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RECOLLECTIONS AND EXPERIENCES 
 
 OF 
 
 AN ABOLITIONIST. 
 
Entered according to Act of the Parliament of Canada, in the year one 
 thousand eight hundred and seventy-five, by Alexander Milton Ross, 
 in the office of the Minister of Agriculture. 
 
 Toronto : 
 
 Printed nv Rowsell & Hutchison, 
 
 King Street. 
 
J- one 
 Ross, 
 
Remember them in bonds y 
 
RECOLLECTIONS AND EXPERIENCES 
 
 OK 
 
 AN ABOLITIONIST; 
 
 From 1855 io 1865. 
 
 in' 
 
 " Whatsoever ye Vrould that men should do to you, do ye CTcn so to 
 them."— Matt. vii. 12. 
 
 I 
 
 TORONTO : 
 ROWSELL AND HUTCHLSON. 
 
 1875. 
 
Entered according to Act of the Parliament of Canada, in the year one 
 thousand cij^'ht liundrcd and seventy-five, hy Aikxandkr Milton Ross, 
 In the office of the Minister of Agriculture. 
 
 Toronto : 
 
 I'RINTRD BY RoWS1;LL & IIUTCHISON, 
 
 Kino Stuert. 
 
THIS VOLUME 
 
 OK 
 
 RECOLLECTIONS AND EXPERIENCES 
 
 IS, WITH SENTIMENTS OK rROKOlND HOMAGE AND RE.SPECT^ 
 
 DEDICATED TO 
 
 HIS IMPERIAL MAJESTY 
 
 ALEXANDER II. 
 
 EMPEROR AND AUTOCRAT OF ALL THE 
 
 RUSSIAS, 
 
 WHO, OF HIS OWN SOVKKEKJV AVII.l. AND rLEA.SUKE, GAVE 
 
 FREEDOM TO 
 
 TWENTY MILLIONS OF SERFS 
 
 OF THE RUSSIAN KMITRE. 
 
 Toronto, May ISTo. 
 
PREFACE, 
 
 Tiii:sE Recollections and Experiences arc 
 given to the public in compliance with the 
 repeated solicitations of many of m\' coloured 
 friends, some of whom were personal i/ inter- 
 ested in the experiences herein rerorded. 
 
 In the preparation of tMs narrntivo, I have 
 strictly refrained from any attempt at embel- 
 lishment or amplification, and I have aimed at 
 accuracy of statement, briefness of description, 
 and simplicity of style. 
 
 A. M. R. 
 
 Toronto, May, 1875. 
 
CONTENTS, 
 
 CHAP. I.— FIRST nrPRESSIONS OF HUMAN 
 
 SLAVERY. 
 
 Uncle Tom's Cabin- -Pi-eparations for the work— 
 
 Into the Land of Bondage— The work begiiis 
 
 Nine fugitives from bondage— At work again 
 — Seven candidates for freedom— Twelve luni- 
 dred dollars reward— A poor negro spurns the 
 reward— Arrival in Chicago with a "chattel" 
 —Safe on the soil of Canada— First interview 
 with John Brown— Hia opinion of Abolition- 
 ists—His disappointments— Character of John 
 Brown — He leaves for Kansas 
 
 Pages 
 
 1-25 
 
 CHAP, n.— NEWS FROM THE SOUTH. 
 
 Keeping quiet— OflF to New Orleans— Arrival in 
 New Orleans — Slave auctions - Horrors of 
 human slavery— At work near \'icksburg— 
 Sowing seed at Selma— In a dangerous position 
 —Into the jaws of death— Manacled and in 
 prison— A desperate situation— Fidelity of a 
 slave— Released —Two passengers by the Under- 
 ground R. 11.— Leave Columbus for other fields 
 —At work in Augusta— Eleven followers of the 
 Norj.h Star— Exciting news— Fast travelling to 
 the North— In ^Vashington— Two fugitives from 
 Hunt.-nlle 2&-48 
 
XIV 
 
 CIIAl'. 111. — MEET WITH AX OLD FRIEND. 
 
 PagfCH 
 Second interview w-ith John Brown— Letter from 
 
 Captain Brown — Refugees in Canada — Second 
 letter from John Brown — In Richmond — Cap- 
 tain Brown attacks Harper's Ferry — Defeat 
 of Captain Brown — Dough-faced Nftrtherners — 
 Effects of Brown's attack — Bravery of Captain 
 Brown — John Brown victorious — "His soul is 
 marching on" — His martyrdom — Interview 
 with Governor Wise — He would like to hang 
 Giddings and Gerrit Smith— Extracts from the 
 Press— Letter from Victor Hugo — Wliittier's 
 Poem — John Brown song 48-100 
 
 CHAP. IV. — AT WORK IN KENTUCKY. 
 
 A wife torn from her luisband and sold — Lil)eration 
 of the wife — Crossing the Ohio — A Kentuckian 
 in search of his " chattel " — Safe arival of man 
 and wife in Canada — Net results — Number of 
 refugees in Canada — The Fugitive Slave Law 
 — Presidential Election of 18G0 — Rejjublican 
 " Platform " — Democratic " Platform " — Na- 
 tional Democratic "Platform" — Constitutional 
 Union "Platform" — Electoral vote, Presidential 
 election — Secession of South Carolina , 110-130 
 
 CHAP. V. — THE SLAVEHOLDERS REBELLION. 
 
 Confidential service in Canada — Confederates in Can- 
 ada — Rebel postal service — Arrest of a rebel mail 
 carrier — Interview with Pi'esident Lincoln — 
 Confiscated re})el despatches — Rebels in New 
 Brunswick — Mr. Lincoln's favourite poem — Off 
 to New Brunswick — Occupy a room with a 
 
XV 
 
 rebel — War on the New Brunswick frontier 
 — Arrest of a rebel officer — Persecution of 
 Joshua R. Giddings— His arrest— Death of Mr. 
 Giddings — Steps toward emancijiation — The 
 Emancipation Proclamation— Republican Plat- 
 form of 1864— Lincoln's Second Inaugural Ad- 
 dress (March 4, 1866)— Constitutional Amend- 
 ment, Article XIII 132-166 
 
 CHAP. VI.— EXTRACTS FROM LETTERS. 
 
 Letters from William H. Seward, Joshua IJ. Gid- 
 dings, Horace Greeley, Gerrit Smith, Wendell 
 Phillips, Charles Sumner, George B. Lincoln, 
 Governor Fenton, Wm. Lloy.l Garrison, John 
 G. Whittier, W. C. Bryant, G. Garibaldi, 
 Victor Hugo 
 
 167-179 
 
 CHAP. VIL— EFFORTS TO AROUSE KINDLY 
 FEELINGS IN CANADA IN FAVOUR OF 
 THE NORTH. 
 
 Slaveholders' Rebellion, its Internal Causes— The 
 Rights of Man— In Memory of Joshua R. Gid- 
 dings— Slavery in the Southern States— Re- 
 marks before the " Society for the Abolition of 
 Slavery "—American Reconstruction— Reorga- 
 nization of the Southern States -American 
 Politics-The Blacks in Canada-Position of 
 the Freedmen in the South— Why I Desire the 
 Success of the North— RatiHcation of the Con- 
 stitutional Amendment and Proclamation of 
 ^^•""^^^"^ 180-22a 
 
i ! 
 

 c'STcn 
 
 RECOLLECTIONS AND EXPERIENCES 
 
 ov 
 
 AN ABOLITIONIST. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 FIRST IMPRESSIONS OF HUMAN SLAVERY. 
 
 Y first impressions of human slavery 
 were derived from the published 
 speeches and writings of Wilberforce, 
 Brougham, and other English abolitionists, which 
 I read in my youth, and in later years from the 
 eloquent appeals for the freedom of the enslaved, 
 made by Wendell Phillips, William Lloyd Gar- 
 rison, Theodore Parker, and Gerrit Smith. The 
 impulses gained from the above sources excited 
 my sympathies, and impelled me to seek for 
 further and more practical information as to the 
 workings of the institution of slavery in the 
 
! I 
 
 2 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 American Republic. I had not far to seek for 
 the desired knowledge, for there were in Canada 
 hundreds of escaped slaves, living witnesses to 
 the hideous barbarity of that wicked institution. 
 From them I heard heart-rending stories of the 
 cruelties practised upon the poor oppressed 
 coloured people of the Slave States. In proof 
 of their statements I was shown the indelible 
 marks of the lash and branding-iron upon their 
 bodies. 
 
 These refugees were, as a general rule, superior 
 specimens of their race, and possessed qualities, 
 in the majority of cases, which fitted them for 
 all the duties of citizenship. Many of those I 
 conversed with were quite intelligent, having 
 held positions as coachmen, house servants, and 
 body servants to their masters, and the informa- 
 tion I obtained from them enabled me, in after 
 years, to render some service to their friends 
 in bondage. 
 
 i I 
 
 I 1 
 
 I ! 
 
 I . 
 
 UNCLE TOM S CABIN. 
 
 While I was engaged in my inquiries among 
 the coloured people of Canada, Mrs. Stowe's 
 work, " Uncle Tom's Cabin," was published, and 
 excited the sympathies of every humane person 
 who read it, in behalf of the oppressed. To me 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 3 
 
 it was a command ; and a settled conviction took 
 possession of my mind, that it was my duty to 
 help the oppressed to freedom, to " remember 
 them in bonds, as bound with them." My reso- 
 lution was taken, to devote all the energies of 
 my life to " let the oppressed go free." 
 
 I had learned from the refugees in Canada 
 that there existed in the Northern States relief 
 organizations, formed for the purpose of extend- 
 ing aid to fugitives from bondage. I also gath- 
 ered from the same sources much information 
 relative to the various secret routes leading 
 from the Slave States to Canada, as well as the 
 names and addresses of many good friends of 
 freedom in the States of Ohio, Pennsylvania, 
 and Michigan, who cheerfully gave shelter and 
 aid to the escaped slaves whose objective point 
 was Canada — the Land of Liberty for the slaves 
 of the American Republic. 
 
 PREPARATION FOR THE WORK. 
 
 In November, 1856, I left Canada to prepare 
 for the work which had absorbed my thoughts for 
 years. A prominent abolitionist of Northern 
 New York had invited me to visit his home, and 
 confer with him in respect to the best way of 
 accomplishing the most good for the cause we 
 
T 
 
 1 1 I 
 
 4 RecollcctioJis and Experiences 
 
 both had at heart. From this noble philanthropist 
 and true Christian I obtained most valuable and 
 interesting information as to the workings of the 
 different organizations having for their object 
 the liberation from bondage of the slaves of the 
 South. He accompanied me to Boston, New 
 York, and Philadelphia. I was introduced to 
 many liberty-loving men and women, whose 
 time, talents, and means, were devoted to the 
 cause of freedom. The contact with such noble, 
 enthusiastic minds, imbued with an undying 
 hatred and detestation of that foul blot on the 
 escutcheon of their country, served to strengthen 
 my resolution and fortify me for the labour before 
 me. I was initiated into a knowledge of the 
 relief societies, and the methods adopted to 
 circulate information among the slaves of the 
 South ; the routes to be taken by the slaves, 
 after reaching the so-called Free States ; the 
 relief posts, where shelter and aid for transpor- 
 tation could be obtained. 
 
 m. 
 
 
 
 The poor fugitive who had run the gauntlet of 
 slave-hunters and blood-hounds was not safe, 
 even after he had crossed the boundary line 
 between the Slave and Free States, for the 
 slave-drivers of the South and their allies, 
 the democrats of the North, held control of 
 the United States Government at that time ; and 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 5 
 
 under the provisions of the iniquitous " Fugitive 
 Slave Law," the North was compelled to act as 
 a police detective for the capture and return to 
 slavery of the fugitives from the Slave States. 
 
 My excellent friend also accompanied me to 
 Ohio and Indiana, where I made the personal 
 acquaintance of friends in those Slates who, at 
 risk of life and property, gave shelter to the 
 fugitives, and assisted them in reaching Canada. 
 
 READY FOR THE WORK. 
 
 On my return to Philadelphia I made the 
 necessary preparations for work in the Southern 
 States. 
 
 In undertaking this enterprise I did not dis- 
 guise from myself the dangers I would most 
 certainly have to encounter, and the certainty 
 that a speedy, and perhaps cruel, death would be 
 my lot, in case my plans and purposes were 
 discovered. And not only would my own life be 
 exposed, but also the lives of those I sought to 
 aid. 
 
 My kind friends in Boston and Philadelphia 
 had warned me of the dangers that were in my 
 path ; and many of them urged me to seek 
 other and less dangerous channels wherein to aid 
 
TT 
 
 I 
 
 I ^ 
 
 i: ': 
 
 6 Recollections mid Experiences 
 
 the oppressed. I felt convinced, however, that 
 the only effectual way to help the slaves was, 
 to aid them in escapintj from bondage. To 
 accomplish that, it was necessary to go to them, 
 advise them, and give them practical assistance. 
 With a few exceptions the negroes were in ab- 
 solute ignorance of every thing beyond the 
 boundary of their plantation or town. 
 
 The circulation of information among the 
 slaves would also have a certain tendency to 
 create a feeling of independence in the minds of 
 the negroes, which, ultimately, would lead to 
 insurrection, and perhaps the destruction of the 
 institution of slavery. 
 
 At length all my preparations were completed, 
 and I was ready to enter the land of bondage, 
 and discharge, to the best of my ability, the duty 
 that rested upon me. 
 
 Two years had passed since I had finished 
 reading Mrs. Stowe's work, and the resolution 
 which I then made, to devote my energies to 
 " let the oppressed go free," was still fresh and 
 strong. 
 
 Before leaving Philadelphia a mutual under- 
 standing was arranged between my friends and 
 
Of an Abolitionist. J 
 
 myself in respect to confidential cor -espondcnce, 
 by which it was understood that the term " hard- 
 ware," was to mean males ; and " dry-goods," 
 females. I was to notify my friends in Phila- 
 delphia (if possible) whenever a package of" hard- 
 ware" or "dry-goods" was started for freedom; 
 and they in turn warned the friends in Ohio and 
 Pennsylvania to be on the look-out for runaways. 
 
 INTO THE LAND OF BONDAGE. 
 
 On a beautiful morning in April, 1857, ^ 
 crossed the Potomac en route for Richmond. 
 My outfit was compact, and contained in a small 
 valise. The only weapon I had, was a small 
 revolver, which had been presented to me by a 
 Bostonian, who, in after years, honoured the 
 office of Governor of Massachusetts. 
 
 On arriving in Richmond I went to the house 
 of a gentleman to whom I had been directed, 
 and who was known in the North to be a friend 
 to the slaves. I spent a few weeks in quietly 
 looking around, and determining upon the best 
 plans to adopt. 
 
 THE WORK BEGINS. 
 
 Having finally decided upon my course, I 
 invited a number of the most intelligent, active. 
 
^^ 
 
 8. 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 1 ! 
 
 and reliable slaves, to meet me at the house of 
 a coloured preacher, on a Sunday cveninfj. 
 
 On the night appointed for this meeting forty- 
 two slaves came to hear what prospect there was 
 for their escape from bondage. I shook each by 
 the hand, asked their name, age, and whether 
 married or single. I had never before seen, at 
 one time, so many coloured men together, and I 
 was struck with their individuality and general 
 kindness and consideration for each other. I 
 then explained to them my object and purposes 
 in visiting the Slave States. I also carefully 
 explained to them the various routes from Vir- 
 ginia to Ohio and Pennsylvania, and the names 
 of friends in border towns who would help them 
 on to Canada. I requested them to circulate 
 this information discreetly among all upon whom 
 they could rely. Thus, each of my hearers 
 became an agent in the good work. I then told 
 them that if any of their number chose to make 
 the attempt to gain their freedom, in the face of 
 all the obstacles and dangers in their path, that 
 I would supply them with weapons to defend 
 themselves, in case any attempt was made to 
 deprive them of their right to freedom ; and 
 also, as much food as they could conveniently 
 carry. I requested as many as were ready to 
 accept my offer, to come to the same house on 
 the following Sunday evening. 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 NINE FUGITIVES FROM IJONDAGE. 
 
 On the evening appointed nine stout, intelli- 
 gent young men had declared their determination 
 to gain their freedom, or die in the attempt. To 
 each I gave a few dollars in money, a pocket 
 compass, a knife, and as much cold meat and bread 
 as each could carry with ease. 1 again carefully 
 explained to them the route, and the names of 
 friends along the border upon whom they could 
 rely for shelter and assistance. I never met 
 more apt students than these poor fellows ; and 
 their' V'es, massa, I know it now," was assurance 
 that they did. They were to travel only by 
 night, resting in some secure spot during the day. 
 Their route was to be through Pennsylvania to 
 Erie, on Lake Erie, and from thence to Canada. 
 I bid them good bye with an anxious heart, for 
 well I knew the dangers they had to encounter. 
 I learned many months after that they all arrived 
 safely in Canada. (In 1863, I enlisted three of 
 these brave fellows in a coloured regiment in 
 Philadelphia, for service in the war that gave 
 freedom to their race). Two of my Richmond 
 pupils were married men, and left behind them 
 wives and children. The wife of one made her 
 escape, and reached Canada within six months 
 after her husband gained his liberty. (I visited 
 their happy little home, in Chatham, Canada, in 
 
1\ 
 
 10 
 
 : I 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 after years, and was delighted to find them 
 prosperous and contented). 
 
 AT WORK AGAIN. 
 
 The day following the departure of my little 
 band of fugitives from Richmond, I left for 
 Nashville, in the State of Tennessee, which I 
 decided should be my next field of labour. 
 On my arrival in Nashville I went direct to the 
 residence of a Quaker lady, well known for her 
 humane and charitable disposition toward the 
 coloured people. When I informed her of my 
 success in Richmond, and that I intended to 
 pursue the same course in Nashville, she ex- 
 pressed great anxiety for my safety. But finding 
 that I was determined to make the attempt, she 
 sent for an old free negro, and advised me 
 to trust him implicitly. This good man was 
 nearly eighty years of age, and had the con- 
 fidence of all the coloured people for miles 
 around Nashville. He lived a short distance 
 outside the city limits. At his house he preached 
 to such of the slaves as were disposed and 
 could attend, every Sunday evening. I requested 
 him to invite as many of the most reliable and 
 intelligent of the slaves as he could to meet 
 me at his house on the next Sunday evening. 
 
 On the evening appointed I found thirteen 
 
 k 
 
Of ail Abolitionist. 
 
 II 
 
 fine able-bodied men assembled to see and hear 
 an abolitionist. Seldom have I seen a finer or 
 more intelligent looking lot of coloured men 
 than those that composed my little audience on 
 that occasion ; their ages ranged fi'om 1 8 to 30. 
 Some of them were very black, while others 
 were mulattoes, and two of them had straight 
 hair, and were very light-coloured ; but all 
 of them had an earnest and intelligent look. 
 My host volunteered to stand guard out- 
 side the house, to prevent interruption and to 
 intercept any friendly or evil minded callers. 
 I talked to my hearers earnestly and practically 
 for two hours, explaining the condition and 
 prospects of the coloured people in Canada, the 
 obstacles and dangers they would have to 
 encounter, the route to be taken, and the names 
 of friends, north of the Ohio river, to whom they 
 could safely apply for aid to help them on to 
 Canada. No lecturer ever had a more intensely 
 earnest audience than I had that evening. I 
 gathered them close around me, so that I could 
 look each in the face, and give emphasis to my 
 instructions. In conclusion, J told them that I 
 should remain in Nashville until after the follow- 
 ing Sunday evening, when as many as felt 
 disposed to make the attempt to gain their free- 
 dom could meet me in the same house at 9 p.m. 
 I requested those who would decide to leave 
 
12 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 \% i 
 
 on that night to inform their old friend before 
 the next Friday, that I might make some pro- 
 vision for their long and perilous journey. 
 
 Early in the week I received word from five ; 
 and by Friday evening two more had decided 
 to make the attempt to obtain liberty. 
 
 At 9 o'clock, on the Sunday evening ap- 
 pointed, I was promptly at the house of my 
 friend. He again stood guard. It was nearly 
 lo o'clock before I heard the signal agreed upon 
 — " scratching upon the door." I unlocked the 
 door, when in stepped four men, followed soon 
 after by three others. They were all young men 
 and unmarried. I asked each if he had fully 
 determined to make the attempt ; and receiving 
 an affirmative reply, I very carefully explained 
 to them the routes to be taken, the dangers they 
 might expect to encounter, and the friends upon 
 whom they could call for aid. To each I gave 
 a pistol, a knife, a pair of shoes, a compass, and to 
 their leader twenty dollars in money. They 
 were also supplied with as much food as they 
 could conveniently carry. 
 
 :" 
 
 SEVEN CANDID.\TES FOR FREEDOM. 
 
 At midnight I bid them good-bye ; and these 
 bra/e-hearted fellows, with tears in their eyes, 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 13 
 
 and hearts swelling with thankfulness toward me, 
 started for the land of freedom. I advised them 
 to travel by night only, to keep together, and 
 not use their pistols except in absolute necessity. 
 
 Next morning I called upon my Quaker friend 
 and informed her of the result of my labours in 
 Nashville. She expressed her delight and satis- 
 faction ; but feared for my safety, if I remained 
 in the city after the escape of the slaves became 
 known. 
 
 jse 
 
 That evening I sent letters to friends in 
 Evansville, Cincinnati, and Cleveland, to keep a 
 sharp lookout for " packages of hardware." 
 
