TOtOiX'Tcis M/\^

AbUi^

TOWARDS THE

RECONSTRUCTION

OF A

CHRISTIAN

SOCIAL ORDER

by

John P. Monaghan, Ph. D.









?5S1

Towards The Reconstruction Of A

Christian Social Order
by

Rev. John P. Monaghan, Ph. D.,

Founder of the Association of Catholic Trade Unionists.

Four addresses delivered in the nationwide Catholic Hour

produced by the National Council of Catholic Men, in

cooperation with the National Broadcasting Company.

(On Sundays from June 4 to 25, 1939)

Page

The Man God Made 3

The World Man Made 12

When Labor Does Not Organize 23

Industry Incorporated 34

OUR SUNDAY VISITOR LIBRARY

HUNTINGTON, INDIANA

The National Council of Catholic Men

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Printed and distributed by Our Sunday Visitor

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Imprimatur:

^ JOHN FRANCIS NOLL, D. D.,
Bishop of Fort Wayue

DMukRRsd



THE MAN GOD MADE
Address delivered on May 28, 1939

All is not well in this America of ours. A recent
thoughtful book presents this picture of the con-

temporary scene in our heavy industry. We quote:
‘'I saw ! there it was—^the whole of the smoky semi-
circle of Gary and South Chicago. It was a battle

zone, with wire fences and search-lights and private

policemen and machine guns, and spies nosing

around in what should be people’s most private

affairs, and employers who declare that they are

ready to trust their employees just as far as they

would trust a rattlesnake, and working men who

have the same kind of hatred for the company they

must work for.” Such a local condition would

menace the social security of our Nation at any time,

but today it is not a local situation; it is sympto-

matic of our whole national life. There is almost a

state of civil war between workers and employers;

violent in the industries, latent everywhere. Over

what are we battling? What are the issues involved?

The author of this study answers us emphatically

and definitely. He says : “The issue is not wages or

an open shop or the details of working conditions;

the issue is the rightful ends of human life” And he

continues : “Unless this fact is recognized, and some-

body goes to work to solve the problem on this

basis
;
the war will go on until one side or another is

annihilated—or both, and the social structure of the
entire Country is strained dangerously or wrecked.”

That the issue between labor and capital is not

wages, or hours, or working conditions, may be a

surprise to many, including economists and sociolo-



4 Towards The Reconstruction Of A Christian Social Order

gists; but the conclusion of Professor Rollo Walter

Brown, that the issue is the rightful ends of human

life is no surprise to the spiritual leaders of

Christendom. Most emphatically for over forty

years Leo the XIII and Pius XI in their letters on

Labor have insisted that the social problem growing

out of our economic life is basically a religious prob-

lem. The late Pontiff, in his encyclical on Recon-

structing the Social Order, says : “Though economic

science and moral discipline are guided each by its

own principles in its own sphere, it is false that the

two orders are so distinct and alien that the former

in no way depends on the latter .... reason itself

clearly deduces from the nature of things and from

the individual and social character of man, what is

the end and object of the whole economic order

assigned by God the Creator^’. The Pontiff contin-

ues: “The moral law alone which commands us to

seek in all our conduct our supreme and final end,

and to strive directly in our specific actions for

those ends which nature, or rather, the Author of

nature, has established for them, duly subordinating

the particular to the general.^’ There can be no peace

in our economic life until it conforms to the nature

of man, and the purpose God had in creating him.

In this economic warfare, it is as clear to the Pro-

fessor, as to the Pontiff, “That the issue is the right-

ful ends of human life.”

The present economic order does not operate

favorably to the destiny of man. Pius XI observed,

“It violates right order whenever capital so employs

the working or wage earning classes as to divert

business and economic activity entirely to its own

arbitrary will and advantage without any regard to

the human dignity of the workers, the social char-



The Man God Made 5

acter of economic life, social justice and the common

good.”

To reconstruct a social order fit and safe for

man to live in, we must know what a man is and

what he is made for. Let us tell the ancient story

of his creation as we read it in the book of Genesis.

And God said : '‘Let us make man to our image and

likeness : and let him have dominion over the fishes

of the sea, and the fowls of the air, and the beasts,

and the whole earth, and every creeping creature

that moveth upon the earth. And God created man

to his own image: to the image of God he created

him: male and female he created them. And God

blessed them, saying : Increase and multiply, and fill

the earth, and subdue it, and rule over the fishes of

the sea, and the fowls of the air, and all living

creatures that move upon the earth. . . And God

saw all the things that he had made, and they were

very good.”

What then is man? He is part of all living

things, and needs what all living things need, secur-

ity, food, and shelter
;
but he needs more than that,

for a man is more than plant and animal. Man is a

person. Man has a spiritual soul that is made in the

image of God
;
and from that soul comes the power

to understand, the power to control his actions, the

power to determine and shape his existence. “Thou

has made him a little less than the angels”, the

Psalmist wrote. “What a piece of work is a man!

How noble in reason! How infinite in faculty! In

form and moving how express and admirable! In

action how like an angel ! In apprehension how like

a God!” God-like man knows and can determine

himself. What does he know? He knows that a life

on the lowest level—that of production and repro-



6 Towards The Reconstruction Of A Christian Social Order

duction, the plant life so many persons are con-

strained to live—is not good enough for him; he
knows that the life even of a well-cared-for active

animal that the great majority of workers can only

dream about, that that life is not good enough for

him. He knows in his heart's core that nothing in

all this world is good enough for him. He knows

that that final hunger, still unsatisfied when he has

all he needs, is the hunger of his soul for God. ‘Thou

has made us for Thyself, and our hearts are restless

till they rest in Thee."

Man must follow his destiny or perish, and his

destiny is God. Man knows and is free to choose. He

is able to act intelligently and freely in deciding be-

tween right and wrong, and thereby merit everlast-

ing happiness. Obviously he couldn't merit anything

unless he knew what he was doing, and was free to

do it. Thus the powers of thinking and willing are

means to an end, namely, happiness after death.

Accordingly, the ultimate basis of human dignity is

man's eternal destiny. Man is worthwhile because

he is worth God's Love, and because he is worth

God's Love he is worth a living wage
;
worth a social

and economic order that will ennoble him and never

degrade him. God-like man knows and is free, so he

is a person. His worth proceeds from himself; no

state, no corporation, no other man gives him his

value. His worth proceeds from his own personality.

We say, the person is inviolable. These gifts which
God has given to man put him above all created

things, and it is these gifts of intelligence and free

will that are the basis of human dignity. The power

to know and will is given to man to merit his destiny,

everlasting life with God. Since these powers are

powers of the human soul, the ultimate basis of



The Man God Made 7

human dignity is the spiritual uniqueness of the

human soul.

