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Chairmj Twnts, in att circumstanci I belween su fdw far the i si our foreif; :rpiine; but 1 of affairs, rruption, ha en the Unite :ate and diifi boundary b ly ryes ai-e fi 1 ihe hope th remove all ^torial limits, puld be difR( ', sir, hereaft 1 discussion, , unreasonal 3J^buld be en ik,be defeatc •apsed from < 3 gained to c w the influei • iSlexico — w , nor doubt t .land and the ^le former it|^ of Mexic ir,i I have ai ch the signs s.^ An unus tiftr has pei :a4 themselvi oQS from rei 1 fhrawn into ci|^ foretold jCi In the e& promised ^^d proscr ||rth rorevei •e|)ver the fa ijgerspective ■f.'n THE OREGON QUESTIO^ i ! Resolution from the Committee on Foreign affairs, requiring the President to notify Great ifitaiii of the intention of the United Slates to !fminate the joint occupancy of Oregon, and to btognte the convention of 1827, being under SBsideration in Committee of the Whole — If. DAVIS addressed the committee as fol- s; If. Chairman: In negotiations between Gov- tients, in attempts to modify existing policies, circumstances of the time most frequently de- ! bei,ween success and failui-e. IOi;'> ! f be a crimo, • txlrndiriij raiy measure for the preservation of peace, ""Wssion rescinded, could only restore us to our former tiu,\\\ now sition. My colleague, [Mr. Tiiompso.v,] ''oWj^p^j, ,,pj„„ er, goes bo fur as to say that notice in the o ' ' ^ way to avoid war; and that to extend over our people in Oregon is war-a war of (^ grace. This opinion is new, and I think uicorrt™. ' jigp^yp It is certainly (lifTercnt from that which prevai|j^p . p^clu at the date of the treaty; and opposite to that h'^^^j j^^ ^'^^^ ^^ for many years thereafter, by those whose lali(-j,, Britain on the Oresjon question have commanded most .<,„ ,.,„ „,„, Not so thought Floyd, ^^^'^^ ,^pj^,y , Jjoint conv« ""•• •"wloni/.e th( 01 and nowhere has the character been more exempli- fied than in our intercourse with Mexico. We have been referred to the treaty of peace that closed our last war with Great Britain, and told that our in- juries were unredressed, because the question of impressment was not decided. There are other decisions than those made by commissioners, and sometimes they outlast the letter of a treaty. On sea and land we settled the question of impress- ment before negotiations were commenced at Ghent. Further, it should be remembered that there was involved within that question a cardinal principle of each Government. The power of ex- patriation, and its setjuence, naturalization, were denied by Great Britiun, and hence a right assert- ed to impress native-born Britons, though natural- ized as citizens of the United States. This violated a principle which lies at the foundation of our in- stitutions, and could never be permitted; but not being propiigandists, we could alTord to leave the I>olitical opinion unnoticed, after having taught a esson which would probably prevent any future attempt to exercise it to our injury. Let the wis- dom of that policy be judged by subsequent events. The outrage in the case of the Caroline, and in that of the Creole, have also been referred to; and though I am not satisfied with the course our Government pursued, I cannot admit that we have bhrunk from asserting our rights against Great Britain; because that Government has not avowed the acts of which we have complained. Now, .sir, I will view the oiner side — the case of Mexico. So far from having trespassed upon her, the facta will bear me out in saying that we liave borne more of insult and outrage on our citi- zens by Mexico, than England ever has, or will ever be permitted to perpetrate. Our citizens have been robbed, our vessels seized and condemned. In two instances the crews were imprisoned (the "Julius Cocsar" and the " Champion,") in one, the captain of the vessel murdered — the '-'Topaz Our treaties liave been broken, and in numerous instances the property of our citizens confiscated, in violation of the laws of nations. All this we have borne from a Government we mainly con- tributed to warm into existence and first intro- duced to the family of nations. As a neighboring repubHc,we desired the prosperity of Mexico, and nothing could be more unjust than to charge our Government witli seeking aggrandizement from her Iielplessness. So much, sir, for the cases which gentlemen have chosen so frequently to compare to our inju- , ^ , ^. ^^^ iuiaui ry. But whatever may nave been tlie conduct of I • necessary for the iJnited States to perform j^q^jj p^t b our Government in the past, if M'e credit the vari- ' '' ' « •■• i ^ • ous positions taken in this discussion, we have now arrived at a point where an honorable pro- gress is almost impossible. On the one hand, we are told, not to give noti(!e to terminate the Or- egon convention is a dishonorable retreat; on the other, that to give the notice will probably lead to war, and tliat would be dishonor. •Sir, were there more of justice, there might be inore of mortification at having such terms con- nected with suppositions attached to our Govern- ment. We have a right, by the terms of the trea- ty, to give notice for its termination at our plea- sure; and whether we shall exercise the ri^nt is now, as it has been, a question of expediency merely. The convention was adopted as a tempo- M spect and attention Linn, nor Benton. ^^ ^^ ,^p In the early discussions upon the policy tOj^ affect pursued in relation to the Oregon territory, no „ were incd denied the power to extend our laws over the ijA p , lumbia valley. The opinion which, in this ^^d ti,ai ilii cussion, has gone to such extent as to denoii ^j^ j^, ^^ emigration to Oregon as stealing into the couni^ j^pj^^j, I, is part of the bitter fruit which has grown on Im^^ havin<' partnership with Great BriUun. The right to t„|f„j;xrv it"\ igrate to Oregon, to extend our laws, or to creiy^j^j^gi,^' ^j. territorial government over that country, rests j^jj^j. l^•^^^^ alone upon the opinion of our statesmen in C^tjj,jjyj~j^^, gress, but is supported by the correspondence^^yijj ^^^ f^^ the negotiators who formed the Oregon convj^jj). ^^^ j^g , t'on. fQ Powers." Upon this point, I will refer to a letter of All^j^ more Gallatin, dated January 29d, 1846, and recei,|^j|.