is an honor 
we must allow him : for, as he pleads with so much 
vehemence, you may conclude that in his howlings 
lie was equally piercing and clamorous. In the day- 
time he led his noble Bacchanals through the highways, 
crowned with fennel and poplar, grasping his serpents, 
and waving them above his head, with his yell of Evo'e ! 
Sabot ! then bounding, and roaring out Hy'es ! Attes ! 
Attes ! Hy'es/ — Leader ! — Conductor! — Ivy-bearer ! — 
Van -bearer ! these were his felicitations from the old 
women : and his wages were tart, biscuit, and new- 
baked crusts. In such circumstances, surely we must 
congratulate him on his fortune. 

When you had obtained your inrolment among our 
citizens — by what means I shall not mention — but when 

1 I have escaped, &c] This part of the ceremonial alluded 
either to the improvements made in human life by husbandry 
and arts, which were commemorated in the mystic rites, or to 
the hopes of enjoying greater happiness in another world in 
consequence of initiation, with which the novitiates were 
flattered. 

DEM. 2 L 



530 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

you had obtained it, you instantly chose out the most 
honorable of employments, that of under-scrivener, 
and assistant to the lowest of our public officers. And 
when you retired from this station, where you had 
been guilty of all those practices you charge on others, 
you were careful not to disgrace any of the past 
actions of your life. No, by the powers ! — You hir- 
ed yourself to Simylus and Socrates, those deep- 
groaning tragedies, as they were called, and acted third 
characters. You pillaged the grounds of other men 
for figs, grapes, and olives, like a fruiterer; which cost 
you more blows than even your playing — which was in 
effect playing for your life ; for there was an implacable 
irreconcilable war declared between you and the 
spectators, whose stripes you felt so often and so se- 
verely, that you may well deride those as cowards who 
are unexperienced in such perils. But I shall not 
dwell on such particulars as may be imputed to his 
poverty. My objections shall be confined to his prin- 
ciples. Such were the measures you adopted in your 
public conduct, (for you at last conceived the bold de- 
sign of engaging in affairs of state) that, while your 
country prospered, you led a life of trepidation and 
dismay, expecting every moment the stroke due to 
those iniquities which stung your conscience : when 
your fellow-citizens were unfortunate, then were you 
distinguished by a peculiar confidence. And the man 
who assumes this confidence when thousands of his 
countrymen have perished — What should he justly 
suffer from those who are left alive ? — And here I might 
produce many other particulars of his character. But 
I suppress them : for I am not to exhaust the odious 
subject of his scandalous actions. I am confined to 
those which it may not be indecent to repeat. 

Take then the whole course of your life, iEschines, 
and of mine ; compare them without heat or acrimony. 
You attended on your scholars : I was myself a scho- 
lar. You served in the initiations : I was initiated. 
You were a performer in our public entertainments : 
I was the director. You took notes of speeches : I 
was a speaker. You were an under-player : I was 



ORATION ON THE CROWN. 531 

spectator. You failed in your part: I hissed you. 
Your public conduct was devoted to our enemies : 
mine to my country. I shall only add, that on this day 
I appear to be approved worthy of a crown : the ques- 
tion is not whether I have been merely blameless : 
this is a point confessed. You appear as a false ac- 
cuser : and the question is, whether you are ever to 
appear again in such a character. You are in danger 
of being effectually prevented by feeling the conse- 
quences of a malicious prosecution. The fortune of 
your life, then, hath been truly excellent : you see it. 
Mine hath been mean; and you have reason to re- 
proach it. Come, then ; hear me while I read the se- 
veral attestations of those public offices which I have 
discharged; and, in return, do you repeat those verses 
which you spoiled in the delivery : 

■ Forth from the deep abyss, behold, I come ! 
And the dread portal of the dusky gloom.' 



And, 



' Know, then, howe'er reluctant, I must speak 
Those evils ■' 



O, may the gods inflict ' those evils' on thee ! may 
these thy countrymen inflict them to thy utter destruc- 
tion ! — thou enemy to Athens ! thou traitor ! thou vile 
player ! — Read the attestations. 

[The attestations are read.] 