In the plant and animal world of which man is a

part, he is preeminent because of his higher des-

tiny; he has dominion over them. The earth has

been given to man to serve his purpose. But in his

own world of men, all men are equal
;
every man is

made to the image of God; every man shares the

Divine Life; every man has a title to the respect of

his brethren. Certainly no man or corporation of

men may submerge him to the gross existence of

mere animal security. It would be a sin crying for

vengeance if he were deprived of that sufficiency of

material goods which St. Thomas Aquinas holds to

be ‘‘Necessary for a virtuous life'’. Plants without

nourishment corrupt. Animals without food are

dangerous. Men that have not a sufficiency of mater-

ial goods are restrained from living a normal human

life, so they are corrupting; they are menacing;

they are corrosives in the social body.

This principle of the intrinsic dignity of man is

one of far-reaching importance. On it rests the

order and happiness of America. For “The Social

Question" is the sum total of the problems produced

in a society by men who refuse to grant each man his

rights as a person.

The dignity of man is in proportion to the pur-

pose of his creation. Almost from the beginning,

man asked the question: Why did God make me?
An almost universal tradition replied, one way or

another, the familiar catechism answer : “God made

you to know Him, to love Him, to serve Him here,

and to be happy with Him hereafter." God revealed

the purpose He had in making man in the Old Tes-



8 Towards The Reconstruction Of A Christian Social Order

tamentj, but most emphatically through His Son

Jesus Christ.

There is no reason whatever for man’s existence

apart from this revealed purpose. Any lesser reason

would violate the traditional consciousness of the

human race which holds that man, the noblest of

God’s creatures, was made for the noblest of all

ends. Design and purpose are manifest in every

existing thing. All scientific progress is postulated

on the order and purposefulness of every atom. Man

is no exception. Man’s purpose is to know and love

and worship God
;
because this is the loftiest of pur-

poses, man is the loftiest, the noblest of created

things.

It is well for us here to recall the truth affirmed

in the second paragraph of our Declaration of In-

dependence: “We hold these truths to be self evi-

dent, that all men are created equal, that they are

endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable

rights, that among these are life, liberty and the

pursuit of happiness.” This truth, so basic to our

democracy, assumes that we believe that every man,

woman, and child possesses intrinsic value and is

sacred; and that each carries within himself the

purpose of his being. “Everybody must count for

one and nobody for more than one.”

The only guarantee of order and happiness in

our society is the unqualified acceptance of the prin-

ciple that every human being is a person, that he

possesses human dignity and has a noble end. When

we violate the ends of human life we sin, and the

harvest of sin is death—death indeed of our own
life in God but death, too, to the economic and social

life that ministers to the life of man in God. We
speak of an economic war. “Every war is basically a



The Man God Made 9

religious war.” Our pit heads, shops, factories, and

fields have become, as they were described in Gary

and South Chicago, war zones in which the basic

issue is indeed ‘the ends of human life’. The moral

issue is, shall profits determine the value of the

person, or shall the common good determine the

value of the profits ? Hardly anyone would maintain

that profits are more important than people. Yet

nearly every business enterprise assumes that prin-

ciple, though it has almost ruined business.

To restore harmony to our society, to give secur-

ity to invested money and, what is more important,

to invested labor, we must restore the unit of so-

ciety, we must restore man to his natural human dig-

nity, repossess him of human personality. He can

only be restored in Christ of whose Mystical Body

we are all members. Christ alone is the Way and

the Life—the only way, the fullest life. Man’s per-
sonality has been debased by sin. It has been cor-

roded by the social hates generated by competition

for his daily bread. Pius XI in his Encyclical Re-

constructing the Social Order said : “The conditions

of social and economic life are such that vast mul-

titudes of men can only with great difficulty pay

attention to that one thing necessary, namely their

eternal salvation.” Again in the same Encyclical he

says : “How universally has the true Christian spirit

become impaired. . . In its stead, man’s one solicitude

is to obtain his daily bread in any way he can. And

so bodily labor, which was decreed by Providence

for the good of man’s body and soul even after

original sin, has everywhere been changed into an

instrument of strange perversion; for dead matter

leaves the factory ennobled and transformed where

men are corrupted and degraded.”



10 Towards The Reconstruction Of A Christian Social Order

Will the world of tomorrow continue to measure

progress only by diminished time and matter in-

creased at man’s expense? The man God made and

gave dominion to is crowded in slums, degraded and

dehumanized by labor that God intended to ennoble

and personalize him. Aged more by worry than

work, his mind rises no higher than his day’s need.

The American Worker is still the ''man with the

hoe”.

Is this the Thing the Lord God made and gave

To have dominion over sea and land?

To trace the stars and search the heavens for power

;

To feel the passion for Eternity?

There is no shape more terrible than this

—

More tongued with censure of the world’s blind

greed

More filled with signs and portents for the soul

—

More fraught with menace to the Universe.

Pope Pius XI declared: "This longed for social

reconstruction must be preceded by a profound re-

newal of the Christian spirit, from which multitudes

engaged in industry in every country have unhappily

departed. Otherwise, all our endeavors will be

futile . . .” To restore the Christian Social Order in

conformity with the dignity of man, the ends of

human life, we must be Christian. To be a Christian

is to accept Christ literally as your brother and His

brethren with Him. His brethren—there’s the rub.
It’s easy enough to accept Christ. Time has made the

Carpenter of Nazareth respectable, but His breth-

ren we know: carpenters, miners, factory workers,

domestic servants, office workers. They are often

crude, often vulgar, very, very common, just as



The Man God Made 11

common as the man who kept a shop on a side street

of Nazareth. These are His brethren—and He is
most jealous of them. “As long as you did it to one

of these my least brethren, you did it to me''. “Be-

hold the man" said Pilate, as he showed Him to the

multitude. He wasn't much of a Man to look at;

bloody and hungry and belittled. Yet we would like

to think had we been there, we would have done

all we could for Him. Certainly we wouldn't think

anyone had done much for Him if, in the hour of

His great need, Christ was offered a pamphlet, or a

theory, or advice. And His brethren, the 11,000,000

American unemployed, who are as belittled now as

Christ was then, they think so too

!



THE WORLD MAN MADE
Address delivered on June 4, 1939

The first chapter of Genesis concludes this way:

'‘And God saw all the things that he had made, and

they were very good/’ Why were they very good?
They were very good because God was the creative,

integrating principle behind everything, nothing

remained out of relation to Him and nothing remain-

ed out of relation to everything else. God’s world

was one. Literally His world was wholesome be-

cause it was a whole, entire like a healthy body, in

which the life of every cell is alive with the life of

the whole body. When man sinned he introduced

into the wholesome world of God a principle of dis-

integration. “Every one for himself.” Sin was, and

is, a wilful and deliberate act of separatism in which

a part asserts its supremacy against the whole. The

present corroding national misery which we speak

of under the very pleasant name “Social Problem” is

man made. It is the harvest of sin. It is the world

man made for himself. The world of me and mine.