^ ^j^^' published in the " National Intelligencer," of i^ impair pi city. As one of the United States CommissL^ clause i ers who negotiated the convention of 1818, ^tfiino- there represented our Government in the arrangciij^juj which of 1827, for its indefinite prolongation, his c^^ other Poa mentary must be received as the highest author#^jjg countr The following passage refers to the transactir||j,g yailev < of 1827, and shows the opinions then held by^j admitted negotiators upon this subject. ,^^1;^^ ^esto " It will be seen, by reference to the protoi,^;Oj^j^jjj,„jjj, ' and correspondence, that, although it was fffiticonditional ' ally admitted that neither party ought, ov^t^^^ ^^,^g ^'^^^ ' such continuance, to exercise any exclusive 'j^^jo,^ '^f j^j^, • erei«;nty over the territory, the American pleiig^ altered d ' tentiary declined to agree to any convention f^nnected wit ' taining an express provision to that effect, or-riuld here re ' companied by the insertion in the protocol of a t^^ ^^ which • laration for the same purpose by the British p^^^ thatoth« ' ipotentiaries. The reason was, not only beciLji^^ j|^g ^.^y, • an exclusive right over Astoria and its depeiii^(.|^j^j.g.g ^j^, • ciea was claimed by the United States, but pri^^' territory • pally because it was anticipated that, in orde jjjj. ch{ij|., ' have, in fact, an authority equal to that exerc^^eiition ht • by the Hudson Bay Compariy, it Would bec(j„j^ Pursui • necessary for the iJnited States to perform j^q^jj po^ \), ' which the British Government mignt conteii(^fg^|.g^ j ' be forbidden by such express provision or de,^g restraiiv 'ration. The consequence was, that the convenyj^j^^' j, ' recognises some certain rights, and imposes^jg ^q^ij h„ ' positive restrictions; but only such as may^gj ^j,g p^^,^ • supposed to be implied in the clause which j,^.j^jj^(^ ^j^j^, ' clares that nothing contained in it should betjjQjy should • strued to impair or affect the claims of either pi^^^ftviously in ' The probability that it might become neces.^ ^^^y \^^'^^ ' for the United States to establish a territovialgjjpp^ ^p^,^ ' some sort of government, over their own cilizt||^ jj,p ^„^, •v^ explicitly avowed." ^ Apanies.^'a The circumstances of the case, the early and !^[ Betti«m( discussions, and the cotemporaneous interpreta' of the convention, forbid the novel and extrac y nary construction which would decide emigre J i be a crimp, and visit war and diacrace upon us • extondinjj our laws over Anipricnn citizens set- I , « d*in territory of which we are recognised to hold h» "f^ P^,'^''^' ""'session. ^ to our lormei |^j„ ^^^^ nttetnnt to show that, so far from our iiOMPsov.j noM jjp^^ being forbidden to emigrate into Oregon by notice irt tne Ojj^j^^ convention, wc have a full and entire right extend '^ir u^^^ ■ ^j^^. ,|p ^f ^^^^^ Columbia for agricul- ar-a war of c^ ^^^^ ^ t "."."1^ '"'^"'■'■'By discovery, exploration, and settlement, we at w iicli pi'eviii^jH^i^j exclusive sovereignty over that country, positc to that 11'^^^, jji ,,^p ^^j^j. ^f jj^j2 ^e ^^ere dispossessed by hose whose lal)^^^ Britain. In accordance with the treaty of mmanded most ^^^ ^,^ ^^^^.^ restored to possession. The sub- ;ougtU IMoyU, ^„g^^ j^^jjjy ^f jgjg^ f^r joi„, privileges in the , .. MC of the country, could not destroy, or other- tlie policy tOjjp affect our previous rights, except so far as II territory, no ^^^^^ incompatible with the stipulations of the laws over the t^^^ Py ^^^^ ^l^j^j ^^.^^^^^ „f ,|,„j treaty, it is de- vtucn, in thia i^^-j j,,^^ ^j^^ "only object of the high contracting Ht as to uenoii^i,|jpy j^^ ^^ prevent disputes and differences among •into the couni^^^,,^^,j, hn^ grown on i jj^^ having been able to decide upon a territorial inc nglit to t^indary, it was agreed that the country claimed laws, or to ere(y^jj,^pi.pi^j.jy „ ^^^p^^^.a^d of the Stony mountains, country, rests ^^jjgi. ^^j^i^ j^^ harbors, bays, and creeks," and statesmen in t^ '« navigation of all rivers within the same," ^"olTf." - ""'««ld be; for the term of ten years, «' free and itn"tothe "vessels, citizens, and subjects of the 1 /. 4ii'* Powers." Though in this privilege there is H^fi 1 »*>'"? "''"'■e than open ports and freedom of the W4b, and recei,|^ji.y^ ^j^^ poggjbiiiiy of its being construed so ^ xio impair pre-existing rights was guarded against, y8ts, covered wtlemd. To this size, even then, had grown the It tins Capt. Do^Bpot of ground," and the fur traders' hut erect- , and commandrd for a temporary shelter. s before sailing Since 1826, the British negotiators have rested year. If, tiienheir claim upon the Nootka Sound convention; Jssion in defaul^at they have not informed the world to what ex- Ilow up discovflot that claim may go, or on what basis it now of « the hut'-«»ts. Our Secretary of State, (Mr. Calhoun,) abandoned. Ifce 20th Septei..ber, 1844, in a letter to the British vingyear, (17fVtinister, (Mr. Pakenham,) asked the reason for lire into trespasiJB assumptions from the Nootka convention. It lajesty. He sai«,to be regretted that the reasons have not been actions to makajly given. That " spot of ground is so expan- nval at thatplajHre," that it were well to fix some limit to its le " Iphigenia'jrowth. she had return. ; Mr. Chairman, the first article of this Nootka