Such hath been my public character. As to my pri- 
vate conduct, if you be not all satisfied that I have 
approved myself benevolent and humane ; ever ready 
to assist those who needed ; I shall be silent ; I shall 
not plead ; I shall not produce testimony of these 
points: no, nor of the numbers of my fellow-citizens I 
have redeemed from captivity ; nor the sums I have 
contributed to portioning their daughters ; nor of any 
like actions. For my principles are such as lead me 
naturally to suppose, that he who receives a benefit 
must remember it for ever, if he would approve his 
honesty ; but that he w r ho confers the benefit should 
instantly forget it, unless he would betray a sordid and 
illiberal spirit. To remind men of his bounty, to make 



532 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

it the subject of his discourse, is very little different 
from a direct reproach ; a fault which I am studious 
to avoid, and therefore shall proceed no farther, con- 
tent to acquiesce in your opinion of my actions, what- 
ever this may be. But while I practise this reserve 
with respect to my private life, indulge me in enlarg- 
ing somewhat farther on my public conduct. 

Of ail the men beneath the sun, point out the single 
person, iEschines, Greek, or barbarian, who hath not 
fallen under the power, first of Philip, and now of Alex- 
ander, and I submit : let every thing be imputed to my 
fortune, (shall I call it?) or, if you please, my evil ge- 
nius. But if numbers who never saw me, who never 
heard my voice, have labored under a variety of the 
most afflicting calamities, Ϊ mean not only individuals, 
but whole states and nations ; how much more consonant 
to truth and justice must it be to ascribe the whole to 
that common fate of mankind, that torrent of unhappy 
events which bore down on us with an irresistible 
violence ? — But you turn your eyes from the real cause, 
and lay the intire blame on my administration ; al- 
though you know that, if not the whole, a part at least 
of your virulent abuse must thus fall on your coun- 
try, and chiefly on yourself. Had I, when speaking 
in the assembly, been absolute and independent master 
of affairs, then your other speakers might call me to 
account. But if ye were ever present ; if ye were all 
in general invited to propose your sentiments ; if ye 
were all agreed that the measures then suggested were 
really the best ; if you, iEschines, in particular, were 
thus persuaded (and it was no partial affection for 
me that prompted you to give me up the hopes, the 
applause, the honors which attended the course I then 
advised, but the superior force of truth, and your own 
utter inability to point out anymore eligible course); — 
if this was the case, I say, is it not highly cruel and 
unjust to arraign those measures now, when you could 
not then propose any better? In all other cases we find 
mankind in general perfectly agreed, and determining 
in every particular with exact precision. Hath a wil- 



ORATION ON THE CROWN. 533 

ful injury been committed? It is followed with resent- 
ment and punishment. Hath a man erred unwillingly ? 
He meets with pardon instead of punishment. Is there 
a man who hath neither willingly nor inadvertently 
offended ? who hath devoted himself to what appeared 
the true interest of his country, but in some instances 
hath shared in the general disappointment? Justice re- 
quires that, instead of reproaching and reviling such a 
man, we should condole with him. These points are all 
manifest : they need not the decision of laws ; they are 
determined by nature, by the unwritten precepts of 
humanity. Mark then the extravagance of that cruelty 
and malice which iEschines hath discovered. The very 
events which he himself quotes as so many instances of 
unhappy fortune, he would impute to me as crimes. 

Add to all this, that, as if he himself had ever spoken 
the plain dictates of an honest and ingenuous mind, he 
directs you to guard against me ; to be careful that I 
may not deceive you, that I may not practise my arts 
with too much success. The vehement declaimer, the 
subtle impostor, the artful manager ;— these are the 
appellations he bestows on me. Thus hath he per- 
suaded himself, that the man who is first to charge 
his own qualities on others must effectually impose on 
his hearers, and that they can never once discover who 
he is that urges this charge. But you are no strangers 
to his character, and must be sensible, I presume, that 
all this is much more applicable to him than me. As 
to my own abilities in speaking, (for I shall admit this 
charge, although experience hath convinced me that 
what is called the power of eloquence depends for the 
most part on the hearers, and that the characters of 
public speakers are determined by that degree of favor 
and attention which you vouchsafe to each) — if long 
practice, I say, hath given me any proficiency in 
speaking, you have ever found it devoted to my coun- 
try ; not to her enemies ; not to my private interest. 
His abilities, on the contrary, have not only been em- 
ployed in pleading for our adversaries, but in mali- 
cious attacks on those his fellow-citizens who have 



