'> 
 
 IMAGE EVALUATION 
 TEST TARGET (MT-3) 
 
 h 
 
 ■i- V. 
 
 A 
 
 
 
 A 
 
 
 1.0 
 
 J.I 
 
 '1.25 
 
 
 tit 
 
 14.0 
 
 
 2.0 
 
 
 »i 
 
 kTV« 
 
 _Scieiices 
 Corporation 
 
 23 WIST MAIN STRUT 
 
 WEBSTER, N.Y. 14SS0 
 
 (716) •72-4S03 
 
 \ 
 
 
 sv 
 
 <^ 
 
 ^. 
 
 ', ^ 
 
 V 
 
 
 
 ■<^ 
 
^1 
 
 .4" 
 
 I' 
 
 CIHM/ICMH 
 
 Microfiche 
 
 Series. 
 
 CIHIVI/ICMH 
 Collection de 
 microfiches. 
 
 Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions / Institut Canadian de microreproductions historiques 
 
Technical and Bibliographic Notes/Notes techniques et bibliographiques 
 
 The Institute has attempted to obtain the best 
 original copy available for filming. Features of this 
 copy which may be bibiiographlcally unique, 
 which may alter any of the Images In the 
 reproduction, or which may significantly change 
 the usual method of filming, are checked below. 
 
 □ Coloured covers/ 
 Couverture de couleur 
 
 I I Covers damaged/ 
 
 D 
 
 D 
 
 D 
 D 
 
 n 
 
 n 
 
 Couverture endommagie 
 
 Covers restored and/or laminated/ 
 Couverture restaurte et/ou pelliculie 
 
 I I Cover title missing/ 
 
 Le titre de couverture manque 
 
 I I Coloured maps/ 
 
 Cartes g^ographiques en couleur 
 
 Coloured init (i.e. other ihan blue or black)/ 
 Encre de couleur (i.e. autre que bieue ou noire) 
 
 I I Coloured plates and/or illustrations/ 
 
 Planches et/ou illustrations en couleur 
 
 Bound with other material/ 
 ReliA avec d'autres documents 
 
 Tight binding may cause shadows or distortion 
 along interior margin/ 
 
 La re liure serrde peut causer de I'ombre ou de la 
 distortion le long de la marge int6rieure 
 
 Blank leaves added during restoration may 
 appear within the text. Whenever possible, these 
 have been omitted from filming/ 
 II se peut que certalnes pages blanches ajout^es 
 lors d'une restauration apparaissent dans le texte, 
 male, lorsque cela itait possible, ces pages n'ont 
 pat 4t6 filmies. 
 
 Additional comments:/ 
 Commentaires suppl6mentaires: 
 
 L'Institut a microfilm^ le melileur exemplaire 
 qu'll lul a 6X6 possible de se procurer. Les details 
 de cet exemplaire qui sont oeut-Atre uniques du 
 point de vue bibllographique, qui peuvent modifier 
 une Image reproduite, ou qui peuvent e\7gdr une 
 modification dans la mithode normale <'e filmage 
 sont indlqu6s ci-dessous. 
 
 D 
 D 
 D 
 
 n 
 
 n 
 
 □ 
 
 This item is filmed at the reduction ratio checked below/ 
 
 Ce document est fllm4 au taux de reduction irtdiquA ci-dessous. 
 
 Coloured pages/ 
 Pages de couleur 
 
 Pages damaged/ 
 Pages endommagies 
 
 Pages restored and/or laminated/ 
 Pages restauries et/ou pelliculAes 
 
 Pages discoloured, stained or foxed/ 
 Pages dicolories, tacheties ou piqu^es 
 
 Pages detached/ 
 Pages d^tachies 
 
 Showthrough/ 
 Transparence 
 
 Quality of print varies/ 
 Quality in6gale de I'impression 
 
 Includes supplementary material/ 
 Comprend du materiel supplAmentaire 
 
 T 
 t< 
 
 T 
 
 P 
 o 
 fi 
 
 O 
 b 
 Xt 
 si 
 ot 
 fli 
 si 
 
 01 
 
 I I Only edition available/ 
 
 Seule Mition disponible 
 
 Pages wholly or partially obscured by errata 
 slips, tissues, etc., have been refilmed to 
 ensure the best possible image/ 
 Les pages totalement ou partiellement 
 obscurcies par un feuillet d'errata. une pelure. 
 etc.. ont 6t6 fllmtes d nouveau de fapon d 
 obtenir la meilleure image possible. 
 
 T» 
 »t\ 
 Tl 
 w 
 
 M 
 
 i: 
 
 be 
 
 rifl 
 rei 
 m« 
 
 10X 
 
 
 
 
 14X 
 
 
 
 
 18X 
 
 
 
 
 22X 
 
 
 
 
 26X 
 
 
 
 
 30X 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 >/ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 12X 
 
 
 
 
 16X 
 
 
 
 
 20X 
 
 
 
 
 24X 
 
 
 
 
 28X 
 
 
 
 
 32X 
 
 
Bils 
 
 du 
 
 idifier 
 
 une 
 
 naga 
 
 Tha copy filmad hara has baan raproducad thanks 
 to tha ganaroaity of: 
 
 Library of tha Public 
 Archivaa of Canada 
 
 Tha imagaa appaaring hara ara tha baat quaiity 
 possibia considaring tha condition and iagibility 
 of tha original copy and in kaaping with tha 
 filming contract spacif icationa. 
 
 Original copiaa in p^'intad papar covara ara filmad 
 baginning with tha front covar and anding on 
 tha last paga with a printad or illuatratad impras- 
 sion, or tha back covar whan appropriata. All 
 othar original copiaa ara filmad baginning on the 
 first paga with a printed or illuatratad impraa- 
 sion, and anding on tha last paga with a printad 
 or illuatratad impraaaion. 
 
 L'axamplali 3 film* fut raprodjit g\lca k la 
 gintroaiti da: 
 
 La bibliotbilqua das Archivaa 
 puL. luas du Canada 
 
 Las imagas suivantas ont 4t6 raproduitaa avac la 
 plus grand soin, compta tanu da la condition at 
 da la nattat* da I'axamplaira film*, at an 
 conformity avac las conditions du contrat da 
 filmaga. 
 
 Laa axamplairas originaux dont la couvartura an 
 papiar ast ImprimAa sont filmte an commandant 
 par ia pramiar plat at an tarminant soft par la 
 darnlAra paga qui compona una amprainta 
 d'impraaaion ou d'illustration, soit par la sacond 
 plat, aalon la cas. Toua laa autras axamplaires 
 originaux sont fiim^s an commandant par la 
 pramlAra paga qui comporta una amprainta 
 d'impraaaion ou d'iliuatration at en tarminant par 
 la darnlAra pa^a qui comporta una talla 
 amprainta. 
 
 Tha last racordad frama on aach microficha 
 shall contain tha symbol -h^ {moaning "CON- 
 TINUED' ), or tha aymbol V (moaning "END"), 
 whichavar appHaa. 
 
 Un daa aymbolas auivants apparaltra sur la 
 darnlAra imaga da chaqua microficha, salon la 
 caa: la symbols — ► signifia "A SUIVRE". la 
 symbols y signifia "FIN". 
 
 iVIapa, plataa, rharta, ate, may be filmad at 
 diffarant reduction ratioa. Thoaa too larga to ba 
 entirely included in one expoaure are filmed 
 beginning in the upper left hand corner, left to 
 right and top to bottom, as many frames aa 
 required. The following diagrama illuatrate the 
 method: 
 
 Lea cartea, planches, tableaux, etc., peuvent Atre 
 film6a A das taux da reduction diff Arents. 
 Lorsque le document est trop grar.d pour Atre 
 reproduit en un aeul clichA, 11 eat film* A partir 
 da Tangle supArieur gauche, de gauche A droite, 
 et de haut an baa, an prenant la nombra 
 d'imagas nAceaaaire. Las diagrammea auivants 
 illustrant la mAthoda. 
 
 rata 
 
 »elure. 
 
 3 
 
 32X 
 
 1 2 3 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 5 
 
 6 
 
(( 
 
 e: 
 
 PR] 
 
; ♦ 
 
 t 
 
 1 1. 
 
 (C 
 
 THE GLOBE" EXTRA. 
 
 
 J»4>,-'/ 
 
 (.■'/• 
 
 •' ■../'■ 
 
 PROCEEDINGS 
 
 AT 
 
 THE FIRST GENERAL MEETING 
 
 .r*?':;/'^^"'^ 
 
 EEFOEM ASSOCIATIOI OF CANADA, 
 
 HELD AT THE ROOMS OF THE ASSOCIATION, 
 
 TORONTO, 
 
 ON MONDAY, 25tli MARCH, 1814. 
 
 -v:v'-.:' .^.--^--' :■■ TORONTO: ■ 
 
 PRINTED BY ORDER OF THE REFORM ASSOCIATION OF CANADA, 
 BY GEO. BROWN, AT " THE GLOBE " OFFICE, 1 12, KING ST. 
 
 ,.-.,„,, i%.. 1844. 
 
 "4 
 
 ^ 
 
/ M ■ r • 
 
 i 
 
 n 
 
 IP 
 
 ./-d/ y 
 
 i.;.M 
 
 ■^H^^ 
 
■■ 
 
 PROCEEDINGS 
 
 AT 
 
 THE FIRST GENERAL MEETING 
 
 UF THE . I 
 
 REFORM ASSOCIATION OF CANADA. 
 
 ■ f'j 
 
 The first General Meeting of the Association took place last evening, (25th in^.t,) 
 «nd the proceedings will not tail to produce a powerful eflfu'Ct throughout the country. 
 The feeling which prevailed during the whole evening was of the most onthusiasdc 
 descriptioa. The Speeches were delivered with much vigour, and < f thein it i ^ enough 
 to my, that they were listened to by a large audience witli marked attention a:id 
 approbation from half-past six to half-past eleven o'clock. We would only say to our 
 brother Reformers throughout the country, — here wc have commenced the campaign ; 
 the ball has received its first forward impulse in the City, — let it be taken up in every 
 county, in every village, and in every hamlet of the country, — and let us show that 
 we are not a divided people, that an overwhelming majority arc determined to receive, 
 and will take no less, than their full share of the privileges of the British Constitutjono 
 
 The Association has leased the suite of Rooms attached to the North American 
 Hotel, including the large public room, and here the Association commenced their 
 public proceedings. The meeting was called for six o'clock ; by that hour a large 
 number of persons had assembled ; at half-past six o'clock the room was densely 
 crowded, and during the evening many went away unable to gain admittance. 
 
 HON. JAMES R. SMALL rose and moved that the Hon. Robert BALDwiff 
 do take the Chair. The motion was received with loud acclamations, and the 
 honourable gentleman rook his seat. 
 
 A number of lietters received from Gentlemen la the neighbourhood, who had bcel} 
 invited to take a share in the proceedings of the Evering, were laid before ■ tht 
 Meeting by the Secretary, The following are copies of a few of them : 
 
 LETTER FROM JOHN WETENHALL, ESQ., WARDEN, 
 . . . GORE DISTRICT. 
 
 ;l! 
 
 
 - :. Nelson, 21/A AfarcA, 1844. 1'^ 
 
 Sir,— I beg to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 20th inst., requeslin'i; 
 fne t« aNend a meeting of the Reform Association, on Monday the 25th inst, 1 re'gH>t 
 it is not in my power to comply with your wishes, the notice being so short that, | 
 find it impesdble to be in Toronto m time. 
 
 Being obliged to write this letter hurriedly, in order to allow time for you to receivf 
 h before the meeting, and to give you an opportunity of selecting some other individual 
 in my stead, I will only adJ, th<it I sincerely hope some elfective steps may be takf^p^ 
 to explain to the country the questions at is^ue, between the three gentlemen who 
 now enjoy His Excellency's conndence, and the vast majority of the people's Rejire- 
 ■entatives in the House of Assembly. '•'-'■ 
 
 lam, Sir, ,;,, ,t 
 
 Your obedient Servant, 
 
 SKKiTiicoTon CoNXOR, Esq. 
 
 JOHN WETENHALL. 
 
LKTTKU FROiM T. G. IIIDOUT, ESQ., CASHIER BANK OF 
 
 Uri'Ell CANADA. 
 
 TonoNTo, 25/71 March, 18-14. 
 
 Mr Dk.ak Sir, — I have jiisJ icccivod your letter of tlu- J2.'Jrd iiist., in whicli yon are 
 so kind as to rctjiiest my aitendiinie at tin; Krform AsHociatioii Alct'tiiiii; lliis evening, 
 lor the pnr|io.''e of iiunini,' one of the Ufsohilions to be tluu oll'crcd for the npproval 
 of the Ast>ociation, uml can asanre yon that 1 »lionl(l be iiioHt happy to attend, but 1 
 regret that the state of my health, whicli has eonlitied u\c to the houae for the last two 
 monthfi, still prevents nie from fioint; ont, e.«pf(ially in the evening. I therefore beg 
 that yon will do me the favonr to excuse me for this thne, and ihat you will assure my 
 friends that 1 am, and shall always he, ready and willing to promote hy my humble 
 endeavours the loyal and good cause for whicli tin- Association has l>eea formed. 
 
 Yours truly, 
 
 THOMAS G. RIDOUT. 
 To Geokge Brown, Esq. i 
 
 '11 
 eaml 
 the 
 The 
 one] 
 bull 
 of t 
 a d<| 
 
 the 
 sued 
 
 LETTER FROM JAS. SiMITH, ESQ., BARRISTER, PORT HOPE. 
 
 PoKT HoPK, 22f/ Marefi, 1844. 
 
 Deaii Shi,— Your letter of the 20th, rerjuestinj;,' my attendance at the great meeting 
 on Monday next, was received to-day, and 1 regret, that my business will not admit ol' 
 my leaving home, otherwise I should most certainly he present on that occasion. 
 
 In the mean time I am pleased to be able to say, that " the work goes bravely on " 
 in Durham, and that I think we shall give Durham definition of Responsible Govern- 
 ernmeni in due season. 
 
 I am, • ■■ • .;.■.-:} 
 
 Your'a, &c., 
 
 S. Connor, Esq., Toronto. 
 
 JAS. SMITH. 
 
 , ; LETTER FROM G. S. TIFFANY, ESQ., HAMILTON, ' ""■ 
 
 HamUto7i, 25t/t Mdrchf 1844, 
 Mv Deab Sir, — Your note inviting tny attendance this evening at a meeting a( 
 the Reform Association of Toronto, was only received by me late on Saturday, I 
 regret that business engagements will prevent me from being with yon. The ReformCTS 
 every where, within my observation, highly approve of the Association, and hope that 
 through its agency the party will be brought to act with more union than heretofore. 
 We have here commenced an organization, which is intended to form a part of, or 
 act in concert with, the Association, as you will perceive by the public papers. 
 The Committee appointed at the meeting of the 9th inst., have elected C. C. Ferrie, 
 Esq., Chairman, and S. B. Freeman, Esq., Secretary, and our report of the proceedings 
 of that day, as well as our addresses to the Reformers of the county, will appear 
 tomorrow. We think it highly necessary • that the false statement given by the 
 Gazette should be contradicted. The opposition was completely baffled and beateo 
 on that day, as well as outnumbered. Their conduct is not the less reprehensible. 
 We shall proceed with the organization of the county. 1 think it would be well 
 to have all members of local Committees become members of the Association, so 
 that, in fact, the grand Committee at Toronto would be the Provincial Committee, 
 wnd this would complete the organization we require. I suppose this is your intention. 
 Our Secretary was instructed to enter into communication with you. 
 
 1 have an extensive acquaintance in this and the adjoining Districts, and so far as I have 
 been able to ascertain the state of public opinion, it does not appear to have changed in 
 the least in favor of the Governor-General's view of Responsible Government. The 
 Reformers, generally, have a very correct idea on that subject. By promulgating some 
 political information, exposing the errors and duplicity of our opponents, and opposing 
 |o their industry, equal mduslry, we have nothing to fear. . j ,.,*...,.,„,; 
 
The ri'.'^ull of our Mmiu'ljiiil rli-ctioii for Mils Town, Iiiis hiM-ii Jiiiyn'prcsrnfcd by tlio 
 Biirne Gazc:.!i\ TIiin-c out of llie li)iir uicmliois of tin- lidaid arc ifpiiu-d llcroiiiiorH, and 
 tlip tiiuitli jj;iiuTi)lly voU'd our lirkol ; lit- \v•a.^ tlcclLvl |)y Ilcronui'is on local (,ronnds. 
 Tlie Torifs cduLI not run a sinjil.' cundidalc, hut were rfdntcd to jfivc their support to 
 one of two Rcfornn'r.-, in iliri-i' ol' tin- Ward.-i. Siill the i-hclion .vas nol ajioliiical one, 
 but was out' ot locaiii)'. 'I'iir I'rc.-ii.'ciit was clccii'd .'-olciy on iliin y;]! mid. 'V\\v iiifnilxTH 
 of the lornicr Jioiir I, with hul one cxcciition, rol'iiscd to oiIit as caiKiiiiiiics. 'riiorc i» 
 a decided majoriiy ot lU'|iiriiit.'r.s in each W ard asi well aa in the whi>le town. • 
 
 My opinion is, t!int, west of the lloini- Di.stiiet, there will not he a Toiy returned nt 
 the next election, with the c.vceiilion of tiie Town of L(jndon, — wi.-hiny you every 
 success, 
 
 I remain, yours truly, , 
 
 GEORGE S. TIFFANY. 
 Gr.oROj: BitowN, EiQ. 
 
 Mr. BALDWIN then rose, nniiilst loud and long continued cheering, and said tliat 
 he felt particularly giaiihed at the honour which had heen conferred upon him, in 
 calling upon him to fireside at tlie lirt-t General Meeliii<? of the Reform AM^ocialion 
 of Canada, hecause it allunled tiiL' most umiuestionahle evidence that in their opinion 
 he haJ proved himself the linn and uncomjiiomi^ing friend ol that great and vital 
 principle of British Constituiional Liheriy which it was the great object of the 
 Association to support (cheers) ; and hecause it showed that while exerting them- 
 selves to insure to their country the practical application of 'hat great principle to the 
 administration of all our local aiiiiirs, they repudiated the ungenerous course of casting 
 by, as a men.struous rag, the liien who had stood Jlrm to that princi|)le through evil 
 report and good report in the darkest hour of our coimtry's history (cheers) ; when 
 the doing so was denounced Irom tlie highest quarters as incipient treason, us well a» 
 when emerging from the cloud of calunmy, iu which interest and ignorance and 
 despotism had for a time succeeded in enveloping it, this great and truly Briliiih 
 principle shone forth in all the splendour of its native truth and excellence, under 
 the express sanction of one of tiie brightest ornaments of the proud aristocracy of 
 the Mother Country, and the specially appointed fiigh Commissioner and Rupresenta-" 
 tive of the Sovereign hcrscll. (l^oud cheering.) 
 
 There was another ground on wliich he felt pleased at the honour conferred upon 
 him. It afforded him the opportunity of giving expression, in the most unequivocal 
 manner, to his entire approval of the Association (hear, hear) ; and no exertion, 
 on his part, he could assure them, should he wanting to forward its object, and make 
 the organization they had rccoiiimended as effectual as possible ; and he most earnestly 
 rcconmicndcd to all who valued the principles of the British ('onstitution, and to whom 
 the preservation of the connection with the mother country was dear, to lend their 
 aid by joining in such organization. (Loud cheers.) P'or, depend upon it, the day 
 will come when one of the proudest boasts of our posterity will be, that they can trace 
 their descent to one who had his name inscribed on this great lloU of the contendera 
 for Colonial rights. (Great cheering. ) 
 
 Our objects (said Mr. Baldwin) arc open and avowed. Wc seek no concealment, 
 for we have nothing to conceal. We demand the practical application of the principles 
 of the Constitution of our beloved Motlicr Countiy to the administration of all our 
 local affairs. (Hear, hear.) Not one hair's breadth farther do we go, or desire to go ; 
 but not with one hair's breadth short of that will wc be ever satisfied. (Cheers.) The 
 nature and extent of the demand has never been better expressed than by the great 
 statesman to whom he had already alluded. Lord Durham had, in his Report to 
 her Majesty, nobly vindicated the Reformers df the Province from the foul imputations 
 which had been attempted to be cast upon them, and he (Mr. B.) would trespass 
 on the meeting for a few moments, while he read a few extracts from that great 
 Text Boo!' of British Colonial Rights : — 
 
 " The views," says his Lordship, " of the great body of the Reformers appear to 
 have been limited, according to their favourite expregsions to the making the Colonial 
 Constitution ' an exact transcript' of that of Great Britain, and they. only desire that- 
 
6 
 
 i\\e Crown should in Upprr C'aniula, ns nt lioinr', (-ntrust the administration of affaira 
 to men |)oa8ct-8iiig tlic coiilideacc ot' ihc Assembly." 
 
 And, ttftiT pniiiiiiiL; out <h > inlup' of t!io ovUm, to the oxistnnce of wliich he 
 attriuuteu the uiisHii.^liiciDry ftt;idiiio.i ol' die rroviiiee, lie proceeds: — 
 
 "It is not by wcKkeuini? Imt strciifittheiiin'^' ihi' irilhi(>n(;e of the people on its 
 GovcrnniJiii, by (,01111111111,' wtiiiiii iiuicli imnowci" boiinds tlinii ihofe hilhertt) nllotted 
 to it, Hill not by extciili li,' the mii'ifi'ii.'iice of iIk; Imju'riiil tuitborili 8 in the dctmls 
 of Colo.iiiil u.uiirH, t.iiii 1 brlicve iliiit liaiiiioiiy is to be r-siori'd where di-sseiision has 
 so lo.ig previiile I, iind a i:<r lurifij iniil ii<rt»..r liit'icita I'likiiown, introduced into 
 the administriitiuii 0/ I'lsc. Vnninrcs. It ir'ed.s nn cliuv^c in the prinri/jles of 
 Goccrnm nt — no iniiiitiun of it nv.w nnisli/. tiontU thconj — to supply the remedy 
 which woul I, ill my opi.iion, coinp rtcly remove the exiHtiiijr political disorders. It 
 needs but [n follow o t ronsisL vt'ij the prinriftlcs of the British Constit tion, and 
 introduce into the (Joveniiiii'iit ol tliose grcnt Colonies those wise provisions, by 
 which ulime ihi- working o ' ilic nprafenlutii c si/stein vnn in any country be rendered 
 hartnoniou.s iiiid elKcieiit. We iire not now to consider the policy of establishing 
 Representative Government in the Norlii Americnii Colonies. That has been irrevocably 
 done, and the e.xperim 'lit of depriving!; the people of their present constitutional 
 power is not to be then th(>uij;ht of. To conduct their Government harmoniously, 
 in accordance with its esiiibli.-'hed principles, is now the business of its rulers, and 
 I know not how it is pos.-ilile to secure thnt harmony in any other way than by 
 administering the Government, on those principles, trhirh hare hcen fond perfectly 
 efficacia, s in Great Britain. I iro. Id nut impair a single prerogatire of the Crown ; 
 on the contrary, 1 bi'lieve that the iiiiere!<ts of the p''ople of these Colonies require 
 the protection of i)rerogaiivcs which have not hitherto been exercised. B/.i the 
 Croien m st, on the other hand, submit to the vcccssary ronseji cnces of liepresentatire 
 Instititions, and if it has to carry on the Government in unison with a represen- 
 tative bo ly, it m, st consent to carry it on liy means of those in ichom t/iut rcvresentatite 
 body has confidence.^' (Loud cheers.) 
 