God made the world good, what is bad in it is man

made. It is well for us to keep this in our mind, for

we tend to think of unemployment and want as

phenomena like the seasons of the year, continually

recurring and inevitable to life. Man made misery,

and our present economic misery man made accord-

ing to a pattern called Capitalism.

The social problem of today is difficult to present

simply. It touches as many sides of life that are

unseen as those that are evident. That’s why so

many see so little wrong with poverty; they see so

little of it. The cruelty of the social problem is felt



The World Man Made 13

by the great majority of all our workers who even in

the years of so-oalled prosperity did not receive a de-

cent living wage. Who can adequately express the

loss of self-respect, the loss of self-reliance, the cor-

roding sense of uselessness, which eleven millions of

our unemployed fellow-citizens feel this evening in

this, the richest country in the world? Its ruthless-

ness is felt by the hundreds of thousands who have

lost home or business, or even both, in the tragedy of

this great depression. The hardness of Capitalism is

felt by those who manage industry, business, or

finance because they can only maintain themselves

by a competition in which there is no ethic and

hardly even a sporting chance.

The present modern system of economy is almost

entirely dominated by the profit motive and so it

caters more to man’s wants than to his needs, be-

cause wants are always more profitable to cater to.

At the present time the world has more power than

any previous age, but it has used its new power for

destruction as much as for life. It has more wealth,

yet we are in the throes of a vast economic crisis.

It has more knowledge, yet all our knowledge seems

powerless to help us.

The modern form of this social question of ours

is the result of the industrial revolution which occur-

red during the eighteenth century. Machine in-

dustry needed workers and the poorer population of

the land crowded into urban industrial centers and

changed that population from a condition of com-

parative economic independence into a propertyless

wage earning proletariat. The condition of these

workers in mines and factories became one of abject

misery in many instances. Women, and even little

children, were compelled to share the burden of



14 Towards The Reconstruction Of A Christian Social Order

family maintenance. Gradually this condition

aroused the interest of right minded men. Forty-

eight years ago, Pope Leo XIII issued his famous

encyclical which bore the significant title: On the

Condition of Labor. The purpose of this document

was to lay down rules for the solution of the difficult

problem between capital and labor, known as the

‘'Social Question.”

The Pontiff in that famous letter counselled legis-

lation to safeguard the rights of workmen, to regu-

late hours and conditions of work, the labor of

women and children, and to assure the laborer of a

just wage, to enable him not only to get food and

clothing and shelter for himself and his dependents,

but also to acquire that minimum of property neces-

sary for a reasonably secure existence. The Pope

defended and urged the promotion of workmen's

associations and especially of organizations such as

the Association of Catholic Trade Unionists, so that

the rights of labor might be defended by concerted

action and so that the laborer might be educated for

leadership through a knowledge of the right prin-

ciples and ideals proper to the solution of the social

problem. This encyclical On the Condition of Labor

condemned the separatism, or, as we would call it,

the rugged individualism which had brought about

the social question, and, at the same time, condemned

the Marxian Socialists who demanded that the social

problem be solved by the abolition of private prop-

erty and the public ownership of the means of pro-

duction.

Had the advice given by Pope Leo XIII been

heeded forty-eight years ago we would not now be

suffering from the world-wide economic misery that

lies like a blight upon our contemporary civiliza-



The World Man Made 15

tion. We must not forget that there were some
employers, pitiably few, who did what they could

through social legislation to remedy the inhuman

conditions of labor; some too gave a splendid ex-

ample of understanding and cooperating with or-

ganized labor. But in spite of this good will towards

the worker by a few enlightened groups we may say

that the same causes which had brought about the

miserable lot of the laboring classes in the last cen-

tury continued to work on into the present century

until almost the whole machinery of rugged indi-

vidualistic capitalism is brought to a standstill in

our own time.

The ruthless competition of the past was re-

placed, step by step, in the interests of the self-

preservation of business by an even more fatal con-

centration, centralization of economic and financial

control in the hands of the directors of joint stock

corporations.

The most important of these corporations, num-

bering in this country about two hundred, are vir-

tual monopolies which influence the daily press, run

strong governmental lobbies, determine certain com-

modity prices to their advantage, close down fac-

tories, change the purchasing power of money to

some extent, block the free exchange of money and

credit, and actually own eighty percent of any pro-

ductive industrial property.

Pope Pius XI says : ‘‘Not alone is wealth

accumulated, but immense power and despotic eco-

nomic domination is concentrated in the hands of a

few.” Moreover, he continues, those few who hold

the despotic economic domination “are frequently

not the owners, but only the trustees and directors of



16 Towards The Reconstruction Of A Christian Social Order

invested funds, 'who administer them at their good

pleasure/^ They are directors and officers who need

own but little of what they dominate. These indus-

trial corporations are said to be run by their execu-

tives who somehow have taken power without

ownership. The executives know differently; for

they rule usually at the sufferance of the banks. It is

reported on good authority, for example, that eight

New York banks have 287 insurance directorships;

301 other banking directorships; 521 public utility

directorships; 526 railroad, steamship and airplane

transportation directorships, and 846 manufactur-

ing directorships.

In 1929, before the depression, seventy percent

of our American families had incomes ranging from

next to nothing to a maximum of $2,500 a year. Let

us see how matters stand today. According to a dis-

tinguished authority in the New York Department

of Welfare : “Approximately 1,300,000 men, women

and children are dependent upon some form of public

relief in New York City;^’ that is, one out of every

six residents of this, the wealthiest city in the

world, are dangerously impoverished. The future

seems no brighter, for according to the same author-

ity: “We must face the fact that public aid is not

temporary, but a permanent responsibility of gov-

ernment, for it is evident to all by this time that we

haven’t the economic possibilities of providing jobs

for all who need work.” With greater pity than in

the olden days Christ says: “I have compassion on

the multitude,” for in the midst of His plenty, still,

they have not enough to eat.

A leather medal should go to the gentleman who
told a learned society in Washington the other day:

“Mercy killings of the aged, criminally insane and



The World Man Made 17

other hopeless misfits, young and old, might provide

the answer to the question: ‘How shall we cut the

cost of relief?' " Probably he represents the state of

mind of a large number of well placed people who

feel that the social problem could be eliminated by

the elimination of people. Indeed, the advocates of

birth control do say that, but, being well-mannered

people, they don't say it that way.

Economic insecurity, which was formerly con-

fined to the industrial wage earner, the man without

property, menaces now every other group in our

society : The white collar class, the office worker, the

great majority of the farm population, and even the

professions. Consequently the whole social order has

become unstable. The trend is running towards the

formation of an American proletariat, a property-

less wage earning class. Way must be found to give

the ordinary industrious American a real stake in

America. This means more than a living wage. It

means an opportunity for the worker to secure

ownership proportionate to his ability and willing-

ness to acquire in a fair way. One does not have to

be very wise to appreciate this observation of a con-

temporary writer: “Political freedom without eco-

nomic freedom is almost worthless
;
it is because the

modern proletariat has the one kind of freedom

without the other that its rebellion is now threaten-

ing the very structure of the modern world."