534 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

ever in any degree offended or obstructed him. The 
cause of justice, the cause of Athens, he hath never 
once supported. And surely the ingenuous and honest 
citizen never could expect that his private quar- 
rels, his particular animosities, should be gratified by 
judges who are to determine for the public; never 
could be prompted by such motives to commence his 
prosecution. No; they are passions .which, if pos- 
sible, never should find a place in his nature, at least 
should be restrained within the strictest bounds. — On 
what occasions then is the minister and public speaker 
ο exert his vehemence ? When the general welfare of 
the state is in danger ; when his fellow-citizens are en- 
gaged in some contest with a foreign enemy. These 
are the proper occasions, for these are the proper sub- 
jects of a truly generous and faithful zeal. But never 
to have demanded justice against me, either in the name 
of his country or of his own ; never to have impeached 
any part of my public or even of my private conduct ; 
yet now, when I am to be crowned, when I am to re- 
ceive public honors, to commence a prosecution, to 
exhaust his whole fund of virulence in the attack ; — this 
surely is an indication of private pique — of an envious 
soul — of a depraved spirit ; not of generous and honest 
principles. And to point this attack not directly 
against me, but Ctesiphon, to make him the culprit, is 
surely the very consummation of all baseness. 

When I consider that profusion of words which you 
have lavished on this prosecution, I am tempted to 
believe that you engaged in it to display the skilful 
management of your voice, not to bring me to justice. 
But it is not language, iEschines, it is not the tone of 
voice which reflects honor on a public speaker ; but 
such a conformity with his fellow-citizens in sentiment 
and interest, that both his enemies and friends are the 
same with those of his country. He who is thus af- 
fected, he it is who must ever speak the genuine dic- 
tates of a truly patriotic zeal. But the man who pays 
his adulation to those who threaten danger to the state 
is not embarked in the same bottom with his country- 



ORATION ON THE CROWN. 535 

men ; and therefore hath a different dependence for 
his security. Mark me, iEschines, I ever determined 
to share the same fate with these our fellow-citizens. 
I had no separate interest, no private resource. And 
has this been your case ? Impossible ! — Yours ! who, 
when the battle was once decided, instantly repaired 
as ambassador to Philip, the author of all the calami- 
ties your country at that time experienced ; and this, 
when on former occasions you had declared loudly 
against engaging* in any such commission, as all these 
citizens can testify ! 

Whom are we to charge as the deceiver of the state ? 
Is it not the man whose words are inconsistent with 
his actions ? On whom do the maledictions fall, usually 
pronounced in our assemblies ? Is it not on this man ? 
Can we point out a more enormous instance of iniquity 
in any speaker than this inconsistency between his 
words and actions ? And in this have you been detected. 
Can you then presume to speak ; to meet the looks ot 
these citizens ? Can you persuade yourself that they 
are strangers to your character ?— all so profoundly 
sunk in sleep and oblivion, as to forget those ha- 
rangues, in which, with horrid oaths and imprecations, 
you disclaimed all connexion with Philip ? You called 
it an imputation forged by me, and urged from private 
pique, without the least regard to truth. And yet no 
sooner was the advice received of that fatal battle 
than your declarations were forgotten, your connexion 
publicly avowed. You affected to declare that you 
w r ere engaged to this prince in the strictest bonds of 
friendship. Such was the title by which you sought 
to dignify your prostitution. Was the son of Glauco- 
thea the minstrel, the intimate, or friend, or acquaint- 
ance of Philip ? I profess myself unable to discover 
any just and reasonable ground for such pretensions. 
No : you were his hireling, indeed, bribed to betray 
the interests of Athens. And although you have been 
so clearly detected in this traitorous correspondence ; 
although you have not scrupled, when the battle was 
once decided, to give evidence of it against yourself ; 



536 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

yet have you presumed to attack me with all your vi- 
rulence ; to reproach me with crimes for which, of all 
mankind, I am least to he reproached. 