 And afier showing that an elective Executive, which the Reformers of Canada 
 never asked for, would not only be inconsistent vith monarchical government, but 
 would really, under the nominal auihoriiy of the Crown, deprive the Commons of one 
 of the great advantages of an hereditary Monarchy — he proceeds : 
 
 "Every purpose of popular control might be combined with every advantage of 
 vesting the immediate choice of advisers in the Crown, were the Cidonial Governor 
 to be instmcted to secure the co-operation of the House of Assembly in his 
 policy, by entn^sting its administration to such men as coi.ld command a ynajority, 
 and if he were given to understand that he need count on no aid from home, in any 
 difference with the Assemlily that should not dirkctly involvk thk rki.ationr 
 BETWEEN THK MoTHKR COUNTRY AND THK COLONY. This change might be effected 
 by a single despatch cimlinmng s.,ch instr, aions ; or if aiy legal enactment were 
 requieit*', it wouU only be one tliat would render it necessary that the official acts qf 
 the Goternor tiiould be ro ntersigncd by some p, blic functionary. This would 
 induce responsibility for kvv.ry act of the Government, and, as a natural consequence, 
 it ttould necessitate the pubstiiuiioii of a system of administration by means or 
 coMPKTKNT Hkals OF Departmknts for thc present rude machinery of an Executive 
 Council." 
 
 Again — ' ...!'. 
 
 • •* Nor can I conceive that it would be found impossible or difficult to conduct « 
 Colonial Goremment tcitk prerisely th/it limitation of the respectite powers, whicb 
 has been so 1 nig and so eabily maintained in Great Britain," and which he had 
 previously reierred to in these t«rms. 
 
 "Since the revolution of 1688, the stabiliry of the English Constitution has been 
 secured by thnt wise principle oi our Government which has vested the direction of 
 the national policy and tJic distribution of thc patronage in the leaders of the Paflia- 
 mentary majority." - ■<<■■■< ■ < ^■■ii-< > 
 
 prii 
 
 gor 
 
 ttuil 
 
 the! 
 
 thcl 
 th/ 
 
he 
 
 Then, nfier rcfi-ning to ilie idli' aiiciii|ii of houw to (Iciiy 111'- npplicubility of Uita 
 principle tu tlio puaiiiuii ul a Ci<loiiy, lie piucufdN : 
 
 "I admit tliat the syHtcni wliicli I propose woiil I, \.\ fuct, jlaco the iutemat 
 gorenimcnt of ihe (^olo.iy in the liands ol inc Coli.vniln //ii'tnii,li is, ano dial wo kIiuuIcI 
 ItiiiH it-avc to tiR'iii till.' exftutioii ol' tiio lawn, ol svliicdi svc liavc loiiy catruated 
 the making, Boii-ly toihiiii." 
 
 "I know not in what respect it can b^- d'Hiialth' ihiit wo should interfere with 
 their internal LgiHlation in iiiattoiH Nsliidi do not i hoot iui.ik iti.i.AtioN8 with 
 TH£ MOTHKK coi;ntky." (llciir, lioai. ) 
 
 And ufter pointing out the rcnj far iioinis wiih rcsjioci to which the Motiieif 
 Country, in his opinion, nviuiref a lo.iuol over a < olony, among which ho onumorates 
 the regulation ol lore gn rLlalioiiM, and of trade wi.li ilic Moilici C'ouniiy, ilie HiiiiiH 
 Colonies, and foreign na.ioiis, — ami the cciiainiy tiiat on hiuIi pointH ii perfect 
 subordination on the part of the ('olony i.t Hulliciciitly secured by the advuntugcs 
 which it Imds in the continuation oi its conncciioii with the Kinpire, he proceeds : 
 
 "It (that is the nuborJinuiion of the Colony to the Moiher Couniiy), certainly is not 
 Btrengtliened, but greatly weakened by a vexatious inlerlerence on the pait ol the Home 
 Goveniiuent with the enactment ol lawH for regulaiing ilie iNTKitNAi. conikhnh or tmc 
 COLONY, or ill the selcttiuu o/ persons cnir.^tcl uitli tiicir fjcctiun. '1 he Culoiiinls 
 may not always know what lawa are beist lor tneiii, or irliiili iij' tmir co, ntiynien urtt 
 the liltestyiur conducting tJicir tijlitiis, but, at hsiht, iliey have a greater i.ilerrbl in 
 coining to a right judgment on iliese poiutn, and will take greater pains to do 80« 
 than those whose wellure is very remotely and bii^htly atlecied by the good or laJ 
 legislation ol these portions of the Lmpire. If the Colonit-is make bad laws and 
 select improper ptivsuns to conduct their ailairH, llicij will frcneraUy be the only, alitayt 
 the greultist, sulierers ; and like ihu people of otner eonniriiH, lliey mu^t bear the ill* 
 whicn they bring on themselves uniii th-y cLouj-e to apjily the remedy. But it surely 
 cannot be the duty, or the inleroHt of Great Biiiain to keep a most expentiive 
 military possession of these Colonies, in order tliai a Govkknok or SSkcRt.TAKV or 
 Stat£ may be able to confer Coi.omai. Ai'roiN'rM>.NTs on one raiher than on another 
 set »f persons in the Colonies, lor litis is really tlie only question at issue." (Hear, 
 hear, and cheers. ) 
 
 And again, vt'ith reference to the absurdity of supposing the people of the 
 Colonies to be opposed to the principle which, it would be recollected, was one 
 of the fallacies imposed, or attempted to be imposed on the IJome Government by 
 Sir F. Head, he adds : 
 
 •• Nor can I conceive that any people, or any considerable portion of a people will 
 view wjth dissatisfaction a charge which would anionnt simply to this : t/iut the 
 Croion would hencelorth consult the icishes of the people in the choice o( lis sen ajiis." 
 
 The reading of these well known extracts had ihken longer than he wished, but he 
 felt it important that they should be kept piominenily before the public, because they 
 embrace the great principle which was subsequently ennunciaied in Parliamentary 
 form, under the express sanction of Lord Sydenham, in the famous Resolutions of 3rd 
 September, 1841, which declare that, 
 
 " The Representative of the Sovereign in the Province, is responsible to tlie Imperial 
 authority alone, but that nevertheless, the management of our local affairs can 
 Ofdy be conducted by him, by and with the assistance, covnsel, and ii\formation of 
 subordinate officers in the Province." And that such subordinate officers, "consti- 
 tuting a Provincial Administration under him, ought to be men possessed of the 
 confidence of the Representative^ of the people, — thus affording a guarantee that the 
 well understood wishes and interests of the people will on all occasions, be faithfully 
 represented and advocated. " (Hear, hear,) And because they led to the overthrow 
 of that wretched system of government so strongly denounced by Lord Durham, which 
 Lord Sydenham declared he would not have raised an arm to uphold, and which 
 led to those lamentable events which we have all so much reason lo deplore. But 
 which it was now attempted to re-establish, by misapplying to it the name of th9 
 very system which had superseded it. (Hear, hear.) ,,^,' 
 
 il^l 
 
s 
 
 Mr. woiilil lick liny niim tn i'imuI lln'sc cMnu'tM carefully, mid Miy whctluT lie found 
 any Iriici' ol iIk- mw liiii;;l'(l cla>'iti(alii)ii ot pnlilic iii.iilcrs int'i ilinsi' o| •• Hilniiuiie 
 iiiiporlaiico," aiui iIioho of " itia(liM|uiili' iinpoiiiiiifi'," wliiili soiiii* jtiT'Oii or ollitT 
 (lor it wiiH n-ally hard to nay iti lln; pr< sciil ^lall' nl ll\i' ( Ji)Vi'riiiiicnt who did advise 
 liiH Kxci'iiciiry,) (Ip-ar, IhmiJ had luivi.-i'd ihr iliini'scuialivc ot ilic »So\i'H'iuii la 
 make ill his n-ply to ilic Wardi'ii and ('oiiiicillnr.s ot (ioir. 'I'liu ( hishilicalioii of 
 public alliiirs in Lord Dnrliiiiii's ll('|ioii, was hiiH( d ii|ion a iiiincipii' rnidily 
 coinprt'lu-ndcd and capahli' ol a tree application, natinly, tliinte, irliith tijfirt the 
 rtiutinna of the Ciiloni/ iritli the Mntliir <'i>;(ntnj, and tlio.tc which do not; (hear, 
 hear,) over the liirmcr ol whiili ihc conirol ol ihc Aloihcr Conntry whh to he 
 maiiifaiticd, and liii! laiicr ol which was to he conducted In/ ninuin <{/' Ihnda 
 Delta rtiiteiit.i with piiiisrlij that iunilatiiiii of thr. iis/jcrtiic /jdinr.i irhich has been 
 so lung, unit no tiisihj maintiiiiietl in Uiciil Hrilnin. (tllicers. ) But how iMcpostcrous 
 to set ii|i HU<li a classilicaiioii iih i)j aiteiiijiied in llic reply to ({ore. 'J'lie (ujiiity 
 administered in the Court ol ("liancery iiad once iiccn dcHcrihed iiy a way, to lie 
 governed by tlie lenj^'th of the Lord Ciiancclloi'H foot. And the cIiihs to wPich the 
 various public alliiirH f)f the I'loviiice were lo brhm^, and which in tliercfore to 
 determine whether they arc to he suhinitted for the advice of the coiistiliilional iidviHera 
 of the Crown, is to be decided by the (loveriior (icncial's notion ol their ** nilcipiitte 
 iimportancc.'^ (Hear, hear. ) One iJovcrnor (ieiieial is a Imid Uian, and he deems ffw 
 things of ^^ ailciiiintt imfioifiinre ,•" anotiier (Jovernor (leneral \h a <'anlioTia man, und 
 he deems a husucr portion of " adeiiuiite iiii|iortance;" a third \n n timid iiinn, he 
 enlarges the bounds of the class. Nay, the Kaiiie Governor trcneial is in a diiierent 
 mood at diiierent timey, and what hedeeiiis of" adrtjuttti: iinportiinre" at one moment, 
 he may deem of little or none at another. (Hear, hear, ai'd loud cheers.^ F^or he 
 believed that even Governor Cenerul's were not wholly tree from tiie frailties which 
 diversify the conduct of ns wlio move in n less elevated Hphere. And for his pari he 
 did not know whether the ^affc of the foot liad not the .idvniitaRe of the two. And 
 let it be remembered that duriu" all the lime that the head of the Govenimont waa 
 IhuB dealing with the affairs of thi.' country, soiiietinics with ndvioe, and .«oiiietime« 
 without ii, his unfurlunale Ministers were general endorsers of the whole. Not an 
 act of omission or eoniinission, not an ai)i)oiiiiiiient from that of a ('hief Justice lo the 
 humblest one in die giU of the Crown, but what they were liable to be called to 
 account for in Parliament, and in their places there conqjcllcd to defend. (Hear, 
 hear. ) 
 
 Such a classification for f^nch a purpose was in fact one wholly inapplicable to a 
 government conducted ** h^f iiirans tf coiujit'tnit hiiiils of Dcpartiiicnts^' as 
 recommended by Lord Durham, introduced by J^orJ Sydenham and jinictised by Sir 
 Charles Bagot, and necessarily coiUem|)laics but one i)c|)artiiient with the Represen- 
 tative of the Sovereign a.s its head, and in wiiicli all the nominal heads of Departmenia 
 merely play the parts of so many chief clerks, and which it must be confessed is 
 quite in keeping with the declaration to be lijiind the same reply, that the head of the 
 Government "is virtually responsible to the people of the Colony, and practically 
 more so than even to the Mother Countryi" (lleiir, hear.) A declaration which 
 he need not tell them was in direct contradiction lo the Resolnlioa of 1841, iti 
 which he is declared responsible lo the Iniprriiil Avthoriiif alone, A principle 
 which might be called the very keystone of the whole arch. (Loud cheers.) 
 
 For his [Mr. Baldwin's] part he had taken his stand upon the rock of the British 
 Constitution, and he felt assured that whatever were the difliculties with which they 
 might have to contend, and from whatever quarter they might come, ultimate succeas 
 was sure to crown their elforts — but ihcy wanted not only the Constitution, but aa 
 regards the administration of their local affairs, the whole Constitution and nothing 
 but the Constitution. . • „ • ,■ 
 
 By that Constitution the ministers of the Crown are responsible to Parliament for 
 appointments to offirc as iccll as fur every other art of the Oorcrnmcnt — and was not 
 one of the i den suggested by J^ord Durham for carrying out his proposed change 
 in the practical administration of Provincial affairs, though not the only nor the befit 
 one, •' ttiat the official acts of tlic Goccrnor" should be " covntcrsigncd by some public 
 functionary?" (Hear, hear.) Does he not cxpresely depi-ecute a3 most injuri-^-n to 
 
D 
 
 the rclntlonn Biil)HiHiiiig holwoni ilic ("olony uiiil the rarcnt Hiale tlif nmiiit'Tinncr ofa 
 coiiif^Hi in orJer tliui ii Cion ikmhi or Si^.ciu,i akv ok CrlrAiK iiiiiy Ix; tiblc lo cot I'l-r 
 CV<l>)iiitil np|i<)iiilnii*iil»< nn oiif n \ riiKii rii v.v <>> ^noiiikk sir ni' mi:n in vih. dti.owv.H f 
 (tlrnr.) And do not tin; K ■.■<()ln:ionH oi IHU nio.^t di.-iuii ily (loiiit out ilx- cxiii'ihs 
 object ol llie (Jonslilniioual iicri'MMiy I'nr tlw ii.iiiiiinenicni of our **/«/«/ iijfnir.i," 
 (»ol nicreiy ccitinn local adiiir^ — not niiTi'ly mm li liaal alliiir.H ns ini* 4iov<'riii)r 
 (ienerul inuy dt-fiii ol' adiif.alf iinpoihimc—UiH loral ai.aird Kniirmlly, iliilinu'inu 
 all ol whaU'ver claBrt or (Icwripiioii. ) ( Loud clii-crH) — I) mmi,' ••niidncli d hy and willi 
 the '* aaitintanco ro .iisri anil inj'.nmation" ot n. I'lovirici d Adi lllll^ll•atioll iind r llifl 
 hrud oi tlic Cfuvcrniiicnt, tolir tor llw iiiiriinHc ot adoidiutr a uuaraiiicc " tluit tlio will- 
 •indcrHloud wImIiuh and inlerf.siH ot tin* people elioidd, un till ori(i,-<io>'s, lie taitlihd y 
 reprr^Kiitcil hhiI atlrofottnl," ((Jreat elifiTM. ) How unn snchwiKhcH and iiiiiTo^tH 
 be r«.'prea«!ntfd or advocat>d it tho."*"' who art; so to repn-scnt and advocaif ihiiii »u' 
 not to be lonHiiltt-d, (Hear.) And yet in the tiu'e ot all liii , with the very Minie iireatli 
 tlial it iti adiiiittud that " ii|)pointiiienln and jiropoHaJM to make ap|>llinllllent^4" had been 
 made without consulting liis JVIini.^ter'-', the iiiad of tlie (Jo.iruineni is advi-ed to 
 declare that he had hitherto pursued tiiu systeiii ot" UeHpoiisihIe (ioverniiicnt irilhoiit 
 tlertation, (Hear, hear.) and lo profews his concurrence in the He-olulioiia ot" IHU. — 
 And a ho|je appearn to be enlertuini'd tli;ii by a consinnt rejietiiion ot the as.Nertion in 
 the shape ol anHwera to addresHCH, the people wt Canada have w) liiile ot intelligence 
 and Bo crude a notion ut their righlH that they will at hiHi be iiersua.led lo believe it. 
 (Hear.) He (Mr. Baldwin) doubled not ihal the head ol" the (ioverninent had 
 praclised UeapoiiBible (rovernincnt an he the (.Jovernor (leneral was pi -Msed to 
 interpret it — and of conr^e beiuy in his rstiination a ** i/f,l vniitjinfl tpirslion" we 
 cannot wonder if in preparing a detiniiioii for liis own particular convenience he left 
 a large margin tor the b -nelii of that Con.«iiiution which liivoun'd the exercise of a 
 practically irresponsible and despotic jKiwer. IJut tie (Mr. Uidlwin) tult convinced 
 tlial the people of lliis country were not hucU a nit of cliildren as to be salislied with 
 a mere bauble because it was called ^' Urspon slide, (joreriniitiit ;" they hud been 
 contending for a substance, not for a shadow. And the (|ueHiioii tor the country to 
 decide, was whether they were in eltect to ao back to the old Rystein under the 
 ntw name, or whether they were to have Responsible Cloverninent in reality, aa 
 practically acted upon in the Mother Country, (lioud cheprs.) "Arose" it wan 
 •aid, " by any other name would smell as sweel," anJ he would ventur" lo sny that 
 the poppy would be equally disagreeable to the s nse, and equiilly del -terious in itn 
 etiect, though dignihed with the name of the Queen of flowers, (eiitliusiu.stic cheers. ) 
 If they were to have the old system, let them have it under its own name, '* the 
 Irresponsible system," *' the Compact system," or any other adapted to its hideous 
 detbrmitiee ; bat let us not be imposed upon by a mere name, we were adjured with 
 reference to this new-fangled Responsible Government in a style and manner 
 borrowed with no small degree of care from that of the eccentric Baronet who once 
 represented the Sovereign in this part of Her Majesty's lioininioua, (8ir F. B. 
 Head,) to "keep it," "cling to it," and not to " throw it away" ! ! (hear, hear.) 
 They all, no doubt, remembered the story of little Red ridinLdiofid, and the poor child's 
 astonishment and alarm, as she began lo trace the tcaiures of the wolf inst ad of those 
 of her venerable grand- mother ; and I't the peopi? of Canad i beware lest wh^n they 
 begin to trace thereat outlines of this new-fangled Responsible Government and are 
 calling out in the simplicity of their hearts, Oh, gran Imother, whiit f,'ie.it bic eyes you 
 have ! Oh, grandmother, what a great big nose you have ! it may not, as in the case 
 of poor little Red ridinghood, be too late, and the reply to the exclamation Oh, grand- 
 fnother, what a great big mouth you have ! be, " that's to gobble you up the better my 
 child" — (cheers and much laughter. ) 
 
 itt had been said that there is no /act before the country to show that the course taken 
 by the late ..V!lnistry was connected with the practical application of this principle. But 
 is it not clcArly stated in the note of Mr. Lafo.itaine, and not pretended to be disputed 
 either in that of the Governor-General or in a ly subsequent docum-^nf proc.-eding from 
 that distinguished quarter, '* that appointments and proposals to make appointments" 
 haJ been made by the head of the Government without hi^ Counc'd bn igarJvis?d of It. 
 Is not that ayoc'— and a tiict too at utter variance with th? statement, that Responsible 
 Government has b-*en hitherto pursued " without deci/ition" to be found in Hit 
 JExceUtncy*8 note and taat made in the answer which the bead of the Government 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
10 
 
 ha& been advised to make to the Brock addresn, (hear, hear), that " Respsnaibl* 
 Governhieiil in all its essentials i» aikiiowlec'grd, ac'opted and laithfully pursued, and 
 has been in full upcralion t/irot. gfiout liis Excellency's AdminiMtration." 
 
 Sume who have made this objection, seem unable to comprehend the diflerenes 
 between a /act - nd a case. A case is nut stated, because the ministry did not resign 
 upon u coje, but iliey«c<ot " nppomtincnts anii proposals to make appointments" karving 
 been made without retierence lo them, is stated because it was upon not a catBc^-but 
 cases ol' that kind, demoiistrating as they did, that the head of the Government was not 
 prepared to act up to the Resolutions of 1841 (hear, hear) ; and, upon ascertaininpff 
 by a cunterence with him, that, so far from there bein^r a procpect of any alteration in 
 the practice reftrred to, he was resolved to persevere in it, that the Ministry felt bound 
 to rcbign. (Hear, hear.) 
 
 Again an attempt had been made to mislead the public into a belief that the disruption 
 turned wholly on a demand by rhe miniettry for a stip,.lution — as it is called— of an 
 unconatitutioiinl character. (Hear, hear.) But he (Mr. xlaldwin^ thought that his 
 learned friend, Mr. Lafuntaine, having seconded xVIr. Bnulton's addition to the address, 
 was a suflicienl proof that all ihey ahked was that mutual understanding which Mr. 
 Bouhon's resolutiuM not only recoguisd, but indeed dedwred (o ¥e,. absolutely necessary. 
 
 (Cheers.) ::;:,.■.;•..:.,.,::.:,:,...>. 
 
 But it was clear from the extracts he had read, and (he tindo>Bbled facfs (o- which 
 he had referred, that the practice of the head of the GovcrnmerU, with respect Id ther 
 point alluded to, had noi been consistent with the principle of Responsible Government 
 as recommL'ndud by Lord Durham, and as enunciated in the Resolutions of 1841, and 
 that had the Governor-General, on the conference which ensued upon the Minifsters* 
 remonstrance, acquiesced in these views as to what ought to be the practice of thcr 
 Government with respect to appointments, and objected merely to entering into any 
 formal stipulation upon the subject, he would have soexplained himself to the Ministers^ 
 and have so stated in his Note to Mr. Lafontaine, in which it is expressly stated that 
 ^' ihree or more distinct propositions were made to him over and over again"— {hear, 
 hear,) — sutiiciently showing the anxiety of Ministers to meet his views as to the mode 
 of arriving at the object, provided that ol^ect was substantially attained, viz., the 
 coming to a distinct understanding as to what ought to be the practice of the 
 Government in this particular. (Cheers.) But this was the real ditTerence— the head 
 of the Government was and is of one opinion, they were and are of another. He 
 was and \a of opinion, aa the answer to the Gore Address distinctly avows, that he 
 need only consult his Ministers on wliat he deems occasions of adequate importance, 
 they were and are of opinion that his constitutional duty n to consult them on all 
 matters, " except on points involving strictly Imperial interests." (Cheers.) But 
 when the cause of the disruption is placed solely on the ^* stipulation-," it isfbvgotten 
 that this was a ditficulty that could only have arisen, on the occasion of the lemonstraflce 
 which took place the day before the retignatiou, whereaathe Governor-General himself 
 has declared that he and his Ministers had been in a state of '* antagonism" from^hia 
 first arrival in the Province. (Loud cheers.) Hew idle then is it to pretend that the 
 question at issue between them, was any other than whether his views or their** 
 were the most consistent with the real principle of Responsible Government, as 
 recommended by Lord Durham^ and enunciated in the Resolutions of 1841. (Hear, bear.) 
 
 Again : it had been said .hat the Ministry had resigned, because of a difference 
 between them and tl. 3 head of the Grovernment, upon a mere theoretical question, and 
 this allegi.^'on is made \a the very face of the statement in Mr. Lafontaine's Note, 
 " that had the difference of opinion between his Excellency and themselves, and, as 
 they have reason to believe, between his Excellency and the Parfiament and people of 
 Canada generally, been merely theoretical, the members of th(. late ExecatiTe Council 
 might and would have felt it to- be their duty to avoid any possibility of collision." 
 (Cheers.) 
 