To remedy the situation merely by social legisla-

tion has now become clearly insufficient. We must

look to further means. Americans in increasing

numbers have lost their rugged individualistic be-

lief that social and economic laws, if left to them-

selves, will regulate harmoniously the interests of

workers, capitalists, and consumers. We are coming



18 Towards The Reconstruction Of A Christian Social Order

to the conviction that a social and economic order

can be established in ’which the common good and

individual enterprise can function without conflict.

The question now is in what direction and by what

means can this organization be brought about. One

thing seems certain. The old notion—no interfer-
ence by the State in private business—no longer
holds good. On this subject Pope Pius XI, in Recon-

structing the Social Order, had this to say: ^Tro-

vided that the natural and divine law be observed,

the public authority, in view of the common good,

may specify more accurately what is licit and what

is illicit for property owners in the use of their pos-

sessions. . . The State may not discharge this duty in

an arbitrary manner . . . However, when civil

authority adjusts ownership to meet the needs of the

public good it acts not as an enemy, but as the friend

of private owners; for thus it effectively prevents

the possession of private property, intended by

Nature^s Author in His Wisdom for the sustaining

of human life, from creating intolerable burdens and

so rushing to its own destruction.” 'Tree compe-

tition and still more economic domination must be

kept within just and definite limits . . . under the

effective control of the public authority in matters

appertaining to this latter’s competence.” The State

must assume a nobler function than that of being a

mere policeman in the traffic ways of business.

Nevertheless we cannot assume that the State alone

is in a position to set in motion the wheels of eco-

nomic life again. This idea of government planning

and government direction of industry dominates the

life of Soviet Russia, Italy, and Germany. While big

business men are heard very thoughtlessly and reck-

lessly calling for a strong hand in Government, I am



The World Man Made 19

sure they realize that any strong hand in Govern-

ment would not be a glad hand for business, for a

strong government hand is far more inimical to in-

vested capital than to invested labor. As Americans,

and particularly as Christian Americans, if we wish

to preserve and maintain our traditions, we must

stop, look, and listen; we must examine this social

question in the light of basic moral principles to

determine the area and extent of the errors in it.

We must ^determine then, concretely and practi-

cally, where the reformation and reorganization

must begin. As Archbishop Mooney says : ‘'We must

either talk out our difficulties or fight them out. Who

can doubt which of these two is the American way to

settle differences. Who that loves America, and all

that America stands for, can fail to be deeply dis-

turbed at the sight of preparations to fight our dif-

ferences, rather than to talk them, out. Who can

fail to see that the outlook in America today would

be far more hopeful if the amount of thought and

money which is being expended on industrial strife

were to be spent on developing agencies for indus-

trial discussion and conciliation.”

Popes Leo XIII and Pius XI characterized the

present economic order as that in which capital is

provided by one group and labor by another. Neither

of the Popes has condemned outright this arrange-

ment. Pope Pius XI in Quadragesimo Anno says:

“This system itself is not to be condemned and

surely it is not vicious of its very nature, but it vio-

lates right order whenever capital so employs the

working or wage earning classes as to divert busi-

ness and economic activity entirely to its own arbi-

trary will and advantage without any regard to the

human dignity of the workers, the social character



20 Towards The Reconstruction Of A Christian Social Order

of economic life, social justice and the common

good.”

As a means of realizing the law of social justice

between those who provide capital and those who

furnish labor necessary for production, the Supreme

Pontiff (proposes) and (strongly urges) the for-

mation of vocational gi*oups which shall bind men

together, not according to their position in the labor

market, but according to the functions which they

exercise in society'. The encyclical further counsels

the modification of the wage contract by a contract

of paitnership which shall permit wage earners to

become sharers in the ownership, management, and

profits of an enterprise. This pronouncement is

directed against the current false assumption that

exclusive control and the largest share of profits

should belong to those who provide and administer

capital. That form of capitalism is as basically anti-

Christian as any communism. Indeed, it might be

well for some of our highly specialized reformers to

direct more of their attention to anti-Christian capi-

talism which they live under rather than to anti-

Christian communism which they have only read

about; then, perhaps it’s safer to talk about com-

munists who can’t kick you than about capitalists

who certainly can.

We mustn’t forget that the worker in any busi-
ness enterprise is an investor as well as the man who

contributes his wealth. The worker invests in the

enterprise something more precious than anything;

namely, himself, and so even from the point of view

of values, the man who has invested his personality

in an enterprise is entitled proportionately to a

greater consideration than the investor who has con-

tributed only things. The plan of Pope Pius XI aims



The World Man Made 21

at the decentralization and distribution not only of

the ownership of capital but of the direction and con-

trol of capital. Neither our present rugged indi-

vidualism with its sinful disregard for the common

good, its separatism from the common life and its

disregard of personal rights, nor communism with

its de-humanized collectivist machinery of produc-

tion and distribution of wealth provides an accept-

able solution of the social question. Neither of these

can end otherwise than in disaster, for neither of

them rightfully regards the ends of human life.

The task of reconstructing the social order be-

longs to the occupational groups who make up the

social body. As a matter of fact, we have passed out

of an individualistic structure of society: We have
corporations of finance and public utilities, guilds of

the professions, industrial cartels, chambers of com-

merce, bankers and manufacturing associations.

The trade union and labor union and consumer

groups very ineffectively as yet represent the worker

and the consumer, who are in the majority. All the

existing groups must be made to realize the limits of

their rights and the extent of their mutual duties

within the social body. They must be made to see, if

necessary by legislation and appropriate sanctions,

that the common good of all is the highest norm of

economic and social activity.

To do this we must begin now. It is later than

we think. Each must begin with himself. A sick
body begins its cure from a healthy cell. Each of us

is a unit in the social body of our sick nation. Its

cancerous selfishness shall be made healthy by health

flowing out of healthy cells. Cells that live the

Christ-life shall renew the sin-sick body of our be-

loved nation.



22 Towards The Reconstruction Of A Christian Social Order

Wherever two or three shall be gathered together

in Christ's name, He shall be in the midst of them.

Two or three to study, to pray, and to do in His

name. Three, two, even one, with Him, is a great

majority.



WHEN LABOR DOES NOT ORGANIZE
Address delivered on June 11, 1939

In his book, When Labor Organizes, Professor

Brooks says: “If political life is to express the

needs, attitudes and aspirations of all the economic

groups in the society, people must organize around

their most important economic interests. Within

this economic organization political life takes place

and its product, in the form of policies or demands,

may then be enforced directly on the economic front

or raised to the level of the political life of the whole

community.” The national life is like a body. Like

the body, it has many organs. Some of these organs

have to do with mind-work, other organs produce

the energy of Capital, while the workers, as muscle

organs, are in the majority. That social body is most

healthy in which “mind”, capital, and labor are best

organized
;
not alone for the health of each separate

organ but for the body’s common good. Labor is the

second largest economic group in our country, but

it is not organized. And so it can only feebly affect

the political life of the nation. Labor’s “needs, atti-

tudes and aspirations” have no adequate political

life, that is, no policy making power, because it is

not organized around its most important economic

interest; viz., wages or salaries and the conditions

of work.