 As I was leaving the Post Office a man 
 handed me a small printed bill, which an- 
 nounced the escape of thirteen slaves from 
 Richmond ; but nine only were described, toge- 
 ther with the names of their owners. A reward 
 of $1,000 was offered for their capture and 
 return to Richmond. I now thought it was 
 time for me to leave for other fields of labour. 
 Early next day I bade farewell to my kind 
 Quaker friend, and started for Memphis. On 
 my arrival there I sought the house of an anti- 
 slavery man to whom I had been directed. The 
 husband was absent from home, but the good 
 
. 
 
 H 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 wife received me most kindly, and urged me to 
 make her house my home during my stay in the 
 city. I felt, however, that I had no right to 
 expose the family to trouble and suspicion, in 
 case I got into difficulty. I went to a hotel, 
 and being tired and weary, laid down upon a 
 couch to rest, and must have fallen asleep, for I 
 was aroused by the shouting of a newsboy under 
 my window. The burthen of his cry was, the 
 escape of several slaves from Nashville in one 
 night. I opened the window, and told the boy 
 to bring a paper up to my room. T! e news 
 was as follows : — 
 
 I 
 
 ili; 
 
 11 1-< 
 
 TWELVE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD. 
 
 "Great excitement in Nashville — Escape of 
 seven first-class slave-men, by the aid of an 
 abolitionist who had been seen prowling about 
 the city for several days previous." Three hun- 
 dred dollars reward was offered for the capture 
 and return of each of the slaves, and twelve 
 hundred dollars for the apprehension of the 
 "accursed" abolitionist ; then followed a descrip- 
 tion of the slaves, and a very good description 
 of myself, considering that I had kept very close 
 during my stay in Nashville. At a glance I saw 
 the danger of my position, and determined to 
 leave the hotel at once, which I did ; returning 
 to the house I had first visited, I told the good 
 
Of an Abolitio7iist. 
 
 15 
 
 wife my position. The paper, which contained 
 the exciting news, also contained the announce- 
 ment that a steamer would leave for St. Louis 
 that night at nine o'clock. It was now three. 
 Six long hours to remain in the very jaws of 
 death ! I made enquiries for the house of a 
 coloured man, upon whom my old coloured 
 friend in Nashville told me I could rely. 
 Having received the proper direction, I went 
 to his humble dwelling, and mentioning the 
 name of his old friend at Nashville, he cor- 
 dially welcomed me. He was a fine looking 
 man, with honest eyes, open countenance, and of 
 more than ordinary intelligence, for one of his 
 race. T handed him the paper, and pointed to 
 the reward for my apprehension. When he read 
 the exciting news, he grasped my hand and said, 
 " Massa, I'd die to save you ; what shall we do ?" 
 I told him I had determined to leave by nine 
 o'clock that night, if possible, on the steamboat 
 for St. Louis, and asked permission to remain 
 in his house until the arrival of the steamer. 
 The noble fellow placed his house, and all he 
 possessed at my command. On many occa- 
 sions I have placed my life in the hands of 
 coloured men without the slightest hesitation or 
 fear of betrayal. 
 
Night was now approaching, and my friend 
 suggested the propriety of shaving off my whis- 
 kers and changing my dress. While engaged 
 making these alterations I overheard an animated 
 conversation, in the adjoining room, between my 
 host and a female. The woman earnestly beg- 
 ged of him to ask me to take her to Canada, 
 where her husband then was. The poor man told 
 her my life was already in great danger, and that 
 I might be captured and killed, if she was 
 seen with me ; but still she continued to beg. 
 When I had completed my change of appear- 
 ance, he came into the room, and told me 
 
 I: ! 
 
 f«P 
 
 1^ 
 
 !ii' 
 
 1 6 Recollections aiid Experiences 
 
 A POOR NEGRO SPURNS THE REWARD. 
 
 This poor despised negro held in his hand a 
 a paper offering a reward of $1,200 for my cap- 
 ture. He was a labouring man, earning his 
 bread by the sweat of his brow ; and yet I felt 
 perfectly safe, and implicitly trusted this poor 
 man with my life. In fact, I felt safer in his house 
 than I should have felt in the house of a certain 
 Vice-President of the U. S., who, in more recent 
 times sold himself for a similar amount. This 
 poor oppressed negro, had everything to gain by 
 surrendering me into the hands of the slave- 
 masters, and yet he spurned the reward, and 
 was faithful to the trust I had placed in him. 
 
 )i^ 
 
 ft 
 
 i 
 
Of an Abolitionist 
 
 17 
 
 that in the next room was a coloured woman 
 that had lately fled from her master on account 
 of his cruelty to her. I told him to bring her in, 
 and let me talk with her. She was about thirty- 
 five years old, and a light mulatto, of bright, intel- 
 ligent appearance. She told me of the escape of 
 her husband to Canada about two years pre- 
 viously, and of her master's cruelty in beating 
 her, because she refused to marry a negro whom 
 he had selected for her. She showed me her 
 back, which was still raw and seamed with deep 
 gashes, where the lash of her cruel master's 
 whip had ploughed up her flesh. She earnestly 
 implored me to take her to Canada. I told my 
 friend to dress her in male attire, so that she 
 might accompany me in the capacity of valet^ 
 and that I would make the attempt to take her 
 to Canada. The poor creature gladly accepted 
 the offer, and was soon ready for the journey. 
 I gave her the name of " Sam," and myself 
 the title of " Mr. Smith, of Kentucky." At half- 
 past eight, p.m., we left the house of my faithful 
 friend, and started for the boat, "Sam" walking 
 behind me, carrying my valise. Through some 
 cause or other the boat was detained until near 
 eleven o'clock. Oh, what hours of misery! 
 every minute filled with apprehensions of dis- 
 aster, not only to myself, but to the poor crea- 
 ture depending upon me. No one, not similarly 
 2 
 
II 
 
 i8 
 
 Recollections and Experieiiccs 
 
 placed, can imagine the anxiety and dread that 
 filled my mind during this long delay. The 
 moments passed so slowly, that they seemed 
 hours. " Sam" stood near me, looking as anxious 
 as I felt. At length we got aboard the boat. 
 I secured tickets for myself and servant for St. 
 Louis, and when the boat left the levee, I breathed 
 freer than 1, had for several hours. 
 
 * I arrived in St. Louis without the occurrence 
 of any incident of importance, and sent telegrams 
 to different points along the Ohio river to friends, 
 warning them to be on the lookout for fugitives 
 from Tennessee. I remained in St. Louis but a 
 few hours, and left for Chicago, accompanied by 
 my happy servant, whose frequent question, 
 " Massa, is we near Canada yet," kept me con- 
 tinually on the alert to prevent her from exposing 
 herself to arrest. 
 
 ARRIVAL IN CHICAGO WITH A CHATTEL. 
 
 When we reached Chicago, I took my servant 
 to the house of a friend of the slave, where 
 she was properly cared for. It was deemed 
 prudent, however, that she should continue to 
 wear male attire until she reached Canada, 
 for it occasionally occurred that fugitives were 
 caught in Detroit, and taken back to bondage, 
 
:o 
 
 a, 
 e 
 
 e. 
 
 ^ 
 
 Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 19 
 
 after having come in sight of the land of pro- 
 mise. Their proximity to a safe refuge from their 
 taskmasters, and from the operation of the infa- 
 mous Fugitive Slave Law, rendered them careless 
 in their manner, and so happy in appearance, 
 that they were frequently arrested on suspicion 
 by the minions of the United States Government, 
 ever on the watch to obey the behests of the 
 slave power. After a few hours' rest in Chicago, 
 I left with my charge for Detroit, where I arrived 
 in due time on the following day ; and, taking 
 a hack, drove to a friend's house in the suburbs 
 of the city. Here I made arrangements to be 
 rowed across the river to Windsor, Canada, in 
 a small boat, as soon as darkness would render 
 our passage safe. I also sent telegrams to friends 
 in London, Chatham, and Amherstburg, to ascer- 
 tain the whereabouts of her husband, and finally 
 heard that he was working in a barber shop in 
 London. 
 
 SAFE ON THE SOIL OF CANADA. 
 
 At night the poor fugitive and myself were 
 taken silently over the river that separated the 
 land of freedom from the land of slavery. Not 
 a word was spoken until we touched the soil of 
 Canada. I then told her that she was now a 
 free woman, and no one could now deprive her of 
 
! I 
 
 20 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 '! I 
 
 her right to " Hfe, liberty, and the pursuit of hap- 
 piness." She dropped on her knees, and uttered 
 a sincere prayer to the Almighty to protect and 
 bless me for bringing her to Canada. I took her 
 to the house of a friend, and on the following day 
 sent her to London, where she and her husband 
 were united, after a separation of two years, 
 (In 1863 I dined with them at their pretty little 
 home, which they had paid for with the proceeds 
 of their industry and thrift). Returning to De- 
 troit I took the cars for Cleveland. On my 
 arrival there I received a telegram from Boston 
 informing me that Capt. John Brown, of Kansas, 
 would meet me in Cleveland in a day or two, 
 and that he desired to confer with me on a 
 subject of importance, connected with the Anti- 
 slavery cause. 
 
 FIRST INTERVIEW WITH JOHN BROWN. 
 
 On the evening of my third day in Cleveland, 
 while seated in my room at the hotel, a gentle 
 tap at my door aroused me ; I said, " come in " 
 (thinking it was a servant) ; the door opened, 
 and in walked a plain, farmer-like looking man 
 — a stranger, but with a remarkable countenance, 
 strongly indicative of intelligence, coolness, tena- 
 city of purpose, and honesty. He appeared 
 about five feet ten inches in height, slender, but 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 21 
 
 wiry and tough ; his glance keen, steady, and 
 honest ; his step light, quick, and firm. He was, 
 although simply and plainly dressed, a man of 
 remarkable appearance ; no close observer would 
 pass him on the street without making that 
 observation. He introduced himself as "John 
 Brown, of Kansas," and handed me several 
 letters from friends in Boston and Philadelphia. 
 
 While I was engaged reading the letters, and 
 occasionally asking a question in reference to 
 their contents, he was closely examining a 
 revolver of mine which he had found on my 
 bureau. When I had finished reading the letters 
 he remarked, " How very strange that you should 
 have a pistol exactly like one I have in my 
 pocket," which he produced. They were, indeed, 
 fellows in every respect, and presented to us by 
 the same generous Bostonian. Capt. Brown 
 remained with me until after midnight, eagerly 
 listening to a narrative of my trip through Vir- 
 ginia and Tennessee, and in relating incidents 
 connected with his labours in Kansas. His 
 manner and conversation produced a magnetic 
 influence which rendered him very attractive, and 
 stamped him as a man of more than ordinary 
 coolness, tenacity of purpose, and devotion to 
 what he considered right. He was, in my estima- 
 tion, a Christian in the full sense of that word. 
 
Ill i 
 
 22 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 No idle, profane, or immodest word fell from his 
 lips. He was deeply in earnest in the work, in 
 whicli he believed himself a special instrument in 
 the hands of God. During our long (and to mc 
 deeply interesting) interview, which lasted from 
 8 p.m. until 3 in the morning, he related many 
 incidents of his life bearing upon the subject of 
 slavery. lie .said he had for many years been 
 studying the guerilla system of warfare adopted 
 in the mountainous portions of Italy and Swit- 
 zerland ; that he could, with a small body of 
 picked men, inaugurate and maintain a negro 
 insurrection in the mountains of Virginia, which 
 would produce so much annoyance to the United 
 States Government, and create such a feeling of 
 dread and insecurity in the minds of slave- 
 holders, that slavery would ultimately be abol- 
 ished. 
 
 HIS OPINION OF ABOLITIONLSTS. 
 
 Capt. Brown had little respect for that class 
 of abolitionists who, from their abodes of safety 
 in the North, spoke so bravely in behalf of 
 the oppressed coloured people of the Slave 
 States, but who took goci care to keep their 
 precious bodies north of the Potomac. He 
 stoutly maintained that the only way to 
 abolish slavery was by conveying to the slaves 
 
Of ail Abolitionist. 2^ 
 
 such information as would aid them in making 
 their escape to Canada, and by encouraging 
 insurrection among tlie slaves ; thus producing 
 feelings of dread and uncertainty in the minds 
 of slaveholders, that would end in the eman- 
 cipation of the slaves. 
 
 HIS DISAPrOINTMENTS. 
 
 John Brown was now returning to Kansas, from 
 the riastern States, where he had been for several 
 weeks trying to collect means to carry on the 
 war in Kansas. He said he had found by expe- 
 rience that those abolitionists who made the 
 most noise from the pulpits and lecture-rooms, 
 were the last to offer a dollar toward any prac- 
 tical means for the liberation of the slaves. He 
 had met with disappointment in the East, and 
 felt it most keenly. He had sacrificed his own 
 peace and comfort, and the peace and comfort of 
 his family, in obedience to his sincere convic- 
 tions of duty toward the oppressed people of the 
 South, while those who had the means to help 
 him make war upon the oppressor, were luke- 
 warm or declined to aid him in his warfare. 
 
 CHARACTER OF JOHN BROWN. 
 
 I have been in the presence of many men 
 whom the world called great and distinguished, 
 
; I I 
 
 24 
 
 Reco!leciio7is and Experiences 
 
 but never before or since have I met a greater 
 or more remarkable man than Capt. John Brown. 
 There was manifest, in all he said and did, an 
 absorbing intensity of purpose, controlled by 
 lofty moral principles. He was a devout Chris- 
 tian ; and sincerely believed himself a chosen 
 instrument in the hands of God to let the 
 oppressed go free. 
 
 HE LEAVES F'OR KANSAS. 
 
 Capt, Brown left me at an early hour in the 
 morning, to take the cars for Kansas. Before 
 parting I urged him to accept from me a portion 
 of my funds, to aid him in the purchase of 
 material for his Kansas work. This he did 
 reluctantly, expressing his fears that I was 
 depriving myself of the means to continue my 
 labours. 
 
jater 
 3wn. 
 I, an 
 
 by 
 iris- 
 Dsen 
 
 the 
 
 the 
 fore 
 :ion 
 : of 
 did 
 vas 
 my 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 NEWS FROM THE SOUTH. 
 
 HE excitement in Richmond and Nash- 
 ville, consequent upon the escape of 
 ^=1 so many valuable slaves, extended to 
 all the surrounding country. In the reading 
 room of the hotel at which I was stopping, I 
 picked up a Richmond paper, which contained a 
 lengthy account of the escape of slaves from 
 Richmond, Nashville, and other parts of the 
 South. The writer stated that a general 
 impression prevailed in that community, that 
 a regularly organized band of abolitionists 
 existed in the South, which supplied the negroes 
 with information and means to escape to 
 Canada. The ..*horities were urged to offer 
 a large rev ard for the apprehension of the 
 "cursed neg'O thieves" that infestec <-he South, 
 and that an example should be made of such as 
 were caught, as would for ever deter others from 
 interference with the rights of the South. 
 
 l\'*'ii 
 
I 
 
 Ifil ' I 
 
 26 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 KEEPING QUIET. 
 
 I concluded it would be better for the cause, 
 I tried to serve, that no further attempt should 
 be made until the present excitciuent in the 
 South quieted down. From Clcv^eland I went 
 to Philadelphia, where I remained until Noveiii 
 ber, 1857. During my stay n that city 
 I was busily occupied in collecting statis- 
 tics of the slave populations of the diffv^rent 
 Slave States, and in consulting with various 
 friends as to the best methods of circulatinj:^ 
 information among the slaves of the Cotton 
 States. 
 
 Any one acquainted with the institution of 
 slavery, as it existed in the Gulf States, will fully 
 appreciate the difficulties that environed such an 
 enterprise as the one I now contemplated — that 
 of conveying direct to the slaves a knowledge of 
 the best routes, the distances to be traversed, 
 difficulties to be overcome, and the fact that they 
 had friends in the Border States to whom they 
 could apply for aid, and on whom they could 
 implicitly rely for assistance to forward them to 
 Canada. Of all the dangers to myself that 
 loomed up before my mind, the last and the 
 least was the fear of betrayal by the slaves. 
 Once they became satisfied of your friendship 
 
 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 27 
 
 \ 
 
 and your desire to help them escape from 
 bondage, they would willingly suffer torture or 
 death to protect you. Such, at least, has been 
 my experience with the negroes of the Slave 
 States. 
 
 OFF FOR NEW ORLEANS. 
 
 Early in the month of December, 1857, I left 
 New York, by steamer, for New Orleans, on a 
 mission, the subject and details of which had 
 occupied my mind exclusively for many months. 
 I was accompanied to the steamer by two 
 noble-hearted and steadfast friends of freedom. 
 One of these friends (a resident of the interior 
 of New York State) had been my principal 
 supporter, and active and unflinching friend 
 from the commencement of my career as an 
 abolitionist. The other, was a resident of 
 Brooklyn, a prominent philanthropist, long 
 identified with the abolitionists of the North. 
 All my correspondence, while in the Slave 
 States, was to be sent to them. Whenever a 
 slave succeeded in making his or her escape 
 i was to send them the information, and they 
 in turn notified our friends north of the Ohio 
 river to be on the lookout for " packages of hard- 
 ware" (men) or "dry goods" (females), and these 
 Ohio friends concealed the fugitives for a time, 
 
I 
 
 28 
 
 Recollectio7is afid Experiences 
 
 I 
 
 m 
 
 , 
 
 ;' 
 
 |i 
 
 i! 
 1 
 
 ii 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 i! 
 
 
 i 
 
 ji 
 
 
 
 
 
 ■ 
 
 ii 
 
 f 
 
 
 
 \ 
 
 
 
 
 
 1. 
 
 ; 
 
 
 1 ' 
 
 
 i 
 
 1 
 
 1 ; 
 
 
 !^ 
 
 
 
 
 1 r i 
 
 
 
 
 i '■ 
 
 
 1 » 
 
 li 
 
 ''. 
 
 if necessary, until they could be safely sent to 
 Canada. In many parts of Ohio, Michigan, 
 Indiana, and Pennsylvania, we had fast friends, 
 in the majority of cases belonging to the Society 
 of Quakers, whose doors were always open to 
 the poor fugitive from bondage, and whose hearts 
 were open to the fugitive's appeal for help. 
 
 ARRIVAL IN NEW ORLEANS. 
 
 On 1 ' arri^'al in New Orleans I secured 
 board w. . private family, and began my 
 preparation., "r work in the interior of the 
 country. From childhood I had been passion- 
 ately fond of the study of Natural History, 
 especially of Ornithology. I consequently deci- 
 ded to follow the pursuit of a naturalist, as a 
 guise to my actual object. 
 
 SLAVE AUCTIONS. 
 
 During my stay in New Orleans I occasion- 
 ally attended the slave auctions. The scenes 
 I witnessed there will never be effaced from my 
 memory. The horrid traffic in human beings, 
 many of them much whiter and more intelli- 
 gent than the cruel men who bought and sold 
 them, was, without exception, the most mon- 
 strous outrage upon the rights of a human being 
 that can possibly be conceived of. The cries 
 

 Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 29 
 
 and heart-rending agonies of the poor creatures 
 as they were sold and separated from parents, 
 children, husbands, or wives, will never cease to 
 ring in my ears. Babes were torn from the arms 
 of their mothers and sold, while parents were 
 separated and sent to distant parts of the 
 country. I have seen tired and overworked 
 women cruelly beaten because they refused the 
 outrageous demands of their wicked overseers. 
 
 HORRORS OF HUMAN SLAVERY. 
 
 My experience in New Orleans served to 
 intensify my abhorrence and hatred toward that 
 vile and unchristian institution of slavery, and 
 to nerve me for the work I was engaged in. On 
 several occasions I attended divine worship, and 
 I invariably noticed that whenever the subject 
 of slavery was mentioned, it was referred to as 
 a "wise and beneficent institution"; and one 
 clergyman in particular declared that " the insti- 
 tution of slavery was devised by God for the 
 especial benefit of the coloured race." 
 
 Finally my preparations were completed, and, 
 supplied with a shot gun, and materials for 
 preserving bird-skins, I began my journey into 
 the interior of the country. 
 
I' I 
 
 i" 
 
 30 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 The route I had decided upon was from New 
 Orleans to Vicksburg, and thence through the 
 interior of Mississippi, Alabama, Georgia, South 
 Carolina, North Carolina, and Florida. I had 
 never before visited that part of the United 
 States, and my field of labour was consequently 
 surrounded by difficulties not experienced during 
 my visit to Virginia and Tennessee, from the 
 fact that I had not a single friend in the Cotton 
 States. 
 
 AT WORK NEAR VICKSBURG. 
 
 On my arrival at Vicksburg I obtained board 
 in a , rivr-te family, and was soon busily 
 engaged in collecting ornithological specimens. 
 I made frequent visits to the surrounding plan- 
 tations, seizing every favourable opportunity to 
 converse with the more intelligent of the 
 slaves. Many of these negroes had heard of 
 Canada from the negroes brought from Vir- 
 ginia, and the border Slave States ; but the 
 impression they had was, that Canada was so 
 far away that it would be useless to try and reach 
 it. I was usually accompanied on these excur- 
 sions by one or two smart, intelligent slaves, 
 to whom I felt I could trust the secret of 
 my visit. In this way I succeeded in circulating 
 a knowledge of Canada, and the best means of 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 31 
 
 reaching that country, to all the plantations for 
 many miles around Vicksburg. I was often 
 surprised at the rapidity with which informa- 
 tion was conveyed to the slaves of distant 
 plantations. Thus, on every plantation I had 
 missionaries who were secretly conveying the 
 intelligence to the poor downtrodden slaves of 
 that benighted region, that in Canada there 
 were hundreds of negroes who had, through 
 the aid of friends along the border, escaped from 
 slavery, and were now free men and women. 
 