Islands. She Mcohvention provides for the restoration of •« build- (Viana,) Captijfigs and tracts of land situated on the northwest }f supercargo. i important to the object? But we arc not lefV to Npecultition on thin point; the dchntcs in the Hritinh Parliament, and the ))ONi- tion taken by the Spuiiish connniHsioner, Ciuadra, show the interpretation given to the treaty by both QovcrnmcntH ai the date of its formation. I will read two extracts from the parlinmenlnry debates, and each shall be from those most onxious to give a wide and favorable construction to the treaty. The Duke of Montro.se, who in the House of Lords moved an address of thanks to his Majesty for the successful termination of the Spanish nego- tiations, December 13, 1790, enumerating the ad- vantages derived from the Nootka convention, said: "We are not only restored to Nootka, but, ' by an express stipulation, we may participate in ' a more northern settlement." Mr. Duncombe, who moved the address in the House of Commons, Decci.iber 14th, 1790, said: " It was in consequence of an unj^rovokcd insult ' that satisfaction had been demanded, and tJiat ' satisfaction was obtained by the convention, ' which also secured to us the means of extending ' our commerce and navigation, and of giving ad- • ditional vigor to our manufactures. " Each treats it as an acquisition of advantages, and the liij^'^est claim is restoration to Nootka, and the privilege of making more northern settlements. Throughout the long debate, there is nowhere to be found a claim to territorial acquisition by the treaty; and to the bitter irony and jeering taunts of Mr. Fox upon the position in which the territorial pretensions of Great Britain had been left, his great rival, Mr, Pitt, then premier, made no re- ply, but continued to urge the commercial advan- tages his Government had gained. To our times has been left the conflict of con- struction foreshadowed by Mr. Fox when he sar- castically proposed to write in the margin of most of the articles of the convention, "This will afford ' an admirable opnortunity for the future display ' of the power ana energy of Great Britain." Sefior duadra and Captain Vancouver met at Nootka Sound in 1792, commissioned to carry out the first article of the treaty, called the Nootka Sound convention. Fortune favored the examina- tion of the case, in the number of witnesses that happened to be present. Captains Gray and In- granam, who witnessed the trtmsactions in 1788 and 1789, were again at Nootka. In answer to interrogatories, they presented a written statement, conclusive as to the temporary character of Meares's building, and that it was destroyed by his associates. They .arther stated, that though they had been long in trading intercourse with "the na- tives of the island, and spoke their language, they had never heard of any lands having been pur- chased by Meares. The Portuguese "captain, Vi- ana, was also there, and corroborated the state- ment of Captains Gray and Ingraham. Maquin- na and the neighboring chiefs denied that they had ever sol^ any lands to British subjects. There- upon, SeiKor Q,uadra decided that no lands were to be restored. After a long correspondence, it was finally de- cided by Vancouver, who proposed to refer the matter back tn the two Governments, and in moantiine recogniHcd Nootka as a Spanish port Attem[)tH have been made to prove that aul fluently the port of Nootka was surrendered t British officer; but thisis rendered very improba from the contradictory stntcments, as well as fact, that in the next year, (1793,) Spain ond Gi Britain formed an alliance, " an intimate and en ' concert, to oppose the dangerous views of aggr ' sion and ogiirandizement on the part of Franr But, sir, it is for those who assert the restitut to have been made, to produce the evidence of si fact. Until this be done, it may well be assun that Spain al)aiidi)ned the post as useless, wl her friendly alliance with Great Britain remoi the apprehension which had led to its formatioi Then, sir, following the position of the Brit Minister, (Mr. Pakenham,) that the Nootka ci vention is still in force, and combining the relati( of that treaty with those of the British and Amt c^n convention of 1827, we have the rights of i contracting parties varying in each of the geogra] ical divisions of the territory. In the northern vision, the Nootka convention gives joint right trade and settlement. In the southern division,! United.States have possession, and the convent! of 1827 gives to British subjects joint right of tra and navigation. In the intermediate division — 1 ing the region between the valley of the ColumI and the most northern Spanish settlement in 1790 the rights and privileges of both parties are suhji to the convention of 1827, and, limited by its pr visions, are confined to purposes of trade. The convention of 1818, prolonged in 1827, u designed to " prevent disputes, and leave t country " free and open" to both of tji, contrai ing parties. It provided that neither, during i continuance, should do anything to impair tl claims of the other party. The object, the prii lege, and the proviso alike combine, to forbid eitli Earty from extending its agricultural settlemeii eyond the previously permitted limits. Whiis therefore, we should restrict our permanent esta lishments to Astoria and its dependencies, we hai a right to require England to confine hers with the bounds prescribed by the Nootka conventioi Sir, the notice which I think is most demanded \ our present situation, is, to inform Great Britai that her agricultural settlements south of Puget Sound violate both the object and the terms of oi treaty, and cannot be permitted. The enforcemei of that notice, and the natural progress of event. would finally secure to us not