 Again : it has been said that they hatf attempted to '-.rest from the Goveraor-Genetal 
 the royal prerogative — to make him a tool and themse)><;c <kiprerae — though in the same 
 Note to which he had referred, is the (as yet) un^on ddicted assertion *'thatthe]r 
 repeatedly end distinctly explained to his Excellency that they considered him free to 
 act contrary to their advice, and only claimed an opportunity of giving such adYice," 
 
11 
 
 ttnd of knowine before others his Excellency's intentions. (Hear, hear.) The truth is 
 (•aid Mr. Biudwin), the views of Hesponoible Government, developed in the 
 documents proceeding from the head uf the Govei -iment, would, if acted upon, mnke 
 the Responsible Ministers of the Crown in the Province the merest tools, and reduce 
 them to a state of degradation the most abject and humiliating ; and was such the 
 coaditioii that is henceforth to be annexed to the tenure of the highest ofKcps in the 
 Province 7 If it is, then no men of character will accept them. (Loud cheers.) 
 
 Again it had been said that there had been a discrepancy between the statements of 
 Mr. Lafontaine's note, and that of the Head of the Government ; but a careful peru^d 
 of these documents will 8.iow, that no discrepancy exis:s as to the facts alleged in 
 that note. (Hear, hear.) There is, indeed, much diH'erence in the views cif the 
 respective parties, but that was what led to the dinruption— the Head of the 
 Government protesting against " the explanation," not against the existence of any 
 fact stated by Mr. Lafontaiae, — we also protest against his Excellency's explanation ; 
 for while he calls Responsible Government "an undehaed question," — we turn to 
 Lord Durham'^ Report, and to the Resolutions of 1H4I, and deny that it is undefined, 
 except to those who are unable or unwilling to understand it. Upon the practical 
 application of this great principle to the adminisirat'ion of all our local aflai s, he 
 beiievedi depended not only the hnpi)ines8 and prosperity of the Colony itself, but the 
 continuation of its connection with the Parent State. This was no new opinion of 
 his, — it was one which he had communicated to Lord Glenelg, in 1836, and to Lord 
 Durham, in 1838 ; it was, therefore, that he had ever exerted the best energies with 
 which the Almighty had blessed him, to procure this great political good for his native 
 country. {Cheers, j 
 
 Born under the protection of the British standard, — under the protection of that 
 standard he wished to live and die, and to leave that protection as an inheritance to his 
 children after him : but not as a mark cf intamy or degradation, but as one of honour 
 and of safety. (Loud Cheers.) 
 
 He feared he had trespassed too long upon their attention, but he had almost 
 necessarily been led to touch upon the points to which he alluded, to counteract the 
 cflect of any misapprehension which might exist respecting thetn. There were others 
 which lay so directly in his way, that it was ditiicult tj abstain from taking them up, hut 
 they would no doubt be treated of by the gentlemen who were to follow him, and w ith, 
 he doubted not, much more eloquence than he could pretend to discuss them. Agaiu 
 thanking them, therefore, for the honour of placing bini in that chait, and for the 
 attention with which they had so long heard him, he would give way to the other 
 gentlemen who had come prepared to take part in the proceedings of the day. (Loud 
 cheers. ) 
 
 HON. HENRV JOHN BOULTON shortly aftorwaids rose and paid : he must 
 apolcHrize for appearing before the As^ociatio;* without some previous thoiii;ht of 
 how he should addre.«H them, hut it was only on that mnrning that he had been 
 able 80 to arrange professional husint^s as to enalile him to he prest-nt on tl:at 
 occa-sioo. He felt however the deep importance of the siiliject eo i^tron^Iy, that 
 he ieared not his ability of provih<; its correctness to the satisfaction of all. The 
 Reiiolution which he was about to profiose was : 
 
 '• I. That this Association, devotedly attached to the principles of the British 
 Constitution, are determined to use every Constitutional means within their power, to 
 secure the practical application of the principles of that Constitution to the 
 nwnagement of all the local affairs of the Colony, convinced that in so doing, thev 
 arc at once performing the duty which they owe to thetnselves and their posterity, 
 and streagthening in the best manner possible the connection with the Mo. oer Country, 
 which they desire to perpetuate." 
 
 He (Mr. Boulton) felt proud in being the means of oflTeiing ior the adoption 
 of so highly respectable and so numerous an audience, a R'^ solution so truly 
 Constitutional, and which must meet with the entire ei>i .ovhI i.f every one. 
 (hear, hear.) He believed all. or marly all |i«8<nt, were l«itn in the JVlother 
 Country — and he would ask them, while they professed adhertnce to the Btitish 
 
 I 
 
1? 
 
 Constitution, whctlicr when they left their own liiesidcf — le it in Ireland, 
 Scotland, or England — ihcy e.xpccteii that ihey wvw comin)!; to a Foreign Country 
 as ^h^vfc'^» ? (crits ol no, no.) No, lie htlievfd their heaite l.urned with love to 
 their native land — l/uihe iVIt that one and all must have expected that here they 
 would receive all the ;)rivilepes, which they enjoyed at home under the Kritit^h 
 Constitution, (hoar, hear.) That was his feeling, and he had no doubt it was 
 the t'eelinf: of all. Where, he would ask, was euch a ConMitution to he found ? 
 It wa.s a Constitution envied hy the whole world, and he doubted not they were 
 all of one voice with hinn when he said, ihat not an effort of his should be left 
 untried, while he breathed, to sustain and perpetuate that Constitution in Canada, 
 (enthusriastic cheers.) It was a form of Government which he was satisfied, 
 after long experience and deep reHection, was the best form to be found under 
 Heaven, (cheers.) It waa a form which protected the weak as well as the 
 strong — the strong could protect themselves. A form which protects the interests 
 of all within its sway, better than that of any other among civilized nations, 
 [loud cheers.] He [Mr. Boulton] would never flinch in saying, that he trusted 
 to .see it yet carried out in every portion of the British Empire. As regarded 
 Canada, they were called to pass the Resolution which he now offered, because 
 they felt that here it had been infringed on. [cheers.] The British Constitution 
 was all they desired, and nolhing les-s would they take ; it guaisntetd to thtm 
 the liberty of the people, while carefully watched over by the Representatives 
 of the people, [hear, hear.] We had an equal right here as in England, to 
 watch and to insist on the proper application of its principles as enforced ai hrme. 
 He [the Hon. GL'ntleman] demanded that the people of this country should be 
 placed on the same fooling as at home — they were equally well entitled toil; 
 and they ought to take nothing less, [loud cheers.] In this Country it was of 
 course impossible that the Sovereign could rule personally — and therefoie a 
 Governor was sent to perform what Her Majesty could not do Herself, [loud 
 cheers.] Now he wouki ask, was it right that the deputy should have higher 
 prerogatives than the person who deputed him ? Ought a servant to have more 
 ai'ihority than his master .> Assuredly not, — (cheers; — and that being the case 
 the Governor-General has no right to exercise the prerogative of the Crown 
 otherwise than at home. (Hear, hear) We contend (said Mr. Roulton) that the 
 Governor shall rule by and with the advice of his constitutional advisers. This, 
 however, is said to be inconsistent with the dependence of a Colony — but that he 
 totally denied. He maintained that this principle was equally applicable to the 
 Colo.iy as to the Mother Country, — (^choers) — and he would show the advantage 
 of such a system as was contended for here. The Administration in this 
 country claim to advise the Representative of Majesty on all subjects — he made 
 no distinction — involving the well-being and happiness of the country ; and with 
 regard to every local af!iiir they had an indubitable right to be consulted. Why 
 should this be, it might be asked ? Because it was impossible for a Governor, 
 coming here a stranger — and it would be worse if he were an old resident, 
 subject to all the prejudices and acrimony of local parties — it would be impossible 
 for him at once to know and weigh in a just balance the wants and necessities, 
 the feelings and the wishes, of a population so widely extended as that of Canada.' 
 He must therefore take advice from some one — and' who are likely to give it so 
 well as those drawn from the Representatives of the people themselves? True, 
 he may advise with the minority — but are they responsible? No, »hey are not," 
 and it is responsibility we demand from the advisers of the Crown. It Was righf 
 that the advice to be tendered to the Governor should be given by leading members 
 of the majority of the Legislature — showing to the ])eople that they enjoy the 
 confidence of the Crown. (Loud cheers. > It is only from them that the Governor 
 General can Con.stitutionally receive advice. He [the hon. gen.] would like »o 
 know, what Sir Robert Peel would say if, on going to Windsor to wait on Heif 
 
 Hi 
 
13 
 
 Majesty, lie were left in the ante-rocm, until Lnrtl Jchn nus^ell, or any other 
 leaJing opponent of the Admini^tiaticn, iiad tiiiisshed a private uiuiience with lier 
 MajoHty ? [Hear, hear.] He sai.l, without fear of contradiction, that Sir llobert 
 Peel would have inf«tantly r^'^iJ:ned (flice and ihe only fault he had to find with 
 his [Mr. Boulton'8] hon. friend in the chair, was that he did not do so, the very 
 moment he wan so treated [Loud chetrf.] He was the last man to allude to 
 the namen of imlividuals, hut he had heard of jjersons Mn^r consulted, who 
 ought not to have interfered while there were Constitutional advi?«'rs in (.ffice. 
 He maintained that no person had a right to be consulted by the Crown but 
 the Administration. The Governor-General conceded their right, it was true, to 
 bring in Bills in Parliament — but that waL« a very trifling n.atier; any one could 
 do that. [Hear, hear] In his [Mr. Boiilton's] opinion, the goodness or tadness 
 of laws depended more on the way in which they were carried out, than on the 
 laws themselves — and if the laws were executed so as to give satisfaction to the 
 people, it mattered li^le who introduced them to Parliament. — [Cheers.] It had 
 been said that the Administration was only to be consulted on matter;' of " adequate 
 importance," — but he [the hon. gen.] sail they were to be consulted on everything. 
 [Hear, hear.] He maintained that the mode of consultation ought to be, by the 
 Heads of Departments going to the Governor, and saying what the country wanted, 
 and what they recommended to be done. Not by the Governor going to the 
 Heads of Departments and telling them what he wanted done. [Loud cheers.] — 
 He [Mr. Boulton] had been a hundred times in Downing Street, during the reign, 
 of several Sovereigns, but he hnd never known an instance of a King going there 
 and giving hia directions as to what he wanted done. [Laughter.] No, the Minister 
 goes to the Sovereign and says 1 propose to appoint such a person to office, and 
 then the question is shall he be appointed by the Crown or not. The Crown has an 
 undoubted right to say to Sir Robert Peel, " you shall not appoint Lord Ashburton as 
 Minister to the United States," or, " you shall not send the Duke of Bucclcuch to 
 Russia." Her Majesty has a peifect right to do so ; but Sir Robert Peel has an 
 equal right to say, " if your Majesty nas not confidence in my advice, I must 
 resign." [liOud cheers.] "I cannot go before the Country, and show that I am a 
 mere instrument— that 1 have no say in my own Department. If my advice is not 
 taken, it proves I have not your Majesty's confidence." Now that was the exact 
 system of the British Constitution, and which was acted on in the Mother Country; 
 and he hoped that although he [Mr. Boulton] was an old man, he would yet live, 
 to see it in full and successful operation, and that before long, in Canada. [Loud 
 cheers.] He would not be content with any other system, or with anything short 
 of it. [Hear, hear.] He did not say so from party feeling — the demand was right 
 and proper in itself, and he advocated it from a stronger impulse than mere personal 
 considerations. In or out of power, he wanted no favor from any party whatever— 
 [cheers] — and, therefore, he was free to state all he thought on the subject. For the 
 sake of the peace and prosperity of the Province, he trusted to see it acted on— 
 he had very near said conceded — ^he did not like " concessions," the word stuck in 
 his throat — (enthusiastic cheers) — it was only an honest debt due to us which they 
 demanded. Mr. Baldwin had said, that the Administration has to endorse every Act 
 of the Crovemment, and it was undoubtedly true. Now there were four Banks in 
 Toronto, and they all knew that if they endorsed a note to get money at the Bank, 
 and the promiser did not fulfil his promise and pay the note, the endorser mut,i meet the 
 obligation — he must pay the note. [Loud cheers.] It was quite as serious a matter 
 to endorse the Acts of the Government, as to put one's name on the back of a pretty 
 large piece of paper. [Loud cheers.] Now, when they think the Government are 
 likely to be de4ulters, it is full time for the Ministry to withdraw — to take their 
 names off the paper before they are sued. [Laughter.] A complaint is made against 
 the late Ministry that they resigned — now that they had a perfect right to do. 
 They were not bound to remain guarantees for paper which they did not think could 
 be met at maturity, so they resigned, and left room for befler men -if they rovld he 
 found. [Loud cheering.] And for four months such meii had been sought for in 
 every direction, but whether it was on account of the wooden character of the country, 
 h« [Mr.BouItoa] could not sa;— but they had not been fpund yet. [Much applauM 
 
 H'. 
 
14 
 
 ■ .]! 
 
 : i 
 
 and laughter.] Perhaps they had not got en the proper " trail" yet. [Cheers.] 
 For the last four months it had been often stated by parties opposed to us, that we 
 had not come the length of being competent to govern our own affairs — that we are 
 but children yet ! Now he [the hon. gentleman] considered it the greatest mistake — 
 he had never seen children with such beards — childien of such large growth in his 
 life— [Cheers] — they were very precocious children. The truth is, we are a Pkoplb ; 
 and a people uf as much importance as Scotland was at the time of the union. [Loud 
 cheers.] How absurd it would have been to have talked of the Scottish people at 
 that time as children. Why, the man who woulJ have so spoken of them in those 
 days, would have been apt to encounter the claymores of the descendants of Wallace 
 and Bruce. [Enthusiastic cheers.] We are a million and a-half of people, mostly 
 natives of Great Britain ; and our emigrating to the Western World for a wider field 
 for our energies, is a proof that we are an enterprising people. [Cheers.] We do 
 know how to conduct our own aflairs, and we will do so m a proper manner. The only 
 safe principle for our government, is to take Lord Durham's invaluable Report as its 
 basis. I do think that Report does its author immortal honour, and devolves on the 
 people of Canada a heavy load of gratitude — [loud cheers..] Now, all that was 
 wanted, was to have it honestly carried out. We have been accused [said Mr. Boulton] 
 of agitating and producing diseenHion in the country, and preventing the views of 
 Government being carried out. Now, if there has been improper agitation, it has 
 come from our opponents : a small knot of persons here and there, to enable the govern- 
 ment to carry on without responsibility, and to lay a foundation for clap trap answers, 
 inducing people to believe that Responsible Government is fully accorded when 
 everythmg possible is done to defeat it — [loud cheers] — I say it, Mr. Chairman, 
 as on the house top, that not one of these " Replies" has ever rerognized the principle 
 qf ResponsUde Government 11 [immense applause.] I fee! that a large majority 
 of the Legislature will sustain the great principle, that the people are competent to 
 conduct their own affairs, — and I trust that they will adopt measures to carry it out, 
 and firmly to establish it in the country. [Cheers.] They are the greatest destructives 
 who strive to keep this question unsettled, and I trust that the people will show at the 
 Elections that they are satisfied it is so. The Hon. and learned gentleman resumed 
 his seat amidst loud cheers. 
 
 JOHN BOYD, Esq., had much pleasure in seconding the motion, 
 was put by the Chairman, and carried by acclamation. 
 
 The motion 
 
 WILLL\M HUME BLAKE, Esq., 
 follows : — 
 
 rose to move the second resolution, as 
 
 *' That Ministerial Responsibility to the people of this country for every act 
 Executive connected with our local affairs, is an essential ingredient of our 
 
 S. 
 
 of the 
 
 Constitution. It is a privilege to w^hich we have as undoubted a right as England 
 herself. And without it the responsibility of the Head of the Executive to the people 
 of England is no guarantee for our liberties." ; .owr— -?^i;'»!'.r- 1 • 
 
 _ Mr. Chairman, if we are here assembled for the maintenance of no great constitu- 
 tional right, if, as has been alleged, our only purpose be to thrust into office the 
 members of the late Executive Council ; then we are in my humble judgment 
 justljr chargeable with a very grave offence. For much as I should deprecate any 
 capricious exercise of Her Majest-'s prerogative, in the change of Her Ministers in 
 this Province, I must yet confess that I could not consider such capricious exercise of 
 authority, without some other ingredient, a sufficient ground for our present appeal to 
 the people, (hear, hear.) But if, on the other hand, it shall appear that the question 
 at issue forms the very basis of all the liberties oi Canada, then I must take leave 
 to deprecate the language of those who object against us, that our purposes are purely 
 personal (cheers.) Is this country, or is it not, bound to entertain a grateful 
 recollection of the man wlio has ever shewn that his country's rights are dear to him ; 
 who has again and again relinquished office when it could no longer be held 
 consistently with those rights (loud cheers.) Is this country, or is it not, permitted 
 to give plain expression to those feelings ? Is it reasonable to require the people of 
 this country to transfer a confidence which was never betrayed, to a set uf men who, 
 having letained place and power, so lo.ip as they could be protected in that enjoyment 
 bjr the favor of the Colonial Office in violation of the Constitution, in defiance of the 
 
15 
 
 wishes of the people, now seek to be rrstoied to their former position, becausff^ 
 fortiooth, they are at length pr<'piired to work out Ret-pontible iiovernnient (loud 
 cheers.) Ftom such dociriiies 1 wholly disHont, and, bir, bt'iore 1 enter upon the 
 particular subject of the resolution which has been handed to nie, 1 must ask 
 permission thus publicly to discharge, what 1 regard as a public duly, in teapect- 
 fully but cordially thanking you on behalf of my country, for those noble minded 
 and patriotic exertions which secured for us the recugniiion of a principle without 
 which we should, at this moment, have little title to the character of freemen, 
 (enthusiastic cheers.) 
 
 But, Sir, it is said that the question ot Responsible Government is undefinedi 
 and knowing as we do, that it is to operate upon the ever varying combinations of 
 hunwn atlairs, we admit that it is incapable of accurate defii.ition, we seek not ludehne 
 it. But we wholly deny that this principle because incapable of accurate dehnition^ 
 is therefore of little practical importance, or interest, to the people of the Province, 
 (hear, hear, and cheers.) It is true that we are permitted through the medium of 
 our representation, to enact such laws as may seem to us expedient. But it is 
 equally true that the whole Executive power is vested in our gracious Sovereign, 
 over whom neither we nor yet the people of England have any direct control. Our 
 gracious Sovereign is in the eye of the law incapable of wrong. Unless then that 
 executive power is exercised through the medium of Ministers, over whom we havo 
 some^ control, through the medium of Ministers n-cponsible to us ; unless the 
 Administration is correspondent to the Legi^lature, is it not most apparent that the 
 Executive must ere long engross all the power ot Gdverninent, (hear, hear,) and will 
 in etfect soon become despotic. But it is said that the head of the Executive 
 Government here, is responsible to the people of England. Now laying out of vie^V 
 for a moment, the practical ellect of this res^pontibility, which we shall consider by 
 and by, we do now unhesitatingly assert, that however well htted such responsibility 
 may be to deprive us of all shadow of liberty, it can never raise us to the rank of 
 freemen. (Cheers.) What ! suppose 1 were to inform any farmer who hears me, 
 that he must not presume to exercise any control over those servants to whom he may 
 have entrusted the management of his property. Suppose I were to insist that every 
 operation should be carried on at the will and pleasure of ihcEe servants, at the same 
 time assuring this farmer, that he need not feel uneasy, as Lord Htaiiley's steward 
 would, no doubt, compel those servants to do ih.Mr duty ; would that man, think ycu^ 
 fancy for a moment, that he was the true proprietor of his estate. (Cries of no, no.) 
 Would he not rather think that he was the t[&ve of Lord Stanley's steward, and that 
 Lord Stanley's steward was the true proprietor of his estate^ (Hear, hear.) Or 
 suppose I were to inform any merchant whom 1 address, that he must not presume 
 to dismiss or even to reproach his clerks, who must be permitted to conduct the 
 business of his establishment juet as they may think ht, but that he need not consider 
 himself in any degree their slave, in as much as the Lord Mayor of London would 
 compel a strict observance of duty. Do you not fancy that those clerks of the 
 establishment would ere long become insolent? [Hear.] Can you not conceive 
 this unfortunate merchant sometimes protecting, that this responsibility to the Lord 
 Mayor of London, instead of bettering his condition did in fact subject him to a 
 species of double-rehned slavery, the insolence of the clerk at home, and the 
 capricious and uncertain interference of the self-constituted supervisor abroad. 
 (Loud Cheers.) Leaving out of view then, for the present, this respoiiSibility to 
 Enfland, which certainly forms no part of our liberties ; we must in honesty, and 
 solemnly, as men speaking of what they hold most dear, declare to you, that so long 
 as the Executive of the Fiovince fails to correspond with the Legislature— so long aa 
 those large and discretionary powers necessarily vested in the Monarch, (and here 
 we especially point to the distribution of offices and emoluments,) are administered by 
 men in whom the people of this Province have no confidence, over whom they have 
 no control, — so long we are robbed of the greatest privilege which the very 
 nature of our constitution is designed to confer. (Cheers.) The whole body 
 politic labours under a disease wide spread, mortal, which must end in dissolution* 
 True, Sir, there are positive laws here, which the Executive must not infringe. But 
 who can jconsider the subject for a moment, and not perceive that the Executive, 
 without infringing any positive law, may yet, if it fails to sympathize with the 
 people, act in a manner 00 foreign to the spirit of our institutions, as to pervert them 
 
16 
 
 hil /rom their just ends. (Hear, Kear.) But why should we pause to denionstfaicf 
 the possibility ol such result ? Who that has contvmpiuted our paet history, can have 
 failed to perceive its practinil eltccl. liuve we not seen Adiuinistlrulion after 
 Admiuistrution conducted noi only without the couhdeuce of, but in open opposition to 
 the wishes of the Legibiaiure ,- and have we not seen that tttate of tuiiigs lead lb its 
 inevitable result 7 The hiuuous disorder in which we have had the iniBfoi-tunc io have 
 been involved. I am nut prone, Sir, to reler to the dictum ot any man, for the purpoa^ 
 of justifying our demand upon mere authority. We have heard one to whom this 
 Province certainly owes nmch, [1 mean Lord Durham] declare, that he did iibt pretend 
 to decide upon the polio/ of grunting to Canada rcpreaentaiUe iiistitutiona — language 
 this, which t-hould never have escaped the lips oi an Lnylishman^ 1 must oo.ifeM 
 myself therefore, indisposed to hx upon the wordmg oi a despatch, Or a resolulioni 
 for the purpose of fonifymg our rightsi Such a course may be highly proper in aettiing 
 mere questions of form i but those essential rights which we now uemand, rest on the 
 basis of eternal justice, upon which no resolution, however Constitutional, can morO 
 firmly establish them, from wluch no despatch however artfully worded can ever 
 remove them. And yet. Sir, 1 cannot forbear to cite a passage or two from the 
 writings of as great a philosopher and as eminent a statesman as ever graced the 
 English Senate, I mean Mr. Burke, an authority to which even dur opponents wiH 
 defer : 
 
 , ,'** It is therefore next in order and equal in impoitance that the discretionary 
 powers which are necessarily vested in the Monarch, whether for the execution 
 of the laws, or for the nomination to magistracy and otKce, or for conducting the aH'airs 
 of peace and war, or fur ordering the revenue, should all be exercised upon public 
 principles and national grounds, and not on the likings or prejudices, the intnguei) 
 or pohcies of a court. This I said is equal in importance to the securing a 
 Government according to law. The laws reach a very little ^way. Constitute 
 Government how you please, infinitely the greater part oi it must depend upon the 
 exercise of the powers which are left at large to the prudence and uprightness of 
 Ministers of State. Even ail the use and potency of the laws depends upon them. 
 Without them, your Commonwealth ia no better than a scheme upon paper, and not a 
 living, actual, effective Constitution. It is possible that •hrough negligence, or 
 ignorance, or design, artfully conducted. Ministers may suffer one part of Government 
 to languish, another to be perverted from its purposes, and everv valuable interest of* 
 the Country to fall into ruin and decay, without the possibility oi fixing on waf 
 single act, on which a criminal prosecution can be justly grounded< 
 
 ' *' Nothing indeed will appear more certain on any tolerable consideration of th4 
 matter, than that every sort of Government ought to have its Administration 
 correspondent to its Legislature. If it should be otherwise^ things must fall into ait 
 hideous disorder. The people of a free Commonwealth, who have taken Bach 
 care that their laws should be the results of general consent, cannot be so senseless as 
 to suffer their executory system to he composed of persons on whom they have nd 
 dependence, and whom no proofs of the public love and confidence have recommend^ 
 to these powers, upon the use of which the very being of the State depends. 
 