 No one but a slave can fully appreciate the 
 true meaning of the word freedom. 
 
 I continued my labours in the vicinity of 
 Vicksburg for two months, and then went to 
 Selma, Ala. 
 
 • SOWING SEED AT SELMA. 
 
 I made this place my base for extensive excur- 
 sions to the surrounding country, pursuing a 
 similar course to that I adopted at Vicksburg. 
 My ornithological collection had by this time 
 assumed respectable and interesting proportions, 
 and some of the planters became so much inter- 
 ested in my apparent pursuit, as to offer me every 
 facility to foam over their plantations, of which I 
 
I 
 
 32 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 I ^ 
 
 availed myself. I had my choice of assistants 
 from among the slaves, and selected those pos- 
 sessing qualities suitable for my purpose. There 
 was not a plantation within fifteen miles of 
 Selma that I did not visit successfully. The 
 seed planted at Vicksburg and Selma fell upon 
 rich soil, the products of which rapidly spread 
 throughout the Gulf States, as was plainly 
 evinced at the time of the Harper's Ferry inva- 
 sion, when the planters in the interior of the 
 South were surprised to find that their slaves 
 were well informed about Canada, and the pur- 
 poses and efforts of friends in the North to aid 
 them in escaping from bondage. 
 
 IN A DANGEROUS POSITION. 
 
 Having completed my labours at Selma, 
 I selected Columbus, Mississippi, for my next 
 field of labour. I had been at work \x\ Columbus 
 about two weeks when a difficulty occurred 
 which, but for the faithfulness of a negro, would 
 have ended in my death at the hands of an 
 infuriated mob. During one of my visits to a 
 plantation near Columbus, I met with a negro 
 slave of more than ordinary intelligence. His 
 master was a man of coarse and brutal instincts, 
 who had burned the initials of his name into the 
 flesh of several of his slaves, to render their 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 II 
 
 
 capture more certain in case they attempted to 
 escape from this merciless wretch. I saw several 
 of the victims of his cruelty, whose backs would 
 forever bear the marks of his branding iron 
 and lash. He was a veritable " Legree." On 
 one of my excursions over his plantation I was 
 accompanied by the slave mentioned. During 
 our rambles he gave me a history of his life and 
 sufferings, and expressed an earnest desire to 
 gain his freedom. I felt that he could be relied 
 upon, and imparted to him the secret object of 
 my visit to the South. He listened with absorb- 
 ing earnestness while I explained to him the 
 difficulties and dangers he would have to encoun- 
 ter on so long and perilous a journey. He, how- 
 ever, declared his determination to make the 
 attempt, saying, that death itself was preferable to 
 his present existence. On the following day 
 (Saturday) I again visited the plantation, and 
 selected this slave for my companion. He 
 informed me he had decided to start for Canada, 
 as soon as he could communicate with a brother, 
 who was a slave on a plantation a few miles 
 distant. He wished to take this brother with 
 him, if possible. I gave him instructions for 
 his guidance after he should cross the Ohio river ; 
 the names of friends at Evansville (Ind.), and 
 Cleveland (Ohio), to whom he could apply for 
 assistance. I also furnished him with a pistol, 
 
w 
 
 i ^!j 
 
 34 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 knife, and pocket compass, and directed him 
 to travel by night only until he reached friends 
 north of the Ohio river. 
 
 !# 
 
 ■if 
 'I 
 
 INTO THE JAWS OF DEATH. 
 
 On the following Monday evening, while 
 seated at the supper table of the hotel at which 
 I was stopping, I heard loud and excited talking 
 in the adjoining room. In a few minutes the 
 landlord came up to me with an excited look, 
 
 and said, " Col. wishes to speak with 
 
 you. You had better go out and meet him." 
 I immediately rose, and went into the room 
 from which the loud talking emanated. As I 
 entered, the Colonel, in a loud and brutal tone, 
 said, " That's him, arrest him," Upon which a 
 man stepped up and said, " You are my prisoner." 
 I demanded the reason why I was arrested. 
 Whereupon the doughty Colonel strode toward 
 me with his fist clenched, and charged me with 
 
 being a d d abolitionist ; and said he would 
 
 have my heart's blood ; that I had enticed away 
 his nigger " Joe ;" that the nigger had not been 
 seen since he went out with me on the previous 
 Saturday. 
 
 The room was filled with an excited crowd 
 of men, who glared upon me with fierce and 
 
 \ 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 35 
 
 fiendish looks. I tried to keep cool, but I con- 
 fess I felt that my work was done. I knew the 
 character of the Colonel, and also knew, that 
 he possessed much influence with the worst class 
 of Southerners of that section. 
 
 MANACLED AND IN PRISON. 
 
 In the meantime the constable had produced 
 a pair of iron handcuffs, and fastened them 
 around my wrists. After the Colonel had 
 exhausted his supply of curses and coarse abuse 
 upon me, — for the purpose of exciting the crowd 
 to hang me,— I quietly asked if I would be 
 allowed to say a few words, at the same time 
 making a Masonic sign of distress, in hope that 
 there might be a Mason in that crowd who would 
 have courage sufficient to sustain my request. 
 I had no sooner made " the sign of distress," 
 than a voice near me said, " Yes, let's hear what 
 he has to say"; in a moment several others spoke 
 up and said, "He ought to be allowed to speak.'' 
 I was encouraged, and very quietly said : Gentle- 
 men, I am a total stranger here, without friends ; 
 I am your prisoner in irons. You have charged 
 me with violating your laws; will you act the part 
 
 of cowards, by allowing this man (Col. ) to 
 
 incite you to commit a murder ; or wi) ■ :' >u, like 
 brave men, grant the only request I have to 
 
36 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 make, that is, a fair trial before your magistrates. 
 Several persons at once spoke up in my favour, 
 among whom was the landlord and his brave 
 little wife. 
 
 I was then, much to the chagrin of the Col- 
 onel, led to the lock-up, and consigned to a 
 filthy pen. There I remained all through that 
 dreary night, fearing to lie down on the straw in 
 the corner, on account of the number of vermin 
 that infested it. In fact, I dare not stand still 
 through fear of being bitten by the rats that 
 kept running about the floor all night. At 
 length morning came, and I was taken, hand- 
 cuffed, weary, hungry, and filled with dread, 
 (of what appeared my impending fate), before 
 a Justice. 
 
 A DESPERATE SITUATION. 
 
 A crowd of people had gathered to see 
 an abolitionist have the mockery of a trial. 
 Col. "Legree" was asked by the Justice to state 
 his case, which he did in true slave-driving style, 
 as if determined to force the case against me. 
 In fact, my case seemed hopeless. I saw no 
 way of escape from my desperate situation. On 
 every side I was surrounded by men apparently 
 thirsting for my blood, and anxious to vindicate 
 the outraged laws of the State of Mississippi. 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 37 
 
 At length the Colonel finished his statement, 
 which, reduced to simple facts, was, that I 
 had called at his residence on Saturday last, 
 and requested permission to roam over his 
 plantation to shoot birds; tliat he had given 
 me permission, and allowed his servant "Joe" to 
 accompany me; that "Joe" had not returned, 
 nor could he be found ; that he was sure I had 
 aided him to escape ; and demanded of the Jus- 
 tice that I should be punished as a "negro 
 thief" deserved. His remarks were loudly ap- 
 plauded by the slave-hounds that surrounded 
 him. 
 
 The Justice turned to me, and in a stern voice 
 said, " Have you any thing t< say ?" 
 
 At this moment a voice outside the room 
 shouted, " Here's Joe ! Here's Joe !" and a rush 
 was made toward the door. 
 
 I 
 
 FIDELITY OF A SLAVE. 
 
 "Joe" was ushered into the court room, and 
 fell on his knees before the Colonel, asking his 
 forgiveness for leaving the plantation without 
 permission. He said he wanted to see his 
 brother "powerful bad," and had gone to the 
 plantation on which his brother lived, about 
 
i 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 , 
 
 1 
 
 : i 
 1' 
 
 i 
 
 Ci 
 
 
 38 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 eight miles distant, on Saturday night, expecting 
 to return by Sunday evening ; but having 
 sprained his ancle, he could not move until 
 Monday evening, when he started for home, 
 travelling nearly all night. As soon as he 
 reached the Colonel's, he was told of my arrest, 
 and early that morning had come into Columbus 
 to help me. The Justice ordered the constable 
 to release me at once, and expressed his regret 
 that I had been subjected to so much annoyance. 
 
 RELEASED. 
 
 The Colonel was completely chopfallen at the 
 turn affairs had taken, while I was surrounded by 
 several Masonic friends, who expressed their joy 
 at my release. I addressed the Colonel, saying, 
 that as he had put me to much inconvenience 
 and trouble, I claimed a favour of him. He 
 asked what it was. I begged him not to punish 
 "Joe" for what he had done, and to allow me to 
 present him with a gift as a mark of gratitude for 
 his fidelity to me. As these favours were asked 
 in the presence of the crowd, he could not very 
 well refuse my request. He sulkily promised 
 that "Joe" should not be punished, and said 
 if I pleased I might make him a present. I then 
 handed "Joe" twenty dollars in gold, for which 
 the noble fellow looked a thousand thanks. 
 
i 
 
 Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 39 
 
 I was thus enabled to evince my gratitude for 
 what he had done for me, and at the same time 
 present him with means to aid him in escaping- 
 
 from bondage. 
 
 
 Two years after this occurrence, while dining 
 at the American Hotel, in Boston, I observed a 
 coloured waiter eyeing me very closely ; at last 
 he recognised me, and asked if I remembered 
 him. It was "Joe," my saviour, the former slave 
 of Col. " Legree." I grasped the noble fellow's 
 hand, and congratulated him, in the presence of 
 all in the room, upon his escape from bondage. 
 In the evening I invited him into the parlour, and 
 introduced him to several influential friends, to 
 whom, I narrated the incidents above related. 
 He afterwards gave me some of the particulars 
 of his escape from slavery, as follows : — 
 
 On the Sunday evening following my arrest, 
 his brother joined him in a piece of woods not 
 far from Col. "Legrec's" plantation, where he 
 had secreted sufficient food to last them several 
 days. 
 
 TWO PASSENGERS BY THE UNDERGROUND R. R. 
 
 At midnight they started together, moving as 
 rapidly as they could through fields and woods, 
 
m 
 
 W 
 
 ■ n 
 
 40 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 keeping the north star in front of them. When- 
 ever it was possible they walked in the creeks 
 and marshy grounds, to throw the slave-hunters 
 off their tracks. Thus, night after night, they 
 kept on their weary way, hungry and sorefooted. 
 On the morning of the seventeenth day of their 
 freedom, they reached the Ohio river, nearly 
 opposite a large town. All dejy they lay secreted 
 in the bushes, at night they found a small boat, 
 with which they crossed the river, and t elled 
 rapidly, taking a north-east course. They finally, 
 after enduring many hardships, reached Cleve- 
 land, Ohio, and went to the house of a friend 
 whose name I had given "Joe." They were 
 kindly received, and supplied with clothing and 
 other comforts. After a week's rest they were 
 sent to Canada, where his brother still lives. 
 Before leaving Boston, I secured "Joe" a good 
 situation in a mercantile house, where he re- 
 mained for many years, rendering faithful service 
 to his grateful employers. 
 
 LEAVE COLUMBUS FOR OTHER FIELDS. 
 
 On the day following my release from peril, 
 I took the stage for luka, a station on the 
 Charleston and Memphis Railroad. There I 
 purchased a through ticket for New York, which 
 I took pains to exhibit to the landlord of the 
 
 \ 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 41 
 
 hotel, so that in case I was pursued, (as I cer- 
 tainly would be, if "Joe" and his brother 
 succeeded in escaping), he could state the fact 
 of my having bought tickets for New York, 
 which would probably check their pursuit. 
 
 From Tuka I went to Huntsville, Ala., where 
 I remained four weeks actively engaged in circu- 
 lating information among the slaves. My next 
 point was Augusta, Georgia. 
 
 AT WORK IN AUGUSTA. 
 
 Finding that Augusta was favourably situated 
 for my work, and that the slaves in that section 
 were sharp and intelligent, I determined to make 
 it my next field of labour. Having secured 
 a good home with a Quaker family, I was soon 
 actively engaged in collecting birds and insects, 
 and in becoming acquainted with the more intel- 
 ligent coloured people of that section. I deem 
 it my duty to place upon record the fact, that 
 among all the religious denominations in the 
 South, none were more faithful to the principles 
 of freedom, or to the dictates of humanity in 
 respect to slavery, than the sect called Quakers. 
 Wherever I have met the members of that society, 
 whether in the North or South, they have always 
 proved themselves friends in deed as well as 
 
42 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 name. They could always be implicitly trusted 
 by the poor fugitives flying from bondage. I 
 know of many instances where, at great sacrifice 
 and risk, they have shielded the outcasts from 
 their pursuers — the slave-hunters and United 
 States marshals. Hundreds of the negroes of 
 Canada will bear testimony to the unfailing 
 fidelity of the peaceful and worthy Quakers of 
 Ohio and Michigan. 
 
 ELEVEN FOLLOWERS OF THE NORTH STAR. 
 
 I laboured in Augusta for two months, and 
 finally succeeded in equipping a party of elev^en 
 fine, active, intelligent slaves, for the long, dan- 
 gerous, and weary journey to the north. No 
 one not actually engaged in similar work, can 
 clearly appreciate the extreme delicacy of my 
 position. There was not a day, in fact scarcely 
 an hour, that I did not live in expectation of 
 exposure. The system of keen and constant 
 espionage, in practice all over the Slave States, 
 rendered it exceedingly necessary to exercise 
 the greatest prudence in approaching the slaves. 
 If a stranger was seen in conversation with a 
 slave, he became at once an object of suspicion. 
 I found, by experience, that a frank, open, and 
 apparently indifferent course, proved the wisest. 
 My ostensible scientific pursuits also opened a 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 43 
 
 way for me to come in contact with the very 
 classes of both whites and blacks best suited for 
 my purposes. 
 
 I was greatly aided in my work in Augusta, 
 by a remarkably intelligent negro, who was 
 coachman to a prominent citizen of that town. 
 This man was chosen leader of the band of 
 fugitives from Augusta, and proved the saviour 
 of the whole party ; for they all arrived safely 
 in Canada in less than two months from the time 
 of their escape from bondage. Two members of 
 this party are now living in Canada, and in good 
 circumstances. 
 
 On the day following the exodus of these 
 brave fellows, I quietly left the scene of my 
 labours, and went to Charleston, S. C. 
 
 EXCITING NEWS. 
 
 On the third day after my arrival there, one of 
 the Charleston papers contained a despatch from 
 Augusta, which stated that several first-class 
 negro men had disappeared from that place 
 within a week ; and that a very general impres- 
 sion prevailed there that abolitionists were at 
 work inciting the negroes to escape from their 
 masters. I left Charleston that evening, and 
 
r ( 
 
 44 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 Kill 
 
 If!' 
 
 fi 
 
 
 went to Raleigh, N. C. While at breakfast next 
 morning, two men seated themselves near me, 
 and entered into a conversation relative to the 
 escape of slaves from Augusta. One of them 
 remarked, that an Englishman who had been 
 stopping in Augusta for several weeks was 
 suspected, and that it was supposed he had gone 
 with the fugitives, as he had not been seen since 
 the slaves were missed. He said, if the aboli- 
 tionist was caught, no mercy would be shown 
 him, as it was time an example was made of the 
 negro thieves that infested the South. 
 
 FAST TRAVELLING TO THE NORTH. 
 
 Having finished my breakfast, I went to the 
 office of the hotel, settled my bill, and to avoid 
 suspicion enquired for the residence of a promi- 
 nent pro-slavery man, a member of Congress. 
 Having obtained the information, I bid the 
 landlord good day, and left Raleigh by the first 
 train, taking no rest until I reached Washington 
 — nearly six months from the time I landed in 
 New Orleans. 
 
 
 IN WASHINGTON. 
 
 During my stay in Washington, I became 
 acquainted with Mr. Sumner, at whose hoise I 
 
it next 
 ar nic, 
 to the 
 f them 
 d been 
 Ks was 
 id gone 
 en since 
 e aboU- 
 :; shown 
 e of the 
 
 PH. 
 
 it to the 
 to avoid 
 a promi- 
 3ongress. 
 bid the 
 the first 
 ishington 
 landed in 
 
 Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 45 
 
 became 
 ho'ise I 
 
 had the pleasure of meetinj^ many distinguished 
 people, who evinced a warm and kindly interest 
 in my labours. The slaveholders, at that period, 
 held the balance of power in the United States, 
 and the Democratic party was used by them to 
 strengthen the bonds that bound the coloured 
 people of the South in the chains of slavery. 
 
 The slave-masters were not satisfied with the 
 recognized boundaries of their institution, and 
 sought by every device to obtain some portion 
 of the new territories of the south-west, in which 
 they could carry their vile institution. Northern 
 men of the Douglas and Seymour stamp were 
 willing to yield to the slave lords, and even 
 sacrifice the dearest interests of their country, 
 providing they could advance their individual 
 claims to the Presidency. The haughty and out- 
 rageous demands of Davis, Mason, and Toombs, 
 were abetted by the cowardly democratic politi- 
 cians of the North. 
 
 Towering above these contemptible political 
 demagogues stood Charles Sumner, the brave 
 champion of freedom. No prospect of political 
 advancement could tempt him from the path 
 of duty. Nor could the brutal threats and 
 blows of his cowardly opponents, cause him to 
 halt in his warfare for the rights of man. 
 
ni 
 
 ... t 
 
 46 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 Toward the end of April, i85<S, I left Wash- 
 ington for Philadelphia, and laid before my 
 anti-slavery friends a report of my work. One 
 venerable and talented Quaker lady, at whose 
 house our re-union took place, and whose name 
 had long keen identified with the cause of human 
 freedom, tendered me the hearty congratulations 
 of the organization on my safe return from the 
 land of darkness and despair. 
 
 TWO FUGITIVES FROM IIUNTSVILLE. 
 
 While in Philadelphia a telegram was received 
 from a friend in Evansville, Indiana, informing 
 us that two fugitives had arrived there in a 
 dilapidated condition, their emaciated bodies 
 bearing the marks of many a bruise. I at 
 once went to Evansville to render them such 
 aid as I could. They were delighted to meet 
 me again, and recalled an interview they 
 had with me at Huntsville, Alabama. The 
 poor fellows were kindly cared for, and after 
 a few days' rest continued their journey to 
 Canada, prepared to defend their right to 
 own themselves against whoever might dis- 
 pute it. The route travelled by these fugitives 
 from Huntsville to the Ohio river was marked 
 with their blood. Their escape was soon dis- 
 covered, and persistent efforts made to capture 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 47 
 
 them. They were followed for two days by a 
 a blood-hound that was placed on their tracks, 
 and which they succeeded in evading, by wading 
 in the creeks and marshes; but for forty-eight 
 hours the deep baying of the hound was fre- 
 quently heard. They travelled by night only, 
 taking the north star as their guide, and by day 
 they rested in secluded places. Their sufferings 
 from hunger were very severe, which they were 
 often obliged to relieve by eating frogs and 
 other reptiles. Occasionally they succeeded in 
 obtaining poultry from the hen-houses of the 
 farmers on their route. 
 
 From Evansville I returned to Philadelphia, 
 and after a short stay in that city left for Boston, 
 via Springfield. 
 

 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 MEET WITH AN OLD FRIEND. 
 
 T Springfield, Mass., the train .stopped 
 sufficiently long to enable the passen- 
 gers to get supper. As I took my seat 
 at the table I observed an elderly gentleman 
 looking very earnestly at me. I felt sure I had 
 seen him before somewhere ; but where and when 
 I had quite forgotten. At length he recognized 
 me, and taking a seat near me said, in a whisper, 
 " How is the hardware business.''" The moment 
 he spoke I remembered the voice, and recalled 
 my old Cleveland acquaintance, Capt. John 
 Brown, of Kansas. 
 
 SECOND INTERVIEW WITH JOHN BROWN. 
 
 He was much changed in appearance, looking 
 older and more careworn ; his face was covered 
 with a long beard, nearly white ; his dress was 
 plain, but good and scrupulously clean. There 
 
6j>^ 
 
 ^^llb- 
 
 M. 
 
 
 ,:ii^ 
 
 r%- 
 
 1 stopped 
 ic passen- 
 ik my seat 
 gentleman 
 ure I had 
 : and when 
 recognized 
 a whisper, 
 le moment 
 d recalled 
 apt. John 
 
 BROWN. 
 
 :e, looking 
 
 IS covered 
 
 dress was 
 
 in. There 
 
 4r 
 
 
 f t-7 
 
 6 
 
 ■cn,j^,^ 
 
Pli 
 
 m 
 
 
 1 F>i 
 
 
 CHAPTKR lil. 
 
 MKET WITH AN OLD FRIEND. 
 
 j»x. 
 
 the train stopped 
 , it '. iM,. passen- 
 
 my scat 
 
 nticman 
 
 I.lci ,aiX- I had 
 
 r Springfield, Mas^^ 
 
 - ' gers to gel s 4.-, . 
 at the table t observed ai. 
 look i iiff ver)' earnest}' ' "«, 
 seen him before sofnc\=» = ^nil where and when 
 
 I had quite forgotten. At . . i j^th he recognized 
 me, and taking a seat nciir nn** *aid, in a whisper, 
 '* How is the hardwar<f business?'* The moment 
 he spoke I remembered the voic(;, and recalled 
 my old Cleveland acquaintance, Capt. John 
 Brown, of Kansas^ 
 
 SECOND INTERVIEW WITH JOHN BROVVN. 
 
 lie \va.s much changed in appearance, looking 
 older and more careworn ; his fn-'^ '• . d 
 
 with a long beard, nearly whi* lii_ss was 
 
 ])lain, but good and scrupulou cltSOii TJ " 
 
'i 
 
 :> ' 
 
 3 
 
 \ stopped 
 
 • :^^y seat 
 ^. r.lkman 
 ^ had 
 • when 
 ..agnized 
 I whisper, 
 uioment 
 i recalled 
 I pi. John 
 
 .,r;o\vN. 
 looking 
 
 ail. V " 
 
 CP^^r'n/7^^ u Jyo 
 
 Hx^-T'X^ 
 
' t .■- » 
 
 i.ii 
 
 Pfli 
 
 t 
 
 4f 
 
 f 
 
 ' -<< 
 
 ',-/'.' 
 