Many noble and important schemes hath my country 
formed, and happily effected by my means. And that 
these are retained in memory, take this proof, ^schi- 
nes. When the people came to elect a person to make 
the funeral oration over the slain, immediately after 
the battle, they would not elect you, although you 
were proposed — although you are so eminent in speak- 
ing ; they would not elect Demades, who had just 
concluded the peace ; nor Hegemon ; no, nor any 
other of your faction. They elected me. And when 
you and Pythocles rose up ; (let Heaven bear wit- 
ness with what abandoned impudence !) when you 
charged me with the same crimes as now ; when you 
pursued me with the same virulence and scurrility; all 
this served but to confirm the people in their resolu- 
tion of electing me. You know too well the reason of 
this preference : yet hear it from me. They were per- 
fectly convinced both of that faithful zeal and alacrity 
with which I had conducted their affairs ; and of that 
iniquity which you and your party had discovered, by 
publicly avowing at a time when your country was 
unfortunate, what you had denied with solemn oaths 
while her interests florished. And it was a natural 
conclusion, that the men whom our public calamities 
emboldened to disclose their sentiments had ever been 
our enemies, and now were our declared enemies. 
Besides, they rightly judged, that he who was to speak 
in praise of the deceased, to grace their noble actions, 
could not, in decency, be the man who had lived and 
conversed in strict connexion with those who had 
fought against them : that they who, at Macedon, had 
shared in the feast and joined in the triumph over the 
misfortunes of Greece, with those by whose hands the 
slaughter had been committed, should not receive a 
mark of honor on their return to Athens. Nor did our 
fellow-citizens look for men who could act the part of 
mourners, but for one deeply and sincerely affected. 



ORATION ON THE CROWN. 537 

And sucli sincerity they found in themselves and me ; 
not the least degree of it in you. I was then appointed: 
you and your associates were rejected. Nor was this 
the determination of the people only : those parents 
also, and brethren of the deceased, who were appointed 
to attend the funeral rites, expressed the same senti- 
ments ; for, as they were to give the banquet, which, 
agreeably to ancient usage, was to be held at his house 
who had been most strictly connected with the de- 
ceased, they gave it at my house ; — and with reason ; 
for, in point of kindred, each had his connexions with 
some among the slain much nearer than mine : but with 
the whole body none was more intimately connected : 
for he who was most concerned in their safety and suc- 
cess must surely feel the deepest sorrow at their un- 
happy and unmerited misfortune. — Read the epitaph 
inscribed on their monument by public authority. In 
this, yEschines, you will find a proof of your absurdity, 
your malice, your abandoned baseness ! — Read. 

THE ΕΡξΤΑΡΗ.Ι 

These, for their country's sacred cause, array'd 
In arms tremendous, sought the fatal plain ; 

Braved the proud foe with courage undismay'd, 
And greatly scorn'd dishonor's abject stain. 

Fair virtue led them to the arduous strife ; 

Avenging terror menaced in their eyes : 
For freedom nobly prodigal of life, 

Death they proposed their common glorious prize. 

1 Οίδ€ πάτρα? ένεκα σφετερας €is δηρι,ν εθεντο 

Όπλα, και αντίπαλων ύβριν απεσκεδασαν. 
Μαρναμ^νοι δ 5 αρετής και οειματος ουκ εσαωσαν 

Ψυχας, αλλ' Αϊδην κοινον εθεντο βραβην, 
Ουνεκεν Ελλήνων. ως μη ξυ*γον αυχενι βεντες 

Αουλοσυνης στνγεραν αμψις εχωσιν νβριν. 
Γαία δε πατρίς εχεί κολποις των πλείστα καμοντων 

Ίίωματ , €7rei θνητοις εκ Aios ηδε κρι,σις. 
Μη5εν αμαρτειν εστί Θέων, και παιτα κατορθουν 

Εν βιοττ)' μοιραν δ 1 υυτι (pvyeiv επορεν. 



538 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

For never to tyrannic vile domain 

Could they their generous necks ignobly bend, 

Nor see Greece drag the odious servile chain, 
And mourn her ancient glories at an end. 

In the kind bosom of their parent-land, 

Ceased are their toils, and peaceful is their grave : 

So Jove decreed (and Jove's supreme command 
Acts unresisted, to destroy, or save). 

Chance to despise, and fortune to control, 
Doth to the immortal gods alone pertain : 

Their joys, unchanged, in endless currents roll; 
But mortals combat with their fate in vain. 

JEschines ! nearest thou this ? It pertains only to the 
gods to control fortune and to command success. Here 
the power of assuring victory is ascribed, not to the 
minister, but to Heaven. Why, then, accursed wretch ! 
hast thou so licentiously reproached me on this head ? 
Why hast thou denounced against me what I in- 
treat the just gods to discharge on thee and thy vile 
associates ? 