only all of our ar cient claims, but also those we have acquired b purchase of the Spanish title — the whole of Oregot Mr. Chairman, when the bill reported by the tei ritorial committtee was postponed for the resoli tion which we are now discussing, the order ind cated both by the President and our present cii cumstances, seemed to me reversed. In the Annual Message of the Executive to thi Congress, we are recommended to pass a law fo the termination of the Oregon convention ; but W' are told in the same communication, " beyond al ' question, the protection of our laws and our juris ' diction, civil and criminal, ou^ht to be immediate • ly extended over our citizens in Oregon." We are ftirther recommended to establish agen cies amQng the Indian tribes west of the •' Rocky mountains," and to protect the route from our Mis- fit imcnta, nnd in M a Spanish port |)rove that aul na fiurrendercd i ed very improba •tita, us well itR 3,) Spain and Gi intimate and en us views of ufl:Ki ie part of Fnmr sscit the restitui he evidence of SI ly well be assun I as UBclesB, wl it Britain remni t to its formatior ition of the Brit at the Nootka ri binint; tlie relatii British and Amt c the righta of i chof thegeogrn) In the northern a:iTes joint right ithern division, I find the convent! joint right of tra diate division — I y of the Cohiml sttlemcnt in 1790 parties are suhji hmitcd by its pi 9 of trade, meed in 1827, m , and leave t: th of tru contrai neither, during i ng to impair li '■ object, the pri\ le, to forbid eitli Itural settlemeii I limits. Whils permanent esta ndencies, we ha', infine hers witli )otka conventioi nost demanded i rm Great Britai south of Puget I the terms of oi Tlie enforcemei igress of event; nly all of our ar lave acquired b whole of Oregoi ported by the tei I for the resoli) ', the order indi our present cii ed. Executive to thi to pass a law ft ivention; but wi on, ♦• beyond al wa and our juris to be immediate Oregon." ) establish agen of the " Rocky te from our Mi3' iionri wtllcments to Oregon by a suflicient force of inounKd riflemen. Now, sir, I wish these rfcom- niciidiitioDs to be rnrricd out in the order which circuinNtnnccM indicate. The laws, the agencies, and the riflemen firHt; the notice afterwards. The emigrant fVoni tlie United States to Orc^'on r»asscs over o prairie (Icsert, infested by rovnig mnds r^f predatory- savapert, and eniij.'ration is rc- l. the country. Furtrnding is the niitajronist of coloniza- tion; and I doubt not, if the Miulsun Hny Company could r ntrol the destiny of Oregun, with u very small exception, it would remain the field of hunters and the home of fur-bearing benNls. Sir, both in the legiNlotivc halls of the Sfotet and in primary aHHeniblieH of the people, a general de- termination has been shown against permitting a poliry so narrow and so sordid to control a terri- tory we believe to be our own. This wish of the people meets no oppo.siiion here. Then, sir, waiv- ing the consideration of ony sinister motive or sec- tional hate which may have brought allies to the support of the resolution now before us, I will treat it as singly aiming at the object which in common we desire — to seizure the whole of Oregon to the United States. Thus considered, the dissolution of the Oregon convention becomes a mere question of time. As a friend to the extension of our Union, and there- fore prone to insist upon its territorial claims, I have thought this movement premature, that we should have put ourselves in the strongest attitude for the enforcement of our claims before we fixed a day on which ncgitiutions should be terminated That nation negotiates to most advantage which is best prepared for war. Gentlemen have treated the idea of preparation for war as synonymous with the raising of an army. It is not bo; indeed that is thn ln.-.t measure, and should only be resorted to when war has become inevitable; and then a very siiort time will always be, I t.'ust, suflficient. But, sir, there are preparations which require years, and can only be made in a state of peace; such are the fortifications of the .salient points and main en- trances of our coast. For twenty-odd years, south- ern men have urged the occupation of the Tortu- gas. Are those who have so long opposed appro- priations for that puriJose, ready to grant them now m such profusion that the labor of three years majr be done m one ? No, sir; the occasion, by increas- ing the demand for money elsewhere, must increase the, opposition. That rock, which nature placed like a sentinel to guard the entrance into the Medi- terranean of our continent, and which should be Argus-eyed to watch it, will stand without an em- brasure to look through. How is the case in Oregon? Our settlements there must be protected, and, under present cir- cumstances, an army of operations in tnat country must draw its food from tnis; but we have not suf- ficient navy to keep open a line of communication by sea around Cape Horn; and the rugged route, and the great distance, forbid the idea of supplying it by transportation across the mountains. Now, let us see what time, and the measures more point- edly recommended by the President, would effect. Our jurisdiction extended into Oregon, the route guarded by stockades and troops, a new impulse would be given to emigration ; and in two or three years the settlement on the Willamette might grow into a colony, whose flocks and herds and granaries would sustain an army whenever one should be remiired. By agencies among the Indian tribes, that effect- ive ally of Great Britain which formerly she has not scrupled to employ , would be rendered friendly to our people. In the meantime, roads could be constructea for the transportation of munitions of 10 war. Then we should be prepared to