 ,, ,, 'a"'"^ 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 49 
 
 was no change in his voice or eye, both were 
 indicative of strength, honesty, and tenacity of 
 purpose. Learning that I was on mj' way to 
 Boston, whither he was going on the following 
 day, he urged me to remain in Springfield over 
 night, and accompany him to Boston. After 
 supper we retired to a private parlour, and he 
 requested me to teil him all about my trip 
 through Mississippi and Alabama. He remarked 
 that our mutual friend, of Northern New York, 
 had told him that when he last heard from 
 me, I was in Selma. He listened to the recital 
 of my narrative, from the time I left New 
 Orleans until my arrest at Columbus, with intense 
 earnestness, without speaking, until I described 
 my arrest and imprisonment, then his counte- 
 nance changed, his eyes flashed, he paced the 
 room in fiery wrath. I never witnessed a more 
 intense manifestation of indignation, and scorn. 
 Coming up to me, he took my wrists in his 
 hands and said, " God alone brought you out 
 of that hell ; and these wrists have been ironed, 
 and yoii have been cast in prison for doing your 
 duty. I vow, henceforth, that I will not rest in 
 my labour until I have discharged my whole 
 duty toward God, and toward my brother in 
 bondage." When he ceased speaking he sat 
 down and buried his face in his hands, in which 
 position he sat for several minutes, as if overcome 
 
so 
 
 Recollections atid Experiences 
 
 by his feelings. At length, arousing himself, he 
 asked me to continue my narrative, to which he 
 listened earnestly during its recital. He said, 
 " The Lord has permitted you to do a work that 
 falls to the lot of but few"; taking a small Bible or 
 Testament from his pocket, he said, " The good 
 book says, 'Whatsoever ye would that men 
 should do to you, do ye even so to them'; 
 it teaches us further, to 'remember them in 
 bonds, as bound with them.'" He continued, 
 " I have devoted the last twenty years of my life 
 to preparation for the work which, I believe, 
 God has given me to do." He then gave 
 me some details of a campaign which he 
 was then actually preparing for, and which he 
 said had occupied his mind for years. He 
 intended to establish himself in the mountains 
 of Virginia with a small body of picked men 
 — men in whom he could trust, and who feared 
 God. He felt confident that the negroes 
 would flock to him in large numbers, and that 
 the slaveholders would soon be glad to let the 
 oppressed go free; that the dread of a negro 
 insurrection would produce fear and trembling 
 in all the Slave States ; that the presence in the 
 mountains of an armed body of Liberators would 
 produce a general insurrection among the slaves, 
 which would end in their freedom. He said he 
 had about twenty-two Kansas men undergoing a 
 
 H *;■ 
 
 1: 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 51 
 
 course of military instruction ; these men would 
 form a nucleous, around which he would soon 
 gather a force sufficiently large and effective to 
 strike terror throughout the Slave States. His 
 present difficulty was, a deficiency of ready 
 money ; he had been promised support — to help 
 the cause of freedom — which was not forth- 
 coming, now that he was preparing to carry 
 the war into the South. His friends were disin- 
 clined to aid offensive operations. 
 
 During this interview, he informed me that he 
 intended to call a Convention of the friends of 
 *:he cause at Chatham, Canada, in a few weeks, 
 for the purpose of effecting an organization 
 composed of men who were willing to aid him 
 in his purpose of invading the Slave States. 
 He said he had rifles and ammunition sufficient 
 to equip two hundred men ; that he had made a 
 contract for a large number of pikes, with which 
 he intended to arm the negroes ; that the 
 object of his present trip to the East was, to 
 raise funds to keep this contract, and perfect his 
 arrangements for an attack upon the Slave 
 States in the following September or October. 
 
 Captain Brown accompanied me, on the fol- 
 lowing day, to Boston. During our journey, 
 he informed me that he required a thousand 
 
'i 'r 
 
 { , 
 
 52 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 i ■ 
 
 ! 
 
 ■' !| 
 
 N^l 
 
 dollars at least to complete his preparations ; 
 that he needed money at once to enable 
 him to keep a contract for arms with some 
 manufacturer in Connecticut. He also needed 
 money to bring his men from Iowa to 
 Canada. On our arrival in Boston, I went to 
 the house of a friend, and Capt. Brown took 
 quarters at a hotel. I saw him every day while 
 he remained in Boston ; and regretted to learn 
 that he met with but little success in obtaining 
 money. It appeared that those friends of the 
 cause of freedom, who had an inkling of his 
 project, were not disposed to advance money 
 for warlike purposes, except such as were for 
 the defence of free territory. He finally did 
 succeed in raising about five hundred dollars. 
 An impression prevailed, in the minds of many 
 sincere friends of freedom, that the persecu- 
 tion of himself and family by the pro-slavery 
 men of Kansas had so exasperated him that 
 he would engage in some enterprize which 
 would result in the destruction of himself 
 and followers. I am persuaded that these 
 impressions were groundless. I never heard 
 him express any feeling of personal resent- 
 ment towards the slaveholders. He at all 
 times, while in my company, appeared to be 
 controlled by a fixed, earnest, and unalterable 
 determination to do what he considered to be 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 53 
 
 tions ; 
 mable 
 some 
 eeded 
 ^a to 
 ent to 
 took 
 while 
 3 learn 
 :aining 
 of the 
 of his 
 money 
 ere for 
 lly did 
 dollars, 
 f many 
 (crsecu- 
 ■slavery 
 m that 
 which 
 himself 
 t these 
 r heard 
 resent- 
 at all 
 i to be 
 .Iterable 
 d to be 
 
 his duty, as an agent in the hands of the Almighty, 
 to give freedom to the slaves. That idea, and 
 that alone, appeared to me to control his thoughts 
 and actions. 
 
 On the morning of his departure from Boston, 
 I accompanied him to the depot, and bid him 
 farewell. (I never again saw the brave old cap- 
 tain in life.) A few days afterwards, however, 
 I received the following 
 
 letter from capt. brown. 
 
 Chatham, Canada, 
 
 May 5th, 1858. 
 
 My Dear Friend, 
 
 I have called a qtiiet Convention in 
 this place of true friends of freedom. Your 
 attendance is earnestly requested on the loth 
 inst. * * * * 
 
 Your Friend, 
 
 {Fae-timile of Sttjnatiire.) 
 
 In consequence of my absence from Boston, I 
 did not receive the above letter until the 13th of 
 May — three davs after the time appointed for 
 the meeting of the Convention. 
 
54 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 % 
 
 It 
 
 REFUGEES IN CANADA. 
 
 During the summer of 1858 I visited Canada, 
 and had great pleasure in meeting several of 
 those wiio had, under my auspices, escaped from 
 the land of bondage. In a barber shop, in 
 Hamilton, I was welcomed by a man who had 
 escaped from Augusta, and who kept, as a 
 souvenir of vay friendship, a dirk knife I had 
 given him on the night he started for Canada. 
 The; meeting with so many of my former pupils, 
 and the fact that they were happy, thriving, and 
 industrious, gave me great satisfaction. The 
 trials and dangers I had endured in their behalf 
 were pleasing reminiscences to me, when sur- 
 rounded by the prosperous and happy people 
 whom I had striven to benefit. 
 
 The information I obtained from the Canadian 
 refugees, relative to their experiences while en 
 route to Canada, enabled me in after years to 
 render most valuable aid to other fugitives from 
 the land of bondage. 
 
 On the 9th of October, 1859, I was sur- 
 prised to receive the following letter from 
 Captain Brown, announcing his determination 
 to make an attack on the slave States in the 
 course of a few weeks. The letter reads as 
 follows ; — 
 
 1*1 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 55 
 
 Chambersburg, Penn., 
 
 October 6th, 1859. 
 
 Dear Friend, 
 
 I shall move about the last of this month. 
 Can you help the cause in the way promised ? 
 Address your reply to Isaac Smith, Chambers- 
 burg, Penn. ****** 
 
 Your friend, 
 
 John Brown. 
 
 IN RICHMOND. 
 
 Soon after the reception of the above letter I 
 left for Richmond, Virginia, much against the 
 wishes of my friends. I had promised Captain 
 Brown, during our interview at Springfield, Mass., 
 that when he was ready to make his attack on 
 the Slave States, I would go to Richmond and 
 await the result. In case he should be suc- 
 cessful in his attack, I would be in a position to 
 watch the course of events, and enlighten the 
 slaves as to his purposes. It mfght also be pos- 
 sible for me to aid the cause in other respects. 
 On my arrival in Richmond, I went to the house 
 of an old friend, with whom I had stopped during 
 my previous raid on the chattels of Virginia's 
 slaveholders. 
 
f 
 
 r 
 
 1 
 
 '• I 
 
 p 
 
 1; 
 
 » 
 
 i^ 
 
 
 ! -; 
 
 .'t.i 
 
 ' ■ i ' 
 ■ t, i 
 , i 
 
 
 
 ;i; ■ 
 
 :!;': 
 
 
 
 III 
 
 
 III 
 
 
 y| ■, j' 
 
 
 Vi 
 
 t 
 
 
 
 
 • 
 
 M 
 
 
 i ■ ■ 
 
 
 
 
 ■..A 
 
 
 •M 
 
 
 lllj 
 
 
 L-.! 
 
 
 ] .7 
 .■;•■ 
 
 
 1" 
 
 
 i:! 
 
 
 P 
 
 
 L 
 
 i , 
 
 56 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 CAPTAIN BROWN ATTACKS HARPER'S FERRY. 
 
 On the morning of Monday, the 17th of 
 October, wild rumours were in circulation about 
 the streets of Richmond that Harper's Ferry had 
 been captured by a band of robbers ; and, again, 
 that an army of abolitionists, under the command 
 of a desperado by the name of Smith, was mur- 
 dering the inhabitants of that village, and carry- 
 ing off the negroes. Throughout the day, groups 
 of excited men gathered about the newspaper 
 offices to hear the news from Harper's Ferry. 
 
 On the following morning (Tuesday) an official 
 report was received, which stated the fact that a 
 small force of abolitionists, under old Ossawatomie 
 Brown, had taken possession of the U. S. build- 
 ing at the Ferry, and had entrenched themselves. 
 I met an aged negro in the street, who seemed 
 completely bewildered about the excitement and 
 military preparations going on around him. As 
 I approached him, he lifted his hat and said: 
 *' Please massa, what's the matter .-* What's the 
 soldiers called out for.?" I told him a band 
 of abolitionists had seized Harper's Ferry, and 
 liberated many of the slaves of that section ; 
 that they intended to free all the slaves in the 
 South, if they could. "Can dey do it, massa.?" 
 he asked, while his countenance brightened up. 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 57 
 
 I replied by asking him, if he wished to be free ? 
 He said : " O yes, massa ; I'se prayed for dat 
 dese forty years. My two boys arc way off in 
 Canada. Do you know whar dat is, massa V I 
 told him I was a Canadian, which seemed to 
 give him a great surprise. He said his two 
 boys had run away from their master, because 
 he threatened to take them to New Orleans for 
 sale. 
 
 That John Brown had struck a blow that 
 resounded throughout the Slave States was 
 evident, from the number of telegraph des- 
 patches from all the Slave States, offering aid 
 to crush the invasion. 
 
 DEFEAT OF CAPTAIN BROWN. 
 
 The people of Richmond were frantic with 
 rage at this daring interference with their 
 cherished institution, which gave them the right 
 to buy, beat, work, and sell their fellow men. 
 Crowds of rough, excited men, filled with whis- 
 key and wickedness, stood for hours together in 
 front of the offices of the Despatch and Enquirer^ 
 listening to the reports as they were announced 
 from within. When the news of Brown's defeat 
 and capture, and the destruction of his little 
 army, was read from the window of the Despatch 
 
 i;ii 
 
 ! i . 
 
 ii 
 
 • • : 
 

 58 
 
 Recollections and Expericjiccs 
 
 office, the vast crowds set up a demoniac yell of 
 delight, which to me sounded like a death knell 
 to all my hopes for the freedom of the enslaved. 
 As the excitement was hourly increasing, and 
 threats made to search the city for abolitionists, 
 I saw that nothing could be gained by remaining 
 in Richmond. I left for Washington, nearly 
 crushed in spirit at the destruction of Captain 
 Brown and his noble little band. On the train 
 were Southerners from many of the Slave States, 
 who expressed their views of Northern aboli- 
 tionists in the most emphatic slave-driving 
 language. The excitement was intense, every 
 stranger, especially if he looked like a North- 
 erner, was closely watched, and in some instances 
 subjected to inquisition. 
 
 DOUGH-FACED NORTHERNERS. 
 
 The attitude of many of the leading Northern 
 politicians and so-called statesmen, in Washing- 
 ton, was actually disgusting. These weak-kneed 
 and craven creatures were profuse in their apol- 
 ogies for Brown's assault, and hastened to divest 
 themselves of what little manhood they pos- 
 sessed, when in the presence of the braggarts 
 and women-whippers of the South. "What 
 can we do to conciliate the Slave States.^** 
 was the leading question of the day. Such men 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 09 
 
 as Crittenden, and Douglas, were ready to com- 
 promise with the slaveholders even at the sac- 
 rifice of their avowed principles. While Toombs, 
 Davis, Mason, Slidell, and the rest of the slave- 
 driving crew, haughtily demanded further gua- 
 rantees for the protection of their " institution ;" 
 and had it not been for the stand taken by 
 the people of the Northern States at that time, 
 their political leaders would have bound the 
 North, hand and foot, to do the bidding of the 
 slaveholders. But on that occasion, as well as 
 all others where the principles of freedom have 
 been involved, the people of the United States 
 were found worthy descendants of their revolu- 
 tionary sires. 
 
 EFFECTS OF JOHN BROWN'S ATTACK. 
 
 The blow struck at Harper's Ferry, which the 
 Democratic leaders affected to ridicule, had 
 startled the slaveholders from their dreams of 
 security, and sent fear and trembling into every 
 home in the Slave States. On every plantation 
 the echoes from Harper's Ferry were heard. The 
 poor terrified slave, as he laid down at night, 
 weary from his enforced labours, offered up a 
 prayer to God for the safety of the grand old 
 captain, who was a prisoner in the hands of mer- 
 ciless enemies, who were thirsting for his blood. 
 
&y 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 BRAVERY OF CAPTAIN BROWN. 
 
 How bravely John Brown bore himself while 
 in the presence of the human wolves that sur- 
 rounded him, as he lay mangled and torn in 
 front of the engine-house at Harper's Ferry ! 
 Mason, of Virginia, and that Northern renegade, 
 Vallandigham, interrogated the apparently dying 
 man, trying artfully, but in vain, to get him to 
 implicate leading Northern men. In the history 
 of modern times there is not recorded another 
 instance of such rare heroic valour as John 
 Brown displayed in the presence of Governor 
 Wise, of Virginia. How contemptible arc Mason, 
 Wise, and Vallandigham, when compared with 
 the wounded old soldier, as he lay weltering in 
 his blood, and near him his two sons, Oliver 
 and Watson, cold in death. Mason and Vallan- 
 digham died with the stain of treason on their 
 heads, while Governor Wise, who signed Brown's 
 death warrant, still lives, despised and abhorred. 
 
 To superficial observers. Brown's attack on 
 Virginia with so small a force, looked like the 
 act of a madman ; but those who knew John 
 Brown, and the men under his command, are 
 satisfied that if he had carried out his original 
 plans, and retreated with his force to the moun- 
 tains, after he had captured the arms in the arsenal, 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 6i 
 
 he could have defeated and baffled any force 
 sent against him. The slaves would have flocked 
 to his standard in thousands, and the slaveholders 
 would have trembled with fear for the safety of 
 their families. 
 
 JOHN BROWN VICTORIOUS. 
 
 John Brown in prison, surrounded by his cap- 
 tors, won greater victories than if he had con- 
 quered the South by force of arms. His courage, 
 truthfulness, humanity, and self-sacrificing devo- 
 tion to the cause of the poor downtrodden slaves, 
 shamed the cowardly, weak-kneed, and truculent 
 Northern politicians into opposition to the 
 haughty demands of the despots of the South. 
 
 "HIS SOUL IS MARCHING ON." 
 
 Virginia, in her pride and strength, judicially 
 murdered John Brown. But the day is not far 
 distant when the freedmen and freemen of 
 the South will erect a monument on the spot 
 where his gallows once stood, to perpetuate to 
 all coming generations the noble self-sacrifice of 
 that brave Christian martyr. And when the 
 Southern statesmen who shouted for his execu- 
 tion are mouldering in the silent dust, forgotten 
 or unpleasantly remembered, the memory of 
 John Brown will grow brighter and brighter 
 through all coming ages. 
 
 »:! 
 
62 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 liii 
 
 K,.» 
 
 JOHN brown's martyrdom. 
 
 December the 2nd, was the day appointed for 
 the execution of Capt. Brown. I determined to 
 make an effort to see him once more if possible. 
 Taking the cars at Baltimore, on Nov. 26th, I 
 went to Harper's Ferry and applied to the mili- 
 tary officer in command for permission to go to 
 Charleston. He enquired what object I had in 
 view in wishing to go there at thac time, while 
 so much excitement existed. I replied, that I 
 had a desire to see John Brown once more 
 before his death. Without replying to me, he 
 called an officer in the room and directed him 
 to place me in close confinement until the train 
 for Baltimore came, and then to place me on 
 board, and command the conductor to take me 
 to Baltimore. Then, raising his voice, he said, 
 "Captain, if he (myself) returns to Harper's 
 Ferry, shoot him at once" I was placed 
 under guard until the train came in, when, in 
 despite of my protests, I was taken to Baltimore. 
 Determined to make one more attempt, I went 
 to Richmond to try and obtain a pass from the 
 Governor. After much difficulty I obtained an 
 
 
 INTERVIEW WITH GOVERNOR WISE. 
 
 I told the Governor that I had a strong desire 
 to see John Brown before his execution ; that I 
 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 63 
 
 had some acquaintance with him, and had formed 
 a very high estimate of him as a man. I asked 
 him to allow me to go to Charlestown (under sur- 
 veillance if he pleased), and bid the old Captain 
 " Good bye." The Governor made many inqui- 
 ries as to my relation to Brown, and whether 
 I justified his attack on Virginia. I replied 
 candidly, stating that I had from childhood been 
 an ardent admirer of Washington, Jefiferson, and 
 Madison, and that all these great and good men 
 deplored the existence of slavery in the Republic. 
 That my admiration and friendship for John 
 Brown was owing to his holding similar views, 
 and his earnest desire to abolish the evil. The 
 Governor looked at me with amazement, and for a 
 moment made no reply. At length he straight- 
 ened himself up, and, assuming a dignified look, 
 said, "My family motto is, ' saperc aiide! I am 
 wise enough to understand your object in wishing 
 to go to Charlestown, and I dare yow to go. If you 
 attempt it, I will have you shot. It is just such 
 men as you v. ho have urged Brown to make his 
 crazy attac!: on our constitutional rights and 
 privileges. Y"ou shall not leave Richmond until 
 after the execution of Brown. I wish I could 
 hang a dozen of your leading abolitionists." 
 
64 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 
 .-ii, 
 
 HE WOULD LIKE TO BAG GIDDINGS AND 
 GERRIT SMITH. 
 
 " If I could bag old Giddings ar-d Gerrit Smith, 
 I would hang them without trial." The Gov- 
 ernor was now greatly excited, and, rising from 
 his chair, he said, " No, sir ! you shall not leave 
 Richmond. You shall go to prison, and remain 
 there until next Monday ; then you may go 
 North, and slander the State which ought to 
 have hanged you." I quietly waited a moment 
 before replying, and then remarked, that as he 
 refused me permission to see Capt. Brown, I 
 would leave Virginia at once and thus save both 
 him and the State any trouble or expense on 
 my account. I said this very quietly, while his 
 keen eyes were riveted on me. In reply, he 
 said, " Did I not tell you that you should remain 
 a prisoner here until Monday .?" I quietly said, 
 •* Yes, Governor, you certainly did ; but I am 
 sure the executive of this great State is too wise 
 to fear one unarmed man." For a few moments 
 he tapped the table with his fingers, without 
 saying anything. Then he came toward me, 
 shaking his fore finger, and said : " Well, you 
 may go ; and I would advise you to tell your 
 Giddings, Greeleys, and Garrisons, cowards that 
 they are, to lead the next raid on Virginia 
 themselves " 
 
 ^ Till! 
 
^w 
 
 Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 65 
 
 Fearing that obstacles might be thrown in my 
 way which would cause detention and trouble, 
 I requested the Ciovernor to give me a permit 
 to leave the State of Virginia. Without making 
 any reply, he picked up a blank card, and wrote 
 as follows : — 
 
 " The bearer, is hereby ordered to leave the 
 State of Virginia within twenty-four hours." 
 
 {Facsimile of Siffimture.) 
 