Of all the various instances of falsehood, in this his 
pr ?ecution, one there is which most surprises me. In 
rec ling the misfortunes of that fatal period to our 
minds, he hath felt no part of that sensibility which 
bespeaks a zealous or an honest citizen. He never 
dropped one tear ; never discovered the least tender 
emotion. No : his voice was elevated ; he exulted ; he 
strained and swelled with all the triumph of a man 
who had convicted me of some notorious oifence. But 
in this he hath given evidence against himself, that he 
is not affected by our public calamities in the same 
manner with his fellow-citizens. And surely the man 
who, like iEschines, aiFects an attachment to the laws 
and constitution, should approve his sincerity, if by 
no other means, at least by this — by feeling joy and 
sorrow on the same occasions with his countrymen ; — 
not take part with their enemies in his public conduct. 
And this part you have most evidently taken ; you, who 
point at me as the cause of all ; me, as the author of all 
our present difficulties. But was it my administration ; 



ORATION ON THE CROWN. 539 

were they my instances which first taught my country to 
rise in defence of Greece ? If you grant me this — if you 
make me the author of our vigorous opposition to that 
power which threatened the liberties of our nation, 
you do me greater honor than ever was conferred on 
an Athenian. But it is an honor I cannot claim : I 
should injure my country : it is an honor I well know 
you would not resign. And surely, if he had the least 
regard to justice, his private enmity to me never could 
have driven him to this base attempt to disgrace — to 
deny you the most illustrious part of your character. 

But why should I dwell on this, when there are so 
many more enormous instances of his baseness and 
falsehood? — he, who accuses me of favoring Philip ! — 
Heavens and earth ! what would not this man assert ? 
But let us, in the name of all the gods ! attend to truth 
— to fact ; let us lay aside all private animosity ; — and 
who are really the men on whom we can fairly and 
justly lay the guilt of all misfortunes ? The men who, 
in their several states, pursued his course (it is easy to 
point the mout) ; not those who acted like me. T T . ι 
men who, while the power of Philip was yet in its w .k 
and infant state ; when we frequently warned them ; ν en 
we alarmed them with the danger; when we pointed out 
their best and safest course ; yet sacrificed the interest 
of their country to their own infamous gain ; deceived 
and corrupted the leading citizens in each state, until 
they had enslaved them all. Thus were the Thessalians 
treated by Daochus, Cineas, and Thrasydaeus ; the Ar- 
cadians, by Cercidas, Hieronymus, Eucalpidas ; the 
Argians, by Myrtes, Telademus, Mnaseas ; Elis, by 
Euxitheus, Cleotimus, Aristaschmus ; Messene, by the 
sons of Philiades, that abomination of the gods ; by 
Neon and Thrasylochus ; Sicyon, by Aristratus and 
Epichares ; Corinth, by Dinarchus, Demaratus ; Me- 
gara, by Elixus, Ptedorus, Perilaus ; Thebes, by Ti- 
molaus, Theogiton, Anemaetas ; Euboea, by Hippar- 
chus, Clitarchus, Sosicrates.— The whole day would 
be too short for the names only of the traitors. And 
these were the men who in their several states adopted 



540 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

the same measures which this man pursued at Athens. 
Wretches ! flatterers ! miscreants ! tearing the vitals of 
their country, and tendering its liberties with a wan- 
ton indifference, first to Philip ; now to Alexander ! 
confined to the objects of a sordid and infamous sen- 
suality, as their only blessings ! subverters of that 
freedom and independence which the Greeks of old 
regarded as the test and standard of true happiness ! 
Amidst all this shamefully avowed corruption, this 
confederacy, or (shall I call it by its true name ?) this 
traitorous conspiracy against the liberty of Greece, my 
conduct preserved the reputation of this state unim- 
peached by the world; while my character, Athenians, 
stood equally unimpeached by you. Do you ask me, 
then, on what merits I claim this honor ? Hear my an- 
swer. When all the popular leaders through Greece 
had been taught by your example, and accepted the 
wages of corruption, from Philip first, and now from 
Alexander, no favorable moment was found to con- 
quer my integrity ; no insinuation of address, no mag- 
nificence of promises, no hopes, no fears, no favor — 
nothing could prevail on me to resign the least -part of 
what I deemed the just rights and interests of. my 
country : nor, when my counsels were demanded, was 
I ever known, like you and your associates, to lean ttf 
that side where a bribe had been, as it were, cast into 
the scale. No : my whole conduct was influenced by a 
spirit of rectitude, a spirit of justice and integrity ; and, 
engaged as I was in affairs of greater moment than any 
statesman of my time, I administered them all with a 
most exact and uncorrupted faith.— These are the me- 
rits on which I claim this honor. 