assert, and efTectively maintain, our claims to thsir ultimate limits. I could not depreciate my countrymen; I would not vaunt the prowess of an enemy; but, sir, I tell those gentlemen who, in this debate, have found it so easy to drive British troops out of Oregon, that between England and the United States, if hostili- ties occur in that remote territory, the party must succeed which has bread within the country. Mr. Chairman, convinced of the necessity of being secure at home, before we can act efficiently abroad — instructed by the history of our army s embarrassments on former occasions — I desired such delay as would enable us to take the prepara- tory steps to which I have alluded. Other opin- ions prevail, and from among the various proposi- tions submitted, it is necessary to select. These may be divided into two classes — such as propose to give notice for the termination of the Oregon convention, to exercise exclusive sovereignty over the whole territory — and such as propose the no- tice, to expedite negotiations. The first is advo- cated by those whose creed, as announced by them- selves, is, ♦* the whole of Oregon or none, now or never;" which so inevitably leads to war, that I have been surprised to hear it announced that war need not follow its adoption. Will England aban- don a claim for which she has been more than fifty years contending, because we have ordered her to do so? Grant that she needs, and desires peace; yet her position before the Powers of Europe would not allow her to submit to such unceremo- nious expulsion; but at the expiration of twelve months after the notice has been given, in the lan- guage of the President, " we shall have reached a period when the national rights in Oregon must either be abandoned or firmly maintained. " Sir, I will not suppose them abandoned, but will ask the peculiar friends of this policy, by what means they propose to maintain — what preparations they have made to enforce them ? Before terminating the convention, as much time as is desirable may be taken, without affecting our claim, but immedi- ate action is required afterwards; because thence- forward possession matures into title. But if we should supinely sit down after taking a step that required us to advance, would our far-seeing rival neglect the advantage .' The case is too plain to admit of a doubt: enerey alone could preserve our rights, and those who advocate this policy should have preceded the measure by preparations for war. This has not been done; our credulity has even been taxed by assertions that it was the way to secure peace; and our vanity fed by assurances of the ease with which we could conquer Great Britain. The in- terest of my constituents will not allow me to be credulous; lean trust to no such siren song as this. Then, sir, it only remains for me to co- operate with those who couple with the notice further negotiation; and this implies a probable division of the territory; for it is idle to offer to treat, with a determination to claim the whole matter in dispute. We have been told in this discussion that negotiations were at an end, and that the British Government would never accept the ultimatum of the United States. I hove no means of knowing what that Government will do, than as the history of the past may speak for the future. The negotiations of Ghent will justify ua in believing that Great Britain may reject proposi- tions, and afterwards accept them — may offer ulti- mata, and finally recede. But why is it said that negotiations are at an end? It is true they have been fruitless; but unless we destroy it, a wide margin remains for their fbture operation, and more than one mode for their conduct. Arbitra- tion was declined; and in view of our situation it could not be otherwise, for wnere could an arbiter be found ? Sir, let us look around. The Ger- manic States, with Prussia at their head, having found themselves unable to restrain emigration, were last year engaged in devising the means to divert it from our republic; and among other rea- sons for this policy was prominent the opinion, that emigrants to this country became imbued with the love of free institutions, and by their correspondence, produced dissatisfaction among the friends they nad left behind them. Our old ally, France, jealous of our rapid growth, has recently resisted the extension of our territory, and now wishes to import to this continent the Euro- pean balance of power. But why specify. The conflict of systems is at hand; despotism sits frightened on the sleeping giant of popular strength; our republic is watched as the disturbing intruder; and every move which threatens his waking, in- creases the hate towards us. Not, then, to a crowned head could we submit the question of our territorial limits. But are there not other modes? Those who, believing our title indisput- able, reject all further iiegotiations about territory entirely our own, but draw a conclusion which follows from their premises. So far as other claims have been presented, I believe, as the President affirms, that our title to Oregon " is the best now in existence;" yet I am far ifrom being able to assert that it is perfect. The dust of ages has accumulated on the parchment, obscured its characters, and the best minds have labored in vain to bring them distinctly into light. The obscurity of the title has induced, time and again, the proposition to divide the territory as the only mode of quieting illy-defined and conflicting claims. Sir, when gentlemen assert that our title is indisputable to the whole territory up to 54° 40' of north latitude, they place our Government in no enviable position. What ! have we been offer- ing to surrender part of the domain of this republic to buy a peaceable possession of the rest ? I