Then when Labor does not organize we can say

that the political life of the nation is not much

affected by Labor’s needs and only the minimum

governmental policies are concerned with Labor’s

attitudes and aspirations. In other words, when

Labor is not organized it is without political power.



24 Towards The Reconstruction Of A Christian Social Order

it is not functioning healthily for the national demo-

cratic life. Now what happens to a devitalized organ
of the human body? When an organ of the human

body is without its normal life-power it sickens and

finally disease sets in. Unorganized labor in the

body of an industrial society such as ours produces a

pathology all too familiar under the various names

of Communism, Fascism, Socialism. They are the

social diseases of an economy in which the energy-

giving organ called “Capital” has almost a monopoly

of the body^s resources.

There are from thirty to forty million people

whose economic life blood is wages or salaries. In

this group arises the social problem, for they are not

organized. They have “needs, attitudes and aspira-

tions,” but only about seven million out of the pos-

sible forty million are organized into unions. Only

about a mere fifteen to eighteen out of every hun-

dred are organized to realize their own “needs, atti-

tudes and aspirations.”

Labor should be one of the most vital organs in

a democratic social order, but it is not here ; so that

we may say when Labor does not organize in Amer-

ica you have that vicious paradox, political democ-

racy for the benefit of a financial autocracy. Pius XI,

speaking of this situation in his Encyclical Quad-

ragesimo Anno says: “Free competition is dead.

Economic dictatorship has taken its place.”

We have compared Capital with energy-giving

organs in the body. In our American social body

Capital is well organized into unions called Trade

Associations. The directory of the United States

Department of Commerce, Selected Trade Associa-

tions of the United States, lists the names and

addresses of 2,400 Associations of Employers. These



When Labor Does Not Organize 25

Associations are efficiently organized for the mutual

aid and protection of their members; besides many

of them are linked together to ‘ffight labor.”

Now, if invested wealth realizes how necessary

organization is for its self-preservation in the eco-

nomic life of the nation, we must ask ourselves why

it is that workers do not join unions, since unions

are presumed to be dedicated to the interests of the

workers ?

The chief reason why America lags behind all

other industrial nations in trade unionism is because

of the opposition of employers, especially some of the

larger corporations. While there is, unquestionably,

hostility to trade unionism in the small establish-

ments, the greatest opposition to unionism in the

United States comes from the powerful organiza-

tions employing the largest proportion of workers.

These great corporations see in the organization of

workers a check to their own power. Only with diffi-

culty has American business been made to realize the

natural right of the worker to collective bargaining.

Other nations have accepted this right as natural,

reasonable, and just. American businessmen still be-

lieve that it violates their right to do with their

own business as they please. The company-domi-

nated union, the so-called independent union, labor

spies, the discharge and the black-list, are still too

frequently the American industrialist's answer to

man’s fundamental right to organize. To offset this

bias against Labor, the National Labor Relations

Act (The Wagner Act) made this moral right to

organize, a legal right. The National Labor Rela-

tions Act forbids unfair labor practices on the part

of the employers. This is the only purpose of the

Act; namely, to give labor an opportunity to or-



26 Towards The Reconstruction Of A Christian Social Order

ganize. Very few of the objections against this Act

have any validity because they accuse it of failing to

do what it was never intended to do. It may be said

to the credit of a large and increasing number of

employers that they are observing the spirit and

letter of the Wagner Act in dealing frankly with the

chosen representatives of the employees; neverthe-

less many powerful employers still persist in their

opposition to the law. The Wagner Act is, of course,

one-sided, as indeed every social law is that seeks to

better a group deficient in some need. Since the law

is designed to protect the natural right to organize

and since, as Leo XIII insists, “The government

must protect natural rights, not destroy them,'’

Catholics should rise to the defense of the law as an

essential use of the government power.

This brings us to the important question: “Has

labor a moral right to organize?" Leo XIII calls the

innate impulse urging men to organize for their

common good a natural propensity. Leo XIII main-

tains that to form voluntary associations is the nat-

ural right of man. Consequently to deprive him of it

renders him something less than a man. It deprives

him of a personal right. Pius XI repeated the teach-

ing of Leo XIII and added that to deny or frustrate

the natural right to form unions is “criminal injus-

tice."

In the Encyclical Quadragesimo Anno, Pius XI

has fourteen references to workingmen's associa-

tions or unions. This, for example, makes sufficient-

ly clear the attitude of the Catholic Church to labor

unions : “Just as the citizens of the same municipal-

ity are wont to form associations with diverse aims,

which various individuals are free to join or not,

similarly, those who are engaged in the same trade



When Labor Does Not Organize 27

or profession will form free associations among

themselves, for purposes connected with their occu-

pations. Our Predecessor has explained clearly and

lucidly the nature of these free associations. We are
content, therefore, to emphasize this one point : Not

only is man free to institute these unions which are

of a private character, but he has the right ‘further

to adopt such organization and such rules as may

best conduce to the attainment of their respective

objects.' The same liberty must be claimed for the

founding of associations which extend beyond the

limits of a single trade." This stand of the Church

is determined on the basic premise that all men are

children of a common Father and brothers one to

another in Jesus Christ. The Church recognizes

that the function of society is to enable man to attain

his ultimate end. And to attain that ultimate end

in this way of life he needs a minimum economic

security. And to attain that economic security he

has a right to organize with his fellow workers for

their common good. The Church well knows that in

modern industry the individual worker and the

employer, usually a corporation, cannot bargain

freely. The individual worker is bargaining not only

with the employer, he is bargaining against his own

need. Youth bargains against old age. The young

unmarried man bargains against the married man

with more responsibility. Invested wealth certainly

has the right to bargain collectively through corpora-

tions with Labor. For equally good reasons Labor

has the same right.

The Catholic wage earner, and the salary worker

in the United States, should not hesitate to join any

of the A. F. of L., C. I. 0., or Railroad Brotherhoods,

for in spite of much propaganda to the contrary.



28 Towards The Reconstruction Of A Christian Social Order

these three organizations have a splendid record for

justice and equity. It is the duty of all wage earners

to join the one of these organizations which will best

meet his needs, and he must also share the responsi-

bility for the development of the honor and healthy

functioning of his union.