 " Tke popular dection of magistrates, and popular disposition qf rewards and 
 honovrs, is one of the first advantages qf a free State. Wttkout it, or sonuMng 
 
 SnticaUnt to it, perhaps the people cannot long enjoy the substance qf fret, mt 
 ertaimbj twrne of tke vilifying energy qf good ISovernmenli" 
 
 But, Sir, it is said that the responsibility of the head of the Executive to the people 
 of England, is the surest guarantee of our liberties ; nay, the only guars ice which 
 ^e can have consistently with our position as Colonists. That such Ian niage should 
 fall from the lips of noble Secretaries of State ; that tliey should consider a simple 
 declaration of ministerial approval as a sufficient sanction for any violation of oni 
 rights however flagrant ; nay, that such passing notice of oui- humble condition shpul^ 
 be regarded as the proper object of our gratitude, would not much surprise us. And we 
 would not feel disconcerted even though we should find such language faintly echoed 
 by the people of England. But that there should be found in this country any 
 inan degraded so low, as to pander to this lust of despotic powe^-^f cheers]— that there 
 
17 
 
 ftlould be found any mnn base enough to bnrtfr his own, his chiltiren's dearest 
 right, for some paltry present advantny liow can such things be and not hll 
 Ua with wonder? [Lou J chetrs.] Rcsponeibility to the people of Eujirland, 
 forsooth ! What I does not the Crown co.isiitiite here the third branch of the 
 Legislature, as in En^ldud ? Is not the Legislative Council, our second l^ranch 
 nominated by the Crown, as in England ? Are not the jirerogatives of the Crown us 
 inviolate here as in England? And atn I to be told that all those strong, those natural 
 ties to the parenc state, must be regarded as nothing, unless we al.-io consent that tlic 
 Government of this country be conducted by ministers over whom the peopli? of the 
 country have no control ? 1 say sir that this right must not be conceded by the people 
 of Cauada ; nay it must not be conceded even though the Commons of England 
 were disposed to exercise it with the utmost impartiality and vigor, — it i a 
 concession no less repugnant \«t the liberty of Canada to grant, than unworthy the 
 greatness of England to demand. We desire, indeed earnestly desire, to be 
 united to England, but it must be by ties of which freemen need nut be abliumed — 
 England cannot wish, and we must not consent, to be bound as slaves. 
 [Cheers.] But sir we utterly deny that the right of controul, if conceded, 
 would even be exercised by the people of England with impartiality or vigor; 
 
 well fitted to secure 
 operated, and never 
 We have indeed seen 
 
 has 
 
 the 
 
 will 
 
 the 
 
 demand of a noble Lord some account of a rapacity almost 
 age of Roman despotism, — rapacity which during a tiew brief 
 
 and history shall have raised her warning voice for us to little purpose, if $ihe 
 failed to convince us that such controul, however 
 aggrandizement of the Parent State, has yet never 
 operate as a shield to the liberties of the Colonist. 
 people of England 
 unparalleled in the _ 
 
 years had amassed wealth sufHcient to arouse the envy of the ancient and privileged 
 nobility of England. But with what result 7 Why at the very hour-— -the very 
 moment when the Commons of England were engaged in the solemn investigation 
 of that heinous offence. — At that very hour and moment, the Kini; of England 
 was desecrating the venerable temple at Westminster, by bestowing upon that 
 Governor the highest honor which the crown of England could confer. But it 
 may be said that the circumstances of our country, nay its very poverty, (I have 
 heard less tenable arguments urged) sufficiently protect us from the iron grasp of 
 rapacity, and that such instances as I have aiduced are therefore uninstructive. 
 Let us then contemplate some of the enormities of the immediate successor of 
 that Governor of the Indian Empire of England ; for the purpose of satisfying 
 ourselves whether that Responsibility of the head of the Executive Government 
 to the people of England, on which we are asked to rely, can be justly regarded as 
 any guarantee of our rights. Look then at Warren Hastings, confessedly the 
 man who contributed most to the aggrandizement of the power of the Parent State, 
 and tell me whether he was found scrupulous in the preservation of the rights of the 
 people of India. Accompany him to the palace of Fylzabad, and witness those ag^oniea 
 flrom which neither the weakness of age, nor the infirmity of sex, nor the dignity of 
 tank could protect the venerable Princesses of Oude. Follow him to the dungeons of 
 Lucknow, and hear an English Governor General in the name of the British 
 Government; consign to months of unpiticd, unrespited, unreprieved torture, 
 the aged and faithful attendants of those noble ladies, for no other reason than that he 
 might wring from them, that treasure with which he designed to satisfy the 
 tinbounded rapacity of Englishmen, — with no better apology than that his victim had 
 not the means of resistaace to his power. 
 
 Contemplate the people of England transplanting into British India, English Jadge5i, 
 and those forms of English justice which the experience of ages had approved, in 
 order tha*. the blessings of civilization might be distributed over that vast Empire, 
 and every truly British heart will swell with honest pride at the display of so much 
 magnanimity. But behold this Governor-General of India— "i!A« vpright and 
 nobU'hearted English Gentleman," [cheers] — reach forth his hand to pollute what 
 had been designed a fountain of light and life, from which unnumbered blessings 
 aliOuM flew to the remotest corners of the land ! Behold him reach forth his hand and 
 pollute that fountain, till its bitter waters spread desolation and death wherever they 
 reached ! Picture to yourselves an English Governor daring enough to ask, and an 
 English Jhdge bb^e enongh to sell himself to degrade his oflicc into an instrument of 
 «Be of the foulest judicial murders which ever disgraced the annals of that, or any other 
 c 
 
18 
 
 country, and I ask whether the refponBibilityofthc Governor GenermI to the Cominoaft 
 of England was of any avail to gunrd thi> rights uf the people of India? 
 
 When I look at England erecting in India a great military power, for the purpoie •# 
 protecting her eubjects in that vaot Empire from foreign aggreaeion, and procuring for 
 them the enjoyment of that BriiiHh freedom which has secured to England hen«lf 
 happiness eo unbounded — greatness so unpnrulleled— I strive not to repress thai palriotie 
 pride which 1 am free tu corifeBs I cannot control. But when I behold a' Britiab 
 Governor of British India — when 1 see the man chosen to bear the messaae of peae«and 
 freedom from the English nation to their fellow subjects of India — when 1 see that 
 man place the military power uf England under the control of a blood«lhirsty tyrant, 
 not to secure those blessings of peace and freedom, for which it was designed, but 
 to the end that that tyrant might, tn a moment without control, pour all the horror of 
 Indian warfare upon the happy valley of Rohileund. When 1 see a British army pieced 
 under the command of an Indian despot, that the noble, the happy, the peaeefil 
 Rohillaa, might, at one blow, be subjected to the sway ot a ruthless, a debauched 
 tyrant, I ask myself is this Tcgponsibility to England then, the guarantee oflvred «»f*t 
 the preservation of our rights 7 
 
 What ! when I see the Majesty of England condescend to receive with favor th« 
 man guilty of all these enormities, when I hear that the man who perpetrated these 
 foulest crimes against the people qf India, was pronounced by the nobles of England 
 to have committed no crime against the laws ot England, no crime against the justice 
 of the English nation. When I read these things, shall any stigma which the foul 
 breath of scandal can fix upon me — shall uny punishment which the frail arm of mortality 
 can inflict, deter me from asking whether we have not a right as men to denMmd 
 some other guarantee for our liberties ? Shall any man dare to tell me that I niu«t. 
 not ask the people of this Province whether they are prepared to relinquish that control 
 over their servants, which the reason and justice of England has conceded, and to 
 accept in its stead a re;^ponsibility to the people of England of which we have beea 
 considering the baneful results? Did 1 believe that the people oi* the Province would 
 hesitate for one instant on the alternative (hear, hear,) sad would be my foreboding*. 
 But it is booause I am contident that the mind of this people is fixed. It is becauM 
 I am conscious that the demand of this sacrifice is not the demanii, is not the language 
 of England, but of men resident amongst us, traitors to their country and their nghts^ 
 It is because I entertain the utmost confidence, in English love of justice, andCanadiai| 
 love of liberty, that I am enabled to address you in this crisis of our afTaim, foil of 
 cheering hope (enthusiastic cheers. ) The loud complaints which are ut'ered agninat 
 men who ask nothing but their undoubted rights, is not the language of genuine 
 love of British greatness and British liberty, it is the foul offspring of flnttery and 
 slander. It is tlw language of men who being conscious that they have no place ia 
 the confidence or afl'ection of the people of the Province, strive to acqaire place ami 
 power by means as little known to the Constitution, as they are base — by flatterite 
 to the Colonial Minister, as degrading as their slander of their fellow snbjecta i« nuiKg» 
 (loud bursts of applause. ). 
 
 But, Sir, hardly can we make mention of the rights of Canada. Scarcely do we 
 speak of a constitutional struggle for the preservation of our privileges, befoie the 
 finger of scorn is pointed at us, as though this Province were so degraded in the 
 scale of things, that every attenipt to make its voice heard amongst the people of 
 the earth, nad only rendered it a fit object of ridicule. [Hear, hear.] We have indeed 
 been told by one eloquent, and I suppose I ought to add, " noble hearted Goventor^" 
 [hear, hear,] that a single parish in London; nay, a single English noble ta poMcaaed 
 of more wealth than our poor Province can boast. And, because I sumiom it 
 would be disloyal to allow the hints of '* those noble hearted Enfliab gcntlemea" 
 lobe thrown away, it seems to have become a fundamental maxim with a certain claijf» 
 of politicians, that the connexion of this Province with the British Empire ta 
 good of such infinite magnitude, as to supercede the necessity, nay to leave no 
 room for the assertion of those common place blessings of liberty, (at which U^ 
 nations of the earth have ever struggled. [Loud cheering.] Allow us, say they, \^ 
 continue an integral part of the British Empire, and all other privileges arc ia owr- 
 estimatioa light as air. Let us but form a portion of that glorious Empire—to t|)v 
 winds with that liberty which England herself so dearly prizes. To the wjad with 
 
19 
 
 •eoT 
 
 gfor 
 •rielf 
 iotie 
 itiab 
 sand 
 that 
 rant, 
 but 
 or of 
 aeed 
 ;efil 
 ehed 
 • f*» 
 
 th« 
 
 licse 
 land 
 itice 
 foul 
 tlity 
 
 luat 
 trcl 
 I to 
 een 
 
 ga. 
 
 ige 
 
 kta. 
 
 of 
 lat 
 ne 
 nd 
 ia 
 nd 
 :ta 
 
 of 
 
 Ml 
 
 ft 
 
 d 
 
 it 
 
 that portion of it which the justice of England hna already conceded to uo. Let it too 
 be reaumed. Only permit us to call ourselves an integral part of the British Empire, 
 and it iaeiiougL [Loud cheering.] Sir, appeilutions have been freely applied to us for 
 the asaertiou of our honest cuavictioiu — we must not condcHCend to bandy names 
 with any man or body of men, no matter liow dignified their Htatlon. But thus nmcii we 
 may venture to say, that this ia not language to be listened to by freemen, [hear, 
 hear,] those are not the sentiments of Britons ; llioso are not the aentiments which 
 have laid so deep the foundation of British liberty, upon which the splendid fabric of 
 British greatness has been reared. [Loud cheers.] 
 
 Nay, Sir. it ia not the language of England towards this Province. For she has 
 solemnly and repeatedly conceded to us, that right of controul over our Provincial 
 Executive, without which we are but slaves. [Great applause.] We, therefore, tell 
 those reasoners that they belie the greatness and the justice of England, in attributing 
 to her such sentiments. We solemnly protest against the violation of our sacred 
 rights, in direct opposition to the wishes of the English nation. 
 
 Let as then hear no more of our insignificance m this our struggle for freedom. No 
 man, nobody of men, contending for liberty can ever be regarded as insigniiicant. 
 8uoh a Spectacle is insignificant, only to the coward slave, who knows not wherein the 
 true dignity of man consists, (hear, hear.) It will be hailed by every true hi.rtcd 
 Englishman as a spectacle the most signiticant. lie will rejoice to see the budding 
 forth of those seeds of liberty, which it is the glory of England to have planted over 
 the fflobe. [Cheers.] Were we to apply to an English Statesman to know 
 whether it became us to surrender the rights which England herself had conceded to 
 ni without raising an opposing voice — lest forsooth ! our insignificance should excite 
 a imile of contempt. The magnanimity of the English Statesman would inform us, 
 that a million and a half of men must not silently witness the spoliation of their property, 
 least of all of their rights. It would point us to Prussia, resisting such a combination 
 of Europe and Asia, as in (he estimation of some men, had rendered her truly 
 insignificant The English Statesman would tell us of that country with a population 
 of less than 5,000,000 strugg-ling with the combined forces of France, Austria, Russia, 
 Denmark, Sweden, and the States of Germany. Struggling, during seven years of 
 bloody war, with a population of one hundred millions, oVer which it eventually 
 triumphed, [loud cheers.] Or perhaps, we should rather be pointed to England 
 herself, when, after ten years of unceasing war — after a struggle, marked by great 
 misfortunes, aa well as unparalleled burthens — she not only found herself, after the 
 defection of all her ailies, opposed, single-handed, to the giant strength of Fmnce 
 —but saw moreover a combination of all the Northern powers — of Russia, her 
 former ally, of Prussia whom she had protected, all leagued, as one man, with France, 
 her implacable enemy, and striking a death blow at her naval greatness. [Enthuiastic 
 cheers.] Did England shrink from a view of her own insignificance ? Let the 
 cannon of Copenhagen — let the immortal triumphs of tl^e immortal Nelson answer 
 the enquiries. [Thunders of applause and great cheering.] These, Sir, were the 
 armed struggles of nations for existence. But surely our peaceful constitutional 
 struggles for our rights and privileges should not be regarded as less noble. I require 
 not, Sir, to be informed of the greatness of Britain, or the weakness of Canada. Born 
 mnd educated as I have been on British soil, I take a pride in the power of Britain, 
 which few of those who assail us can he expected to feel. (Cheers. ) Nor do 1 require 
 to be. taught to love British connection, to seek the perpetuation of Biiiish greatness. 
 These sentiments have been ingrained in my very nature. They have grown with 
 My.gvowth, and strengthened with my strength. They are ties. Sir, stronger — 
 dearer than I dare venture to express. [Loud cheers.] The hand of tyranny may 
 radely sever the bond which unites this land of my adoption to the Empire, it can have 
 1^ power to rob me of those filial feelings towards Britain, my country, over which I 
 fondly hope that the grave itself shall have no control. But shall I permit those 
 ssorra considerations to be profaned by being used as arguments to induce me to 
 surrender my essential rights as a freeman England cannot wish, and certainly she has 
 no right to preserve the integrity of the empire by such a sacrifice. And I hesitate 
 ttot to declare that much as I glory in the power of Britain, much as I admire 
 her unparalleled greatness, I had rather see them mouldering in the dust, than 
 i«ij[»portcd by an infringement of those Constitutional principles of liberty upon which 
 
 lii 
 
20 
 
 they were foundrd, and with wliicli I even dare to hope that (hey will fall. [TfaiV 
 flo |uenl and learned gentleman buI down amidat loud and long continued burau of 
 applauae. ] 
 
 WM. L. PERRIN. Esq., [Mcrclmnt] said : Mr. Clmirnmn, I have great pleasurtf 
 in coniiiig forwurd to secnmi the resolution so ably moved by my friend, Mr. Blake. 
 After the eloquent H}iee(;h he Im8 detiv)-red and seeing so many Gentlemen aroond 
 me, who are waiting to adilresH you, and who can do much more justice (o (he cauM 
 than 1 can, it would be |)re8umptuou8 in me to take up the time »*' this meeting. ., 
 
 JAMES IIEIIVEY PRICE, Esq., M. P. P., rose and said : 
 
 Mr. ChairiiiHn, — A much wiser man than myself has declared, that there is a time 
 to speivk and a tiini! to bj silent — nn.l after the very elo luent and talented apeeehef 
 which have this night been delivered, and from the knowledge that gentlemen equallV 
 talented with those who Iiuve preceded me, are to address the meeting, 1 think 1 ahall 
 best consult your wishes and convenience, by moving the Resolution I hold in my 
 hand, in silence. Here Mr. Price was interrupted by universal cries of go on, go on. 
 After silence was restored, Mr. Price said, I would most cheerfully speak to the motion^ 
 were it not that 1 fcur from the number of speeches which are to follow, the ti,me and 
 patience of the meeting will be entirely exhausted; I therefore do hope that I may b« 
 periiiittrd simply to move the Resolution, and nuke way for the Hon. Mr. Sullivan. 
 Mr. Price then read the Resolution and took his seat, upon which the meetuif 
 simultaneously and with one voice called on him to speak. He again rose, and •• 
 soon as the cheering had subsided snid, gentlemen, I am not inaensible to the flattering 
 manner in which you have received me this night, but 1 am equally sensible of Ih* 
 great inconvenience you suflcr in the very crowded state of the meeting, and tbt 
 excessive heat of the room; and I do implore you to allow me to be silent, so that th«' 
 gentlemen around me may have an opportunity of delivering their sentiments. I am ' 
 at all times ready to address you, and other opportunities will present themseWes, I 
 have lately spent two or three weeks in the country attending public meetings, whenf 
 union and harmony prevails universally amongst the friends of British Responsibly 
 Government, and on those occasions 1 have found it very ditflcult indeed to condense) 
 my thoughts within proper limits, and I fear now that if 1 were once to commencf 
 speaking to the Resolution entrusted to me, that I should far exceed the limits that 
 prudence would dictate, from Tne fact of the Resolution being replete with interest and 
 constitutional principles. Gentlemen urge me no longer, and believe me that at the 
 close of this meeting you will say with me, that it was better that I held my peacey 
 than that others more eloquent should be prevented addressing you. Mr. Price agaii^ 
 resumed his seat amidst immense cheering. 
 
 ** 3. That the full establishment of such responsibility as recoimnended by I<otd 
 Durham, introduced by Lord Sydenham, recognized by the Resolutions of the 
 Commons of the Province of 3d September, 1841, and acted upon by the late lamented 
 Sir Charles Bagot in the change of Ministry in September, 1842, requires that the 
 business of the country should be conducted under the Representative of the 
 Sovereign, by means of Heads of Departments, having seats both in the Executive 
 Council of the Province, and in the Provincial Parliament, forming the Cabinet of 
 the Head of the Government, and prepared to defend in their places in Parliament^ 
 the measures of their several Departments, and politically responsible, individually and 
 collectively, to the Provincial Parliament for every act of the Provincial Government." 
 
 JEISSE KETCHUM, Esq., was received with loud applause. He said he dill 
 not like to be always finding fault — and he bad been considering what good vc«i 
 likely to result from the present position of affairs in Canada. It appeared to bin 
 (Mr, Ketchuin,* that one great good which wotild devolve from i» was — disctiMioiii 
 (hear hear.) Youna; people were always coming forward in the world, aiid if 
 somethinsf did not occasionally occur to compel them to enquire into Iheir rtghtii 
 the ueonle would lose sight of, and forget their just privileges, (cheers.) Another 
 good which had resulted was, that now the country would knc\y exactly who the 
 men were who are willing to praise and fawn upon the Governor General, do 
 what he would, (cheers.) Tht-y knew now who they were who would sell the^f 
 Jiberiies— for wbal ? why, exactly for what Esau -got for bis birtb-rigbt«.(Ioii4 
 
21 
 
 cheers.) One l\un^ lie (Mr. Kotchum) rpjoict'd lo notice— the liif,lie?l peopk 
 amtin^ the other psuty, the oKI, well tried (ippnnent.s of the Kelonners — lin<l no! 
 committed ihemselveH. 'riievleft tliiit toolljers who tmd not co much ex|terience. 
 For t'our months Canada had hecn withont n (iovenmitnt— lor he held that an 
 unconMitutioiinl Ooverninenl wan no (loverniiicnl at all, (cheers.) All adniilled 
 that Canada had a rij^ht to II 'sponsilde (fovernincnt — it was therefore lor the 
 w:o^\e to ketp it. It was said the Governor was respon.-ilde to the jieople — I ut 
 how were they to make it uvuilahie? It was like a Banker who^ets his biljn 
 into circulation here and i^oes otl' lo HuH'alo. — what could you do then vilh your 
 bilU ? When the Governor (ieneral went home to Knpland, who was lo |ay his 
 bilU? We know how to get at iheMini.-try — they want (,nr v(tes now and airain 
 — hut how can we make a Governor'^ rehponsildliiy to us availahle ? Hia 
 Excellency sayif the late Ministry wished to make a tool of him— hut because 
 a persim will not doa^t another wanted, (f!li that make a tool of him / Assuredly 
 not. [Hear, hear, j He [Mr. Ketchiim] thotiii;hi if that was makinj^ a too! of 
 a person — and womtf one must he male a tool of — helter that the Governor should 
 be so, rather than the whole people of Canada, when all they wanted was their 
 just and Con.<«titutional righLs. [Loud cheers.] He had much pleasure in 
 seconding the Re.solution just proposed by his friend Mr. Price. The motioa 
 vras put from the Chair and carried unanimously. 
 
 ^' HON. R. B. SULLIVAN having moved the following resolution, addressed the 
 ineeting at length. 
 
 "4. That such Heads of Departments, forming the Provincial Administration undef 
 the Representative of the Sovereign, can constitutionally retain otiice only so long 
 as the3r possess the confidence of Parliament. " ,■' c t » »<<: ■ i^q 
 
 Mr t^hnirman and Geiidemeu — I do not wonder nf my lenrned friend, Mr. Price", 
 for his desire nut to address a lengthened speech lo yoii, nfier liie stirring and 
 •luqiient addre8.<4e8 you hnve h*'ard this evt'niii^; and I assure you liiat I nm not 
 one who would willingly brave a cmnpnrison, or provoke u contrn!<r between my 
 humble ttflf'trts, and ihc l'erv<d and i linogt overwhehnine speetdi of the fpvnkrr who 
 has just j^receded me. By avoiding his tligliis of fancy, nnd by keeping v«ithin the 
 bounds ot a lar lower nnd less interesting trinn of thought than hi«, I shidl in soms 
 measure avoid the cornpiirison 1 shrink f.oin, nnd lUiiy at the snnie time, in some 
 degree, get rid *>f the repetition and imiiation of 'he same line of argument which 
 must in all cases be wenrisome lo the hearers, but which is, nevertheless, not to be 
 avoided when many speakers address an audience on the same subject, and un the 
 same side. 
 