re- joice to believe that such charge can never be sus- tained; and for this democratic Administration, I deny that it would ever claim the power, or have the wish, to mutilate the territory of our Union. I have expressed my belief that our title is the best to the whole of Oregon; but no title can be perfect without occupation; and let it be remembered, that north of the 49lh parallel, with the exception of the settlement at Nootka Sound, there has never been by Spain or ourselves any actual possession. If gentlemen will not make the distinction between American soil and an undefined, imperfect claim, I rely upon the country to supply the deficiency. Mr. Chairman, if we pass this notice, but make no adequate provision for the common defence, the President will be reduced to the necessity of adjusting the rival claims within twelve months by treaty, or plunging the country unarmed inio war. It 11 ill justify ua ject proposi- ay offer ulti- s it said that Lie they have y it, a wide eration, and ;t. Arbitra- ■ situation it lid an arbiter The Ger- lead, having emigration, he means to ig other rea- the opinion, nme imbued nd by their "tion among m. Our old growth, has erritory, and it the Euro- pecify. The spotism sits liar strength; ing intruder; waking, in- , then, to a question of e not other tie indisput- out territory usion which presented, I our title to ;" yet I am lerfect. The parchment, minds have ,• into light. a, time and ritory as the conflicting lat our title p to 54° 40' vernment in e been offer- this republic rest? I re- cver be sus- nistration, I '^er, or have our Union. e is the best n be perfect nbered, that ;xception of has never possession. ion between ;rfect claim, deficiency. !, but make on defence, necessity of ?lve monihs larmcd into If, sir, reduceed to this alternative by those whose eager haste would not be warned, he shall obtain by treaty such a boundary as will neither forfeit the more important interests, nor compro- mise the honor of our country, I shall esteem the termination fortunate. Much as I wish our Union to possess tlie whole of Oregon, I would, in that case, approve of its division, and be prepared to meet whatever censure might fall upon the act. In advance, and in anticipation of such a contin- gency, I will .-iimounce my willingness to take the 49th parallel of latitude, extended on to the Pacific ocean: not that tliis parallel is called for by any treaty stipulation, but that the boundary is unde- fined; and this line avoids any question which can be a point of honor to either country. It is above our most northern post on the Columbia river, and south of the British explorations on Frazer's river. It gives to each a part of Cluadra and Vancou- ver's island, and divides the harbors of the coast. It is not all that we might claim by fair coiistruf- tion of the Nootka Sound convention; but the con- cession is not greater than is due to other inter- ests— kIuc to the spirit of the age, and the prosperi- ty that awaits our Government in peace. Pos- sessed, as by this line we should be, of the agri- cultural portion of the country, of the Straits of Fuca, and Admiralty Inlet, to American enterprise and American institutions we can, without a fear, intrust the future. If the contracting parties can- not thus agiee, are, then, negotiations at an end ? Though we could not find an arbiter to whose de- cision it would be proper to submit our claims — to liush the clamor of aggrandizement raised against V to be justified before the world in any conse- quences which may follow, secure in the justice of our cause — we might refer the question to a mixed commission, a board equally composed of British subjects and American citizens, with power to choose r.s an umpire between them some man whose wisdom would give force to his opinion, and whose character would remove him beyond the influence of a sordid motive. F'reed from the restraints of diplomatic form, much good might follow such a course; at least, we might expect to learn to what last port this floating British claim is driven for a refuge. Mr. Chairman, unfortunately the opinion has gone forth, that no politician dare to be the advo- cate of peace, when the question of war is mooted. That will be an evil hour — the sand of our repub- lic ' ill be nearly run — when it shall be in the power of any demagogue, or fanatic, to -- • -j a war clamor, and control the legislation of t... country. The evils of war must fall upon the people, and with them the war feeling should originate. We, their representatives, are but a mirror to reflect the light, and never should become a torch to fire the pile. But, sir, though gentlemen go, torch in hand, among combustible materials, they still declare there is no danger of a fire. War speeches, and measures threatening war, are mingled with pro- fuse assurances of peace. Sir, we cannot expect, we should not require, our adversary to submit to more than we would bear; and I ask, after the no- tice has been given, and the twelve months have expired, who would allow Great Britain to exer- cise exclusive jurisdiction over Oregon? If we would resist such act by force of arms, before our- selves performing it, we should prepare for war. Some advoc.tes of this immediate notice have urged their policy l)y reference to a resolution of the Democratic Baltimore convention, and contend- ed that the question was thereby closed to members of the Democratic party. That resolution does not recommend immediate notice, but recommends the " reannexation of Texas" and the " reoccupa- tion of Oregon" at the "earliest practicable pe- riod." The claim is strongly made to the "whole of Oregon;" and the resolution seems directed more pointedly to space than time. Texas and Oregon were united in the resolution; and