There is another important reason why wage and

salary workers should organize. It is the obligation

of social justice. Pius XI in his Encyclical Atheistic

Communism affirms : ‘‘Now it is the very essence of

social justice to demand from each individual all

that is necessary for the common good.’’ The most

urgent need of our times is the distribution of the

goods and services which our present equipment and

resources can produce. If all industry in 1929 had

operated to capacity, at least one-third more goods

than were consumed in that year would have been

available for the average family; and by 1937 more

than an additional one-half would have been avail-

able. How to enable America to consume what

America produces is the greatest economic problem

facing the Nation.

To help establish national welfare, the worker

has a responsibility in the community, and the best

means he has to discharge that responsibility is to

affiliate with a union of his occupation, whether craft

or industrial, for unorganized labor means low

wages; and low wages means under-buying; and

under-buying produces unemployment—and out of
unemployment we have our present national depres-

sion. On the other hand, through organization he

can obtain higher wages. High wages increase his

buying power; and increased buying power means

employment—and the national well-being is derived
from general employment of the worker. It is hard



When Labor Does Not Organize 29

for us to realize what a small percentage of the

national wealth is accessible to unorganized Labor.

According to the National Resources Committee, in

1935 and 1936, fourteen percent of the twenty-nine

million families in the Country received less than

$500 per year; forty-two percent less than $1,000;

sixty-five percent less than $1,500 ; and eighty-seven

percent less than $2,500. The workers of the Nation

can expect no fairer share of the products of our

national resources and services, other than by or-

ganizing into unions. By unionism we obtained in

the past political security and independence. Only

through trade unionism will economic security come

to the worker.

The question is frequently asked : “Do men who

receive fairly good incomes have any obligation to

join a union?’’ We might answer either in justice or
in charity, “Yes.” They are required to associate

themselves with their weaker brethren for the

common good and, indeed, for their own continued

security; for if they work in an industry which is

partly organized, it is more than likely that the good

conditions which they enjoy came to them as an

effort made by their non-union employer “To keep

the union out.” Such non-union employees are there-

fore enjoying the fruit of others’ sacrifices. The

workers in the union shops probably risked their

jobs to have the union recognized and they con-

tribute monthly to keep it efficient. In justice then,

the non-union employees are bound to carry their

share of the common burden of their fellow-workers.

Now, a word about company-unionism. Company

unions today are usually called “Independent” unions

because they are not affiliated with recognized bodies

such as the A. F. of L. or the C. I. 0. Actually, the



30 Towards The Reconstruction Of A Christian Social Order

so-called independent union is the most dependent

of unions and corresponds to the type of unionism

that exists in the totalitarian states where govern-

ment appoints the workers’ representatives. Of

course, the company does not appoint the workers’

representatives, but it essentially and actually con-

trols them. This control is evident when you recall

that under all company or ‘‘Independent” union

arrangements the employee is obliged to confine his

choice of representatives to fellow-employees on the

company’s payroll and the company is able to dis-

charge these representatives if they find them to be

too vigorous in representation. It is almost correct

to say that under the company union plan the com-

pany makes a contract with itself. Company union-

ism is in direct opposition both to the letter and the

spirit of the encyclical programs. The encyclicals

repeat again and again the principle of freedom that,

as in political, so in economic life, the right to self-

organization is to be jealously guarded: “Not only

is man free to institute these unions which are of a

private character, but he has the right ‘further to

adopt such organization and such rules as may best

conduce to the attainment of their respective

objects.’ The same liberty must be claimed for the

founding of associations which extend beyond the

limits of a single trade.” No matter by what

pleasant name a company’s union is called, it is still

a company’s union.

There is a constant and subtle defamation of

unionism and all it stands for in the movements that

seem to have as their object the “Elimination of

racketeers” and a “Greater responsibility in trade

unions.” These ends are certainly desirable, but

they are hardly the motives that actuate the reforms



When Labor Does Not Organize 31

organized by associations of businessmen. Professor

Harris of Yale University is responsible for these

observations about these “Reforms”: “In the first

place, with the exception of the Trucking and Build-

ing Trades, Cleaning and Dyeing Services and

Wholesale and Retail Food Supply, all of which by

their perculiar marketing methods and competitive

conditions lend themselves to racketeering, virtually

none exists among American unions, or, if it exists,

has been so microscopic as to avoid the diligent re-

searches of many competent and interested investi-

gators. In the second place, existing State and Fed-

eral statutes; namely. Criminal Laws and the Fed-

eral Anti-Trust Acts, when racketeering has an

effect upon inter-State commerce, are more than

adequate to safeguard the employer, the public and

labor unions against this evil (racketeering). Final-

ly, the financial integrity and business sense of the

union officials may be favorably compared with their

counterparts among business executives. Now, as

far as responsibility is concerned, unions which have

been able to exist over a few years’ time observe

their contracts. In fact, less than one-half of one

percent of the contracts between American Unions

and their employers have been violated over a period

of thirty-six years. With courts constantly crowded

with suits between business firms arising from

breach of contract, this record of American union-

ism’s ninety-nine and one-half percent of fidelity to

its pledges is, perhaps, a point to be pondered.”

It is useless and hopeless for Capital in the Uni-

ted States to fight collective bargaining and at the

same time expect loyalty from the workers. No

workers will show appreciation for the needs of an

industry or be convinced of the integrity of their



32 Towards The Reconstruction Of A Christian Social Order

employers if they have to fight for the existence of

unions. If unions are treated as outlaw organiza-

tions by a large part of American industry it cannot

expect that the laborer will meet its demands for

confidence with any assurance of conviction.

The Papal program for the reconstruction of the

social order does not regard unionization relying

solely on collective bargaining as adequate machin-

ery to effect social justice. It looks forward to a

completely organized social and economic life, a life

in which there would be a partnership between

worker and employer with the government acting as

Chairman. All the people, workers and employers in

all establishments, in all industries and callings,

would be organized, not only for their individual

good but for the good of the whole social body. The

outlook for this desired end is not too hopeful this

evening, since only about one in six of the non-agri-

cultural labor force of the country has won the free-

dom to organize; and resistance to their further or-

ganization is, if anything, increasing. Nevertheless,

men of good will must take heart to follow the less

dramatic way to solve the social problem that is de-

vitalizing an increasing number of our fellow-

citizens. Fascism and Communism present to the

worker and, indeed, to many capitalists, blueprints

of the world of tomorrow. It is certainly a dramatic

solution and it certainly is not a Christian or an

American solution. The first step in the Christian

democratic American way towards social peace is by

the way of trade unionism. Our present trade unions

need a Christian philosophy to ennoble them and

direct them. Christian men will not do much for a

trade union by talking at it or down to it. They must

come into it and make it move Christ-ways. Chris-



When Labor Does Not Organize 33

tian philosophy will enable the trade union to take

its first steps towards what our late Holy Father,

Pius XI, envisioned in his labor encyclicals, as a cor-

porate life of all workers
—

“mind,” capital, and

labor—for the common good and the greater glory
of God, our common Father.