 We are nil apt in coming tn cnncloNinnn on political doctrines, tn ndnpt as 
 Aniversidly npplicnide, m:ixims which admit of exceptions to their appliciihility, and 
 we thereby mo often expoi^e ourHclvcs to be met in nrgiiment by a displny ot the 
 exceptions, — a disphiy which often gives nn adversary n victory in the dispute, 
 without his having in fact, the best side of ibe cnse. Yon are now reccmmencing 
 a struggle to estaltlisb your right, as iriiish C>donists, to Constitutional freedom, and 
 it is, therefore, incumbent upon yon, not only to consider your own strength, but lo 
 exnmiite with a desire after truth, the arguments which may be arrayed nirainst yon, 
 |ur he is a poor general who knows only the strength «d his own army. fHear, hear.} 
 
 ••'It. is not universally true. Gentlemen, that nil British subjects are entitled iOf 
 or can havA British Constitutional liberty; or that all Coloides nre entitled to, of 
 ean hnve n Constiinrion the imnge nnd rratiscript of that nf the Pnren State For 
 example, the British Empire has for tfiihjects and eolonisis, millions o< people in 
 the East Indies, who, from centuries of slavery, tyranny, and despotic rule, have 
 become, and are incapable of exercising the rights of British sulyectx, m the extended 
 sense of ihnt term. They wni t the education, the inlormntion, the hnbii, nnd ike 
 love of free institatinns ; nod, ihereiore, it would be vain to het'tow these bleB»ings 
 upon a people, who could neither appreciate nor use them. It is true that the went 
 •f the understanding and of the pusseesion of Constitutional liberty, has exposed that 
 
 111 
 
22 
 
 f«npl« to nj>*r\tf aiHl rrufliy, to rapine and irrindmr npprpnion, which lanfiiaf* 
 wtiiilJ r<itl lu «trai'iilir, niiii iiKitiiiai winch rf»|iitiiNilMlily oi' ruler* lu iha Briiiak 
 liaiiiiii liiia Itui'ii Mnlirt|>|iily luiiiiil Imi it litrlilt* Iturrifr ; Inii ii is no \vn» iriie ihat lh*>a« 
 •Vila uitiiiiiil HI |irt*iitiiii liiivti till ir rniiiily in ii pn anil cxieii-ini lu tlinl country of ih« 
 Uriiikh Cttiiiiiiiiiiiiiii, itr liy iitr>rtlMit/ nii itfnoriiiii lifiiiuliied people ■ control over their 
 WWII g'lViiriiiiHiiH, uvmi iia nguiiJM liiiMr own locul uliuira. ,. j . ^^ ,^, ,» > f.„ri 
 
 In aiii'h n riMiiliiinii oC n coiKinrrrit prupto, it ia cvi(l«*nlly thi* duty of the auprrmt 
 Slate to tiiriiiMli (i .vxriiorM iiiiH CMiiK-ilhirn, wlin, rt'yardlfvn o( popnlnr will, and in 
 ihe exii'i'ioe of pnwiT, locnlly iiiitiniii«*d iind uiirfairnined, would sdminialer 
 foveriiiiiriii ptrluiMly iiitlfpi-ndiiit o(° ilio wiphra, nnd iiiiiifl«^rf nt ns to the opiniuna *>( 
 ihv K"**'''"'"' pvopltt. Ill Hiirli II i-iiHu ilittre in UrHpoiiMiblc (.iiivernnirnt. The Gofemor 
 and Ilia iiiiponeil Coiiiirilliirx iir«> ri!NpiHiiiiM«<,— i|i«i piilijiu aervnma are rei^ponaihle t but 
 lliity lire unawurHhli* only lo the (•ovorniiieiii and people of Riiglnnd. True ifaig 
 respoiiiibiliiy liaa ul'irn hi'uii l<iund unly4n theory ; iru**, it haa not prevented crime, 
 
 [ijtindvr, and oppif^MMion in all incliiiiei'H ; liui piill ihu rrrpnnaibiliiy existed; the 
 igurud hud noniiniilly ri'un<M. Tli«>y could pctiiinn ihe Sovereign, — they might 
 pu»ailiiy he hoard hehm* thi- IniptMiiil Pnrliuiiient, nnd if they in tact tound no redreaa, 
 «nd could uhiain no hi^ariiiK, the Cfovornnifnt, even biid aa ii ia, ia betierihan any 
 •iMoyrd l»y the aiini«i puopio bctore, oiid perhups, as good aa they are capable of 
 tiijoying. (Ilt-ar. Iieai.) 
 
 Ia there not too nuu-h room for u» to aiipposr, that educntfd in auch a achoni, and 
 kecuatomed to auch rcaponsibiliiy.ilic hii^h and resprcted individual wh6 now rules 
 over UK, ninv have hroiight liia notions of Irre Gitv«rninent from ihe Enat and not 
 frmn KHiUiid : ihnt lie niiiy hnw, in thai di«ttini Goveninfni, learned to deepiie 
 the puliiival opniioiia thai divide a free people, an>i in hold in contempt the respective 
 parliea and ihoae who ure admitted to lead them ; that he may ihii* have learned to 
 aay, I want no pariiea, no puriy men, no party measured ; I will judge what is 
 good tor the people myseli; I will recosnizo no confidence bestowed upon 
 C'viunista : I will not be a tool. ^Hear, hear.) ,- , 
 
 But are yo\i, gentlemen, moat of you nntivea of the metrnpoliian portion of the 
 Empire which giive birth to the Guvernor and 'o Wm griicioua MistreM ; are you who 
 •re the n uvea of Canuiln, and who have neiit kepreKenianves to the Lesfislalure for 
 Mear fifty year* ; do you Hdmit yourselves to he unworthy to have opinions on yomr 
 own affairs, 'o feel deeply pohtical differences, to judge for yourselves which party 
 among yuunnelves, think und net most for your own interests; are you of harbariiln 
 or shivish trib4>s, or will you, upon any o| ihese charges, permit yourselves to be 
 deprived of the rights if iJriiish suhjectsT I feel th:it ym will not, and no matter 
 where your rulvrs in>iy hiive leunit.d ih'ir p<>liiio!i, or >iow deeply they are imbued 
 wiib these prt'jiidives, you know loo well what is due lo yourselves, and to the 
 ebUdren to whom y.tu will leuire ihM M > •:» i^ ^' I't'i'Ty a i.l its political liberties •• a 
 fair inheriiauce, to subiaa to sucii dfgrdduiion. (Loud cheers.) ,,. ^ ^ ,., 
 
 There may, however, he another class oi Tolonieit, to the inhabitanlt hf whlcV^ 
 might be iiuprticticabltf or unwise to extend the blessins of British liberty. Tb« 
 innabitanta might be comiucred enemies, whose obedience is enforced by the sword, 
 and whose affections are not gnincd. or whose enmity is not appeased. The 
 ooiigaiion to govern such a people with justice still exists, and there may be 
 responsibility to the supreme Government and people, for the sdniinistnitioM of 
 aAiii* in auch a po8ses>ion, while it is noc easy to see how the prhril«>fc* of the 
 Bittish eonaii'ution could he s«fely extended M them. But will yttv admit of tWa 
 •• %n excuse for arbitrnry rule in Cnn tdu, one of the oldest colonies of Eugland, vrbaso 
 pe4»ple havw been fai'hiul and true, in war and peace, in prusperitv and ia 
 Vik«l4»loN T Will you. whose v<ir»»8 are now- so anai 'umIv solicirpil, adroit tliai f%m 
 1^ to bft «t»venied as enemies T Did you, the Emiarans who n»»w fiii this hind, com* 
 to be Iwld that yuu are not fit to he trusted with the political power wliicb ytM 
 ' when von lelt your homes 7 Mwnt the p^e^)(r<«^ive ot a Governor be aei up 
 you a» Colonists, when the prerogative of your Queen would ne« bo asssrtad 
 exteut in your native land 7 My questioas will b« answered xhAman • 
 
23 
 
 ■ingltf diM«ntin( voioe, and you will foel wiili me ihni when you ttfcetiic r.t'onislg 
 in Camidk, you gave up no cunsiiiutionni ritflite «■ British rrcenmi' (Cnuutiaalia 
 ohocra.) 
 
 But there is yet another clnu of Colonien wiihin which rnn may probhbty he 
 attempted to tie bruuyht, nnmvly, itifnni Cohmios — Niii-king Cii|<ini«ii — Cojonifft in 
 leading atrinire. It ia vtery piniii ihnt whrn n U-w ihouNiinil |ico|>le hrgin to ariilr i>) an 
 almiiet uiiiiihahiied founiry ; when thry import thuir couocillorM itnd ihrir piihlic oflicera, 
 /ree^Ai^— for tliey have nothing to ilo ; and while ihu nuinltitr of inhnhitnnia am too 
 amiill, and their politica too innignifit'iint, either to woi);h ngninot the opiniona dI 
 Oovemora or the Imperini intereat in tho^o who nro to come after, it may not h« 
 unwiae to withhold liom them in their firat Ntnigi^le lor existence aa a community, 
 political diapiitea, or to allow whnt it itselt piini>h buiineis, to aa«unie the dignity 
 and importance of political adminintration. It is Biruntfe thnt it in in this light, moat 
 Engliahmen are in the hahit of regarding^ these Coluniea; they look upon them 
 eaeentially as infants ; they play with them, they fondle them, they give them aufar 
 pliima, and they acnd ilifm nni;e schoulmnsterv, and tell ihem to be good boys. 
 (Laughter.) But as lur iliiiiking for ihcmvelves—thfse infant ('olonisia i— such a 
 noti'ii never entera the head of the Eiiglidhman. It ia true, the wise ones aay in 
 Eiigliind. they (the Cotonie^i) cannot be infiints for over, let us watch the time, and 
 when the boya come to their mnjority, let them go. (Lnughter.) When suck 
 aeniimenta prevail reapecting Colioiies, it is not wonderful that every asaertion uf 
 Conatituiional right ia deemed an attempt at separaiioti ; every claim on the part of % 
 Colonial to equality with an Englishman, an attempt to prove the maturity of th« 
 Colony, and to eatablidh its sepaniie independence. It is not that any poeaihie reiatioa 
 can be traced between a deoire for local reHponsihiliiy, or fo. contml over local 
 ttdininiatratiun, and discontent with the Colonial State, or w ish to dissolve it. No, 
 thia longing alter the righu of Englishmen is looked upnn as n mnrk ul manlincaa, of 
 fuliieaa of age; ol ripeiiois whii-h muat cause the Irnit to drop fnmi the parent tret 
 h ia therefore, thai we find ao In tie aiipport in the Biitisli Pre^a ; iio little aympatkjr 
 amongst British statesmen; because it is olten said -it is odmiited to be true, that 
 Colonioa are infanta and must be governed as sui-h ; and as in a school he is )ke beat 
 i>oy who niakea the leaat noiae, so in a Colony thev are the heat suitjecia who give 
 the Colonial Secreiarv the least trouble. (Hear, hear,) When did you ever aeo 
 a aerioua inquiry aa to which of two quarrellint; children were in the right, or whero 
 have you read of a aerious investigation aa to which of two partiea in a Colony ka4 
 justice on its aide 7 (Cheers.) ';>.); r < .• . M,t^ )»i(» «^ foiwijjiiwvi 
 
 Lord Durham «vaa almost the firat Englif>limrin of high station who appeara to 
 have conceived the possibility of Colonials thinking for themselves and rrmainiif 
 C<doni8ta. Hh did not siiut iiin eyea to the comparative smullnesa of our alTiira, Jlri 
 he determined by meana of the Union, to mnkc the-sie afTairs larger. He propoaed the 
 Union of the Provincen, not for the purpose <•( oppressing «)no by moans of the other, 
 but for the purpose of makini; their right to self-government unqaeniionable. He 
 propoaed to unite the Colonies, that their people nnitcil, might be too strong hr 
 favouriiiam, — too mighty for compact or faction. (Loud cheers.) 'hen that act of 
 Union was once passed, well w >uld it have been for Ciinado, if all its , ole hnd seen 
 and admitted th^ inevitable consequences ; and all agreed to set this queftion of 
 Rfisponsibie Government at rest, lor ever after that great meuaure. (Hear, hear.^ 
 Squabhiea with Governora, and little intrigues in the Government ought to have hea 
 Ml end. We ahould have left it to the infants ol Nova Scotia, to have Bxeeutiye 
 Councils, in which all parties wen^ represented; and to our younger brethren qf 
 New Bninawick, their wonder struck admiration at the salvotion ol the Coitnliy, 
 through meana of Answers to the .Men of Gore. (Loud cheers ) We ahonfd haTit 
 laughed at auch toys, as fit foi children, and remembered that, whether Whig, or Radical, 
 or Tory, or Conaervative, the Country required united and vigorous administralloa 
 of ila local alKiirs ; and that we had outgrown tiie day when these coold be manageq 
 iHlder the Tristrapedia of under Secretaries, or tlio ** make less notap c)|itdreq*^ 
 policy of Governors General. (Hear, hear.) 'Z 
 
 - F<ur n*y pert, I verily believe the feeling that CoIi>nisla are entitled to the riglits 
 •f Eni^men ia univeraal in Canada, and that it exists with the ToryM««UM 
 
24 
 
 thfl Reformer. Tlioso wlio bctrny ilie Governor, bj' cheering him on fo a contest 
 with UB, huvu no di'sire lo ei<i)il)h>h hiu (irl)itrary will on ihe niinn of relorni^t ii 
 lh«iii!ii.'lve8, iinil itii'ir |iarty iluy woiild set to nileo\e: us. ([leiir, hcnr.) It ii not 
 M Citnadiuii LoloiiifiH, lint iis Rctoinier." you nre Kx-kt'd upon Ity ihf-ni as iinwurihy 
 ot Ihe rigltiR of Englisliineii ; do n<.t imngine that lircauxe these nifn sre au Buh« 
 niiSMive now to ilie Goveriior'8 iiiiuipretniii of lite • on!<tiiu'ioii, iliiil iL-y would 
 be an ii l.^i! iieoplv ut il "t Provinrc gove them a innjoriiy in Piirlianieni. Du nut 
 think so meanly of iIrv., as to iinuginn ihat they in 'he majority would nllww «if 
 the uppuiHinit;iiii<ol yourcbt Is, for ilu; sake ot iiccommodnting hemfielvea ton Governor's 
 ■«n»e of juutice, or that iliey would L'xcludt'u leadini; pariii in troni the Council chamber' 
 to make room lorn inan of (lie oppoHiie pnriy, or for n Govtrntir's lavouriie, n man of 
 alt purt:«8> (Loud tht<er& ) No, Gi'nilenien, they have lieen in power — in mnjoritiet 
 and minorities, and iliev never did these stupid things. No, Gentli-men, they not only 
 think, but they know tlini tu defeat you would l)e toeoiahlish themselves; they are 
 unable to overthrow you of iliemseives, and weakness needs a tool — it is they who 
 wish to moke a tool ui liie Governor General, and not the late Executive Councih 
 (Great applause.) . .,.. .■^ 
 
 Our enemies in this country applaud the Governoir for his assertion thai^ it Wai 
 necessary to deny the claims oi the late Executive Council to preserve allegiance in 
 the country' — they knew the contrary. I'hey well know that Canada is not to be 
 governed in peace, bui A'ith the cordial support of the Representatives of the people, 
 and that the Ministers by whom public ailairs have to be managed here, must be those 
 who posbess the conhderce of the Parliament ; that it is only to such the people will 
 entrust the execution of their legislative measures, and only at the hands of such 
 they will condescend to receive explanation. They know we are not a baibarian 
 Colony, or a conquered people, or an infant Colony, and they are not bold enough 
 to take ortice in tite face of a Parliamentary majority. We know and feel, for our 
 parte, that matured freedom and British control over the acts of our rulers, is not. 
 inconsistent with continued — long, long continued allegiance, pnd that never would 
 this people look forward with more cheerfulness to an ordinary connectio:^ with the 
 Mother Country, than when they are assured that they may be Colonists and freemen 
 at the same time. [Loud cheers. ] We abjure and repudiate the doctrine that controul 
 over our local aOairs is inconsistent with allegiance, and we fe<;l in our hearts that 
 loyalty to our Queen, and love of our country, is not extinguished by our desire to 
 possess that freedom which was the living spring from which flowed all that country's 
 greatness, prosperity, and honour. [Loud cheers. ] 
 
 It it not my intention, gentlemen, to enter into a criticism upon thr Answers which 
 His Excellency has been advised, no one knows by whom, to give to the Addtvssest 
 which appear to have given so much pleasure to His Excellency. These Addresses 
 seem to have persuaded him that there is a considerable party opposed to our views of 
 Responsible Government, and in favour of his protestations that he is Responsible 
 Government's warmest friend. I do uot w'?h to tind fault with the Representatiye of 
 my Sovereign, nor because he has chosen personally to step into the political arenai 
 to treat him with the absence of ceremony wl.ich belongs to political contension ; but 
 in justice to you, I must remind you that it is not by the professing friends of Respon* 
 sible Government in any shape, that the Governor General is applauded. (Loud 
 cheers.^ On the contrary it is by those who are its declared enemies, who proclaim it 
 m rebellious humbug. Have then these signers of AtMresses changed their opinioDB 7 
 Yon know they have not Have they altered their language in coaversation on the 
 stibject? You know they have not. Have they declared their approval of the 
 Resolutions of September, 1841 7 You know they have not. Well then, wh«n His 
 Excellency is advised to declare himself the lest friend to Responsible Government «• 
 the admirers of these Resolutions determined to carry them out, I ask you, do these 
 people, or do they not, think His Excellency sincere 7 if they, the loyal, the approvedi 
 the congratulated — if they place any meaning on the professions in these Answerct hilt 
 the one they appear to intend, what are we to do 7 If His Excellency really means to 
 approve of the Resolutions, and the kind of Govmment they indicate, how can he 
 take for approval of his policy, the acclamations of those by whom these Resolutions 
 were opposed and stigmatized. [Hear, hear,] If we have happened to misandersttfud 
 His Excellency, and to misnpreBcnt him as oppoi^d to the popular view of lleq[)On«lble 
 
25 
 
 to 
 
 Kble 
 
 of 
 
 Ina, 
 
 Ibut 
 
 lit 
 
 
 10 
 
 id 
 
 Government, we could not have misrepresented the violent party who have got ap 
 these AdJresses ; neither can he be very pruuJ of the support of those whose applause 
 must be founded upon his supposed insincerity I make iiochurge of insincerity, but 
 i am at liberty without o.fence, when at a lo3s for the meaning of His Excellency's 
 contradictions, to took over the list of n'lmt-s appended to the Addresses, and to ask 
 what are the opinions ot that man and the other. His Excellency means something 
 which they can approve of, and what they can approve is not Responsible Government 
 as understood by the Parliament and the Country — and therefore is not •••'hat w« seek 
 or with which we can be content. [Loua cheers.] 
 
 The late Ministers have be?n accused, by those wiiO wish to flatter the Governor 
 General, of making matters which occurred in Council, subjects of Parliamentary 
 discussion. The late Miiiislcrs did no such thing : it was not what they learned in 
 the Government they complained of, it was what was hidden from them ; what might 
 have been, for aught I know, public in Quebec or Toronto before we heard it. VVe 
 complained o( appointments being made contrary to uur ad^^ice ; we did not say to/tot 
 appointments, and this complaint was i. clud*d in the document submitted to His 
 Excellency. But we complained, moreover, of appointments and proposals to make 
 appointments, which we never heard of until the fuct was public. 1 heard of no less 
 than three gentlemen being od'erad the Speakership of the Legislative Council, every 
 one of whom thought we had advised the oHice — (hear, hear) — and the appointment of 
 most of whom I woull most cheerfully have advised : but was it the way to appear in 
 the light of confidential Advisers, when spoken to by strangers, to confess your utter 
 ignorance of what they and others knew ; or were we merely to dissemble and 
 pretend to knowledge of facts of which we were not informed ? [Hear, hear.] 
 
 Kn the answers of His Excellency, the late Executive Council have been 
 repeatedly charged with an attempt to make a tool of flis Excellency : this expression 
 is meant to be forcible and effective, and it is reiterated so often that it cannot be 
 passed by without remark. What we asked and what His Excellency refused, 
 was to be advised with on appointments, and that His Excellency should not destroy 
 «ur influence, [that by which we supported his Government] by making appointments 
 prejudicial to thai influence. (Cheers.) You are not to be told at this day for the first 
 time that in England, subordinate appointments are made by the Ministers ; or 'haS 
 they have very often been made in a manner not entirely consistent with Royal 
 inclination ; you are not now to be told for the first time that if the Sovereign were to 
 choose public servants from the opposition, that Ministers would resign- Yet who 
 ever heard of a British Sovereign complain of being made a tool of? The Governor 
 General has thus for the sake of bringing forth a few approving Answers, depicted in 
 opprobrious terms a supposed situation, that of being advised and acting through and 
 liy Responsible Ministers, and yet it happens to be the precise position in which the 
 mighty Sovei:«ign of England is every day placed. (Hear, hear.) Is this term " tool," 
 •or being made a tool of, fairly applied to the position in which we desired the Governor 
 General to place himself, or is it a censure upon the British Constitution ? [Cheers.] 
 
 But we are charged by gentlemen with disaffection — with a desire to sever the 
 •connection between this country and the Parent State ; upon the high authority of 
 « €rovernor Geii«ral we are stated to be traitors. Yes, we hear of difficulties betweem 
 the neighbouring States and England, which may yet bring war into our now peaceftd 
 homes ; and why should it not be so, our enemies have the Vice-regal word for it, that 
 an Executive Council, supported by three-fourths of the Canadian Assembly, w«re 
 dtsaflTected men. Is our condition to be discussed favourably m Great Britain, in Nova 
 Scotia, New Brunswick, or any where el.«e, when as a fact we, and you who uphold 
 ■as, are declared to be no better than disaffected subject'- ? You know whether or not 
 you are disaffectt J; and you know us well enough to say whether or not we are traitors, 
 and if you know and feel that neither you or we deserve the appellation, and whea 
 we are charged with other designs which we deny, and when other imputations are cast 
 upon UB which we repudiate, I hope it is not disrespectful to say that all rest upon the 
 aan^e authority, and those who can believe one in .their hearts, are welcome to 
 believe the others, [Loud cheers. ] 
 
 But it is not because we have been forced to leave high and honourable places In 
 which dt was our privilege to serve you. It is not because we have been chargfd wjlQi 
 
 if: 
 
26 
 
 falHcliofxl, Mml atigmnlizHd as (liHufTcctpd auhjecta of our Queen, that /ottare n<y«r c<<Ite«( 
 lug<?ilier, or Ihi't 1 i»ke up your time in addreaaing you. Jt ia becauae ^oor deafetf 
 iiilereata are ar alake, liecauav it requirea your aterneat resolution to maintain the prowl 
 poHitioii in which, na Colotiiftta, you were placed. It ia becauae you niuat ace and feel 
 theae tliiiiKH HfiiHihiy, HiroiiKly, and inanCully, that we here meet, and that our felloW 
 ColoiiiHiM are elnewln're meeiirig, uiid aa we will continue to aaaembie until victorj 
 orowiia our elloria. l^lioud and continued applauae.] 
 