As to those public works so much the object of your 
ridicule, they undoubtedly demand a due share of ho- 
nor and applause : but I rate them far beneath the 
great merits of my administration. It is not with 
stones nor bricks that I have fortified the city. It is 
not from works like these that I derive my reputation. 
Would you know my methods of fortifying ? Examine, 
and you will find them, in the arms, the towns, the ter- 



ORATION ON THE CROWN. 541 

ritories, the harbors I have secured ; the navies, the 
troops, the armies I have raised. These are the works 
by which I defended Attica, as far as human foresight 
could defend it : these are the fortifications I drew 
round our whole territory, and not the circuit of our 
harbor or of our city only. In these acts of policy, in 
these provisions for a war, I never yielded to Philip. 
No ; it was our generals and our confederate forces who 
yielded to fortune. Would you know the proofs of 
this ? They are plain and evident. Consider : what was 
the part of a faithful citizen? of a prudent, an ac- 
tive, and an honest minister? Was he not to secure 
Euboea, as our defence against all attacks by sea? 
Was he not to make Boeotia our barrier on the mid- 
land side ? the cities bordering on Peloponnesus 
our bulwark on that quarter ? Was he not to at- 
tend with due precaution to the importation of corn, 
that this trade might be protected through all its pro- 
gress up to our own harbor ? Was he not to cover 
those districts which we commanded by seasonable de- 
tachments — as the Proconesus, the Chersonesus, and 
Tenedos ? To exert himself in the assembly for this 
purpose ? while with equal zeal he labored to gain 
others to our interest and alliance — as Byzantium, 
Abydus, and Euboea ? Was he not to cut off the best 
and most important resources of our enemies, and to 
supply those in which our country was defective ? And 
all this you gained by my counsels and my adminis- 
tration: — such counsels and such an administration, as 
must appear, upon a fair and equitable view, the re- 
sult of strict integrity ; such as left no favorable junc- 
ture unimproved, through ignorance or treachery ; 
such as ever had their due effect, as far as the judg- 
ment and abilities of one man could prove effectual. 
But if some superior being ; if the power of fortune ; 
if the misconduct of generals ; if the iniquity of our 
traitors ; or if all these together broke in on us, and 
at length involved us in one general devastation, how 
is Demosthenes to be blamed? Had there been a single 
man in each Grecian state to act the same part which 



542 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

I supported in this city ; nay, had but one such man 
been found in Thessaly, and one in Arcadia, actuated 
by my principles, not a single Greek, either beyond, 
or on this side Thermopylae, could have experienced 
the misfortunes of this day. All had then been free 
and independent, in perfect tranquillity, security, and 
happiness, uncontrolled in their several communities 
by any foreign power, and filled with gratitude to you 
and to your state, the authors of these blessings so ex- 
tensive and so precious. And all this by my means. 
To convince you that I have spoken much less than I 
could justify by facts, that in this detail I have stu- 
diously guarded against envy, take — read the lists of 
our confederates, as they were procured by my de- 
crees. 

[The lists — the decrees — are here read.] 

These, and such as these, JEschines, are the actions 
which become a noble-minded honest citizen. Had 
they succeeded, heavens and earth ! to what a pitch of 
glory must they have raised you — and with justice 
raised you ! yet, unsuccessful as they proved, still they 
were attended with applause, and prevented the least 
impeachment of this state or of her conduct. The 
whole blame was charged on fortune, which deter- 
mined the event with such fatal cruelty. Thus, I say, 
is the faithful citizen to act ; not to desert his country ; 
not to hire himself to her enemies, and labor to im- 
prove their favorable exigences, instead of those of his 
own state ; not to malign his fellow-citizen, who, with 
a steady and persevering zeal, recommends and sup- 
ports such measures as are worthy of his country ; not 
to cherish malice and private animosity against him ; 
not to live in that dishonest and insidious retirement 
which you have often chosen. For there is — yes, there 
is a state of retirement, honest and advantageous to 
the public. Such have you, my countrymen, fre- 
quently enjoyed in artless integrity. But his retire- 
ment is not of this kind. Far from it ! He retires that 
he may desert the public service when he pleases 
(and he too often pleases to desert it). Thus he lies 