 C/l/^'T-^^ 
 
 /<>z^O> 
 
 i if 
 
 m 
 
 
 This he hc.ded me, saying, " The sooner you 
 go, the better for you : our people are greatly 
 excited, and you may regret this visit, if you 
 stay another hour." 
 
 I returned to Philadelphia as rapidly as pos- 
 sible, where I remained until the remains of 
 Capt. Brown arrived, en route for their final 
 resting place at North Elba, in Northern New 
 York. Having taken my last look at the dead 
 liberator, I returned to Canada, where I remained 
 until my preparations were completed for another 
 visit to the South. 
 
 I : ; it 
 
 -I 
 
 / ■ i 
 
\u 
 
 9 
 
 66 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 EXTRACTS FROM THE PRESS OF 
 THAT PERIOD. 
 
 m 
 
 The following Extracts from the Press of that 
 period, will furnish my readers with a good index 
 of the popular feeling respecting John Brown's 
 raid, and his defeat, imprisonment, trial, and 
 execution : — 
 
 
 From Harper's Weekly, October 29, 1859. 
 
 EXTRAORDINARY INSURRECTION AT HARPER'S 
 
 FERRY. 
 
 One of the most extraordinary events that 
 ever occurred in our history took place last 
 week at Harper's Ferry. We shall endeavour 
 to give our readers a connected history of the 
 affair, which, at the present time, has been 
 brought to a close. 
 
 ■ THE FIRST ACTIVE MOVEMENT. 
 
 , The first active movement in the insurrection 
 was made at about half-past ten o'clock on 
 Sunday night. William Williamson, the watch- 
 man at Harper's Ferry bridge, while walking 
 across toward the Maryland side, was seized 
 by a number of men, who said he was their 
 
t! 
 
 Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 67 
 
 prisoner, and must come with them. He recog- 
 nized Brown and Cook among the men, and 
 knowing them, treated the matter as a joke, 
 but enforcing silence, they conducted him to the 
 Armory, which he found already in their posses- 
 sion. He was detained till after daylight, and 
 then discharged. The watchman who was to 
 relieve Williamson at midnight found the bridge 
 lig.hts all out, and was immediately seized. 
 Supposing it an attempt at robbery, he broke 
 away, and his pursuers .stumbling over him, he 
 escaped. 
 
 ARREST OF COLONEL WASHINGTON AND 
 
 OTHERS. 
 
 The next appearance of the insurrectionists 
 was at the house of Colonel Lewis Washington, 
 a large farmer and slave-owner, living about 
 four miles from the ferry. A party, headed 
 by Cook, proceeded there, and rousing Colonel 
 Washington, told him he was their prisoner. 
 They also seized all the slaves near the house, 
 took a carriage horse, and a large waggon with 
 two horses. When Colonel Washington saw 
 Cook, he immediately recognized him as the 
 man who had called upon him some months 
 previous, to whom he had exhibited some valu- 
 able arms in his possession, including an antique 
 sword presented by Frederick the Great to 
 
68 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 George Washington, and a pair of pistols pre- 
 sented by Lafayette to Washington, both being 
 heir-looms in the family. Before leaving, Cook 
 wanted Colonel Washington to engage in a trial 
 of skill at shooting, and exhibited considerable 
 skill as a marksman. When he made the visit 
 on Sunday night he alluded to his previous 
 visit, and the courtesy with which he had been 
 treated, and regretted the necessity which made 
 it his duty to arrest Colonel Washington. He, 
 however, took advantage of the knowledge he 
 had obtained by his former visit to carry oflf 
 all the valuable collection of arms, which the 
 Colonel did not re-obtain till after the final 
 defeat of the insurrection. 
 
 From Colonel Washington's he proceeded with 
 him as a prisoner in the carriage, and twelve oi' 
 his negroes in the waggon, to the house of Mr. 
 Alstadt, another large farmer, on the same road. 
 Mr. Alstadt and his son, a lad of sixteen, were 
 taken prisoners, and all their negroes within 
 reach forced to join the movement. He then 
 returned to the Armory at the Ferry. 
 
 THE STOPPAGE OF THE RAILROAD TRAIN. 
 
 At the upper end of the town the mail train 
 arrived at the usual hour, when a coloured man, 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 69 
 
 who acted as assistant to the baggage- master, 
 was shot, receiving a mortal wound, and the 
 conductor, Mr. Phelps, was threatened vvith 
 violence if he attempted to proceed with the 
 train. Feeling uncertain as to the condition of 
 affairs, the conductor waited until after daylight 
 before he ventured to proceed, having delayed 
 the train six hours. 
 
 Luther Simpson, baggage-master of the mail- 
 train, gives the following particulars : I walked 
 up the bridge ; was stopped, but was afterward 
 permitted to go up and see the captain of the 
 insurrectionists ; I was taken to the Armory, and 
 saw the captain, whose name is Bill Smith ; I 
 was kept prisoner for more than an hour, and 
 saw from five to six hundred negroes, all having 
 arms ; there were two or three hundred white 
 men with them ; all the houses were closed. 
 I went into a tavern kept by Mr. Chambers ; 
 thirty of the inhabitants were collected there 
 with arms. They said most of the inhabitants 
 had left, but they declined, picferring to protect 
 themselves ; it was reported that five or six 
 persons had been shot. 
 
 Mr. Simpson was escorted back over the bridge 
 by six negroes. 
 
 t 
 
^o 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 THE STATE OF AFFAIRS AT DAYBREAK. 
 
 It was not until the town thoroughly waked 
 up, and found the bridge guarded by armed 
 men, and a guard stationed at all the avenues, 
 that the people saw that they were prisoners. 
 A panic appears to have immediately ensued, 
 and the number of insurrectionists was at once 
 largely increased. In the mean time a number 
 of workmen, not knowing anything of what had 
 occurred, entered the Armory, and were succes- 
 sively taken prisoners, until at one time they had 
 not less than sixty men confined in the Armory. 
 These were imprisoned in the engine-house, 
 which afterward became the chief fortress of the 
 insurgents, and were not released until after the 
 final assault. The workmen were imprisoned in 
 a large building further down the yard. 
 
 
 EARLY CASUALTIES. 
 
 A coloured man, named Hayward, a railroad 
 porter, was shot early in the morning for refusing 
 to join in the movement. 
 
 The next man shot was Joseph Burley, a 
 citizen of Perry. He was shot standing in his 
 own door. The insurrectionists by this time, 
 finding a disposition to resist them, had with- 
 
 lifc 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 n 
 
 drawn nearly all within the Armory grounds, 
 leaving only a guard on the bridge. 
 
 About this time, also, Samuel P. Young, Esq., 
 was shot dead. He was coming into town on 
 horseback, carrying a gun, when he was shot 
 from the Armory, receiving a wound of which 
 he died during the day. He was a graduate of 
 West Pomt, and greatly respected in the neigh- 
 bourhood for his high character and noble 
 qualities. 
 
 The lawn in front of the engine-house after the 
 assault presented a dreadful sight. Lying on it 
 were two bodies of men killed on the previous 
 day, and found inside the house ; three wounded 
 men, one of them just at the last gasp of life, 
 and two others groaning in pain. One of the 
 dead was Brown's son Oliver, the wounded 
 man, and his son Watson, were lying on the 
 grass, the father presenting a gory spectacle. He 
 had a .severe bayonet wound in his side, and his 
 face and hair were clotted with blood. 
 
 APPEARANCE OF THE PRISONERS. 
 
 When the insurgents were brought out, some 
 dead, others wounded, they were greeted with 
 execrations, and only the precautions that had 
 
 iii 
 
72 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 ^ 
 
 been taken saved them from immediate execu- 
 tion. The crowd, nearly every man of which 
 carried a gun, swayed with tumultuous excite- 
 ment, and cries of " Shoot them ! shoot them !" 
 rang from every side. The appearance of the 
 liberated prisoners, all of whom, through the 
 steadiness of the marines, escaped injury, changed 
 the currcn: of feeling, and prolonged cheers took 
 the place of howls and execrations. 
 
 brown's examination. 
 
 I' 1 
 
 u 
 
 \n 
 
 A short time after Captain Brown was brought 
 out, he revived and talked earnestly to those 
 about him, defending his course, and avowing 
 that he had done only what was right. He re- 
 plied to questions substantially as follows : "Are 
 you Captain Brown, of Kansas T " I am some- 
 times called so." "Are you Ossawatamie Brown .^" 
 "I tried to do my duty there." "What was 
 your present object T " To free the slaves from 
 bondage." " Were any other persons but those 
 with you now connected with the movement .^" 
 "No." "D'd you expect aid from the Nortli?" 
 " No ; there was no one connected with the 
 movement but those who came with me." " Did 
 you expect to kill people to carry your point .^" 
 " I did not wish to do so, but you force us to 
 it." Various questions of this kind were put to 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 73 
 
 Captain Brown, which he answered clearly and 
 freely, with seeming anxiety to vindicate himself. 
 He urged that he had the town at his mercy : 
 that he could have burned it, and murdered the 
 inhabitants, but did not ; he had treated the 
 prisoners with courtesy, and complained that he 
 was hunted down like a beast. He spoke of the 
 killing of his son, which he alleged was done 
 while bearing a flag of truce, and seemed very 
 anxious for the safety of his wounded son. His 
 conversation bore the impression of the convic- 
 tion that whatever he had done to free the slaves 
 was right ; and that, in the warfare in which he 
 was engaged, he was entitled to be treated with 
 all the respect of a prisoner of war. 
 
 CAPTURE OF ARMS. 
 
 negroes 
 
 During Tuesday morning, one of Washington's 
 came in and reported that Captain 
 Cook was on the mountain, only three miles off; 
 about the same time some shots were said to 
 have been fired from the Maryland hills, and a 
 rapid fusilade was returned from Harper's Ferry. 
 The Independent Grays of Baltimore imme- 
 diately started on a scouting expedition, and in 
 two hours returned with two waggons loaded 
 with arms and ammunition, found at Captain 
 Brown's house. 
 
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 74 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 The arms consisted of boxes filled with Sharp's 
 rifles, pistols, &c., all bearing the stamp of the 
 Massachusetts Manufacturing Company, Chico- 
 pee, Mass. There were also found a quantity of 
 United States ammunition, a large number of 
 spears, sharp iron bowie-knives fixed upon poles, 
 a terrible looking weapon, intended for the use 
 of the negroes, with spades, pickaxes, shovels, 
 and everything else that might be needed : thus 
 proving that the expedition was well provided 
 for, that a large party of men were expected to 
 be armed, and that abundant means had been 
 provided to pay all expenses. 
 
 How all these supplies were got up to this farm 
 without attracting observation, is very strange. 
 They are supposed to have been brought through 
 Pennsylvania. The Grays pursued Cook so fast 
 that they secured a part of his arms, but with 
 his more perfect knowledge of localities, he was 
 enabled to evade them. 
 
 TREATMENT OF BROWN'S PRISONERS. 
 
 The citizens imprisoned by the insurrection- 
 ists all testify to their lenient treatment. They 
 were neither tied nor insulted, and, beyond the 
 outrage of restricting their liberty, were not ill- 
 used. Capt. Brown was always courteous to 
 
Of ail Abolitionist. 
 
 75 
 
 them, and at all times assured them that they 
 would not be injured. He explained his pur- 
 poses to them, and while he had them (the work- 
 men) in confinement, made no abolition speech 
 to them. Colonel Washington speaks of him as 
 a man of extraordinary nerve. He never 
 blanched during the assault, though he admitted 
 in the night that escape was impossible, and that 
 he would have to die. When the door was 
 broken down, one of his men exclaimed, " I sur- 
 render." The Captain immediately cried out, 
 "There's one surrenders; give him quarter;" 
 and at the same moment fired his own rifle at 
 the door. 
 
 During the previous night he spoke freely with 
 Colonel Washington, and referred to his sons. 
 He said he had lost one in Kansas and two here. 
 He had not pressed them to join him in the 
 expedition, but did not regret their loss — they 
 had died in a glorious cause. 
 
 BROWN S PAPERS AND STORES. 
 
 On the 1 8th a detachment of marines and 
 some volunteers made a visit to Brown's house. 
 They found a large quantity of blankets, boots, 
 shoes, clothes, tents, and fifteen hundred pikes, 
 with large blades affixed. They also discovered 
 
76 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 
 ti \ 
 
 mm 
 
 III 
 
 a carpet-bag, containing documents throwing 
 much light on the affair, printed constitutions 
 and by-laws of an organization, showing or indi- 
 cating ramifications in various States of the 
 Union. They also found letters from various in- 
 dividuals at the North — one from Fred. Douglass, 
 containing ten dollars from a lady for the cause ; 
 also a letter from Gerrit Smith about money 
 matters, and a check or draft by him for $ioo, 
 indorsed by the cashier of a New York bank, 
 name not recollected. All these are in posses- 
 sion of Governor Wise. 
 
 HIS WARNING TO THE SOUTH. 
 
 Reporter of the Herald. — I do not wish to 
 annoy you ; but, if you have any thing further 
 you would like to say, I will report it. 
 
 Mr. Brown. — I have nothing to say, only that 
 I claim to be here in carrying out a measure I 
 believe perfectly justifiable, and not to act the 
 part of an incendiary or ruffian, but to aid those 
 suffering great wrong. I wish to say, further- 
 more, that you had better — all you people at 
 the South — prepare yourselves for a settlement 
 of that question that must come up for settle- 
 ment sooner than you are prepared for it. The 
 sooner you are prepared the better. You may 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 77 
 
 dispose of me very easily, I am nearly disposed 
 of now ; but this question is still to be settled — 
 this negro question, I mean ; the end of that is 
 not yet. These wounds were inflicted upon me 
 — both sabre cuts on my head and bayonet stabs 
 on different parts of my body — some minutes 
 after I had ceased fighting, and had consented to 
 a surrender, for the benefit of others, not for my 
 own. (This statement was vehemently denied 
 by all around.) I believe the Major (meaning 
 Lieutenant J. B. Stuart, of the United States 
 Cavalry) would not have been alive — I could 
 have killed him just as easy ac a mosquito when 
 he came in, but I supposed he came in only to 
 receive our surrender. There had been loud and 
 long calls of "surrender" from us — as loud as 
 men could yell — but in the confusion and excite- 
 ment I suppose we were not heard. I do not 
 think the Major, or any one, meant to butcher 
 us after we had surrendered. 
 
 brown's views. 
 
 Brown has had a conversation with Senator 
 Mason, which is reported in the Heerald. The 
 following is a verbatim report of the conversa- 
 tion : — 
 
 i 
 
 
 Mr. Mason. — Can you tell us, at least, who 
 furnished money for your expedition } 
 
78 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 'f .{ 
 
 P ' 
 
 Mr. Brown. — I furnished most of it myself I 
 can not implicate others. It is by my own folly 
 that I have been taken. I could easily have 
 saved myself from it had I exercised my own 
 better judgment, rather than yielded to my 
 feelings. 
 
 Mr. Mason. — You mean if you had escaped 
 immediately .-* 
 
 Mr. Brown. — No ; I had the means to make 
 myself secure without any escape, but I allowed 
 myself to be surrounded by a force by being 
 too tardy. 
 
 Mr. Mason. — But you killed some people pass- 
 ing along the streets quietly. 
 
 Mr. Brown. — Well, sir, if there was any thing 
 of that kind done it was without my knowledge. 
 Your own citizens, who were my prisoners, will 
 tell you that every possible means was taken to 
 prevent it. I did not allow my men to fire, nor 
 even to return a fire, when there was danger of 
 killing those we regarded as innocent persons, if 
 I could help it. They will tell you that we 
 allowed ourselves to be fired at repeatedly, and 
 did not return it. 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 79 
 
 A By-stander. — That is not so. You killed 
 an unarmed man at the corner of the house 
 over there (at the water tank), and another 
 besides. 
 
 Mr. Brown. — See here, my friend, it is useless 
 to dispute or contradict the report of yuur own 
 neighbors who were my prisoners. 
 
 Mr. Mason. — If you would tell us who sent 
 you here — who provided the means — that would 
 be information of some value. 
 
 Mr. Brown. — I will answer freely and faith- 
 fully about what concerns myself — I will answer 
 any thing I can with honor, but not about 
 others. 
 
 Mr. Mason. — How many are engaged with 
 you in this movement ? I ask those questions 
 for our own safety. 
 
 Mr. Brown. — Any questions that I can honor- 
 ably answer I will, not otherwise. So far as I 
 am myself concerned, I have told every thing 
 truthfully. I value my word, sir. 
 
 Mr. Mason. — What was your object in coming.^ 
 
 
 11 ii 
 
 
"T'Tra" 
 
 So 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 BS.*.. 
 
 ,1* ! 
 
 f> 
 if J 
 
 SI Si 
 
 iiliii 
 
 t 
 
 Mr. Brown. — We came to free the slaves, and 
 only that. 
 
 A Young Man (in the uniform of a volunteer 
 company). — How many men in all had you ? 
 
 Mr. Brown. — I came to Virp^inia with eighteen 
 men only, besides myself. 
 
 Volunteer. — What in the world did you sup- 
 pose you could do here in Virginia with that 
 amount of men ? 
 
 Mr. Brown. — Young man, I don't wish to 
 discuss that question here. 
 
 Volunteer. — You could not do any thing. 
 
 Mr. Brown. — Well, perhaps your ideas and 
 mine on military subjects would differ materi- 
 ally. 
 
 Mr. Mason. — How do you justify your acts } 
 
 Mr. Brown. — I think, my friend, you are guilty 
 of a great wrong against God and humanity — I 
 say it without wishing to be offensive — and it 
 would be perfectly right for any one to interfere 
 with you so far as to free those you wilfully and 
 wickedly hold in bondage. I do not say this 
 insultingly. 
 
 Mr. Mason. — I understand that. 
 
I II •trifi-t • -- 
 
 Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 8l 
 
 Mr. Brown. — I think I did right, and that 
 others will do right who interfere with you at 
 any time and all times. I hold that the golden 
 rule, " Do unto others as you would that others 
 should do unto you," applies to all who would 
 help others to gain their liberty. 
 
 it 
 
 HOW HE WAS COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF. 
 
 • *♦«♦« 
 
 Mr. Mason. — Did you consider this a military 
 organization, in this paper (the Constitution) } 
 I have not read it. 
 
 Mr. Brown. — I did in some sense. I wish you 
 would give that paper close attention. 
 
 Mr. Mason. — You considered yourself the 
 Commander-in-Chief of these " provisional " 
 military forces .? 
 
 Mr. Brown. — I was chosen, agreeably to the 
 ordinance of a certain document, Commander- 
 in-Chief of that force. 
 
 Mr. Mason, — What wages did you offer > 
 
 Mr. Brown. — None. 
 
 Lieutenant Stuart. — "The wages of sin is 
 death." 
 
 Mr. Brown. — I would not have made such a 
 6 
 
 lit 
 
7Tr 
 
 82 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 i^ 
 
 
 i 
 
 IS' ; 
 
 remark to you if you had been a prisoner and 
 wounded in my hands. 
 
 A By-stander. — Did you not promise a negro 
 in Gettysburg twenty dollars a month ? 
 
 Mr. Brown. — I did not. 
 
 By-stander. — He says you did. 
 
 WHAT HE EXPECTED. 
 
 Mr. Vallandigham. — Did you expect a general 
 rising of the slaves in case of your success ^ 
 
 Mr. Brown. — No, sir ; nor did I wish it. I 
 expected to gather them up from time to time 
 and set them free. 
 
 Mr. Vallandigham — Did you expect to hold 
 possession here till then } 
 
 Mr. Brown. — Well, probably I had quite a 
 different idea. I do not know that I ought to 
 reveal my plans. I am here a prisoner and 
 wounded, because I foolishly allowed myself to 
 be so. You overrate your strength in supposing 
 I could have been taken if I had not allowed 
 it. I was too tardy after commencing the open 
 attack — in delaying my movements through 
 Monday night, and up to the time I was 
 
f 
 
 Of an Abolitiottist. 
 
 83 
 
 attacked by the Government troops. It was all 
 occasioned by my desire to spare the feelings 
 of my prisoners and their families and the com- 
 munity at large. I had no knowledge of the 
 shooting of the negro (Hey wood). 
 
 Mr. Vallandigham. — What time did you com- 
 mence your organization in Canada. 
 
 Mr. Brown. — That occurred about two years 
 ago, if I remember right. It was, I think, in 
 1858. 
 
 Mr, Vallandigham. — Who was the secretary } 
 
 Mr. Brown. — That I could not tell if I recol- 
 lected, but I do not recollect. I think the 
 officers were elected in May, 1858. I may 
 answer incorrectly, but not intentionally. My 
 head is a little confused by wounds, and my 
 memory obscure on dates, etc. 
 
 ■ir 
 
 a 
 
 CO 
 
 d 
 
 CO 
 
 d 
 
 in 
 Ih 
 
 kS 
 
 PERSONAL APPEARANCE OF THE INSURGENTS. 
 