 Win. A. ItALUWlN, Emi., aeconded the motion, which waa carried. 
 
 R. CATMCART, Esq., rose to propose a reaolutton which he moat heartiljr 
 concurred in. Frcni the number of excellent apeakera yet to come, he felt he ought not 
 lo detain the Aaaociution, and would simply read the Resolution : 
 
 ** 5. That the power of the Representative of the Sovereign in the exercising of the 
 Roynl Frorogutive, with which he is intrusted, to make appointmenta to otncea is 
 udniitle.l in the extent lo whic^h the same prerop;ative is exercised by Her Majesty in 
 Kngliuul ; but that neverihcless as the Provincial Administration are responsible to 
 Purliamcnt litre, f(»r all acts of the Provincial Executive, in the administration of our 
 local ntliiirs, this Assi ciation maintains the undoubted right of the Provincial Miniatera 
 lo be consulted upon the Hdininistralion ot' all the ad'airs of the country, in order that if 
 in disitigaril of their advice, any mt-asure should be adopted, or appointments madi, 
 which they would not feel themselves prepared lo defend, they may have the opportunilf 
 of r<:sigiiing their olfioes before the consummation of the act against which they hare 
 thus adviued." 
 
 SKKKKINGTON CONNOR, KSQ., rose and Niid— I beg leave. Mr. Chairman. 
 to have the honour ol° seconding that Resolution In doincr ^o, Sir, I shall 
 contine my^ell' to a very tew observations; for alter the brilliant names and 
 eloquent s^H-'eches iliat have preceded me, it would be unpardonable presumption 
 ia me lo utlenipt ties^vassing upon your patience. 
 
 In all the Resolutions, Sii, p.opsed here this night, I do most warmly and 
 covdiully concur. They are all worthy of the great cause in which they have 
 Iteen promulgated, and the great meeting by which they have been approved. 
 (Hear, hear.) Hut there is none of them ail, Sir, to which it could have given 
 me livelier or sincerer plea:>ure to have cortributed my humble aid than to the one 
 which I now have the honour to second. In this Resolut-'^n, the Refom 
 A.s.s«.x.Mation of Canada, in the broadest and plainest language, recofrnizes the 
 pc»\ver ot the Governor-General in the exercise of the prerr^tive with which be 
 IS entrusteil to make appointments in this Province, a» equal to that which couH 
 be exercisetl, if she were present, by the Sovereign herself. At the same time, 
 that ahove the pttltry fear of being ."tamped or taunted as the mere political 
 partisans of any .set of men, the A.^^iocialion comes foiward boldly and manfully 
 to express its full approbation of the views, which the late Ministers thought it 
 their duty to take of their claims and their responsililities in connectiun with 
 the exeivise ot that power. (Loud isheei-s.) 
 
 A grave chaise. Sir, has been preferred azainst the late Ministers before the 
 tribunal of . -?ir country. They have been accused of an attempt to infringe 
 upon the pre .>jrative of their Queen. Now, I do not believe, that among a 
 British p«.>pulation in the nineteenili century, a more unpopular charge could 
 possiibly have been preferred ajjaiust any set of men. tHear, h«ar.) I do 
 »K>i believe, that a mi>re un^K^pular attack ufion the Constitution of his country 
 could pos-siblv have been devised bv any Minister. I do not believe, that a 
 week would )iave jia-ssed over the heads of those men, if there had been thi^ 
 slightest shadow of foundation for such a charge, before every British inhabitant 
 of this Province, from one en I to the other of it, would have been found 
 ranged by the side of the Governor-General, active and earnest — nay, enthusiastic 
 to cooperate with him, in excluding for ever frcm the poegiliiity of power. 
 
27 
 
 the 
 
 »er. 
 
 •ny 10 presamptuous a pet of men. (Loud cheerc.) How different, are 
 matters as thty s and. We see those very Ministers, hacked and approved by 
 such a meeting as this is. While his Excellency, without a majority, without 
 a ministry, without one supporter oi acknowledged weight or intiuence in the 
 Province, Is driven, or (as is more becoming m us to believe) his advisers 
 are driven for him, to shifts some of them not the most reputable, to conjure up 
 some paltry shadow of support. [Loud cries of hear, hear.} 
 
 There have been times, Mr. Chairman, in the history of Great Britain, when 
 the u.iit.Hl efforts of the aristocracy and the Commons, were found too feeble, with 
 constitutional weajjons, to cope with the prerogative of the Crown, and when no 
 refuge remained for liberty, but in the physical force of her defenders. But, 
 thank God, Sir, those times have passed away for ever in the history of our 
 country. [Cheers.] The prerogative has ceased for centuries — at least lor 
 nearly two centuries — to be an object of either jealousy or alarm. It has 
 become the stoutest bulwark of the liberties of the people. It is identified with 
 the best rif^hts and privileges of the people. It is as dear to them, as those rights 
 and nrivileges themselves are. It •& in effect, in one word, the prerogative of the 
 people. And if an attack had been ever meditated upon it, a more unfortunate 
 moment could not possibly have been chosen, tilled, as the Throne of Great 
 Britain is in these days, by the most liberal, and popular, and beloved Monarch 
 that has ever graced it [Loud cheers.] 
 
 In the year 1771, in days of rampant Toryism, and when the Crown was 
 rested in a Monarch, who was as little Inclined to |)art with one tittle of 
 preroii^tive as any Monarch has evi-r been, how has one of the ablest political 
 writers that England boasts of — the author of Junius — exjressed himself upon 
 Prerogative? In a sentence of as great practical poliliral truth as any fentence 
 from one end to the other of his incomparable pages, he asserts: — "We have 
 nothing to fear from prerogative, but every thing from undue influence ! " 
 (Hear, hear.) Now, it this were true in 1771 — eighty years having passed 
 over our heads, and so ereat and glorious strides having been made in civil and 
 religious liberty all over the British Empire — it may be repeated with a 
 thousandfold emphasis in the year 1844. [Cheers.] No, Sir, I will not 
 believe — no man in his aenses will believe — that the late Ministers were men 
 of so little judj^ment and sagacity — of so little exp^'-ience in the public affairs 
 of their country — above all, of so little common sen^c «.id discernment — so grossly 
 and palpably ignorant of the best known national prejudice of their country- 
 men — as ever to have committed so unpardonable a political blunder. (Cheers.) 
 
 There is another reason, Sir, why it gives me peculiar pleasure to have the 
 honour of seconding this Resolution. It a])pears to me to apply itself more 
 intimately than the R.'solutions which hare preceded it, to the questions and 
 the difficulties that have placed the contending parties in their present respective 
 positions before the Province. I believe, it is undeniable, that it was upon this 
 very claim of their right to be consulted u|)on appointments to office, that the late 
 Ministers felt themselves mainly, if not entirely, called upon to resign. [Hear, 
 hear.] Now, I apprehend there will be no diAlrence of opinion among any of 
 us, as to the extent to which the interests of the public are concerned in the 
 appointments to office. I apprehend that there will be found none in this meeting 
 to contra.iiet me, if I assert, that there is no branch of the public service, in the 
 judicious and upright exercise of which every member of the community is 
 more paramountly interested, than in the appointment of gentlemen to office. 
 The great interests and prosperity of every country advance in direct proportion 
 to the measure of ability and integrity with which the public duties of that 
 country are discharged. And though it may he a matter of minor importance, 
 and I confess it is a matter comparatively minor, though far from being despicable, 
 
2H 
 
 lliti tiviiiv-<lti\ ciiMtl'inI tiiiil citiiviMiii'iiri' of llirec-roiirtliH of the inhabitants of 
 lltiit t^Minihv. Nvill, ih ti uM'iil ilo^i'ci', il(*|M>iul u|i(in the hoaring with which those 
 illilltia itiK dim IktMfftuI, >Vi' kilt* all luoiiKiil more or Icm in cunlact with (fficials, 
 HKil iht) itS|M<iit'iiro III cvtMV iiiiMi aiiiDii^st uh is, that tiierc is no class of 
 iiiiliviiliiiili, ii\iii vUioiii il it Mil iiiitirt|i(<iiMalilf to inaiiilnin an efficient and tangible 
 «mitll«il II It, an iiiiiU'itiulilr, Imwovci' it may he an un|inlnteHt)le, truth, that 
 \\\v \v«'<t)«arn»t til tiiii iiiittiir iiialxCH uh all too ^ironu to lov^et, in the exerciM of 
 
 (HiNvvi, lla< miiiit'i< l!"iii >vliu'li It luiH licni (leiivcd. [Loud cheers.] And the 
 iivvi'i \v«i dcMM'ud III llie ^liiilo ot the dllu-iul, the ntoro ghirinK and palpable this 
 \\\\\\\> Alt uiMiuiilal t«lai«Niiiaii, w Iuim> works have t>een already quoted frcn 
 titiM eu'iiiaiv lltt^ uiiii\alU'tl KtiiiMiiul* Uiuke — has Mild: "All power under the 
 ihitiah i\i|inliUiluMt !.<« a iMi.>l. aiul the very essence of a trust is to be accountable." 
 MaiK Iho >NvM\l'', Sii. All. eoxvkij. Ni>w the lowest official in the Empire — the 
 WMW who dvien a\>l «li<«\\ t«-i) |h-iiiuIs a u'ur trrni his appointment, is ntces^arily 
 Mad uaa\\«idahl\ imiIui:«UhI witlt a leitaia portion ot the power of the State, in the 
 «>\vtvi>t« ol wtuvh he is, vu vv^hi tii he. nay, in which he must be, unless 
 •vMuo |Mi>)\ipU> v^l out t\>nstitiition is vitiiated, accountable to somebody. 
 lU»svw h***^* I I' »* ttu' sivuuly o( that accountahility to ourselves, throagh 
 «U the t^uuUisatioas \>l ortvoe. Ir\>u\ the rivsiiient ol" the Council down to the 
 \\«\\v«( tvvlt ^atheivi v>n the ht^chwav. in hll n)utiers prinuirily and paiamcuntly 
 iwU>»\^>tMVA sHOitvUK^*, that cvnismuicH what we call Resp<insrbie Government, that 
 ^Suv^tuwwv* ihe ^'imv't^'te an^l tlie pracroo l\^r which we are contending. It was 
 M»hK'^ »tk«.» \evy WvOit v>t ihis avv\>a»lai>il>ty that the l^ovince for so many years 
 ^^^^^w^>lh^^K Hs* w^v'Wivtfvi wiulevelo{'«\^ its interests unregarded, and its feelings 
 ttMiwlwU ^t;,»ud cKeew J 
 
 VW tk^vv'^ S,vu u>l«U ^N th«t d few of the hi^jbest oJfioes in the PioTi»c*, 
 ifK\v '^\'s)«v;t>l\ W vkw<^t \v thm v>ut; cv>j;rv\I. ikac our vou-s may have sonc 
 v^^\\ ■» 'i/iavu>tt v^< '♦t'!^''*c«:t^ 5<HJ>< bidt-v'v'zeii li«i>ct;crar.es; tut ita" ail h«n*a;k 
 ^i>ss#»^iii,'HVV itivii ^>w<.'f tiviM 4 a.iS^rent ?<-urc< suk! are accoar.table to a diftnat 
 ^)i^)»i^ \v.>vx\ :vv w> iv>t ;jk aiotixut <'At;ce at the absurdities in vhxh s-ach a 
 iii>?i4v*», ;;»i/H«j\|)a^vtj :a>v»«xtf!* «.-*• >c»ft# ba'i-cc«t» beacs plan tLe B:«ac«T«» 
 iS/f Ukt V^v»v'>»<v« ^^»c 'ilcuNtfJii »a."soi b^ric* cirry ib«'ca loto exevatioo. Tke 
 tw >^ UK' i»,^;.>tft\ svtiKjvt Oil,'* « ibt bi.* wori.. Aiic watca over ih* acta:.'* oi ks 
 t.\<N^*,avs»> t'^<*> •j»i;v«f 'jfiuK-xTv ^ttt»|'i!s a tbciisura at Uts awa,y. ljx«y kav« to 
 W »<jyv>:t{\i '^ 4itKiit<t iysjifuatsvt; i.-jc'^jeuvitr-r: ^^r :?« ojnrtci — uic«p«a<icac u 
 
 »i»^ v^v W't. X 3>.Mi!iijj^ *i):»iA ?»4#» WTjfMfcsc.^',^ .r :j,.cf sicces* Of any meaeHne m 
 
 >iv>vvx W'vy. *i^* ^v«4^«r.;7«i^<^ B»v«: f tm-xuvwr 3wCo :h« snae«. 'o kaek 
 
 W^K ^»^ \^>u sv«w -\>y»jH>v<«H Xh^ A .^.v >^- S?. . V sees cr-<«ch ta :Stex ' Way. 
 W '^^ v\\».Ktsi*v.<fMx ahf \«f*y tt*«n»sih<f V '!j*> 3*ferr 3tpcfcjnc«M X' prcmcJB ' he is 
 
 l^ftos'^'^ t*^ *' ^vtti Jfe^vi«oi«sfiSiiK\ '^^ |fVi"W?n*v ^r, '^^'rac Tfemce"- bat* "o aiu — and 
 %Hs t ^K ^tv* !«W »>st ?iittc jt ^ags ijfvn. ^.^ 'rj-*» jeetr jwiieri^ •- Est » 
 
 w«^Hi*, t "^ *..K >*i ivHft.Jh^ *K>«t 'jfjw, svm* ftvfffW,^ TT t -Tta \; "hrw imiTfurf arte" 
 V '^*a <j.«x^»i v*H (»<- aW!t?!s i;^ Si-^ C'Jfivxfv V sgtw b^ t.! rie n.-vuenfailv tD tftt 
 «|tSb^*»«t. Se tiax, 1vikv< <\>*h< ?K>«»t ;rt»ftsi x^i-mxi ;e -t'i;. » -mrf !nr^ "Cfci 
 ^* :r.<>iv., .'» «..Hirv«v ^.h >tt(hi:«fr-.>»^ <^* >ivi>ttf ^'Tut': Q'^ijt n Q<; CHoriat . ficff. 
 1^ ^it^v 3rt^v >w« tflt^ avvHi.^xi ti.»tiw Qi s^.nm? cwtftjr M?'^a'Tp SrtrVarv ' Ite 
 
29 
 
 yon who he is— he is responsible to you !" Can you imagine, lliat member 
 replying with very jui^t, and very honest indignation, "How dare yiiu,Mr. Mini^ler, 
 assert so audacious a falsehood ? I have no voice in the a|i]ioiniiriint oi the 
 Governor General, — I have no voice in the recall of the Govirnor General. 
 I read in the livinj^ letters of my Constitution, that the Governor General is the 
 Representative of my Sovereign, and accountable to no one within the limits of 
 this Province!" (Loud cheers.) 
 
 Now, Sir, it has been charged upon the late Ministers, and has been triumphantly 
 repeated to many members ol this Association, as a conclusive charge against 
 those Ministers, and conclusive evidence against the system of Uesponsible 
 Government, as advocated by them and us, that wl'^-i they were in power, they 
 ap|iointed to office individuals who, if not all^olu' y relels, weie, ut l(a^t, men 
 ol doubtful loyalty. To all such charges, I have one reply. They are beside the 
 merits of the present question. They are not the issue joined between the 
 
 Krties at variance in this Province. Mr. Such-or-such-a-body may not possibly 
 ve turned out in the year 1837, under the auspicies ot that distinguished 
 advocate of personal Responsibility, Sir Francis Head, — may not possibTy have 
 shot, or sought to shoot some dozen of his unfortunate and misguided Jeil(>w> 
 countrymen. (Hear, hear.) He may not, have had the good fortune to preside 
 at a drum-head Court-martial, and to direct the execution of kome wretched 
 criminal, who, having long writhed under accumulated wrongs and arbitrary 
 measui«s, at length, unhappily for himself and his country, mistook the 
 constitutional means for their redress. He may not have done all this, sod he 
 may yet discharge the duties to which he is appointed, with ability and integrity 
 and effect; and until he fail here, there is no legitimate ground of cfiarge against 
 the Minister who has appointed him. (Loud cheers.) 
 
 We are told, that our claims are claims not recognized by the British Constitution. 
 Now, let us for a moment transport ourselves to the British House of Commons. 
 Let us imagine there a member of that House calling u|.on the British Minihttrof 
 the Crown to justify an appointment, and British Ministers are called upon every 
 day and every hour to justify appointments; aye. Sir, the lowest and paltiiesi in 
 the couutry. L^t m i na^ine that Minister replying, that he knew nothing of tha 
 matter, and referring the inquirer to his Queen. (Hear.) Why, the whole of 
 Eaglaod, from one end to the other, would be one storm of indignation. No 
 
 fiinishment could atone for so audacious an outrage upon the Constitution of the 
 ingdom. Popular scorn would annihilate that Minister. And yet, under 
 professedly the same constitution, and under precisely similar circumstances, that 
 IS the only reply left in the mouth of a Canadian Minister ! ! ! (Loud bursts of 
 applause.) 
 
 Appointments to office. Sir, are pre-eminently matters of local interest an«! effect. 
 We onl) ask in such matters to be placeH upon a similar footing with our 
 fellow-subjects in Great Britain. (Hear, hea .) If this boon be not gianted to u», 
 then Responsible Government is a nullity Representative Government ia a 
 ouility ! They are mere idle baubles to amuse a child ! 1 hey aie nr:eie words 
 wherewith to mock men ! It were far manlier, and ho;iester, and siinpUrr to 
 fboliah them altogether — to deliver us into the Lands of some KngliKb General 
 Officer, wboHe whole political creed might, like his military one, be t-ummed »f 
 in the single word, •* obedience,"— and with one stroke of the jen, to alu-r the 
 Constitution and Government of the Province into a military dei^poti^m (I>oiid 
 and continued cheering.) 
 
 The Governor General, Sir, has been advised to assert, that it wa^ to wcure the 
 sllejpance of the Province, that he ha« a/lopted the measures he has done ! T<cm, 
 amidst all the anomalous and superfluous assertions which bave been put into the 
 
 ■. i 
 
 -I 
 
30 
 
 mouth of hiH Kxcclleiicy. \U\n <I(m>h appear to mo, the most uncalled for anJ 
 NUp'rlhiouN. IMic alU'^iiiiac ot the l*i(tviiK-(: hud luen tehled before the name of 
 Sir t'huiii-i' Mciculfe lia.i bcuii over tirurd in it; dearly and deej.lv tebted on three 
 diHereiil (KcaioiiH, (I. ear, liiar.) li had three liniefl paMised through the tiery 
 ordeal of ioreit(ii or civil war, and come forth uii^aihed. But more than this, aye, 
 « thouMind and a llioiifuMid liiner* more, it had writhed for years and years, for 
 lonK and ho)H•l(•^H ynuH, lieneath oppresnion— and corruption — and mi^>govemment 
 -~andlvranny. Vcn, Ivranny. for tln-re i.s no tyranny more atrocious tlian that of 
 a deMpivnIile tad ion, —and to the lust, was found' faithful to its duly! The 
 allegiance of Canada ! Why there nev« r was a moment in its history in vrhiih 
 the 8iiveri'i»(n reigned ho paianiountly Sovereign in the hearts of her Canadian 
 ■uhjectsl (LoutI cheers.) 
 
 But. Sir, the (Jovernor (leneral has grossly mistaken the peorle among vrhom 
 he is come to govern. He for^ceis that three-fourths of us hc.ve been actually 
 Imrn in (jreat Kritain, or are horn of parents horn ii Great Biiiain. He forgets 
 that three-fourih>of u-«, in t)iir ol)jecl9— our desires— our feelings — our enjoyment* 
 -~our |treiUklices, are e.ssentially Britons still. He forgets, that the allegiance of 
 Britons, it it were a question of allegiance, is to be secuifd in hut one way, and 
 that is, to establish and maintain them in full and uncurtailed possession and 
 enjoyment of all the rights, and lilerties, and ])rivileges to which, under the 
 glorious Constitution of their country, they are undeniably entitled in whatever 
 part of the British Ktnpire, upon G{xV» habitable globe they are to be found. 
 (Hear, hear.) He forg< ts, that there is a source of allegiance among a great and 
 free people, alike honourable to the governing and the governed; warmer — and 
 purer — and nobler— and truer tlian all other sources, and that i; — the heart. 
 (Loud cheers.^ 
 
 I beg leave. Sir. once ag-ain to express the verj- sincere pleasure which I feel in 
 being |>erniitteil to second this Resolution. 
 
 The speech of the learned gentlenian was a masterpiece of eloquence, and was 
 listened to with breathless attention, interrupted at intervals with the most 
 euthusiastic and lonu-continued bursts ol applause. 
 
 MR. GKORCfK BROWN (of (be Globr) ro«e to move the sixth Resololion aad 
 Mid : the more deeply we extend our emiuiries into the theory of our own Govera» 
 ■neat— the further we search the history of Foreigo Couatriee to discover the ime 
 p(tii«i|iie» ut' souud «ud just (lovernnieiit — we will return with renewed and mors 
 •idvut adiutTHtiou of the just balance of |>ower preserved in the British Conslitaiio^ 
 (h««r, hear.) The various interests of the eonununity have all assigned to them tbeir 
 profter positiou, aud are brought to bear ou one auolber, and to act as checks on OBJoat 
 or kaaly legislation froiu any . .le branch of the State, so that the whole is reduced to a 
 •vsleu) ot' haruioaious action, unrivalled in the histoty of nations. The Cabinet 
 Cottueil of the British Constituiiou is oae of the most important and l>est working 
 dkparttueuta ot' the System, aud is the surest preser>'ative of the principle that 
 *' Goverumeuis must rule for the ^[oocl oi' the peo^-le." (loud cheers.) The pcopte 
 •md their Representatives to Parliameat, aud met on that stormy arena all soon find 
 their level ; the ntau *>( laleut, the orator, aud the man of energy rise in the scale of 
 
 Chlic estimation, and haviujj gained the eoutidence of his fellow Represeatativee^ 
 is selecte*.! li)r the histh honour of beiug the Adviser of the Crown. And it is 
 no empty dignity. The Cabinet Minister o? England is no hireling — he is not the 
 hsttd elerk o/ a pubUc office, whose alvice is asktfd when it is wanted, to be unheeded 
 when j^ven — he is uot the p.astii.- uoueuttty condescendingly to he coosnlted tm 
 aaMteis o*" ^' Mtttfctute importauoe.** (loud cheers.) but he is the lifip, the moving 
 powet oi" every wheel lu the whole machinery ot" Government — he is the very 
 Govvniuteut itself. Siiii the minister Joes not one single act in his own name oe 
 for his owu beuetit — all is lu the uatne of the Sovereign. The Cabinet Conncil as 
 « party or as a power in the State is per^Mly uuknown — it is the execntiv* of the 
 Clow»— 4he mouth-piece oi the Sovereigu. Though tb<f Ministers alone air losp— . 
 sihk for the acts ot" the Crowu, they appear in no shape as a party. The Sov«icif« 
 
SI 
 
 «nd the Cabinet together form one power in the State — Royalty, as practically enibodiiNl 
 in the British Constitution. (Cheers. ) 
 
 Such being the nature of a Britinh Cabinet Council — the inalrumenta of carrying 
 into etfaot ihe meatiures of ttie Cruwa — it waa with no Hm id aHtuuishinent that th« 
 eountry saw the HepresentHtive of our bjjoved Queen in thid country, after the disrup« 
 tion with his late Ministry, try 'o strike a deaJly blow at tiie power and elKcieucjr 
 of the Provincial Executive Council, (hear, hear.) Nut satisfied with declaring that 
 there was no necetwity for concord ot sentiment uniung the Meinbi-rd of Council, 
 (», principle which is in utter defiance of the ino.4t einasJulHted npjcies of Responsible 
 Oovernment^— his £xcelle')cy must needs go I'urther, and endeavour to draw a line of 
 demarcation between himself and his Advis-rs. (hear, hear.) In the celebrated 
 explanation submitted to the House of Assembly, he says — 
 
 *' Mr. Lafontaine and Mr. Baldwin demanded that the Qoverno. General, in 
 deciding after taking their advice, should not make any appointment prejudicial to 
 their iaduence. In other words that the patronage of the Crown should be surrendered 
 to the Council, for the purchase of Parliamentury support." , .., 
 
 " The Governor General replied, that he would not make any such stipulation, and 
 coulJ not degrade the character of his oiiice, nor violate his duty by such a surrender 
 of the prerogative of the Crown." 
 