ORATION ON THE CROWN. $43 

watching the moment when you grow tired of a con- 
stant speaker, or when fortune hath traversed your 
designs, and involved you in some of those various 
misfortunes incident to humanity. This is his time. 
He at once becomes a speaker in the assembly ; he 
rushes, like a sudden gust of wind, from his retreat : 
his voice is already exercised ; his words and periods 
are prepared ; he delivers them with force and vo- 
lubility ; but to no useful purpose ; with no effect of 
any real importance. They serve but to involve some 
fellow-citizen in distress ; and to his country they 
are a disgrace. — But all this preparation, iEsehines, 
all this anxiety of attention, if the genuine dictates 
of patriotic zeal, of true patriotic principles, must 
have produced fruits of real worth and excellence ; of 
general emolument ; alliances, subsidies, extension of 
commerce, useful laws for our internal security, ef- 
fectual defence against our foreign enemies. Such were 
the services which the late times required ; such the 
services which a man of real worth and excellence had 
various opportunities of performing. But in all these 
you never took a part ; not the first ; not the second ; 
not the third ; not the fourth ; not the fifth nor sixth ; 
no, not any part whatever ; for it would have served 
your country. Say, what alliance did the state gain by 
your management ? What additional forces ? What 
regard or reverence ? What embassy of yours ί What 
instance of your ministerial conduct ever exalted the 
reputation of your country ? What domestic interests ; 
what national affairs ; what concerns of foreigners have 
prospered under your direction ? What arms ; what 
arsenals ; what fortifications ; what forces ; what advan- 
tages of any kind have we received from you ? What 
generous and public-spirited effects have either rich or 
poor experienced from your fortune? None. 

But, here he replies, ' Though I have not performed 
those services, I have been well disposed, and ready 
to perform them.' — How? When? Abandoned wretch! 
who, when the being of his country was at stake ; when 
every speaker who had ever appeared in the assembly 



544 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

made some voluntary contribution to the state ; when 
even Aristonicus gave up that money which he had 
saved, to qualify him for public offices, 1 never appeared, 
never once contributed the smallest sum : and not from 
poverty : no ; he had just received a bequest of five 
talents from his kinsman Philon ; besides the two 
talents collected for his services in traversing the law 
relative to trierarchs. — But I am in danger of being led 
off from one point to another, so as to forget my sub- 
ject. — I say, then, that it was not from poverty that you 
refused your contribution, but from the fear of op- 
posing their interests who influenced all your public 
conduct. On what occasion, then, are you spirited 
and shining ? When you are to speak against your 
country. Then are we struck with the brilliancy of 
your eloquence, the power of your memory, the excel- 
lence with which you act your part ; — the excellence 
of a true dramatic Theocrines. 2 

We have heard his encomiums on the great charac- 
ters of former times : and they are worthy of them. 
Yet it is by no means just, Athenians, to take advantage 
of your predilection to the deceased, and to draw the 
parallel between them and me, who live among you. 
Who knows not that all men, while they yet live, must 
endure some share of envy, more or less? But the 
dead are not hated even by their enemies. And, if 
this be the usual and natural course of things, shall I 
be tried — shall I be judged by a comparison with, my 
predecessors ? No, JEschines, this would be neither 

1 For public offices.] Such as that of general, trierarch, am- 
bassador, and director of the theatre, which could not be dis- 
charged without advancing considerable sums. 

2 Theocrines.] A man notorious for calumny. He had 
composed some pieces for the theatre, hut soon exchanged 
this profession for that of an informer ; in which his virulence 
and malice rendered his name proverbial. We learn from St. 
Jerome, that the Pagans frequently gave this name to the first 
Christians. Demosthenes adds an epithet to it, calculated to 
keep the original profession of his rival in view, to whicfc he 
is indeed particularly attentive through his whole speech. — 
TourveiU 