 A writer in the Baltimore Exchange, gives the 
 following account of the personal appearance of 
 the insurgents : — 
 
 Old Brown, the leader, is a small man, with 
 white head, and cold-looking grey eyes. When 
 not speaking his lips are compressed, and he has 
 the appearance of a most determined man. His 
 
 ^f 
 
*mmmmimmimm 
 
 84 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 I i 
 
 i* I 
 
 two sons (one dead) were strikingly alike in their 
 personal appearance. Each about five feet eleven 
 inches high, with spare visage, sallow complexion, 
 sunken eyes, and dark hair and beard. The 
 beard was sparse and long, and their hair long 
 and matted. The wounded man is of undoubted 
 courage, and from his cold sullen manner, one 
 would suppose did not ask for or desire sym- 
 pathy. Anderson, mortally wounded, is tall, 
 black-haired, and of dark complexion. His ap- 
 pearance is indicative of desperate resolution. 
 Although suffering the most intense agony from 
 the wound in the abdomen, he did not complain, 
 or ask for any favour, and the only evidence he 
 gave of suffering, was occasionally a slight groan. 
 He looks to be thirty years of age. Stevens, 
 who was wounded on Monday afternoon, and 
 taken prisoner, is physically a model man. He 
 is five feet eleven inches high, with fine brawny 
 shoulders and large sinewy limbs, all the muscles 
 finely developed and hard. He is of dark com- 
 plexion, and of undoubted resolution. When 
 taken prisoner, he did not ask or expect quarter, 
 and lay and suffered from his wounds without 
 complaint other than a groan. 
 
 COMMENCEMENT OF THE TRIAL. 
 
 A fresh attempt of Brown's to have the trial 
 postponed in order to obtain counsel from the 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 85 
 
 North having failed, the case was proceeded 
 with. 
 
 The jury having been sworn to fairly and im- 
 partially try the prisoner, the Court directed 
 that the prisoner might forego the form of stand- 
 ing while arraigned, if he desired it. 
 
 Mr. Botts put the enquiry to the prisoner, and 
 he continued to lie prostrate o: Ms cot while the 
 long indictment, filling seven pages, was read : 
 
 First — For cmspiring with nej^rocs to produce 
 insurrection ; 
 
 Second — For treason to the Commonwealth ; 
 and. 
 
 Third — For murder. 
 
 ii 
 
 m 
 
 THE SPEECHES AND THE EVIDENCE. • 
 
 The case was then opened at length by Messrs. 
 Harding and Hunter for the Commonwealth, and 
 by Messrs. Botts and Green for the prisoner. 
 
 OLD BROWN ASKS FOR DELAY. 
 
 Mr. Brown then arose, and said : " I do not 
 intend to detain the Court, but barely wish to 
 say, as I have been promised a fair trial, that I 
 
1.1 
 
 '^ i: 
 
 I: 
 
 or 
 
 f i| 
 
 mi- :;iiii 
 
 iSiliili 
 
 86 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 am not now in circumstances that enable me to 
 attend a trial, owing to the state of my health. 
 I have a severe wound in the back, or rather in 
 one kidney, which enfeebles me very much. But 
 I am doing well ; and I only ask for a very 
 short delay of my trial, and I think that I may 
 be able to listen to it ; and I merely ask this, 
 that as the saying is, 'the devil may have his 
 dues' — no more. I wish to say further, that my 
 hearing is impaired and rendered indistinct in 
 consequence of wounds I have about my head. 
 I cannot hear distinctly at all ; I could not hear 
 what the Court has said this morning. I would 
 be glad to hear what is said on my trial, and am 
 now doing better than I could expect to be under 
 the circumstances. A very short delay would be 
 all I would ask. I do not presume to ask more 
 than a very short delay, so that I may in some 
 degree recover, and be able at least to listen to 
 my trial, and hear what questions are asked of 
 the citizens, and what their answers are. If that 
 could be allowed me, I should be very much 
 obliged. 
 
 At the conclusion of Brown's remarks, the 
 Court assigned Charles J. Faulkner and Lawson 
 Botts as counsel for the prisoners. 
 
SSaissaanuanutitmiim 
 
 Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 «7 
 
 THE EXAMINATION BEFORE THE MAGISTRATE. 
 
 The examination before the magistrates then 
 proceeded. The evidence given was much the 
 same as that which we published last week. It 
 established the main facts charged against Brown, 
 but showed that he had treated the prisoners 
 humanely. At the close of the examination, the 
 case was given to the Grand Jury, who found a 
 true bill next day. 
 
 THE ARRAIGNMENT. 
 
 At twelve o'clock on the 26th, the Court reas- 
 sembled. The Grand Jury reported a true bill 
 against the prisoners, and were discharged. 
 
 li 
 
 Charles B. Harding, assisted by Andrew Hun- 
 ter, represented the Commonwealth ; and Charles 
 J. Faulkner and Lawson Botts are counsel for the 
 prisoners. 
 
 A true bill was read against each prisoner: 
 
 First — For conspiring with negroes to produce 
 insurrection ; 
 
 Second — For treason to the Commonwealth ; 
 and. 
 
 Third — For murder. 
 
>88 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 The prisoners were brought into Court accom- 
 panied by a body of armed men. They passed 
 through the streets and entered the Court-house 
 without the slightest demonstration on the part 
 of the people. 
 
 Ir 
 
 I 
 
 ti * 
 
 Brown looked somewhat better, and his eye 
 was not so much swollen. Stevens had to be 
 supported, and reclined on a mattress on the floor 
 of the Court-room, evidently unable to sit. He 
 has the appearance of a dying man, breathing 
 with great difficulty. 
 
 Before the reading of the arraignment, Mr. 
 Hunter called the attention of the Court to the 
 necessity of appointing additional counsel for 
 the prisoners, stating that one of the counsel 
 (Faulkner) appointed by the County Court, con- 
 sidering his duty in that capacity as having 
 ended, had left. The prisoners, therefore, had 
 no other counsel than Mr. Botts. If the Court 
 was about to assign them other counsel, it might 
 be proper to do so now. 
 
 The Court stated that it would assign them 
 any member of the bar they might select. 
 
 After consulting Captain Brown, Mr. Botts 
 said that the prisoner retained him, and desired 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 89 
 
 to have Mr. Green, his assistant, to assist him. 
 If the Court would accede to that arrangement 
 it would be very agreeable to him personally. 
 
 The Court requested Mr. Green to act as 
 counsel for the prisoner, and he consented to 
 do so. 
 
 Old Brown addressed the Court as follows : — 
 
 Virginians. — I did not ask for any quarter at 
 the time I was taken. I did not ask to have my 
 life .spared. The Governor of the State of Vir- 
 ginia tendered me his assurance that I should 
 have a fair trial ; but under no circumstances 
 whatever will I be able to have a fair trial. If 
 you seek my blood, you can have it at any 
 moment, without this mockery of a trial. I 
 have had no counsel ; I have not been able to 
 advise with any one. I know nothing about the 
 feelings of my fellow prisoners, and am utterly 
 unable to attend in any way to my own defence. 
 My memory don't serve me ; my health is 
 insufficient, although improving. There are 
 mitigating circumstances that I would urge in 
 our favour if a fair trial is to be allowed us; 
 but if we are to be farced with a mere form — 
 a trial for execution — you might spare your- 
 selves that trouble. I am ready for my fate. 
 
 
<! 
 
 :! 
 
 90 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 I do not ask a trial. I beg for no mockery 
 of a trial — no insult — nothing but that which 
 conscience gives or cowardice would drive you 
 to practise. I ask again to be excused from the 
 mockery of a trial. I do not even know what 
 the special design of this examination is. I do 
 not know what is to be the benefit of it to the 
 Commonwealth. I have now little further to 
 ask, other than that I may not be foolishly 
 insulted, only as cowardly barbarians insult 
 those who fall into their power. 
 
 \l 
 
 THE TRIAL OF JOHN BROWN. 
 
 On Monday, 31st ult, Mr. Griswold summed 
 up for the defence, and Mr. Harding for the 
 Commonwealth of Virginia. 
 
 During most of the arguments Brown lay on 
 his back, with his eves closed. 
 
 Mr. Chilton asked the Court to. instruct the 
 jury, if they believe the prisoner was not a 
 citizen of Virginia, but of another State, they 
 cannot convict on a count of treason. 
 
 fi 
 
 The Court declined, saying the Constitution 
 did not give rights and immunities alone, but 
 also imposed responsibilities. 
 
 § 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 91 
 
 )n 
 
 Mr. Chilton asked another instruction, to the 
 eflfect that the jury must be satisfied that the 
 place where the offence was committed was 
 within the boundaries of Jefferson County, which 
 the Court granted. 
 
 A recess was taken up for half an hour, when 
 the jury came in with a verdict. 
 
 There was intense excitement. 
 
 Brown sat up in bed while the verdict was 
 rendered. 
 
 The jury found him guilty of treason, advising 
 and conspiring with slaves and others to rebel, 
 and for murder in the first degree. 
 
 Brown lay down quickly, and said nothing. 
 
 There was no demonstration of any kind. 
 
 le 
 a 
 
 It 
 
 MOTION IN ARREST OF JUDGMENT. 
 
 Mr. Chilton moved an arrest of judgment,, 
 both on account of errors in the indictment and 
 errors in the verdict. The prisoner had been 
 tried for an offence not appearing on the record 
 of the Grand Jury ; the verdict was not on each 
 count separately, but was a general verdict on 
 the whole indictment. 
 
 yi 
 
I'"?^~K* 
 
 ft 
 
 it; 
 
 92 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 On the following day Mr. Griswold stated the 
 point on which an arrest of judgment was asked 
 for in Brown's case. He said it had not been 
 proved beyond a doubt that he (Brown) was 
 even a citizen of the United States, and argued 
 that treason could not be committed against a 
 State, but only against the General Government, 
 citing the authority of Judge Story ; also stating 
 the jury had not found the prisoner guilty of the 
 crimes as charged in the indictment — they had 
 not responded to the offences, but found him 
 guilty of offences not charged. They find him 
 guilty of murder in the first degree, when the 
 indictment don't charge him with offences con- 
 stituting that crime. 
 
 Mr. Hunter replied, quoting the Virginia code 
 to the effect that technicalities should not arrest 
 the administration of justice. As to the juris- 
 diction over treason, it was sufficient to say that 
 Virginia had passed a law assuming that juris- 
 diction, and defining what constituted that 
 crime. 
 
 On the following day the Court gave its 
 decision as ruling the objections made. In the 
 objection that treason cannot be committed 
 against a State, he ruled that wherever alle- 
 giance is due, treason may be committed. Most 
 
Of an A bolitionist. 
 
 93 
 
 of the States have passed laws against treason. 
 The objections as to the form of the verdict 
 rendered, the Court also regarded as insufticient 
 
 The clerk then asked Mr. Brown whether he 
 had anything to say why sentence should not be 
 passed upon him. 
 
 Mr. Brown immediately rose, and, in a clear, 
 distinct voice, said : " I have, may it please the 
 Court, a few words to say. I deny every thing 
 but what I have all along admitted, of a design 
 on my part to free slaves. I intended, certainly, 
 to have made a clean thing of that matter, as I 
 did last winter, when I went into Missouri, and 
 there took slaves without the snapping of a gun 
 on either side, moving them through the country, 
 and finally leaving them in Canada. I designed 
 to have done the same thing again on a larger 
 scale. That was all I intended. I never did 
 intend murder or treason, or the destruction of 
 property, or to excite or incite slaves to rebellion, 
 or to make insurrection. I have another objec- 
 tion, and that is, that it is unjust that I should 
 suffer such a penalty. Had I interfered in the 
 manner in which I admit, and which I admit 
 had been fairly proved — for I admire the truth- 
 fulness and candor of the greater portion of the 
 witnesses who have testified in this case — had I 
 
 A 
 
 9 
 
94 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 so interfered in behalf of the rich, the powerful, 
 the intelligent, the so-called great, or in behalf 
 of any of their friends, either father, mother, 
 brother, sister, wife, or children, or any of that 
 class, and suffered and sacrificed what I have in 
 this interference, it would have been all right ; 
 every man in this Court would have deemed it 
 an act worthy of reward rather than punishment. 
 
 M 
 
 AN APPEAL TO THE BIBLE. 
 
 " This Court acknowledges, too, as I suppose, 
 the validity of the law of God. I see a book 
 kissed, which I suppose to be the Bible, or at 
 least the New Testament, which teaches me that 
 all things whatsoever I would that men should 
 do to me, I should do even so to them. It teaches 
 me, further, to remember them that are in bonds 
 as bound with them. I endeavoured to act up 
 to that instruction. I say I am yet too young 
 to understand that God is any respecter of per- 
 sons. I believe that to have interfered as I have 
 done, as I have always freely admitted I have 
 done, in behalf of His despised poor, is no 
 wrong, but right. Now, if it is deemed neces- 
 sary that I should forfeit my life for the further- 
 ance of the ends of justice, and mingle my blood 
 further with the blood of my children and with 
 the blood of millions in this slave country, whose 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 95 
 
 re 
 re 
 |o 
 
 rights are disregarded by wicked, cruel, and un- 
 just enactments, I say let be done, Let me say 
 one word further. I feel entirely satisfied with 
 the treatment I have received on my trial. Con- 
 sidering all the circumstances, it has been more 
 generous than I expected ; but I feel no con- 
 sciousness of guilt. I have stated from the first 
 what was my intention, and what was not. I 
 never had any design against the liberty of any 
 person, nor any disposition to commit treason or 
 incite slaves to rebel or make any general insur- 
 rection. I never encouraged any man to do so, 
 but always discouraged any idea of that kind. 
 Let me say, also, in regard to the statements 
 made by some of those who were connected with 
 me. I fear it has been stated by some of them 
 that I have induced them to join me, but the 
 contrary is true. I do not say this to injure them, 
 but regretting their weakness. Not one joined 
 me but of his own accord, and the greater part 
 at their own expense. A number of them I never 
 saw, and never had a word of conversation with, 
 till the day they came to me, and that was for 
 the purpose I have stated. Now, I have done. 
 
 HIS TONE AND MANNER. 
 
 Brown's speech was delivered in a calm, slow, 
 unfaltering voice, with no attempt at effect. A 
 correspondent of the Herald says : — 
 
■ \ 
 1 I 
 
 9<5 
 
 Recollections and Experiences^ 
 
 His composure, and his quiet and truthful 
 manner while bearing testimony to the great 
 indulgence that had been extended to him by 
 the Court, throughout the whole of the proceed- 
 ings, won the sympathy of every mind present. 
 When he concluded, he quietly sat down. 
 
 In a moment after, he was escorted back to 
 the prison, for the first time followed by the 
 sympathy of the people, who gazed upon him 
 with pitying eyes. 
 
 His counsel have put in a bill of exceptions, 
 which will be referred to the Court of Appeals 
 at Richmond. 
 
 HIS SENTENCE. 
 
 While Mr. Brown was speaking, perfect quiet 
 prevailed; and when he had finished the judge 
 proceeded to pronounce sentence upon him. 
 After a few preliminary remarks, he said that no 
 reasonable doubt could exist of the guilt of the 
 prisoner; and sentenced him to be hung in public 
 on Friday, the 2nd of December next. 
 
 Mr. Brown received his sentence with com- 
 posure. 
 
 The only demonstration made was the clap- 
 ping of the hands of one man in the crowd, 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 97 
 
 who is not a resident of Jefferson County.* liiis 
 was promptly suppressed, and much regret was 
 expressed by the citizens at its occurrence. 
 
 lO 
 
 lie 
 
 JOHN BROWN IN PRISON. 
 
 A lady, who visited Charlestown to assist Mrs. 
 Lydia Maria Child, obtained two interviews with 
 John Brown, the first of an hour, and the other 
 for a shorter period. 
 
 Mrs. , on entering, found Captain Brown 
 
 lying on a cot, and Stephens on a large bed, 
 Captain Brown arose from his bed to receive his 
 guests, and stood a few moments leaning against 
 the bedstead, immediately lying down again from 
 weakness. His visitors were struck with the 
 cheerfulness of his expression, and the calmness 
 of his manner. He seemed not only passively 
 resigned to his fate, but cheerful under it, and 
 more than willing to meet it. 
 
 She said to him, " I expected Mrs. Child would 
 be here to introduce me ; I am sorry not to find 
 her, for her presence would make this room 
 brighter for you." 
 
 He smiled, and replied, " I have written to her 
 the reasons why she should not come ; but she 
 was very kind — very kind !" 
 7 
 
98 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 Some questions were then asked as to the 
 treatment and care he had received ; to which he 
 said, "I wish it to be understood by every body 
 that I have been very kindly attended ; for if I 
 had been under the care of father or brother, I 
 could not have been better treated than by 
 Captain Avis and his family." 
 
 HIS STATE OF MIND. 
 
 Mrs. 
 
 — had carried with her into the jail a 
 large bunch of autumn leaves, gathered in the 
 morning from the woods. There was no nail on 
 the wall to hang them by, and she arranged them 
 between the grated bars of the window. She 
 gave to the sufferer a full-blown rose, which he 
 laid beside his cheek on his pillow. The old man 
 seemed to be greatly touched with these tokens 
 of thoughtfulness. He is said to have always 
 been a great lover of nature, particularly of the 
 grandeur of forest scenes. 
 
 Mrs. 
 
 drew a chair near his bedside, and 
 
 taking out her knitting, sat by him for an hour. 
 She has preserved his complete conversation, of 
 which I can give only a small portion. She says : 
 "I never saw a person who seemed less troubled 
 or excited, or whose mind was less disturbed 
 and more clear. His remarks are pointed, pithy, 
 and sensible. He is not in the least sentimental, 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 99 
 
 and seems to have singularly excellent common 
 sense about every thing." 
 
 ms 
 lys 
 the 
 
 |>ur. 
 of 
 
 lied 
 )ed 
 
 tal. 
 
 HIS PRINCIPLES ON SLAVERY. 
 
 She asked him the direct question, — **\Vere 
 you actuated, in any degree, in undertaking your 
 late enterprise, by a feeling of revenge T' adding 
 that a common impression to that effect had 
 gone abroad. 
 
 He manifested much surprise at this state- 
 ment, and after pausing a moment, replied : 
 " I am not conscious of ever having had a 
 feeling of revenge ; no, not in all the wrong 
 done to me and my family in Kansas. But I 
 can see that a thing is wrong and wicked, and 
 can help to right it, and can even hope that 
 those who do the wrong may be punished, and 
 still have no feeling of revenge. No, I have not 
 been actuated by any spirit of revenge." 
 
 He talked a good deal about his family, mani- 
 festing solicitude for their comfort after he was 
 gone, but expressing his great confidence and 
 trust in God's kind providence in their behalf. 
 
 When some allusion was made to the sentence 
 which he had received, he said, very deliberately 
 and firmly, and as my friend say.s, almost sub- 
 
100 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 limely : " I do not think I can better serve the 
 cause I love so much than to die for it !" 
 
 v''-m 
 
 She says that she can never forget the impres- 
 sive manner in which he utterred these solemn 
 words. She replied : " It is not the hardest thing 
 than can happen to a brave man to die ; but it 
 must be a great hardship for an active m.an to 
 lie on his back in prison, disabled by wounds. 
 Do you not dread your confinement, and are you 
 not afraid that it may wear you down, or cause 
 you to relax your convictions, or regret your 
 attempt, or make your courage fail .-*" 
 
 " I can not tell," he replied, " what weakness 
 may come over me ; but I do not think that I 
 shall deny my Lord and Master Jesus Christ, as 
 I certainly should, if I denied my principles 
 against slavery." 
 
 When the conversation had proceeded thus 
 far, as it was known outside the jail that a 
 Northern lady was inside, a crowd began to 
 collect, and although no demonstration of vio- 
 lence was made, yet there were manifest indica- 
 tions of impatience ; so that the sheriff called to 
 the jailer, and the jailer was obliged to put an 
 end to the interview. 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 lOI 
 
 lus 
 
 to 
 
 Ito 
 in 
 
 brown's interview with his wife. 
 
 Mrs. Brown arrived at Charlestown, Dec. i, 
 to see her husband. The interview between 
 them lasted from four o'clock in the afternoon 
 until near eight o'clock in the evening, when 
 General Taliaferro informed them that the period 
 allowed had elapsed, and that she must prepare 
 for departure to the Ferry. Capt. Brown urged 
 that his wife be allowed to remain with him all 
 night. To this the General refused to assent, 
 allowing them but four hours. 
 
 The interview was not a very affecting one — 
 rather of a practical character, with regard to 
 the future of herself and children, and the 
 arrangement and settlement of business affairs. 
 They seemed considerably affected when they 
 first met, and Mrs. Brown was for a few moments 
 quite overcome, but Brown was as firm as a rock, 
 and she soon recovered her composure. There 
 was an impression that the prisoner might pos- 
 sibly be furnished with a weapon or with strych- 
 nine by his wife, and before the interview her 
 person was searched by the wife of the jailer, 
 and a strict watch kept over them during the 
 time they were together. 
 
 On first meeting they kissed and affectionately 
 embraced, and Mrs. Brown shed a few tears, but 
 
I02 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 
 immediately checked her feelings. They stood 
 embraced, and she sobbing, for nearly five 
 minutes, and he was apparently unable to speak. 
 The prisoner only gave way for a moment, and 
 was soon calm and collected, and remained firm 
 throughout the interview. At the close they 
 shook hands, but did not embrace, and as they 
 parted he said, " God bless you and the children !" 
 Mrs. Brown replied, " God have mercy on you !" 
 and continued calm until she left the room, 
 when she remained in tears a few moments, 
 and then prepared to depart. The interview 
 took place in the parlour of Captain Avis, and 
 the prisoner was free from manacles ot any 
 kind. They sat side by side on a sofa, and 
 after discussing family matters proceeded to 
 business. 
 
 THE EXECUTION OF BROWN. 
 
 At eleven o'clock on 2nd December, the pris- 
 oner was brought out of the jail, accompanied by 
 Sheriff Campbell and assistants, and Captain 
 Avis, the jailer. As he came out, the six com- 
 panies of infantry and one troop of horse, with 
 General Taliaferro, and his entire staff, were 
 deploying in front of the jail, while an open 
 waggon v.ath a pine box, in which was a fine 
 oak coffin, was waiting for him. 
 