 Here at once is brought to light a new idea of a Cabinet Council. His Excellenejr 
 would not only jiot degrade his ollice by making appointments to strengthen tho 
 Parliamentary support of the Administration — but he wid persist in making appoint- 
 ments prejudicial to his own Government — prejudicial to himself! (Hear, he>ir.) 
 What would Sir Robert Peel or Lord John Russell have said, if they found Her 
 Mi^est^ had made important political appointments without even consulting them, and 
 on their remonstrating had been told that " Her Majesty would not consent to mnke 
 
 Spointinents which would secure (of course indirectly) "parliamentary support." 
 ther oi them would at once have resigned the seals of oIKce. They would have 
 laughed at the idea of a Ministry not giving vacant oliices to such of their supportert 
 a* were competent to fultil the duties required, in preference to a political opponent. 
 (Cheen. ) — Is the Governor of Canada to assume a position which the Sovereign of 
 Great Britain could not maintain ? Is then the chasm so much wider between hii 
 Excellency and hie Administration, than that which divides her Majesty and her 
 Secretary of State 7 It would certainly appear so — the principle which has ruled 
 the Imperial Government of the British Empire, would degrade the high office of 
 Governor of Canada. (,Hear, hear.) This, Sir, is but another link in the chaim 
 which is now forging for the strangulation of Responsible Government. The Governor 
 General it is evident, is determined to rule alone and without restraint — if he can. 
 (Hear, hear.) Not content with the appointment of the Advisers of the Crown — with 
 the appointment of the entire secoiid branch ot the Legi><lature — with a deliberatiro 
 influence astirst Minister of the Crown in the Executive Council — and with an uncon* 
 ditio.ial and unlimited veto on every act of both Legislative Houses — his Excellency 
 would fain snap asunder the only positive check which remains to the people over the 
 acts of their own Government. (Loud cheers. ) Alrep.dy has he appointed Cabinet 
 Councillors who are not heads of Departments — heads of Df^pariments who are not 
 in Parliament nor in the Executive. Four months have nearly all the oflfices of State 
 been untiUed up — and now it wants but to carry out the new scheme that the Cabinet 
 •od the Crown are not one and the same thing — that the Cabinet Councillors are only 
 the head clerks of the Departments to be consulted on cases of " adequate" im{>ortanec 
 — «nd then may the people of Canada bid adieu to the title of Freemen. And it is not 
 a mere suspicion which calls upon us to keep a keen eye on the movements of tho 
 present Executive. Hear what his Excellency himself says in the document to whieh 
 I previously alluded : 
 
 •* He « the Grovemor General) appealed to the number of appointments made by him 
 on the recommendation of the Council, or to the members of it in their departmental 
 capacity, and instances in which he had abstained from conferring appointments on their 
 opponents, as furnishing proofs of the great consideration which he bad evinced toward 
 the couacil, in the distnbutioa of the patronage of the Crown." 
 
 I 
 
i 
 
 i^'Mi 
 
 32 
 
 How coul^ the late MiiUBtry have beeA «o extravagant in their demtodt^-flO 
 extreme in their views, as to expect that oiKce should be given to persons orihcMRM 
 political priauipies as themselves, and disposed to work the atiairs oCthe Country with 
 harmony 7 Truly it teas very conctideraie of his Exccllf ncy : Sir, it doea " titlntah 
 proofs" of the most singular view of British Constitutional Government which iftWV 
 came from a Minister of the Crown of England, that he had ever dreamt of preferriaf 
 to appointments the opponents of his own Government. This principle strike* Ht th« 
 very root of the system of Kedponsibility — and however it may be sneered it as a partf 
 Oovernment, it is ministerial Ke^ponsibility which has raised Great Britain to the 
 high eminence which she holJs among the nations of the world. Sir, the preeent 
 Mpect of our aH'aira may be glossed over in any and every way which ingenuity can 
 devise, but it is too apparent to be concealed from the eye of even a common obflerver* 
 that an attempt is now making to destroy the principle of Responsibility in thia Colony, 
 (hear, hear.) Come it from the Colonial Ottice at Home — from the present advisers 
 of Sir Charles Metcalfe — or from the Governor General himself — it matters not ; bat 
 we have only to cast our eyes to Nova Scotia, and there we will see the style of 
 Me thing which we are to get in lieu uf the British Constitution. In his speech 
 on opening the Parliament of Nova Scotia, Lord Falkland says : 
 
 " For nearly four years my best energies have been devoted to the advancement 
 of the interests and happiness of this Province, and being satisfied that a Govern* 
 ment composed of individuals of one political party only would be ill-suited to 
 its actual condition, I have ever distinctly avowed my reluctance to form such a 
 Council, and my earnest desire and intention to administer the Colony with advice of 
 « Board at which all interests should be represented — this desire and mteution I shall 
 retain." 
 
 Here is the system which has already been begun in Nova Scotia, and which will, 
 no doubt, ere long have its blessings attempted to be thrust on Canada.— A 
 Representation of all interests and creeds seated at one council board would, indeed, 
 be a rich scenev (Hear, hear.) Imagine, Sir, for a moment, yourself seated at th^ 
 top of the council table, and Mr. Draper at the bottom—^n your right hand we will 
 ^lace the Episcopal Bishop of Toronto, and on your left the Rev, Egertoni 
 
 fiyeraoll>— on the right of Mr. Draper sits Sir Allan McNab, and on his left Mh 
 mcks. (Laughter.) We will Bll up the other chairs with gentlemen admirabljf 
 ladapted for their situations by the most ext'eme imaginable differences of opinion,— 
 We uill seat his Excellency at the middh of the table, on a chair raised above th4 
 warring elements below, prepared to receive the advice of his constituUonil 
 ** conscience-keepers. " (Cheers.) We will suppose you. Sir to rise and propose 
 tlie opening of King's College to all her Majesty's subjects— and then, Qir, we wilt 
 hdve the happiness of seeing the discordant-producing>harnflony«pirinciple In the ftiK 
 vigor of peaceful operation. (Laughter and loud cheering. ) Oh, Sir, it is Mi 
 admirable system, — there would not be a single point on which you could be bron^r 
 toagtee, [hear, hear] and his Excellency might kindly interfere at any time to preveirt 
 the possibility of your adopting the absurdity of a united principle of action. Tm 
 «oald all be pitted one against another, and the most delightful picture of bickKriB|f 
 Would be presented, which any self-willed Governor could possibly desifei: 
 I^Laughter.] Mis Excellency might let the Council fire off on one another— he 
 «buld not, of ( ourse, adopt the advice of idl, and so to keep the peace amonfttlM 
 belligerents, he would kindly decide the point for them, and carry oat his aWn ideofc 
 (I'ibtid cheers and laughter.] Where is the man who would accept office vm&t/t snek 
 a(i absurd and anti-British principle ? Sir, I trusi he is not to be found in tlie renlNIi 
 y>f the Reform Association of Canada. [Loud cheers. ] I have, herwever, detdiiMtf 
 the meeting too long, and shall conclude by proposing the followiag Reselutioa'3 
 ^^ ■ 
 /'/•' 6. That this Association cannot understand the existence of any separate intereit 
 
 Ibetween the Governor General and his Cabinet, and when the Advisers of the Crowq] 
 Recommend appointments, it must be tor the benefit of the Governor GeneralHi 
 Wn Government, and the acting on such advice cannot be viewed in theli^tof a 
 Vivoar to the Ministry." 
 
 M. J. O'BEIRNE, Estt, seconded the Resolation, wluch was etantd }>g^ 
 ^adclamatioDk 
 
33 
 
 a 
 
 • THOMAS EWART, Esq., Barmter, rose and Baid:— 
 
 Mr. Chairman, the Resolution which I hold in m^ hand aets forth in a ainglc 
 sentence one of those numerous contradictions into which the Governor General haa 
 been betrayed by the false and uiiimlurul positiun which he has assumed, and into 
 which every one ia iiecessardy led wiio (u:\& u|)on motives which he thiuka it 
 imprudent to avow, and utUMnpts to explain hia conduct upon totally ditferent 
 
 Srinciples, which he thinks more likely lo atitisfy public opinion [hear, hear.] The 
 Lesoiution of which 1 now move the adoptiuii, is in these words : — 
 
 *' 7« That the fact of * appointments and proposals to tnnke appointments ' having 
 
 been raiade by the Governor General, without eommunicati.ig with his Ministers, 
 
 is distinctly admitted in the correspondence Iransmiited t» Parliament by the 
 
 <}overnor General, and of itself disproves the assertion contained in the reply, which 
 
 His Excellency was advised to make to the Warden and Councillors of the District 
 
 of Brock, 'that Responsible Government in all its essentiais hus been in full 
 
 operation throughout Uis Excellency's administration. ' " 
 
 .r. 
 
 The inipracticability of a system of Government in which appointments to offie* 
 
 are made independently of the Council, and the utter impossibility of carrying on such 
 
 « system with satisfaction to the country, have been so clearly demonairaled by the 
 
 •everal speakers, who have dwelt upon the topic, that it is only necessary for me to 
 
 «OBtia« myself to the dry logical proof of the facts staled in the resolution, TbelUW 
 
 Wranch of the resolution states a circumstance of the truth of which we are all ptrfeotif 
 
 satislied, and for proof of which it is suHicient to refer to the correspondence alluded t<k 
 
 In the explanation of the grounds of the resignation of the late Minit-try, made by Mr. 
 
 Lafontaine on behalf of himself and colleagues, it is stated that the ** d«tieren«« of 
 
 opinion between His Excellency and themsel'es" "had led, not merelyto appoint- 
 
 ments to office against their advice, but to appointments, and proposals to make 
 
 appointments, af which they were not informed in any manner, until all opfXM-tanity 
 
 of eflfering advic* respecting them had passed by." Now (his was a iact, necesaarilf 
 
 as much, nay, more within the knowledge of His Excellency, than that of the late 
 
 Ministers £hear, bean] If it was untrue, His Excellency had full opportunity *• den^ 
 
 it—it was ene of the points upan which the Ministers dwelt mo3t forcibly, that, 
 
 which, perhaps more than any other cause, was the reason of their Ksignation. 
 
 If, thea, it was untrue, His Excellency, was bound in justice to them, toj^imself, 
 
 to the country, to have denied ii-^but he could not ; and he conld not even attempt 
 
 to refine or fritter it away by the flimsy, meagre kind of sophistry, with which ha 
 
 attempts to justify his disingenuous conduct in reference to the Secret Societies Bill, 
 
 [cheers.] Ind>ed, at that time he felt no disposition to deny the statement— for glad 
 
 as. bis supporters would now be, if His Excellency had left them (ome pretext, sonic 
 
 aha low of a reason, upon which they might consisieatly defend his conduct in this 
 
 particular. His Excellency at that time was not di-posed even to appear to adopt tha 
 
 idea ikat it was his duty to consult the Council upon appointments, [hear, hear.] 
 
 Pemse his answer to the explanation of Mr. Lafontaine, and so far from any 
 
 contradiction of the statement quoted in the res'ilution, you find repeated assertiona 
 
 of his right to exercise his discretion in making appointments irnd^pendently of his 
 
 constitutional advisers. We cannot, then, be doing injustice to His Excellency, in 
 
 assomtng the truth of the first branch of our resolution, that the feet of appointments, 
 
 and pvepoaals to make appointments, having been ma(^e without reference to the 
 
 Council, is distinctly admitted in the correspondence transmitted to Parliament by tha 
 
 Ctovemor General, (cheers.] 
 
 The second branch of otir resolution declares that the fact of " appointments, and 
 proposals to make appointments," having been so made, of itself disproves the 
 assertion, which His Excellency was advised to make in answer to the Warden and 
 Councillors of the District of Brock, that 'Responsible Grovernment, in alj it* 
 essentials, has been in full operation throughout His Excellency's administration.* 
 The only possible method of reconciling the conduct of the Governor General wiUi 
 fhis assertion is by supposing, that according to His Excellency's view of this 
 undefined question,** it is not incumbent upon him to consult the Council upon the 
 subject of appointments at all ; for upon no other 8uppo?ition can it be said that 
 lUsponnble Government, in all its essentials, has been in full operation throughout 
 
 £ 
 
34 
 
 liii Adiiiiiiitiiration, [li«ar, hmr.] Jiui wilt the country fegr<>« with him? Do ih* 
 l^ewpU of (luiiitUii i.'oiuidrr llml h nynU'iii of fiovrriiiiifiil, in which every, the hijfhMt 
 M Wfll M Ihn lowfiil oitio.', may hr coiifcrrni without reference to the legitinwtc 
 ^dviaem of the Orown, h «yMti'in in whi<;li every freith appointment may be but • 
 rdnewed inituli to thffe-fourihN of the UrpreNifnlativea of the people, a ayatem in 
 which privauf rfHtoiiM, not iinxifly for ihi* piililic good, will, in the majority of caaec, 
 be the inllufntinu niuHc of HjipoiiiiintMiiH, do ihe people of Canada conaider, that 
 ■uch a ayHieiii in ihiii Ri'MpiuiNthli! (fiivi-rniiD^ni, of which they have been ao long 
 tn^lit\y HiruuKlint; to ohtHin the rcro^niiiDn iitid prarlirnl Adoption, and which, bat i 
 few iiiuiiiitH Htf"i ll'i'y ioitdly dri-itiiieil ihi-y hud ut lenKth tirnily ealabliahed T [Cnes 
 of no, n". J if ihiu hit lU'Mpuhiiiltle (jovrrninent, then, ae waa well aaid bv a 
 MiOHl eloiiuuiit apxaker whohitk prfoi'dt-d uw, it in a nuire toy, an idle word, a valaeleaa 
 bttuhle, (chei'ra>) IJudcr Huch ayHlL-in, lu our Ciiairnmii eiiiphalically atnted, no 
 hoiivitl iiwii would cuuHHitl lo »tl in llif Cuuiu-il — no man who valued bia charaotec* 
 who priced hia rcpututiuii, wtiuld cunaent lu be oiiMwerublo for ucia, over which he wm 
 allowed to ti«i*rt;i«e nu control, rfapeciiiig which he wua permitted to offer no adTiro t 
 and the vouMet|uence would Ui*, either thni we muttt consent to be governed by men 
 Mganllfaa uf ulmruutfr, or thut we bhould abandon the notion of Reaponaible 
 Ooveruiiient aa an idle chiiuerH, the inliingiltle phuntom of a diaeaaed imaginatioDt 
 (eheerri.) Hut why am 1 nr(;uing thia tpiealion 7 it ia not neceaaary to descend to 
 tiral prinuiplea at ihia liile day : no one who pretenda to be un advocate of 
 JiMpoiiaible Uoverumeni, if we except the Governor General himself, aflecta to deny 
 that the Council. aliould be consulted upon appointments. [Hear, hear.] En ptutant, 
 U ia a curtoua tact, that none of the frieiuts of hie Kxcellency find it poaaible to 
 ditfeud hiu) \x\f'n\ his own principles: they all dithr, one from the other, and the 
 whole from hia Kscelleucy. [Laughter.] We may instance the University Bilf, 
 which by Mr. VVaketield ia declared lo have been "u most unwise measure," and 
 to have cauaed the reaignatiuu of the Ministry, which by another prominent 
 |iup)M>Tl«r of hta l).\ceUeucy, Itnuous for the quantity, if not the quality, of hio 
 
 Eieut poltlical etluaious, is declared to be indispensable to the preeervation of 
 itish conuexion against the attacks of his right arm, which by the toriea, with 
 fh* Lord Utahop at their head, is denounced as an Atheistical proposition, [eontinirad 
 laughter,] aud regarding which the (lovernor General maintains a moat prodeat 
 reaerve. The subject uf our resolution aH'ords another instance of this delightfal 
 diaoor 'auoe of opiuiuu. Mr. Waketield declares that he would not rest satisfied with 
 tho utere form of giving advice, but wouli insist that his advice should be followed ; 
 (heart hear,] the Tories denounce the whole system of Responsible Government aaa 
 huBibug. Our worthy fellow -citizen who has written himself into fame, [laughter,] 
 dectlaiea that the Miuitiiers betrayed the cause of Responsible Government by not 
 Naiguuig a^ aa earlier iky, while bis Excellency, couipounding and amalgamating all 
 itMso helerog^neoua opinions of his friends, declares his adhesion to Reeponaiblo 
 iSfovejronaeut, but pruuouuces the demands of the late Ministry unconatitutiooal, 
 ^iMi th«ir reaiguation evea at the Idle period which they chose for it, ftclioaa and 
 ffUniMt J said that uoue of the fciends of the Governor General found it poooibio 
 n^an auy point to support him ou his own principles; but 1 am mistaken and maat givo 
 oveiy 9ao his due. There are a few people in the Township of Scarborou|;h, leM 
 tkwk a daaea 1 believe, who do, upon the subject of appointments, concur entirely ia 
 Iko viewa ot' th« Governor General. In tht^ir address to him th^ declare in a tone of 
 tiM «oal eontempluoua pity for the deplorable ignorance of the late Ececufive, that 
 •vory one knows it to be a lact, that according to the principles and praetioooir tho 
 Govefuaieal iu England, the Queen has a right to make appointments to atl«flie«% 
 iwithoul coaaulting her Minister^ [Laughter.] This doctrine of these iUuatnoos 
 saijea whose uainea would have descended to the latesit post-rity, as the few moatrs 
 ^rits, alo«e iaibued with ealightened principles of Government, at a period when 
 «h« ^eat of the world wm enveloped iu Egyptian darkness, to wb«m future ages woal4 
 liave done that jaatice, which the present generation is too ignorant, too selfish to 
 a«;cord, who^e images wo.uld have been enshrined in the temple of fi^edom, ha* 
 not their modesty deterred them from giving their names to the world, their doctrine 
 tmy preci3ely auited the taste of the Governor General. [Continued laughter.] lo, 
 his answer to the address, not one syllable is found of dissent from the priociplea sa 
 i^ileUigtbly cuunciated. No, the Governor General still then adhered, aod ati^ nam 
 
35 
 
 1 ./ 1 M^*l*') 
 
 have tlie honor 
 
 adherM to the idea of Rciponatbip Govrrnmrnt, by wliiuh he in al liberty to make all 
 appoiatincnu to office, without rrforence to his Council al all. If the people Mippait 
 tha Oeveraor General, this addreiis of the sagcH of Sonrboruu^h Hnd the answer to it« 
 aa aaawttr which is published with aaliMfHcMion by nil \\w Torira ; theae two document*, 
 I say, will form iho charter of Canada's rights, the bnsin of Canada's freedom, rights, 
 with which the peo|)le of Canada can never be satiaKed, a freedom, which th« 
 people of Canada will consider the basest slavery. ( Loud cheers. ) 
 
 . JOHN DOEL, Esq., seconded the motion, which was carried. 
 
 JOS. C, MORRISON, E-*q. {liarrister,)— Mr. Chairman : I 
 to propoK the following resolution : 
 
 '* 8. That the manner in which the Government of the country has been carried 
 OB for the last four months, with but two heaJs of Departments, during any part 
 of the time, and but one of those with a seat either in the Executive Council or 
 ia Parliameal, is in direct defiance of the recommendations of Lord Durham, the 
 pfaetioe of Lord Sydenham and Sir Charles Bagot, and the true principles of tho 
 CoMtitotion." 
 
 After the very able and eloquent speeches with which so many gentlemen of 
 acknowledged talent and ability have graliticd and dclightrd this influential 
 and respectable meeting, I feel it would be an intrusion on my |)art, if not the 
 greatest presumption, at this late hour to engross any of your time. (Cries of 
 no, no,) But tliis I will say, that from the opportunity I have aa one of Iha 
 Corresponding Secretaries of this Association, (hear, hear,) ot learning the 
 feelings of the people from one end of the Piovince to the other, I can answer 
 this meeting that the people of Canada are fully alive to the importance of true 
 Aesponsible Government. (Cheers.) Before sittin{,^ down I will lake the liberty 
 of reading a letter which 1 received ju8i before I came to this meeting, and I 
 give it as a fair sample of the cheering intelligence daily received from every part 
 of the country. 
 
 O"** 
 
 Ponr DovKR, 2U< March, 1644'. ' 
 
 Dkar Sir, — Many thanks for the circulars and Constitution of the Reform 
 Association you have kindly sent me. a 
 
 Prior to the organization of the Reform Association of Toronto, the Refomiera 
 ia most of the Townships of this District had formed themselves into similar 
 Associations for precisely the same object ; and in the other Townships similar 
 organization will be proceeded with, as soon as the roads assume a less forbidding 
 appearance. 
 
 ^The Reformers here hail your Association as the nucleus or point around which 
 kiadred spirits can rally, — and through the medium of which that information may be 
 imparled to the country, which is alone required to secure the return of an Aieembljr 
 of the geauine Durham cast. 
 
 ^ The Tories look upon it with thrilling apprehension, as being a means of diflnstaf ^ 
 light highly prejudicial to their interest, and having a tendency to render their 
 BfMum of mystifications and misrepresentation less potent than they had anticipated. 
 
 llie plan of the Reformers here is to form a District Association out of their ^ 
 Township Committees immediately, in connexlion with your Association, and 
 through which correspondence may pass to the respective Township Committees, of 
 the organization of which you will soon hear. 
 
 I am, r 
 
 I.. Most respectfully. 
 
 Your obedient servant, 
 ! .;v^ J J. W. POWELL. 
 
 'J. C. MoaaisoH, Esq. f 
 
 ' . ',j ;i;„w. (Great cheering.) 
 