had there been a third question involving our territorial extension, I doubt not it would have been united with the other two. The addition of territory to our Union is part of the Democratic faith, and properly was placed in the declaration of our policy at that time. To determine whether that practicable period has arrived, is now the question; and those who cor- dially agree upon the principle of territorial en- largement have, and may continue still to differ on that question. Sir, though it is demonstrable that haste may diminish but cannot increasu our chances to secure the whole of Oregon, yet because south- ern men have urged the wisdom of delay, we have had injuriou.s comparisons instituted between our conduct on Texas annexation and Oregon occupa- tion. Is there such equality between the cases that the same policy must apply to each? Texas was peopled, the time was present when it must be acquired, or the influences active to defeat our an- nexation purpose would probably succeed , and the country be lost to us forever. Oregon is, with a small exception, still a wilderness; our claim to ul- timate sovereignty cannot be weakened during the continuance of the Oregon convention. That ill- starred partnership has robbed us of the advan- tages which an early occupation would have given to our people in the fur trade of the country, and we are now rapidly advancing to a position from which we can command the entire territory. In Texas annexation we were prompted by other and higher considerations than mere interest. Texas had been a member of our family; in her infancy, had been driven from the paternal roof, surrender- ed to the government of harsh, inquisitorial Spain; but, true to her lineage, preserved tlie faith of oppo- sition to monarchical oppression. She now re- turned, and asked to be admitted to the hearth of the homestead. She pointed to the band of noble sons who stood around her, and said, '• Here is the remnant of my family; the rest I gave a sacrifice at the altar of our fathers' God — the God of Liberty. " One, two, three, of the elder sisters strove hard to close the door upon her; but the generous sympa- thy, the justice of the family, threw it wide open, and welcomed her return. Such was the case of Texas: is there a parallel in Oregon? But who are those that arraign the South, imputing to us motives of sectional aggrandizement? Generally, the same who resisted Texas annexation, and now most eagerly press on the immediate occupation of the whole of Oregon. The source is worthy the suspicion. These were the men whose constitu- tional scruples resisted the admission ot a country gratuitously offered to us, but now look forward to gaining Canada by conquest. These the same who claim a weight to balance Texas, whilst they attack others as governed by sectional considera- tiqna. Siri this doctrine of a political balance be- 12 tween different sections of our Union, ia not of southern growth. We advocated the annexation of Texas aa a " great national measure;" we saw in it the extension of the principles entrusted to our care. And if in the progress of the question it assumed a sectional hue, the coloring came from the opposition that it met; an opposition based not upon a showing of the injury it would bring to them, but upon the supposition that benefits would be obtained by us. Why is it that Texas is referred to, and treated as a southern measure merely, though its northern latitude is 42°? and why has the West so often been reminded of its services upon Texas annexa- tion ? Is it to divide the South and West ? If so, let those who seek this object cease from their travail, for their end can never be attained. A common agricultural interest unites us in a com- mon policy, and the hand that sows seeds of dis- sension between us will find, if they spring from the ground, that the foot of A-aternal intercourse will tread them back to earth. The streams that rise in the West flow on and are accumulated into the rivers of the South ; they bear the products of one to the other, and bind the interests of the whole indissolubly together. The wishes of the one wake the sympathies of the other. On Texas annexation the voice of Missis- sippi found an echo in the West, and Mississippi re-echoes the call of the West on the question of Oregon. Though this Government has done nothing adequate to the defence of Mississippi, though by war she has much to lose and nothing to gain, yet she is willing to encounter it, if ne- cessary to maintain our rights in Oregon. Her Legislature has recently so resolved, and her Gov. ernor, in a late message, says: If war comes " to us it will bring blight and desolation; yet we are ready for the crisis." Sir, could there oe a higher obligation on the representative of such a people than to restrain excitement — than to oppose a pol- icy that threatens an unnecessary war ? Mr. Chairman, I wish not to eulogize the State which I have in part the honor here to represent; and her history, orief as it is, relieves me from the necessity of pledging her services to our Union in the hour of its need. But the marked omission of the gentleman from Missouri [Mr. L. H. Sims,] requires my attention. In recounting the services of the past as earnest for the future, he gave to every neighboring name a place, but left out Mississippi. Passed over it unheeded in his transit from Ala- bama to New Orleans. Sir, let me tell him that Mississippi's sons bled freely in the Creek cam- paigns, and were leaders at Pensacola; further let me tell him that when they heard of an invading foe upon the coast of Louisiana, the spirit was so general to sally forth and meet him at the outer gate, that our Governor issued orders to restrain thsir gnino;: and on the field to which he has so