 
I m i l l wn i. 'WB 
 
 Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 103 
 
 
 Brown looked around, and spoke to several 
 persons he recognized, and, walking down the 
 steps, took a seat on the coffin box along with 
 the jailer. Avis. He looked with interest on the 
 fine military display, but made no remarks. The 
 waggon moved off, flanked by two files of rifle- 
 men in close order. On reaching the field the 
 military had already full possession. Pickets 
 were established, and the citizens kept back, at 
 the point of the bayonet, from taking any posi- 
 tion but that assigned them. 
 
 Brown was accompained by no ministers, he 
 desiring no religious services either in the jail or 
 on the scaffold. 
 
 JOHN BROWN OF OSAWATOMIE. 
 
 John Brown, of Oaawatomie, 
 
 Spake on liis dying day : 
 " I will not have, to shrive my soul, 
 
 A priest in Slavery's pay ; 
 But, let some poor slave-mother. 
 
 Whom I have striven to free, 
 With her children, from the gallows -stair, 
 
 Put up a prayer for me !" 
 
 John Brown, of Oaawatomie, 
 
 They led him out to die, 
 When lo, a poor slave -mother. 
 
 With her little child, pressed nigh. 
 Then the bold, blue eye grew tender, 
 
 And the old, harsh face grew mild. 
 As he stooped between the jeering ranks 
 
 And kissed the negro's child ! — Whxttxtr. 
 
104 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 On reaching the field where the gallows was 
 erected, the prisoner said, " Why, are none but 
 military allowed in the inclosure ? I am sorry 
 citizens h: v^e been kept out." On reaching the 
 gallows, he observed Mr. Hunter and Mayor 
 Green standing near, to whom he said, " Gentle- 
 men, good-by !" his voice not faltering. 
 
 ON THE GALLOWS. 
 
 The prisoner walked up the steps ^rmly, and 
 was the first man on the gallows. Avis and 
 Sheriff Campbell stood by his side, and after 
 shaking hands and bidding an affectionate adieu, 
 he thanked them for their kindness, when the 
 cap was put over his face, and the rope around 
 his neck. Avis asked him to step forward on 
 the trap. He replied, " You must lead me, I can 
 not see." The rope was adjusted, and the mili- 
 tary order given, " Not ready yet." The soldiers 
 marched, countermarched, and took position as 
 if any enemy were in sight, and were thus occu- 
 pied for nearly ten minutes, the prisoner standing 
 all the time. Avis inquired if he was not tired. 
 Brown said, " No, not tired ; but don't keep me 
 waiting longer than is necessary. 
 
 While on the scaffold Sheriff Campbell asked 
 him if he would take a handkerchief in his hand 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 I05 
 
 
 to drop as a signal when he was ready. He re- 
 plied, " No, I do not want it ; but do not detain 
 me any longer than is absolutely necessary." 
 
 He was swung off at fifteen minutes past eleven. 
 A slight grasping of the hands and twitching of 
 the muscles were seen, and then all was quiet. 
 
 The body was several times examined, and the 
 pulse did not cease until thirty-five minutes had 
 passed. The body was then cut down, placed in 
 a coffin, and conveyed under military escort to 
 the depot, where it was put in a car to be carried 
 to the ferry by a special train at four o'clock. 
 
 rV- 
 
 JOHN BROWN S AUTOGRAPH. 
 
 One of the jail-guard, a worthy gentleman of 
 this place, asked of Captain Brown his autograph, 
 He expressed the kindest feeling for him, and 
 said he would give it upon this consideration — 
 that he should not make a speculation out of it. 
 The gentleman never alluded to the subject 
 again, but on the morning of execution Brown 
 sent for him, and handed him the following com- 
 munication : — 
 
 Charlestown, Va., 
 
 December, 2nd, 1859. 
 I, John Brown, am now quite certain that the 
 crimes of this guilty land will never be purged 
 

 io6 
 
 li( ■'• 
 
 
 p'- 
 
 r: 1 
 
 
 
 i* 
 
 IlK 
 
 
 
 Rccoll€ctio7is and Experiences 
 
 away but with blood. I had, as I now think, 
 vainly flattered myself that, without much blood- 
 shed, it might be done. 
 
 VICTOR HUGO ON JOHN BROWN. 
 
 The following is part of an address which has 
 been published : — 
 
 When we reflect on what Brown, the liberator, 
 the champion of Christ, has striven to efi"ect, and 
 when we remember that he is about to die, 
 slaughtered by the American Republic, the 
 crime assumes the proportions of the nation 
 which commits it ; and when we say to our- 
 selves that this nation is a glory of the human 
 race ; that — like France, like England, like Ger- 
 many — she ^s one of the organs of civilization ; 
 that she sometimes even outmarches Europe by 
 the sublime audacity of her progress ; that she 
 is the queen of an entire world ; and that she 
 bears on her brow an immense light of freedom, 
 we afiirm that John Brown will not die, for we 
 recoil, horror-struck, from the idea of so great a 
 crime committed by so sreat 
 
 people. 
 
 In a political light, the murder of Brown 
 would be an irreparable fault. It would pene- 
 trate the Union with a secret fissure, which 
 would in the end tear it asunder. It is possible 
 that the execution of Brown might consolidate 
 
ffl 
 
 Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 107 
 
 rn 
 
 slavery in Virginia, but it is certain that it would 
 convulse the entire American democracy. You 
 preserve your shame, but you sacrifice your glory. 
 
 In a moral light, it seems to me that a portion 
 of the light of humanity would be eclipsed — that 
 even the idea of justice and injustice would be 
 obscured on the day which should witness the 
 assassination of emancipation by liberty. 
 
 As for myself, though I am but an atom, yet 
 being, as I am, in common with all other men^ 
 inspired with the conscience of humanity, I 
 kneel in tears before the great starry banner of 
 the New World, and with clasped hands, and 
 with profound and filial respect, I implore the 
 illustrious American republic, sister of the French 
 republic, to look to the safety of the universal 
 moral law, to save Brown, to throw down the 
 threatening scaffold of the i6th of December^ 
 and not to suffer, beneath its eyes, and I add, 
 with a shudder, almost by its fault, the first 
 fratricide be outdone. 
 
 For — yes, let America know it, and ponder it 
 well — there is something more terrible than 
 Cain slaying Abel — it is Washington slaying 
 Sparticus. 
 
 Victor Hugo. 
 
 Hauteville House, Dec. 2, 1859. 
 
io8 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 
 
 \M' 
 
 JOHN BROWN SONG. 
 
 John Brown died on a scaffold for the slave ; 
 Dark was the hour when we dug his hallowed grave ; 
 Now God avenges the life he gladly gave, — 
 Freedom reigns to-day ! 
 
 Glory, glory, hallelujah. 
 Glory, glory, hallelujah. 
 Glory, glory, hallelujah, 
 Freedom reigns to-day ! 
 
 John Brown sowed, and his harvesters are we ; 
 Honour to him who has made the bondmen free ! 
 Loved ever more shall our noble ruler be ; 
 Freedom reigns to-day ! 
 
 Glory, glory, hallelujah. 
 
 Glory, &c. 
 
 
 John Brown's body lies mouldering in the grave ; 
 Bright, o'er the sod, let the starry banner wave ; 
 IjO ! for the millions he perilled all to save, 
 Freedom reigns to-day ! 
 Glory, &c. 
 
 John Brown's soul through the world is marching on ; 
 Hail to the hour when oppression shall be gone I 
 All men will sing, in the better ages' dawn. 
 Freedom reigns to-day. 
 Glory, &c. 
 
 John Brown dwells where the battle-strife is o'er ; 
 Hate cannot harm him, nor sorrow stir him more ; 
 Earth will remember the martyrdom he bore ; 
 Freedom reigns to-day \ 
 Glory, &c. 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 John Brown's soul L*,': ^T"'^ °^ *^« l>'«ve ; 
 T?r« 1 ^'«^^' joy can crave • 
 
 Freedom reigns to-day » ' 
 
 GJory, glory, hallelujah f 
 
 G ory, glory, hallelujah I 
 
 Fr« ^ '^' ^^'''^' hallelujah ! 
 Freedom reigns to-day ! 
 
 —Edna A. Proctor. 
 
 109 
 
 ir 
 
 I 
 
 lii- 
 
 I'.' 
 
 I 
 
I! ^HI'i 
 
 ^2 
 
 '^fSMi^ 
 
 to 1,1 
 
 I 
 
 i 1 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 AT WORK IN KENTUCKY. 
 
 FEW months after the death of John 
 Brown, I felt impelled to go again into 
 the land of darkness and slavery, and 
 make another effort to help the oppressed to 
 freedom. This time I decided to make Ken- 
 tucky my field of labour. I consequently went 
 to Louisville, where I remained for a few days 
 looking about for a suitable locality for my 
 work. I finally decided, to go down to Har- 
 rodsburg, in the character of one in search of a 
 farm. Securing a few letters from land agents 
 in Louisville, introducing me as Mr. Hawkins, 
 of Canada, I reached Harrodsburg in due time. 
 After a little enquiry, I learned that a Mr. 
 
 B , five miles from that place, had a very 
 
 desirable farm for sale. Securing a conveyance, 
 
 I was driven out to Mr. B 's, who received 
 
 me in a friendly manner, when he learned 
 that I was in search of a farm, and invited me 
 
Of an Abolitiofiist 
 
 . Ill 
 
 to remain with him wWa t 
 
 conveyancc bTk 1 H '""f^"°". and sent the 
 
 familv 7 Harrodsburg. Mr B ■! 
 
 family consisted of.him<iPlf -r '^ 
 
 ^■"all children. He Z\ '^'' "'"' ">^^« 
 farm on vvliid, J,/ N ?' °""'^'' ^f the 
 
 hundred ac," He alo """■?"'" "' "-- 
 '"^ and women .„H '"'"'''' "''•~^^" '^'ave 
 He inforn,ed nTe ,nu, Tf ''''"' ^""'"■-• 
 "- farn, and stoelc ex ot t, t""'"''^'' '° -" 
 and remove to Te^as "^ r. ■ ''"'"'" ^''^«^1'. 
 conversations upon dt' , u"""^ ""^ '"'''^l"^"' 
 climate, soi,, etc. I ", "d ^e" °' '''""'' ■''-'^- 
 espccially if any of 1'!''^ °PPortunity, 
 ^'""de to Canada Z f T' "'^''^ "'=«■•. 'o 
 -' fail to oCe the "f ' '"'""■ ' '^''d 
 evinced by the s Lve. ''"' ''"'P '■"''-'■^^' 
 
 the third day'f ;;;. " ""'^ -"vc'sations. On 
 the farm were 2nT\ °"'' "=S°"^tions about 
 
 considered-a f. P' °f''""8^-^^hat «■■■ B 
 
 v-icu — a lavourab p r-^,-,^1 • 
 
 casually informed me that ,°"?"; ^'''^" ''^ 
 ■■" Frankfort, and Zt ff .""^''''^eds were 
 pleased with the farm L "'',T °"'''' --^^P^"^ 
 fort and bring the T;^;^"' ^° '° ^'•-'^- 
 expressed mv sati^f!! ^ 'nspection. I 
 
 tow him I tUg f helr'n '"'^ '"'""• '^"'^ 
 deeds that I migM look 1 ""'='" "^""^ the 
 following mornTng he left fop" 7"- «" "^^ 
 leaving, I asked him to allf """°''- ^^'"°^- 
 
 to allow one of the slaves 
 
■■i i 
 
 112 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 to accompany me to the woods, while I amused 
 myself j^unning. He replied that I might take 
 any of them I pleased. I selected a bright, 
 intelligent looking mulatto, whom I had frequently 
 noticed listening most attentively to my conver- 
 sation with his master. When we reached the 
 woods, he begged and implored me to buy him 
 and take him to Canada. 
 
 
 'Hi \H 
 
 A WIFE TORN FROM HER HUSBAND AND SOLD. 
 
 He told me that his master had sold his wife, 
 to whom he had been married only a month, to 
 a hotel-keeper in Covington, he spoke of his 
 deep love for her ; that his master was going to 
 take him to Texas, and that he should never see 
 her again. The tears rolled down the poor fellow's 
 cheeks in streams. I told him to cheer up ; 
 that I would do my best to liberate him. I 
 then confided to him the object that brought 
 me there ; and told him that if liberty was 
 precious to him he must prepare to make great 
 efforts and sacrifices for it. I explained to him 
 that if he could reach Cincinnati, Ohio, he would 
 be safe from his pursuers, and that he would be 
 sheltered and pn^tected until he reached Canada. 
 I then gave him the address of a friend in 
 Cincinnati on whom he could rely for protec- 
 tion, and also furnished him with some money, 
 a pistol, and pocket-compass for the journey 
 
Of a)i Abolitionist, 
 
 to the Ohio. When h . , "^ 
 
 vent ],;., capture. He ..r, ? f """'P' '° i'-^e- 
 vice, and said, "Mas'a n "'^ ""^ P''^^"' '"«-■ a 
 I am not killed." \ tw! ^f '° ^'''"e'nnati. if 
 .'he other slaves were ctTbl"-' '"'" ''' ^"J- °f 
 J°-"ey. For a mor^e U t " °' ""'"'^■•''"^■'•"1.' the 
 'hen he replied, "No na a'":,''''™'' """'^•'•"ff. 
 gers ; don't you trust dem f ' j T "*= ''^^ "'?- 
 "-o'lv on faithfully until S^f 7 ""'' ''im to 
 now Weclnesdayland ',f';^ f/ "-ght-it was 
 "on to leave at midnii^h? Tl ^^'''^ P^Pa^a- 
 '-vel by night only ^ J," 1'?^' ^^y- -d to 
 d'^ect to Covi„gto/„„ ;2,^^^^"» should go 
 deavour to liberate his wife th^' '"'I ^"""''^ '^- 
 he would find her at th„ t ' ' ''^ ^ succeeded 
 
 ;■' ^^'ncinnati. wh^sl^J^ tsTh'^"^"^'""-^ 
 J advsed him to carry vShL'^ ^'^^" '"■'"• 
 a^ possible, so as to avoid ex no '' r'"* '"""d 
 J°"™ey. Poor Peter w., '^ f "*■" ^'"'^ "^ h's 
 P^spects; so much soTnl"?"^ ^'^^ ^"h his 
 to repress his feelings for £ L"" ' "'■^^'' him 
 be noticed by his S^ *"" '^°"''"et would 
 
 particular disHk^tr 'w' "'^ ^^^ ''"'"hed a 
 from his wife. Mrs B Tt '"' ^^Paration 
 
 wicked niffffer • th,*' " me he was a 
 
 -'d the S'P t ITd fl%''^- ^— "^d 
 "vengeful ; that she hSed . ' f """^ ="'' 
 
 could not understand toPe^rhaH^" ^~~- 
 8 ^ter had any right. 
 
114 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 not even the right to sorrow, when his wife was 
 torn from him and sold to a stranger. 
 
 On Thursday, Mr. B returned. He had 
 
 been unsuccessful in obtaining the deeds, and 
 told me that his lawyers in Louisville, were 
 willing I should have every facility to examine 
 them in their office, if I pleased ; but, as they 
 held a small mortgage on the property, they 
 were unwilling to permit the deeds to go out 
 of their possession. This was very satisfactory, 
 and afforded me an opportunity to get away 
 without creating suspicion. During the night, 
 previous to my departure, I obtained an inter- 
 view with Peter, and reiterated my injunctions 
 to be brave, cautious, and persevering, while on 
 the journey, and again impressed upon his 
 memory my instructions. Poor fellow ! his eyes 
 filled with tears when I told him I was going 
 direct to Covington next day, and should try and 
 free his wife. When I bid him good-bye, he 
 frantically kissed my hand, saying, "Tell Polly 
 I'll be dere, sure. Tell her to wait for me." 
 
 Oh ! Ti/hat a vile, wicked institution was that 
 which could make merchandise of such a man 
 as stood before me ! Yet, monstrous and cruel 
 as it was, it had its apologists and abettors 
 in the North ; while from every pulpit in the 
 
Of an Abolitionht. 
 
 115 
 
 Slave States went forth the declaration, that 
 "slavery was a wise and beneficent institution, 
 devised by God for the protection of an inferior 
 
 race. 
 
 On Friday morning I left, ostensibly for 
 Louisville, but went to Covington, which place 
 I reached on the following day. I had no diffi- 
 culty in finding the hotel, having got the name 
 of Polly's owner from Peter. It was a poorly 
 kept hostelry ; the proprietor evidently had no 
 knowledge of hotel-keeping. I however took 
 quarters with him, and found him a very com- 
 municative man. He informed me he had been 
 a farmer until within a year past, but finding that 
 farming on a small scale was unprofitable, he 
 had sold out, and bought this hotel. He was 
 the owner of two negroes, a man and woman ; 
 " the gal was likely, but mighty spunky." He 
 had paid twelve hundred dollars for her to Mr» 
 B — 
 
 — , near Harrodsburg. He wanted her to 
 " take ip * with his negro boy, but she refused. 
 He htid ihreatened to send her to New Orleans 
 fc f.ale, if she would no^ obey him. He 
 reck'.'i^J she would be glac •> "take up "with 
 him before long ; a good whipping generally 
 bro\ijjht them to their senses. He knew how to 
 mar age such. The gal would bring sixteen 
 hundred or two thousand dollars in New Orleans, 
 becauf>e she ^vas hiiiiy. 
 
ii6 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 m : i. 
 
 m-: -i 
 
 '' i 
 
 Before retiring that night, I requested the land- 
 lord to send to my room some warm water for 
 a bath. He said he would send the girl up 
 with it as soon as it was ready. In le^js than half 
 an hour, the water was placed in my rooir by a 
 bright, intelligent, straight-haired mulatto o^irl, 
 apparently twenty years of age. As soon as she 
 entered the room, I directed her to close the 
 door, and said in a whisper, "Are you Polly, 
 from Harrodsburg .-*" She looked at nie with a 
 frightened look, "Yes, massa, I is," she said. ' 
 told her I had seen her husband, Peter, and th^t 
 he was going to run away from his master on 
 Sunday night ; that I had friends in Cincinnati 
 where he was going, who would secrete him until 
 she could join him, when they would both be 
 sent to Canada. She stood like a statue, while 
 I was talking. I directed her to get ready to 
 meet me on the following night, at twelve o'clock, 
 in front of the post office ; that I should leave 
 the hotel in the morning and make preparations 
 to have her taken across the river to the Ohio 
 shore. She was so much amazed that for a mo- 
 ment she was unable to speak ; at last she said, 
 "Please, massa, tell me it over again." I re- 
 peated my instructions as rapidly as possible for 
 fear I should be interrupted ; and warned her 
 against betraying herself by any outward expres- 
 sion of her feelings. When I concluded, she 
 
 
 r 
 
 ■M 
 
 
Of an Abolitionist . 
 
 117 
 
 said, " Oh, massa, I'll pray to God for you — I'll 
 be dere sure." She then left the room. Next 
 morning I delayed coming down to breakfast 
 until after tlie regular breakfast was over, hoping 
 to obtain another opportunity of charging her 
 memory with the mstructioiis already given. 
 I was fortunate — she served the table. When 
 I was leaving the table, I said to her, " To-night, 
 at tivclve d clock, snrcr She replied in a whisper, 
 "God will help me, massa, I'll try to." After 
 breakfast, I went to Cincinnati and with the 
 aid of friends, made arrangements to cross to 
 Covington at eleven o'clock that night. 
 
 11 
 
 
 
 
 LIBERATION OF THE WIFE. 
 
 Before dark on Sunday evening, I had com- 
 pleted all my arrangements. A short time be- 
 fore midnight, I crossed the river in a small boat 
 with two good assistants. Leaving them in 
 charge of the boat, I went up to the post office, 
 which I reached a few minutes before twelve. 
 I waited patiently for nearly half an hour, when 
 I observed a dark object approaching rapidly at 
 a distance of several hundred yards from where 
 I stood. As soon as I recognized the form, I 
 went toward her, and, telling her to follow me, 
 I turned down a dark street, and w^nt toward 
 the river. We had made but little progress 
 
 I ' 
 
 i 
 
ii8 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 before we were stopped by a night watchman, 
 who said, " Where are you going ?" I replied 
 by putting a dollar in his hand and saying, 
 it's all right. He became oblivious, and passed 
 on his beat, greatly to my peace of mind. We 
 soon reached the boat ; she crouched down in 
 the bow, and we left the Kentucky shore. 
 
 CROSSING THE OHIO. 
 
 H ^P- 
 
 Vk% 
 
 :#, I 
 
 In a .>\: .t time we were safe across the river, 
 and placing my charge in a cab which I had ready 
 at the shore, we drove rapidly up into the city 
 within a few blocks of my friend's residence. I 
 then dismissed the cab, and we wended our way 
 through several streets, until I reached the rear 
 entrance to the house of my friend. We were 
 admitted, and received the kind attention of our 
 generous and liberty-loving host. Poor Polly^ 
 who had never before been treated with such 
 kindness, said to me : "Massa, is I free now T' I 
 told her she was now free from her master ; and 
 that, as soon as her husband arrived, they both 
 would be sent to Cleveland, where I would meet 
 them, and help them across to Canada, where 
 they would be as free as the whites. Bidding 
 her and my noble hearted friend good-by, I 
 took the first train on Monday morning for 
 Cleveland. On my arrival there, I drove a few 
 

 Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 119 
 
 miles into the country to the house of a friend 
 of the cause, where I remained waiting for news 
 of Peter's arrival in Cincinnati. On Friday 
 morning I received a letter informing me that 
 Peter had arrived safely, though his feet were 
 torn and sore. The meeting between husband 
 and wife was described as most affecting. On 
 Monday evening following, I received another 
 letter stating that freight car No. 705, had been 
 hired to convey a box containing one ** package of 
 hardware," and one of " dry goods," to Cleveland. 
 The letter also contained the key of the car. 
 The train containing this particular car was to 
 leave Cincinnati on Tuesday morning, and would 
 reach Cleveland, sometime during the evening of 
 the same day. I had but a short time conse- 
 quently to make preparations to convey the 
 fugitives across the lake. 
 