INDUSTRY INCORPORATED

Address delivered on June 18, 1939

Perhaps the most accurate indictment of our

present situation has been set forth in the following

words: ''How universally has the true Christian

spirit become impaired .... In its stead, man’s one

solicitude is to obtain his daily bread in any way he

can. And so bodily labor, which was decreed by Pro-

vidence for the good of man’s body and soul even

after original sin, has everywhere been changed into

an instrument of strange perversion : for dead

matter leaves the factory ennobled and transformed,

where men are corrupted and degraded.” These

burning words are not the volcanic eruption of an

embittered liberal, but the clear judgment of the late

Pope Pius XI made eight years ago in his famous

encyclical. Reconstructing the Social Order, They

present to us vividly and dramatically what has hap-

pened to the common man in modern industry.

Work, which was decreed by God to ennoble man, has

in our modern industrial economy corrupted and de-

graded him. Now the most important instrument of

our modern industrial economy is the corporation.

What is a corporation ?

The modern corporation is the product of the

policies that flowed out of individualism and the de-

mands for mass production. A greater amount of
wealth than any one or a small group of individuals

could supply was necessary to manufacture and

quickly transport goods to rapidly enlarging mar-

kets. So the wealth of thousands of individuals was

made available for this enterprise by the creation of

the industrial corporation. By the authority of the



Industry Incorporated 35

sovereign state the corporation became a ‘‘person”.

Among other privileges, it has a right to sue and be

sued, it enjoys perpetuity and a limited liability. Its

great advantage is that it can easily accumulate

capital, and its stockholders are not personally liable

for the debts of their firm, usually they can lose no

more than they invested.

This corporate kind of business dominates our

modern world and, accepting its obvious value to

business enterprise, it must accept the responsibility

too for the effects produced by its industry in the

life of the American worker. About 2-3 of the field

of business activity is under the control of corpora-

tions. About 90% of mining, manufacturing, trans-

portation, and communication and public utilities is

corporation owned and directed. But even out of all

proportion to this wealth, the corporations exercise

an influence upon the political and social life of the

people, for these industries in which corporations

control about 90% of the field are the key industries

of the Nation. Individual producers, like the farm-

ers, and the retail merchant, must buy and sell ac-

cording to their terms. The millions who are in their

service and the millions who consume their products

are affected by the slightest change in their policy.

It is not an exaggeration to say that the policy of the

great corporations has become our national business

policy. Indeed we are told again and again that what

we need is more business in government and less

government in business. Corporate business has

become an economic state alongside the political

state with which it negotiates on terms of equality

and sometimes with condescension.

The power of these giant corporations is increas-

ing rapidly and the depression has probably speeded



36 Towards The Reconstruction Of A Christian Social Order

up the process, for thousands of small corporation

units have been eliminated or absorbed in the last

five years. We must take stock of this power, for it
threatens the National Body. Like an uncontrolled

cell in the human body, this organism, good in itself,

threatens to become cancerous to the National Body.

Its size challenges the power of the sovereign state

and its influence reaches into every legislative

assembly geographically associated with it. 'VNTien

the textile industry moved South, where taxes were

low and wages almost as low, all New England suf-

fered most seriously. A utility- magnate boasted of
“ovming” the Assembly of one of the largest states

in the Union. The most generous contributors to

political campaigns, often contributing to both sides

to show their impartiality", are the directors of these

great corporations. The public utility- industry^ has a

particularly bad reputation in this respect. Is it

merely political apathy-, or is it by- interested indo-

lence that we still have twenty-three states without

minimum wage legislation; thirty- states without a

legal limit of eight hours of labor, even for women;

and twenty-six states with a legal weekly limit in

excess of forty-eight hours (including eight states

with none at all). Commenting on this situation an

authority (Miss Perkins) observes: “We have to

face the fact that most hours laws fall short of

covering all workers and that the various exceptions

and omissions are based not so much on the nature

of the work as on the pressure of special interest

groups”

The great corporations have been the most

effective opponents of collective bargaining. Even

the federal governmenfs strength behind the N.R.A.

and the Wagner Act has not been strong enough to



Industry Incorporated 37

meet the opposition of particularly powerful cor-

porations. War-time equipment of some of the great

plants to battle against labor is effective, and

nationally scandalous. Capital’s tear gas, riot guns,

spies, hired racketeers, these are clenched fists that

America needs to fear. ‘‘The Mohawk Valley For-

mula” is as insidious to American independence as

the Communist Manifesto.

Not only is the unorganized worker helpless

before these industrial giants, but the great con-

suming public is likewise their victim. Mr. and Mrs.

Consumer must pay the high, inflexible prices set by

the controlling groups, depression or no depression.

They must pay a price that will include not only the

manufacturer and the ordinary investor, but the

promoter and the investment banker and the

extravagantly salaried executive. Over this vast or-

ganization, enjoying all the privileges of a “person”

with a minimum of personal responsibility, neither

the average citizen nor the average stockholder nor,

indeed, the average state has much control. The

great corporations are not incorporated into the

national life. Every health organ of the human body

is controlled and regulated by the common good
;
the

life of the lungs and the heart is a part of the

common body’s life. When they cease to respond to

the body’s common need they become dangerous,

with the implication of death. In modern economic

life corporations are probably necessary and their

necessity is to be gauged by their value not to them-

selves but to the community, but they have the seeds

of evil in them as long as they operate by the present

separation of ownership and control. What does a

stockholder own in a corporation and what does he

control? Modern Capitalism has many ways and



38 Towards The Reconstruction Of A Christian Social Order

particularly many legal devices by which the stock-

holder may be deprived of all actual control of his

corporation, although continuing to possess his nomi-

nal claim to ownership. Dr. Cronin in his excellent

recent book, Economics and Society, points out how

today ‘‘it frequently happens that large corporations

are controlled not by their legal owners but rather

by some inner group, with the result that the vast

majority of stockholders are virtually disfran-

chised.^^ So you see that the dear widows and or-

phans and school teachers who are the presumed

greatest beneficiaries of corporate trusts play a more

dramatic part in corporation literature than in the

corporation’s life. Of the various legal devices em-

ployed to gain control of the corporation, perhaps

the best known is the holding company. Through

this and other legal devices 22% of the 200 largest

corporations were controlled in 1931. Unfortunate-

ly for us, the state legislatures and the courts have

established a legal basis for corporate irresponsibil-

ity. States compete to give corporation charters so

that they may gain the incorporation fees and cor-

poration taxes. The courts of these states have very

consistently favored the directors of the corpora-

tions against the stockholders, so that totaling the

result of the legal battles between directors and

stockholders we have now “a sharp increase in the

power of boards of directors and a more thorough

disfranchisement of the stockholders.” Not only are

the laborers denied or curtailed the right of collect-

ive bargaining by the corporations, but so are the

stockholders. Like the laborers, they take what they

get and say nothing, lest they should get less.