ORATION ON THE CROWN. 545 

just nor equitable. Compare me with yourself — with 
any, the very best of your party, and our contempo- 
raries. Consider, whether it be nobler and better for 
the state to make the benefits received from our an- 
cestors, great and exalted as they are, beyond all ex- 
pression great, a pretence for treating present bene- 
factors with ingratitude and contempt ; or to grant a 
due share of honor and regard to every man who, at 
any time, approves his attachment to the public. — 
And yet, if I may hazard the assertion, the whole tenor 
of my conduct must appear, on a fair inquiry, similar 
to that which the famed characters of old times pur- 
sued ; and founded on the same principles ; while you 
have as exactly imitated the malicious accusers of 
these great men : for it is well known that, in those 
times, men were found to malign all living excellence, 
and to lavish their insidious praises on the dead, with 
the same base artifice which you have practised. — You 
say, then, that I do not in the least resemble those great 
characters. And do you resemble them ? or your bro- 
ther ? Do any of the present speakers ? I name none 
among them : I urge but this : let the living, thou man 
of candor, be compared with the living, and with those 
of the same department. Thus we judge in every case, 
of poets, of dancers, of wrestlers. Philammon doth 
not depart from the Olympian games uncrowned, be- 
cause he hath not equal powers with Glaucus, or Ka- 
ristius, or any other wrestler of former times. No : 
as he approves himself superior to those who enter the 
lists with him, he receives his crown, and is proclaimed 
victor. So do you oppose me to the speakers of these 
times, to yourself, to any— take your most favorite 
character : still I assert my superiority. At that period 
when the state was free to choose the measures best 
approved, when we were all invited to engage in the 
great contest of patriotism, then did I display the 
superior excellence of my counsels, then were affairs 
all conducted by my decrees, my laws, my embassies ; 
while not a man of your party ever appeared, unless 
to vent his insolence. But when we had once ex- 
PEM, 2 Μ 



546 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. 

perienced this unmerited reverse of fortune ; when this 
became the place, not for patriot ministers, but for the 
slaves of power, for those who stood prepared to sell 
their country for a bribe, for those who could descend 
to certain prostituted compliments ; l then, indeed, 
were you and your associates exalted ; then did you 
display your magnificence, your state, your splendor, 
your equipage : while I was depressed, I confess it : 
yet still superior to you all in an affectionate attach- 
ment to my country. 

There are two distinguishing qualities, Athenians, 
which the virtuous citizen should ever possess— (I 
speak in general terms, as the least invidious method 
of doing justice to myself) ; — a zeal for the honor and 
pre-eminence of the state, in his official conduct ; on 
all occasions, and in all transactions, an affection for 
his country. This nature can bestow. Abilities and 
success depend on another power. And in this affec- 
tion you find me firm and invariable. Not the solemn 
demand of my person ; not the vengeance of the am- 
phictyonic council, which they denounced against me ; 
not the terror of their threatenings ; not the flattery of 
their promises ; no, nor the fury of those accursed 
wretches, whom they roused like wild beasts against 
me, could ever tear this affection from my breast. 
From first to last, I have uniformly pursued the just 
and virtuous course of conduct ; assertor of the honors, 
of the prerogatives, of the glory of my country ; studi- 
ous to support them, zealous to advance them, my 
whole being is devoted to this glorious cause. I was 
never known to march through the city with a face of 
joy and exultation at the success of a foreign power ; 
embracing and announcing the joyful tidings to those 
who, I supposed, would transmit it to the proper 
place. I was never known to receive the successes of 
my own country with tremblings, with sighings, with 

1 To certain prostituted compliments.] He alludes to the 
complimentary addresses sent to Alexander, which he in- 
sinuates were procured by iEschines and his party. 



ORATION ON THE CROWN. 547 

eyes bending to the earth, like those impious men 
who are the defamers of the state, as if by such con- 
duct they were not defamers of themselves : who look 
abroad, and, when a foreign potentate hath established 
his pow r er on the calamities of Greece, applaud the 
event, and tell us we should take every means to per- 
petuate his power. 

Hear me, ye immortal gods ! and let not these their 
desires be ratified in heaven ! Infuse a better spirit 
into these men ! Inspire even their minds with purer 
sentiments ! — This is my first prayer. — Or, if their na- 
tures are not to be reformed ; on them, on them only 
discharge your vengeance ! Pursue them both by land 
and sea ! Pursue them even to destruction ! But to us 
display your goodness, in a speedy deliverance from 
impending evils, and all the blessings of protection 
and tranquillity I 1 

1 The event of this contest was such as might be expected 
from the superior abilities of Demosthenes. His rival was 
condemned, and involved in the consequences of a groundless 
and malicious prosecution. Unable to pay the penalty, he 
was obliged to submit to exile, and determined to take up 
his residence at Rhodes, where he opened a school of elo- 
quence. Here he read to his hearers these two orations. 
His was received with approbation, that of Demosthenes with 
an extravagance of applause. ' And how must you have been 
affected,' said ^Eschines, with a generous acknowlegement of 
his rival's merit, f had you heard him deliver it V 

It is said, that as iEschines was retiring from the city, 
Demosthenes followed him, and obliged him to accept of a 
large present of money in his distress. 



END OF DEMOSTHENES. 



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