 ALEX GRANT, Esq., ably supported the Resolution in a short speech. Adopted ! 
 uaaainoariy. 
 
 ii: 
 
36 
 
 iir 
 
 JOHN MACARA, Eiq., wai next introduced to the Meeting, he muI : ll 
 •Speared to him thai there waa no other proceM of the mind by which a Caiiadiaa 
 •uDJecl could ^attain a juat and accuiaie kiiuwU«dge of the Conalituiion uadar 
 which hf livi'd,*thun by rcicrriiig lu the CunMlitutionat history oC England. He kaew 
 of no other aate guide i'or ('aniuiian Ciuvernnif nt, and he would acknowledge ao 
 other authority, (hear, hrar. ) It' C'nniulu Imih re. fivcd a iraiiitcripl o( the Uriliab 
 Conalituiion, it ia by ihe rukti and precedent ot' liriiioh Cunatiiutioual l^aw that ah« 
 niual be governed. Ho could wibh i'or the Hiikc ot' the repulHliun which Sir 
 Charlea Mvlcitll'ir brought with him to thiH Province, that it were within the power 
 of reaaon to reconcile llic pruclicc ol° his (jovernmvnt, with the univerrally admitied 
 
 [irincipk'B of the Uritivh C'oiiMtilution — but he feared liiH Excellency hud been ao 
 ong occupied in arranging (.'onsiitntiona fur thoae countrica whoae political poaition 
 waa ao rioquently and hticibly deacnbed by hin honourable and learned friend [Mr. 
 Bttllivan] count riea not ao far advanced in intelligence and freedom aa our own— and 
 whoae inhabiianta have not been accuHtuined to the exercinn of poliiical righia, and 
 are perhapa not in a position to be eniruHtod with them — that he haa altugetlier for- 
 
 Sllen— ^r if reinembermg, thai he diwhiina to follow the practice of thoae who at 
 9 expenaa of peace, iortune, and lite itaclf, have reared the gloriowa fabric of 
 Brittah Conatitutiooal liberty, [cheers.] If there waa evidence of any^lho 
 moat remote deaiie on the pan of the people of CVnada to grasp at aomeihing beyond 
 the Constitution — sumething new and untried, to which the people of ilngumd ahd 
 not attained — the recognition of some abatract principle which in England had been 
 eoaaidered viaionary and impracticable — he [Mr. Macara] could readily reconcile 
 hia vague and vaun.y lecoguiiion of our righta — with tie practical deterniinatioa 
 to reaiat our demanus. But can we receive oerentationt' professiona aa a gowranle* 
 that our righta wilt be respected, when his whole conduct Irom the moment of the 
 retirement of hia late Minietera to the present hour, preaenta one continued aad 
 palpable contradiction to these profesaions— and provea either that he undervalues 
 the principlea upon which the Conatitutiun has been established, or that he conaiders 
 ua too young in the career of freedom to be entrusted with the full exerciae of 
 our ri^hla. His Excellency complains that he has been made the victim of miarepre* 
 ■entation ; that every eflbrt has been made to embitter the people against nim 
 
 frrMDally, and to persuaJe them that he is opposed to thrir righta and libertiea. 
 ivt who haa placed him in a position in which his fears may too soon be realized—-* 
 poaition in which no loyal man in this Province would wish to recognise the 
 Repreaentative of our beloved Queen. 
 
 By depriving the Country of Responsible Ministers, and personally asauming 
 their fur«ctione, he haa thrown ofT the sanctity with which the Representative of our 
 Sovereign ia inveated in his person and office — by a practical suspension of the 
 CoBStitulinn, he has deprived himself of the protection which the Constitution 
 eflbrded him — by suspending the Constitution, he has exposed the Crown to aesaults 
 which by adhering to the Constitution would have been directed against its Minister!. 
 TLoud cheera.] 'We do not, and never huv; denied his right to change theee 
 Miniaters. It waa a power which the CouN'itution gave him, and we utter no 
 complaint that he exercibed it. [Hear.j 'jut we complain— and we think we 
 have rif^t and reaaon to complain — that a« it is a limited power — that aa it ia net 
 •baolute and universal— that as it is subject to restrictions and wholesome checks — he 
 did not exerciae it within the limits prescribed by the Conatitution. The prerogative 
 of the Crown to change its Ministers, must be exercised with due regard to the 
 Constitutional checks, by which it is restricted — and one of the most wholesome of 
 these checki; is, that the Crown shall choose such ministers as the people are willing 
 to place their confidence in. (cheers. ) This is the utmost extent of Royal discretion, 
 aa recognized and fixed by Briti!>h practice. Any attempt to go beyond it would be 
 instantly met by refusal of the Supplies. It is not a power to be exercised at the 
 instance of some political intriguer — some hanger-on — some greedy expectant of 
 office — some wretch who cares not one straw whether the new Ministry will last 
 a day longer than his own gratification requires. But it must be exercised with 
 reference to the wishes of the people. Constitutionally expressed. [Cheera. 1 
 Did the Oovemor-General act upon this doctrine which in England — and I am glad 
 to^ see in Canada also, is — a truism 7 Did he, while surrounded by difficultiea in the 
 fohnation of a new Cabinet— difficulties, which, at this moment, are aa anaunnoan> 
 
37 
 
 table M tver— ^lo any public act, indicating the aliKhtett anxirty to ffciir* Um 
 CMifidcnca of (he Coninioiia? While he avowed hia per«onul diaiike of the Miniatry, 
 did he adopt the only Coiiatiliitional courite which wua open to him— the couric 
 foroed upon him by the voli- ul' (■(iiilKlence in i'avonr of ihe lute Miniatcra— and 
 which by no Cuna'.ituiional nwtinH coulil ho rviule f Did he diaaolve the Harliament 
 •ad appeal lo the people ( (Umd choerH. ^ No ; he would viMiture to fay the polilieal 
 eharlaun, hia buck-ntuir luiviticr, ur^^'d him to no ant-h thintf. [Ileur.^ He took • 
 eourae, which, hud it iN'en tiikt-n in Knt^lnnd — iind ihiink lli'aven there in not a man 
 in England who would have veiiluri'd on mo riivh nn rx|)*'rinu>ni — it Mould have gone 
 far lo ahakc public conlidcnce in Mitiiurcliii;ul inHtitiiiiiMiH ; would have plunged the 
 foreign and duiiieatic policy of l:]ii({liiiid into (leH|M-rii(e cuiifuHion, and would, in all 
 probability, have aown the seeda of Rfvoluiion. In the ftice of a vote of confidence 
 m hia late Cabinet, lie prorogued the rarliHiiienl before he hud formed a new Miniatry, 
 and fur four monlha hna deprived the ctiuntry of Ilerponiiible MiniaterB. ^Loud 
 cheera.] He [Mr. M.] heartily acknowledged his entire — hin devoted aubmiaaion 
 to the prerogative of the Crown. He thought that the liberliea of the people will 
 be beat preserved by maintaining invio'.iite, these Constiluliunal privileges — but, was 
 their loyalty ao inconsiderate, — so obstinately blind— so little based upon reasoa 
 and reflection, that they must conceal fn>m themselves the fact, that our gloriona 
 Constitution haa iinpoaed upon the Crown, duties as well as rights — and that thcaa 
 duties on the part ot' the Crown, call up corrrsponding rights on behalf of the 
 people. One of these important rights is, that Farnament can, at any time 
 demand the name of the Advisers of the Crown. Was this right recognised whea 
 Parliament was prorogued before a new Ministry waa formed — prorogued at the 
 ▼erv time the dilficulties occurred — prorogued in the face of an overwhelming 
 migoritv of the Cornmona in fitvor of the Inle Ministers. Has this right been 
 recugniaed during these four months which aeem lo have been spent in nicely adjusting 
 the balance of faction — till bv dint of intrigu? and it may be of corruption, the handa 
 of those in whom the people have no confidence may be strengthened, till every effort 
 has been tried, but tried happily in vain — to sow jealousies and dissensions among the 
 friends of the people, till a Cabinet can be formed of political trimmero, a miserabljr 
 •mall party in the country, who think that by keeping aloof from either side, they 
 will be entitled to ao much the larger a share of the spoil— a sort of Reformers, who, 
 profeaaing no diH<?rence with us in paiciple, think that useful reforms should not 
 ba doled out to the people in too la.;'.' quantities— that in the account current of 
 good measures, the balance should always incline against the people and for their 
 enemies — pre'ended Reformers, who would just give the people the least poaaible 
 benefit that thev will be persuaded to accept, and who, always dreading an open 
 resistance, would just govern the country as ill as the patience of the country will 
 aubmit to. [Cheers.] A miserable set of political trimmers, who, discovering their 
 atter and helpless insignificance, have already begun to merge into the party with 
 which they profess to be exceedingly wroth, but with whom they will blend Moat 
 haimoniously, when they can eradicate from the her.rl of that party the contempt 
 with which it regards its new associates. If the anxiety by which hia Excellency la 
 actuated, is to form such a Cabinet, he would answer for it that the people of 
 Canada are not to be lulled to slumber by any delusive ezpectaions which aoch 
 an Administration would inspire. And he may rest assured that it ia by no auch 
 tortuous course that the true dignity of the British Crown will be maintained, w 
 the affections of a loyal people permanently secured. [Loud cheers.] With theao 
 remarks, I beg to move — 
 
 *' 9, That the reason which the head of the Government has been advised to giv* 
 for thia long delay in forming an Administration, viz., ' the anxiety to form such • 
 Council as ia most likely to obtain the support of the Provincial Parliament,' ia 
 inconaiatent with His Excellency's having proirogued Parliament, leaving himaelf 
 without the means of ascertaining in whom the confidence of the present Represent 
 tativea of the people would be reposed, and not having yet appealed to the pf^ople 
 themstlvea by a dissolution." 
 
 T J. O'NEILL, Esq., rose to second the Resolution which had just been 
 mov«d. He said : 
 
 -. .Mr,,Cbairman,— Front tbe latenesa of th? hour and the number of peraoiw,wb»' 
 
 1 
 
 '(• 
 
38 
 
 have M eloquently expreuod their opinions in bringing^ forward the pr«e«(jiilf; 
 reaolutions, 1 should ueeni it the height of presumption to occupy the tHne of iImi 
 meeiinj; with sny lengthened remarks within my power to offer. * 
 
 Without, however, meaning nny disrespec the distinipuished individual int:uilcd 
 with the Government of this Province, I, m scnoiiding this Rpsolntiun, vannol help 
 feeling thnt to the sentiments of the Governor-Generni, whitli firm the basiv of it, 
 vis., ihat the delay in Jornii'ig n new Adii;'iiiaiiuii:jn, arnse from " his anxiety to furm 
 such a Council as is must likely to obtain the support of the Provincial Purliamenf,** 
 I cannot ascribe all thw m<:it tor siriceriiy, which f would fnin bestow on one 
 f'Oasei'Sing the many viriiie? whi»:h distinguished his Excellency's chnracter on coming 
 to this province. (Hear, hear.) Wiiy, if such were the cnse, allow lour months or 
 more !<• elap8»^ without ^ivinu to the coumry a Council to watch over the interests of 
 the people — to consult tu" their wants and to prepare those mnny salutary and needful' 
 measures, long wi.''.hed for as the only ineaiis ot restoring the country to quiet and" 
 prosperity. (Cliees.) 
 
 Will we be told that the p<!op]e of Canoda will not be satisfied with a Council; 
 vivhiich has not for its mainspring ih" non Robt. Baldwin and the Hon. Mr. 
 Lafontaine. or is the country 'o ill supilied with men competent to take the helm of- 
 a^raira into their hands, that none others who pccisess the public confidence in ail) 
 equal degree can be found tu supply their places ? 
 
 To adni'*. the former would be to prove the error of the head of the Govtioment 
 in risking an enr machment on the well understood privileg"' of his Cabinet— 
 wiihoi't a full concession ol which thoy would never have taken omce — and a violation'- 
 o£ which it is full well known ihey would never submit to. (Hear, hear.) 
 
 Should she latter bo 'he c.^se it proves a blunder no less inexrusnhle than the 
 former, for in such cane the head of the Government lelt himsell no alternative but. 
 with true magnanimity of resolve to acknowledge to Her Majesty's Colonial 
 Secretary his error, and request that s >me other would be sent to relieve him, who 
 would consult the desires oi the t^olonisi? before coming to issue with the Council^ 
 of their choice, or to rest^ire to the important situations they hud resigned, tho8«,, 
 g<^nilemen wh • alone .an fill them \v\th satii>faction to the majority. ( beers.) 
 
 This is an alternative not ectsily submitted to by one accustomed to govern Astatie' 
 mbjecta according to common usuge, but such, Sir, was in my opinion, the onlf 
 course oper. to a man sincerely interested in the well-being of the Province, [heart 
 hear.] 
 
 Fortunately, Sir, for that wtse enactment, the Union of the Provinces, a meaaore 
 which I trust we shall never, like the ill-treated people of Ireland, deaire a repeal of. ' 
 We are now in a situation to join issue at a moment's warning with any Ruler»^ 
 't'kwever ill-advised, unreasonable, or despotic he might be desirous to prove himielf.'' 
 Iilte identity of inieruts, which subsi9t«« between the Reformers of both aectioia, froe' 
 fireini ^h^ jealousies and cislikes which formerly existed ; the comm- .ity of feeiittf 
 which now proclaims their strength and spirit in its united form, shew inat any attempt- 
 t»-' stifle public opinion — ^however adroitly concerted or rigorously enforced— wOnld'' 
 be| unattended with success, and only recoil with disgrace and discomfiture on th*^ 
 guilty heads of its impolitic advisers, [hear, hear.] 
 
 Let the present advisers of the Governor recommend an appeal to the People* a . 
 <;oi;iite which they should long since have taken, it it were not that they felt conaci'illa ] 
 of the utter helplessness oi' their situation, bP.d that svicl. appeal if resorted to, could 
 ottly.inaaifest- to the world their entire prostration. Let such experiments be tried. 
 Sir,, aitd I do not hesitate to say that so well do the people understand iheir poaitioir' 
 -*^,set|Bl'«le are they of the necessity, as w-II as the propriety of acting in support ' 
 of thvi; rights, tliat a majority conp'derabiy beyond what now represents our opiiuonsi 
 ittithe: Assembly of the Country, must be the result. [Cheers.] 
 
 JOHN EAS'k- WOOD, ESQ., said the Resolution whioh had be^a put into hii;, 
 hand, was as follows : — 
 
 ** 10. That the allegation contained in the reply which the Head of the Goremment 
 has been advised to give to the Address from the Warden and Councillors of thd' 
 G^nt District, "that he is virtually responsible tj the people of the Cdony, ud 
 
39 
 
 pr«ciietlly more ao than even to the Mother Country," is not only inconsistent ivith 
 ^l.pMt experience, and the ackr^^wL-dged doctrines of the Constitution, but is id 
 «xpre88 contradiction to the Kesolutions of 1641, which assert as an essential principle 
 «f the Constitution his responsibility "to the Imperial authority alone." 
 
 Mr. Eastwooa continued : — His Excellency in this Address has declared that he 
 was the only person who had carried out Responsible Government — he [Mr. 
 £Mtwood] would likv to know if it was with three advisers he had dune so? His 
 Excellency had stateu that tiie resignation of the late Ministry proceeded from 
 their maktrg stipulations — and one of the stipuiaiicns was that they should be 
 ctmsulted oi appointments to ofHce. He [Mr. Eastwood] would like to know if 
 that was correct 7 it was strange that a Governor should treat, without consideration, 
 two-thirds of the people's Representatives. [Hear, hear.] He [Mr. Eistwood] 
 •would like to know where else he could go for advice? (Chvne.) He b<.'gged ttt 
 move the Hesolution which he had read. 
 
 PETER FREELAND, ESQ., briefly supported the Resolution. It was carried 
 unanimously. 
 
 WM. M. GORRIE, Esq. rose and said : — Mr. Chairman — It may possibly be 
 tnattM of surprise to the enemies of true Responsible Government that :heir expedlentt 
 po ingeniously devised, and dextrously employed in the present emergency, havtis 
 failed of their object. The Schoolmaster has been about since Sir Francis Bom 
 Head played his antics on this arena — [hear, hear] — the population whe shaktell 
 together by the agitation and stirring incidents of his reign, and every man read hi the 
 doe of another that a common origin, a common nature, and or<e event was to theril 
 all.*-The ear of the British nation was pierced, and the eye of the British pet i<: 
 looked from the metropolis of the Empire across the Atlantic with coneem upon onr 
 condition. Our political disease was probed to its core by a physcian of notltblt 
 eminence, who denounced past treatment, and prescribed a potent nnved/t which 
 had now nearly operated a cure, but for the quack notions super-adde^ to its 
 pwvionsly well ball. need elements. We were astonished to hear the soros which 
 we felt but dared not complain of, described by another with an accuracy and 
 boldness which would have subjected us to pains and penalties. That noble 
 personage has paid the debt of nature, and the sickly Ptate of our system should 
 admonish us to return to his patent, and cling to it that we may live to eonsecjiala 
 his name and memory with a healthy and glorious constitution — [Cheers.] 
 
 Yes, Sir, the members of this Association and the people of Canada, understand 
 tile manoeuvre whereby the enemies of Responsible Government, under the Admiiiia^ 
 tration of Sir Charles Bagot, have been brought over to Sir Charles Metcalfe's 
 •Ipndard of Responsibility. I say the people of Canada understand it, for I will iiot 
 'thargs those who affect to admiie His Excellency's system With a want lof 
 dhsoernment, more than I would charge them with a positive change of pnnbk>l« j 
 •ad I am sure the friends of British Responsihilitv understand the principle ihef 
 contend for, aj well as the schemes which have been priictis^'id td wrest it from ihtttii 
 fad put something undetined in its place. 
 
 Etefy word which has yet fallen from the lipa of His Excellontiy, expton&tot]^ 
 ^ his views of the great question, sufficiently indicates his purpo(><* to estabil^ dn 
 emnipotent prerogative upon the ruins of public liberty. To what else «ail be 
 attributed his de«!laration., that it would be useless as well as inconvenient tt Advieii 
 'Nith his Council except en such mancrs as he should think of sufticient importance 7 
 Who will endorse for His Excellency that the well understood wishes of ttie people 
 are faithfully advocated by the triumviri (hear, hear,) composing his present Couikcil) 
 l^d that cojfutitutionally they are Responsible Advisers. Unquestionably should one 
 HX other of these individual^ be guilty of a crime, he is responsible to offended ?*W| 
 ^ttt the safety principle of ttie British Constitution, when in force, driven thtf 
 linwbrthy from power ere guilt ha^ been incurred, which is a characterrstic feature ef 
 Responsible Government. But, Sir, have we not seen the action of Parliament stopt 
 At^the midst of a most useful session. The most powerful Government that Canada 
 ever boasted, thrown over board in spite of a remonslrative vote of the House of 
 4iMMnblyi supported by two-thirds of that body. Public business suspended dow 
 Hiiwaida of four months — the most important otfices yet vacant— and is the inuigv 
 aiA tRawoript of the British Constitution in operation? Are the Reaaiotidh* fl€ 
 
40 
 
 6#|Kfiiibctt 1841i regftidcd, or is there not in these frets a dej^ijition of Respotorihb 
 Ctofemment, which the people of this country will do well tois^^unine. (Chmtm.^ 
 ■ Si* Charles has, indeed, declared himself Re8ponaible--«nd'^ft frarfal wei(|lil 4f 
 respoawbtiijr he and his Council have incurred — a Hesponsibilit'^ whtoh, b4t Mr dil 
 
 JilMace and loyalty of the Canadian people, might dismember the empiiv a«4 Mnd 
 is £io«lleM«y to account with his Sovereign.— Bot will paticnc* and loydlf ImI 
 lor- ever under such trials/ Where then e^all we arraign the dd^MBttfymiMl 
 IM Colony? The British Government approves, and his £welleuc)r asiufi mk 
 liberties and insults our judgments, by telling us his rule is mMe truly RcapoMiM* 
 than any preceding. Dues bis Excellency know thai public and private creih: Wi 
 ■uifering at home and abroad — that measures of vast importance to our is««< wMhil 
 nrgeatly demand the jiitention of Parliament, and that oar ill* are every 4mf 
 aggravated by his obstinacy. His, Sir, is the AeeponsibiUty of olden tiatekl .t^it 
 fhends knew it at tirst sight, and extolled it to the skiea with a shoiit, tiiiiif 
 coanterfeit name— and these are its eilects upon a more advanced state of society-* 
 [cheers.] 
 
 Why does not his Excellency commit the reins of Goveratii«i|it to those, 
 highly applaud what they are pleased to call his noble stand agunst the deuiitfMila, fd 
 his late Council, and who so cordially join^ him in admiration, of fteafx^^ 
 Government,, and proceed at once with the business of the country 7 £Hear».* 
 I >eg, Sir, to move— , U 
 
 ., *M1. That the Members of this Association are neither to be deluded by fSMftl 
 m4 unmeaniag declarations in favour of Responsible Grovemment, whtif the pvaetiial 
 application of that great principle iawithheldi nor are they to be driven mal l!«(*!^ 
 purpose> by h&ving objects charged upon and motives imputed to them iriueh ^i 
 utterly repudiate." 
 
 JAMES LESSLIE, ESQ., seconded the Resolution, which w«a' paw^ ,1 
 
 DR. WORKMAN moved the following resolution, secondsd by NL O'DONOHCNBi 
 
 SUqoire* which was carried. : - /' 
 
 ' ** lis: That this meeting regards with the highest satisfaction, Und as an uiiddahted 
 haibiager of ultimate success, the unanimity of opinion Whieh prevails iinfonf 
 the fmnds of British Rer (tonsible Government in all parts of the Province as to tlu} 
 aeeessity for unity of ptrpoee and action in this great crisis of affiurs.** '' 
 
 JAMES F. WESTLAND, Esq., moved the following resolutions, aisceiidl(l||r 
 JOHN i^HUtER SMITH, Esq., which were carried unanimously— ; 
 
 '. "12L ^hat the ru)lies which the Head of the Go«:emment has been ad^tai It 
 lliake to Yaridos addresses from individuala in different^ parts of the Proviofls, a s M i H 
 only upjttst- to those engaged in the struggle for Constitutional principle* but ketnqr 
 a kmentfttfte ignorance of the political intelligence of thejpeo,7le, and of tha tnw 
 state of pnUh; opinion in the Conntry." ,. . ^ ^ 
 
 ** 14. Thst^ to frcilitate the Jl-ganization of AsA>c .tioos tbrottghout the Counhy^ 
 the CoBstitntion of this Association be amended, and that eveiy Aeseeiatiea fbr a 
 (^vision of a. Township, or other local sub-division of the Country formed in othwr 
 Kspects as required by the Co.iatitution shall, together with the Mombera theieeli) 
 be e^Kally within the same as an Association for a Township.'*^) i >:hr:)! 
 
 "^ "15. l^hat wis moat emphatically repudiate any dosire for Kecresy ill iVfifMc'-itlt 
 any of oar proceeding, and that at all future meetings of the AssbeiatioKk 
 edovenient seats be provided for the Press without distinction of party.'* ^ 
 
 ^<«<16. Thit the thanks of die Assoieiation is hereby given to thfitefotp ft^'if 
 «Mll ae to those numerous other friends of Responsible Oov^rniJi9t tlnwl||^^lii( 
 PMviace, who hate taken so'#hrm an interest isf forwarding't^ 
 AiMeiatioii." \^ — 
 
 *• It; Tbnt— Copies of the Addb^M df-tbe Hon. Mr. Binchf i»;T»>nteiM« Im 
 |raMllhefd| in pamphlet form for di»%tbution^ ' \.^ 
 
 '_A^e of thanks was then moved to the Chairman for his admirable>Mdiet erMli 
 pnmdiag, which waa respondd to in the most heart«felt and cordial tntcacrt stit 
 iwtaUy aekaowledged by the honourable geilt!;maa ; after which tha Moetttg elQ«Mb 
 
■fU 
 
 M 
 
 i 
 
 1i 
 
 j'ij. 
 
 hi 
 
 m 
 
 'm 
 
 '*\\ 
 
 i]i