specially alluded — the battle of New Orleans, Mississippi dragoons, led by our gallant Hinds, performed that feat, which the commanding general announced as the admiration of one army and the wonder of the other. Sir, I will only add, that whenever the honor of our country is assailed, whenever its ter- ritory is invaded — to the North or to the South, to the East or to the West — if then we shall be warned of the prowess of the foe; if then we shell hear of armed fleets that skim along the sea and wait like birds of prey to stoop upon our commerce; if then we shall be threatened with a cloud of banners that folded wait to gather on our sky, and darken it with the storm of war; from the gulf shore to the banks of our mighty river, through the length and breadth of Mississippi, her sons will answer with defiance, and scornfully reply, " Free be your banners flung, we're lofh Their silken foldi should feed the moth." Mr. Chairman, why have such repeated calls been made upon the South to rally to the rescue.' When, where, or how, has she been laggard or de- serter? In 1776, the rights of man were violated in the outrages upon the northern Colonies, and the South united in a war for their defence. In 1812, the flag of our Union was insulted, our sailors' rights in- vaded; and though the interests infringed were main- ly northern, war was declared, and the opposition to its vigorous prosecution came not from the South. We entered it for the common cause, and for the common cause we freely met its sacrifices. If, sir, we have not been the " war party in peace," neither have we been " the peace party in war," and I will leave the past to answer for the future. If we have not sought the acquisition of provin- ces by conquest, neither have we desired to eX' elude from our Union such as, drawn by the mag- net of free institutions, have peacefully sought for admission. From sire to son, has descended cur federative creed ; opposed to the idea of sectional conflict for private advantage, and fhvoring the wider expanse of our Union. If envy, and jeal- ousy, and sectional strife, are eating like rust in the bonds our fathers expected to bind us, they come from causes which our southern atmosphere has never furnished. As we have shared m the toils, so we have gloried in the triumphs of our country. In our hearts, as in our history, are mingled the names of Concord and Camden, and Saratoga, and Lexington, and Plattsburg, and Chippewa, and Erie, and Moultrie, and New Or- leans, and Yorktown, and Bunker Hill. Grou, e 1 together, they form a record of the triumphs of our cause, a monument of the common glory of our Union. What southern man would wisn it less by one of the northern names of which it is com- posed. Or where is he who, gazing on the obelisk that rises from the ground made sacred by the blood of Warren, would feel his patriot's pride sup- pressed by local jealousy? Type of the men, the event, the purpose it commenorates, that column rises stern, even severe, in its simplicity; neither niche nor moulding for parasite or creeping thing to rest on ; composed of material that defies the waves of time, and pointing like a finger to the source of noblest thought. Bear on of freedom, it guides the present generation Ui . .trace the foun- tain of our years and stand beside its source; to contemplate the scene where Massachusetts and Virginia, as stronger brothers of the family, stood foremost to defend our common rights; and re- memberance of the petty jarrings of to-day are buried in the nobler friendship of an earlier time. Yes, sir, and when ignorance, led by fanatic hate, and armed by all uncharitableness, assails a do- mestic institution of the South, I try to forgive, for the sake of the righteous among the wicked — our natural allies, the Democracy of the North. Thus, sir, I leave to silent contempt the malign predic- tion earl to thC; and In brft will ignc iF imerce; if then >f banners that darken it with e to the banks Ch and breadth with defiance, i loth moth." repeated calls to the rescue? laggard or de- iolated in the and the South 1812, the flag ors' rights in- ed were main- he opposition lot from the jn cause, and its sacrifices, ■ty in peace," irty in war," r the future, on of provin- (sired to eX' I by the mag- ly sought for escended cur L of sectional Ihvoring the iry, and jeal- [ like rust in ind us, they I atmosphere hared m the nphs of our history, are yamden, and tsburg, and nd New Or- I. Grou, el mphsof'our jlory of our wish it less ;h it is com- 1 the obelisk cred by the 's pride sup- he men, the hat column ity; neither seping thing t defies the nger to the freedom, it :e the foun- source; to lusctts and mily, stood ts; and re- to-day are arlier time, anatic hate, sails a do- forgive, for icked — our th. Thus, gn predic- 13 tions of the member from Ohio, who spoke in the early stage of this discussion; whilst it pleases me to remember the manly and patriotic sentiments of the gentleman who sits near me, [Mr. McDowell,] and who represents another portion of that State. In him I recognise the feelings of our western brethren; his were the sentiments which accord with their acts in the past, and which, with a few ignoble exceptions, I doubt not they will emulate, if again the necessity should exist. Yes, sir, if ever they hear the invader's foot has been pressed upon our ooil, they will descend to the plain like an avalanche, rushing to bury the foe. In conclusion, I will say, free from any forebo- dings of evil, above the influence of taunts, beyond the reach of treasonable threats, and confiding se- curely in the wisdom and patriotism of the Execu- tive, I shrink from the assertion of nj right, and will consent to no restrictions on the discretion of the treaty-making power of our Government.