Pius XI did not say all he might have said when

he wrote: “The regulations legally enacted for cor-



Industry Incorporated 39

porations, with their divided responsibility and

limited liability, have given occasion to abominable

abuses. Their greatly weakened accountability

makes little impression, as is evident, upon the con-

science. The worst injustices and frauds take place

beneath the obscurity of the common name of a cor-

porative firm. Boards of directors proceed in their

unconscionable methods even to the violation of their

trust in regard to those whose savings they admin-

ister.” (On Reconstructing the Social Order).

What can be done with this great stomach that

seems to be swallowing the National Body ?Now there

are two obvious solutions: Reform it surgically, or

slowly. Communism, Fascism, and Nazism are sur-

gical. Democracy is slow. If we wish to retain the

good of the corporations then they must submit their

unhealthy growth to the discipline of laws that will

regulate them to the good of all the people. Cor-

porations now live on the National Body, they must

he incorporated into it. They have a place in our

modern economy; they must, like lung or heart or

any organ, keep their place, which is to function

profitably to the good of the laborer, the consumer,

and the investor. In that subsidiary place they are

less wealthy, but healthier and happier.

How is this desirable end to be attained in a de-

mocracy? Let us not underestimate the difficulty.

The dominant financial power is an oligarchy that

possesses illimitable power. Pope Pius XI describes

that power accurately and emphatically when he

says: ‘Tt is patent that in our days not alone is

wealth accumulated, but immense power and des-

potic economic domination is concentrated in the

hands of a few, and that those few are frequently

not the owners, but only the trustees and directors of



40 Towards The Reconstruction Of A Christian Social Order

invested funds, who administer them at their good

pleasure.

‘This power becomes particularly irresistible

when exercised by those who, because they hold and

control money, are able also to govern credit and de-

termine its allotment, for that reason supplying so to

speak, the life-blood to the entire economic body, and

grasping, as it were, in their hands the very soul of

production, so that no one dare breathe against their

will.

“This accumulation of power, the characteristic

note of the modern economic order, is a natural

result of limitless free competition which permits

the survival of those only who are the strongest^

which often means those who fight most relentlessly,

who pay least heed to the dictates of conscience . . .

Free competition is dead; economic dictatorship has

taken its place.

“Unbridled ambition for domination has suc-

ceeded the desire for gain; the whole economic life

has become hard, cruel, and relentless in a ghastly

measure .... The State .... has become .... a slave,

bound over to the service of human passion and

greed'' {On Reconstructing the Social Order), Pius

XI is not content merely to diagnose the pathology of

corporations, he presents to us a plan. Corporations

must he balanced by co-operations. Organizations

such as labor unions, consumers' leagues, tax payers'

associations, and property owners' leagues, should be

encouraged to function constructively and serve as

active agents associated with the government in the

regulation of abuses. The ideal state itself would he

democratic co-operative. In it industry would be

largely autonomous governed by capitalists and

labor, by representatives of the consumer, by the re-



Industry Incorporated 41

lated industries, and finally by government. Clearly

no basic reform such as this can be brought about

without the collaboration of the state. In our modern

life the infiuence of the state extends throughout so-

ciety and the practice and enforcement of social

justice depend to a very great extent upon the

state. ‘"Indeed in present day conditions the state

should be regarded as by far the most important

agent and instrument of social justice.’"

But good institutions alone are not sufficient
;
it is

men that must make the institutions work. The in-

stitutions will not be created, nor will man be able

to use these institutions, unless he be renovated

from within. Institutions are the sum total of men.

And only Christian men can reconstruct a Christian

social order. Therefore, before a man can hope to

contribute constructively to the establishment of a

Christian society, he must be first of all Christian.

The Pontiff observes: “However, if We examine
matters diligently and thoroughly We shall perceive
clearly that this longed-for social reconstruction

must be preceded by a profound renewal of the

Christian spirit, from which multitudes engaged in

industry in every country have unhappily departed.

Otherwise, all our endeavors will be futile, and our

social edifice will be built, not upon a rock, but upon

shifting sand.” We can not legislate into existence
the Christian corporative society, we must live it. In

this age of petty revolutions there is no more revo-

lutionary idea than to propose to men as their first

law that they must love one another. Perhaps more

revolutionary and more unusual would be to live that

law. Only through such an incorporation can in-

dustry be renewed and our hate-scarred social body

become a living lovely thing, the very body on Earth



42 Towards The Reconstruction Of A Christian Social Order

of Christ Himself. To this end, with hands joined

not on our breasts but joined co-operatively to every

fellow worker, let us pray:

LORD JESUS, Carpenter of Nazareth,
You were a worker as I am, give to me and
all the workers of the world the privilege to

work as You did, so that everything we do may
be to the benefit of our fellowmen and the

greater glory of God the Father.

Thy Kingdom come into the factories and

into the shops, into our homes, and into our

streets. Give us this day our daily bread.

May we receive it without envy or injustice.
To us who labor and are heavily burdened, send
speedily the refreshment of Thy love.

May we never sin against Thee. Show us
Thy way to work, and when it is done, may we
with all our fellow-workers rest in peace.

Amen.



CARDINAL HAYES STATES AIMS
OF THE CATHOLIC HOUR

(Extract from his address at the inaugural program in the

studio of the National Broadcasting Company, New York

City, March 2, 1930.)

Our congratulations and our gratitude are extended to the

National Council of Catholic Men and its officials, and to all

who, by their financial support, have made it possible to use

this offer of the National Broadcasting Company. The heavy

expense of managing and financing a weekly program, its

musical numbers, its speakers, the subsequent answering of

inquiries, must be met. ...

This radio hour is for all the people of the United States.

To our fellow-citizens, in this word of dedication, we wish to

express a cordial greeting and, indeed, congratulations. For

this radio hour is one of service to America, which certainly

will listen in interestedly, and even sympathetically, I am

sure, to the voice of the ancient Church with its historic

background of all the centuries of the Christian era, and

with its own notable contribution to the discovery, explora-

tion, foundation and growth of our glorious country. . . .

Thus to voice before a vast public the Catholic Church is

no light task. Our prayers will be with those who have that

task in hand. We feel certain that it will have both the
good will and the good wishes of the great majority of our

countrymen. Surely, there is no true lover of our Country

who does not eagerly hope for a less worldly, a less material,

and a more spiritual standard among our people.

With good will, with kindness and with Christ-like sympa-

thy for all, this work is inaugurated. So may it continue.

So may it be fulfilled. This word of dedication voices, there-

fore, the hope that this radio hour may serve to make known,

to explain with the charity of Christ, our faith, which we

love even as we love Christ Himself. May it serve to make
better understood that faith as it really is—

a

light revealing

the pathway to heaven: a strength, and a power divine

through Christ; pardoning our sins, elevating, consecrating

our common every-day duties and joys, bringing not only

justice but gladness and peace to our searching and ques-

tioning hearts.



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