 A KENTUCKIAN IN SEARCH OF HIS CHATTEL. 
 
 v'V 
 
 On Tuesday morning, my good friend with 
 whom I had been stopping, drove me into Cleve- 
 land. As we passed the American House, I 
 caught sight of my Kentucky host standing in 
 front of the hotel. He did not observe me, 
 however, and we continued on our way to the 
 lake shore. I then sent my friend back to make 
 the acquaintance of the Kentuckian, and learn 
 
 
r 
 
 ■!"»WP 
 
 if 
 
 m 
 
 i 'is 
 
 ^4 
 
 |;L.| 
 
 120 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 the object of his visit to Cleveland. After a 
 long search, I found a schooner loading for Port 
 Stanley, Canada. The skipper said they would 
 be ready to sail on the following day if the 
 wind was favourable. I soon learned that the 
 captain was a Freemason, and confided to him 
 my secret. The result was, his agreement to 
 stow my freight away safely as soon as they 
 came on board, and carry them to Canada I 
 then returned to a locality agreed upon with 
 my friend, whom I found waiting for me, and was 
 then driven to the country. On the way out, 
 mv friend informed me that he had made the 
 acquaintance of the Kentuckian, who felt very 
 sore over the loss of his slave ; but he did not 
 express any suspicion of me. He said he was 
 having posters printed, offering a reward of five 
 hundred dollars for the capture of the girl. 
 Toward night, I again went into the city, and 
 my friend made enquiry at the freight office of 
 the railroad, and ascertained that the train 
 containing car 705, would be in at 10 p.m. We 
 then went to a hotel near the depot, and 
 remained until the train came. I found the 
 car, and my faithful friend brought his carriage 
 as near as he could safely, without attracting 
 attention. I unlocked the door of the car, went 
 in, and closed the door after me. Listening 
 ciarefully, I could not detect the slightest signs 
 
 i 
 
 
tmm 
 
 1 
 
 0/ an Abolitionist. 
 
 121 
 
 of life in the car. I called in a low voice : 
 "Peter." A reply came at once : "Yes, massa, 
 shall I open the box .''" The two poor creatures 
 were in a dry-goods box, sufficiently large 
 to permit them to sit upright. I helped them 
 out of the box, and making sure that no 
 stranger was near, opened the door of the 
 car, and led them quickly to the carriage. 
 We then drove rapidly away to the boat, and 
 secreted the fu .fitives in the cabin. I then bid mv 
 friend farewell, as I had decided not to leave the 
 two faithful creatures until they were safe in 
 Canada. 
 
 SAFE ARRIVAL OF MAN AND WIFE IN CANADA. 
 
 After midnight the breeze freshened up, and 
 we made sail for the land of freedom. We had 
 a rough and tedious voyage, and did not reach 
 Canada until near night on the following day. 
 When our little vessel was safely moored along- 
 side the pier, I led my two companions on shore, 
 and told them they were now in a land where 
 freedom v>as guaranteed to all. And we kneeled 
 together on the soil of Canada, and thanked 
 the Almighty Father for his aid and protec- 
 tion. Two happier beings I never saw. Next 
 day I took them to London, and obtained situa- 
 tions for both Peter and his wife. I succeeded 
 
FT 
 
 122 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 also in enlisting the kind interest of several prom- 
 inent persons in their behalf, to whom I related 
 their experience. 
 
 NET RESULTS. 
 
 ill! 
 
 « 
 
 
 Thc next three months I spent in Canada, 
 visiting those refugees in whom I had taken a. 
 personal interest. I found six in Chatham, two 
 in London, four in Hamilton, two in Amherstburg, 
 and one in Toronto — fifteen in all ; while several 
 others had gone from Carada to New England. 
 
 It afforded me great satisfaction to find them 
 sober, industrious members of society. It has 
 often been remarked by both Canadians and 
 visitors from the States, that the negro refugees 
 in Canada were superior specimens of their race. 
 The observation is true, for none but superior 
 specimens could hope to reach Canada. The 
 difficulties and dangers of the route, and the 
 fact that they were often closely followed for 
 weeks, not only by human foes, but by blood- 
 hounds as well, required the exercise of rare 
 qualities of mind and body. Their route would 
 often lay through dismal swamps inhabited only 
 by wild animals and poisonous reptiles. Some- 
 times the distance between the land of bondage 
 and freedom was several hundreds of miles, every 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 123 
 
 \ 
 
 mile of which had to be traversed on foot. It 
 is, indeed, surprising that so large a number of 
 fugitives succeeded in reaching Canada, con- 
 sidering the obstacles they had to contend with 
 on their long and dangerous journey. 
 
 When I reflect upon the dangers that sur- 
 rounded me during that stormy period, I ac- 
 knowledge my indebtedness to God for Mis 
 protection and support during my labours in 
 behalf of the oppressed people of the Southern 
 States ; and, although the results of my efforts 
 were insignificant in comparison to what I hoped 
 to accomplish when I began the work in 1855, 
 I still rejoice that I was enabled to do what 
 little I did for the poor and despised coloured 
 people of the Slave States. 
 
 NUMBKR OF REFUGEE NEGROES IN CANADA. 
 
 The number of refugee negroes living in 
 Canada, at the outbreak of the slaveholder's 
 rebellion, was not far short of forty thousand. 
 Probably more than half of them were manu- 
 mitted slaves who, in consequence of unjust 
 laws, were compelled to leave the States where 
 they were manumitted. Many of these negroes 
 settled in the Northern States, but the greater 
 portion of them came to Canada. 
 
 i\p 
 
124 
 
 til 
 
 iii'i I 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 THK FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW. 
 
 When the Fugitive Slave Law was enacted in 
 1850, it carried terror to every person of African 
 blood, in the Free States. Stung with hopeless 
 despair, more than six thousand Christian men 
 and women fled from their homes, and sought 
 refuge under the flag of Britain in Ciinada. In 
 the words of Charles Sumner : " The Free States 
 became little better than a huge outlying planta- 
 tion, quivering under the lash of the overseer ; 
 or rather they were a diversified hunting ground 
 for the flying bondman, resounding always with 
 the * halloo' of the huntsman. There seemed to 
 be no rest. The chase was hardly finished at 
 Boston, before it broke out at Philadelphia, Syra- 
 cuse, or Buffalo, and then again raged furiously 
 over the prairies of the west. Not a case occur- 
 red which did not shock the conscience of the 
 country, and sting it with anger. The records 
 of the time attest the accuracy of this statement. 
 Perhaps there is no instance in history where 
 human passion showed itself in grander forms of 
 €xpression, or where eloquence lent all her gifts 
 more completely to the demands of liberty, than 
 the speech of Theodore Parker, (now dead and 
 buried in a foreign land), denouncing the capture 
 of Thomas Simms at Boston, and invoking the 
 judgment of God and man upon the agents in 
 

 Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 125 
 
 this wickedness. The great effort cannot be for- 
 gotten in the history of humanity. But every 
 case pleaded with an eloquence of its own, until 
 at last one of those tragedies occurred which 
 darken the heavens, and cry out with a voice that 
 will be heard. It was the voice of a mother 
 standing over her murdered child. Margaret 
 Garner had escaped from slavery with three 
 children, but she was overtaken at Cincinnati. 
 Unwilling to see her offspring returned to the 
 shambles of the South, this unhappy person, 
 described in the testimony as 'a womanly, 
 amiable, affectionate mother,' determined to 
 save them in the only way within her power. 
 With a butcher knife, coolly and deliberately, 
 she took the life of one of the children, described 
 as * almost white, and a little girl of rare beauty,' 
 and attempted, without success, to take the life 
 of the other two. To the preacher who interro- 
 gated her, she exclaimed : * The child is my 
 own, given me of God to do the best a mother 
 could in its behalf. I have done the best I 
 could ; I would have done more and better for 
 the rest ; I knew it was better for them to go 
 home to God than back to slavery.' But she 
 was restrained in her purpose, ^'iie Fugitive 
 Slave Act triumphed, and after the determina- 
 tion of sundry questions of jurisdiction, this 
 devoted historic mother, with the two children 
 
126 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 that remained to her, and the dead body of the 
 httle one just emancipated, was escorted by a 
 national guard of armed men to the doom of 
 slavery. But her case did not end with ' •<5 
 revolting sacrince. So long as the human n^-art 
 is moved by human suffering, the story of this 
 mother will be read with alternate anger and 
 grief, while it is studied as a perpetual witness 
 to the slaveholding tyranny which then ruled the 
 Republic with execrable exactions, destined at 
 last to break out in war, as the sacrifice of 
 Virginia by her father is a perpetual witness to 
 the deccmviral tyranny which ruled Rome. But 
 liberty is always priceless. There are other 
 instances less known in which kindred w % 
 has been done. Every case was a tragt^^ - 
 under the forms of law. Worse than poisoned 
 bowl or dagger was the certificate of a United 
 States commissioner — who was allowed, without 
 interruption, to continue his dreadful trade." 
 
 THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1860. 
 
 During no previous presidential election, (ex- 
 cept that of 1856, when Fremont and Buchanan 
 were the candidates), was there so much excite- 
 ment on the slavery question as that of i860, 
 when Lincoln, Breckinridge, Bell, and Douglas 
 were the candidates. 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 127 
 
 To enable my readers to form a correct idea 
 as to the political positions occupied by the 
 different candidates towards the institution of 
 slavery, I give below the "slavery plank of each 
 platform " on which the presidential candidates 
 went before the people for their suffrages : — 
 
 REPUBLICAN NATIONAL (LINCOLN) PLATFORM. 
 
 Adopted at Chicago ISOO. 
 
 Jiesolved, That wo, the delegated representatives of the 
 Republican electors of the United StateH, in Convention 
 assendded, in diaeluirgc of the duty we owe to our constituents 
 and our country, unite in the following declarations : — 
 
 1. That the history of tli nation, during the last four years, 
 has fully established the jjiopriety and necessity of the organ- 
 ization and periJetuation of the Kei)ublican party, and that 
 the causes which called it into existence are permanent in 
 their nature, and now, more than ever before, demand its 
 peaceful and constitutional triumph. 
 
 2. That the maintenance of the principles i)romulgated in 
 the Declaration of Independence and end)odied in the Federal 
 Constitution, "That all men are created equal; that they are 
 endowed by their creator with certain inalienable rights ; that 
 among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness ; 
 that to secure these rights, goverments are instituted among 
 men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the 
 ffovemed," is essential to the preservation of our Republican 
 institutions ; and that the Federal Constitution, the Rights of 
 the States, and the Union of the States, must and shall be 
 preserved. 
 
 7. That the new dogma, that the Constitution, of its own 
 force, carries Slavery into any or all of the Territories of the 
 United States, is a dangerous political heresy, at variance 
 with the explicit provisions of that instrument itself, with 
 contemporaneous exposition, and with legislative and judicial 
 precedent ; is revolutionary in its tendency, and subversive of 
 the peace and harmony of the country. 
 
h 
 
 <ij 
 
 1: (ill ;: 
 
 128 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 8. That the normal condition of all the territory of the 
 United States is that of freedom ; That as our llepublican 
 fathers, when they had abolished Slavery in all our national 
 territory, ordained that "no person should be deprived of 
 life, liV)erty, or propei'ty, without due process of law," it 
 becomes our duty, by legislation, whenever such legislation is 
 necessary, to maintion this provision of the Constitution 
 against all attempts to violate it ; and we deny the authority 
 of Congress, of a tHrritorial legislature, or of any individuals, 
 to give legal ex'stence to Slavery in any Territory of the 
 United States. 
 
 9. That we brand the recent re-opening of the African 
 slave-trade, under the cover of our national flag, aided by 
 perversions of judicial power, as a crime against humanity 
 and a burning shame to our country and age ; and we call 
 upon Congress to take prompt and eflSoicut measures for the 
 total and hnal suppression of that execrable traffic. 
 
 NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC (DOUGLAS) PLATFORM. 
 
 Adopted at Charleston and Baltimore, 1860. 
 
 L Resolved, That we, the Democracy of the Union, in Con- 
 vention assembled, hereby declare our affirmance of the follow- 
 ing resolutions : — 
 
 Resolved, That the enactments of State Legislatures to 
 defeat the faithful execution of the Fugitive Slave Law, are 
 hostile in character, subversive of the Constitution, and revo- 
 lutionary in their eifect. 
 
 Resolved, That it is in accordance with the true interpreta- 
 tion of the Cincinnati Platform, that, during the existence of 
 the Territorial Governments, the measure of restriction, what- 
 ever it may be, imposed by the Federal Constitution on the 
 power of the Territorial Legislature over the subject of the 
 domestic relations, as the same has been, or shall hereafter be, 
 finally determined by the Supreme Court of the United 
 States, shall be respected by all good citizens, and enforced 
 with promptness and fidelity by every branch of the General 
 Government. 
 
 ill I"! 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 129 
 
 NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC (BRECKINRIDGE) 
 PLATFORM. 
 
 Adopted at Charleston and Baltimore, 1860. 
 
 Resolved, That the Platform adopted by the Democratic 
 party at Cincinnati be affirmed, with the following explanatory 
 Resolutions : — 
 
 1. That the Government of a Territory organized by an Act 
 of Congress, is provisional and temporary ; and during its 
 existence, all citizens of the United States have an equal right 
 to settle with their property in the Territory', without their 
 rights, either of person or property, being destroyed or 
 impaired by Cong:.*e8sional or Territorial legislation. 
 
 2. That it is the duty of the Federal Government, in all its 
 departments, to protect, when necessary, the rights of persons 
 and property in the Territories, and wherever else its consti- 
 tutional authority extends. 
 
 3. That when the settlers in a Territory having an adequate 
 population, form a State Constitution, in pursuance of law, 
 the right of sovereignity commences, and, being consummated 
 by admission into the Union, they stand on an equal footing 
 with the people of other States ; and the State thus organized 
 ought to be admitted into the Federal Uiiion, whetner its 
 Constitution prohibits or recognizes the institution of Slavery. 
 
 5. That the enactments of State Legislatures to defeat the 
 faithful execution of the Fugitive Slave Law are hostile in 
 character, subversive of the Constitution, and revolutionary 
 in their eflfect. 
 
 : ( 
 
 lii 
 
 iVr 
 
 CONSTITUTIONAL UNION (BELL-EVERETT) 
 PLATFORM. 
 
 Adopted at Baltimore, 1860. 
 
 Whereas, Experience has demonstrated that Platforms 
 adopted by the partisan conventions of the country have had 
 the efifect to mislead and deceive the people, and at the same 
 time to widen the political divisions of the country, by the 
 creation and encouragement of geographical and sectional 
 parties ; therefore, 
 
 9 
 
130 
 
 Recollections and Experieiices 
 
 • 1 
 
 Resolved, That it is both the part of patriotism and of duty 
 to recognize no political principle other than the Constitution 
 OF THE Country, the Union of the States, and the En- 
 forcement OF THE Laws, and that as representatives of the 
 Constitutional Union men of the country in National Conven- 
 tion assembled, we hereby pledge ourselves to obtain, protect, 
 and defend, separately and unitedly, these great principles of 
 public liberty and national safety, against all enemies at home 
 and abroad, believing that thereby i)eace may once more be 
 i-estored to the country, the rights of the People and of the 
 States re-established, and the Governmert again placed in 
 that condition, of justice, fraternity, a? aquality, which 
 under the example and Constitution oi our fathers, has 
 solemnly bound every citizen of the United States to maintain 
 a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tran- 
 quility, provide for the common defence, promote tl >e general 
 welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and 
 our posterity. 
 
 ELECTORAL VOTE, PRESIDENTAL ELECTION OF 
 
 1860. 
 
 For Lincoln and Hamlin 180 
 
 For Breckinridge and Lane 72 
 
 For Bell and Everett 39 
 
 For Douglas and Johnson 12 
 
 \^^lole Electoral Vote 303 
 
 Lincoln's majority over all 57 
 
 When enough returns from the election had been received 
 to render it certain that Abraham Lincoln would be the next 
 President, public meetings were held in the city of Charleston 
 and in other places in the State of South Carolina, at which 
 resolutions were adopted in favor of the Secession of the State 
 from the Union. 
 
 DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE OF SOUTH 
 
 CAROLINA. 
 
 I i 
 
 Done in Convention, December 24, 1860. 
 
 The State of South Carolina, having determined to resume 
 her separate and equal place among nations, deems it due to 
 
 K\ 
 
180 
 72 
 39 
 12 
 
 303 
 
 1 57 
 
 :h 
 
 9ume 
 le to 
 
 Of an Abolitionist, 
 
 131 
 
 herself, to the remaining United States of America, and to 
 the nations of the world, that she should declare the causes 
 which have led to this act. 
 
 We affirm that these ends for which this government waa 
 instituted have been defeated, and the government itself has 
 been made destructive of them by the action of the non-slave- 
 holding States. These States have assumed the right of 
 deciding upon the propriety of our domestic institutions, and 
 have denied the rights of property established in fifteen of the 
 States and recognized by the Constitution ; they have de- 
 nounced as sinful the institution of slavery ; they have 
 permitted the open establishment among them of societies 
 whose avowed object is to disturb the peace and to eloin the 
 property of the citizens of other States. They have encouraged 
 and assisted thousands of our slaves to leave their homes, and 
 those who remain have been incited by emissaries to servile 
 insurrection. 
 
 Sectional interest and animosity will deepen the irritation, 
 and all hope of remedy is rendered vain by the fact that 
 public opinion at the north has invested a great political error 
 with the sanctions of a more erroneous religious belief. 
 
 We, therefore, the people of South Carolina, appealing to 
 the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our 
 intentions, have solemnly declared that the union heretofore 
 existing between this State and the other States of North 
 America is dissolved, and that the State of South Carolina has 
 resumed her position among the nations of the world as a free, 
 sovereign, and independent State. 
 
 And for the support of this declaration, with a firm reliance 
 on the protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge 
 to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor. 
 
 On the same day the remaining representa- 
 tives in Congress from South Carolina vacated 
 their seats and returned home ; and thus began 
 the slaveholders' rebellion. 
 
I ; 
 
 ! !( 
 
 ii' 
 
 if 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 THE slaveholders' REBELLION. 
 
 OR many months after the death of John 
 Brown, I felt that the defeat of his plans 
 at Harper's Ferry was a great calamity to 
 the enslaved. I saw nothing in store for them but 
 toil and bondage for another generation. For who, 
 at that time, foresaw the mighty conflict that was 
 soon to be inaugurated by the haughty slave- 
 holders, in which they and their cherished insti- 
 tution were to be completely overthrown. 
 
 The seed sown at Harper's Ferry, had fallen 
 into rich soil. The slaveholders were convinced 
 that unless they could obtain from the North 
 further guarantees for the protection of the insti- 
 tution of slavery — that secession from the Free 
 States was their only salvation. Their insolent 
 demands upon the North were met by a quiet 
 
Of an Abolitionist 
 
 133 
 
 determination upon the part of the people ; that 
 not another foot of the public domain should be 
 given up to slavery. Northern politicians had 
 become so accustomed to yielding obedience to 
 the commands of the slave drivers, that strong 
 efforts were made to effect a compromise with 
 the pro-slavery leaders in Congress. 
 
 ill ^ J 
 
 But the patience of the peace-loving people of 
 the Free States, was at length exhausted ; they 
 had submitted to the outrageous provisions of 
 the Fugitive Slave Law ; they had looked on and 
 seen the champions of freedom in Congress in- 
 sulted and assaulted by the slave drivers of the 
 South ; they had borne for years the taunts and 
 sneers of the Southern chivalry ; and now, they 
 resolved to assert their just rights and privileges 
 as citizens of a free country. 
 
 The threats and demands of the slaveholders 
 were treated with the contempt they deserved. 
 
 CONFIDENTIAL SERVICE IN CANADA. 
 
 A few months after the inauguration of Presi- 
 dent Lincoln, I received a letter from a friend in 
 Washington, requesting mc to visit him at my 
 very earliest convenience ; that he desired to 
 confer with me on a subject of importance. 
 
 \\:\ 
 !<■■ 
 
134 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 
 I 
 
 ' 8) 
 
 1 :1 
 
 i 
 
 
 The day after my arrival in Washington, my 
 friend introduced me to the President. Mr. 
 Lincoln received me very cordially, and invited 
 me to dine with him that day. Assembled at 
 the President's table were several prominent 
 gentlemen, to whom Mr. Lincoln introduced me 
 as " a red-hot abolitionist from Canada." 
 
 One of the guests, a prominent member of 
 Congress (severely injured in after years by 
 coming in contact with the Credit Mobilier), 
 remarked, in a slurring manner, that he wished 
 all the negroes of the United States would 
 emigrate to Canada, as we Canadians were so 
 fond of them. Mr. Lincoln said : '* It would be 
 all the better for the negroes, that's certain." 
 
 "Yes," I replied, a little warmly, "it would 
 be all the better for the negroes ; for, under our 
 flag, the blackest negro is entitled to, and freely 
 accorded every right and privilege enjoyed by 
 native Canadians. We make no distinction in 
 respect to the colour of a man's skin. It is true, 
 we live under a monarchial form of govern- 
 ment ; but, under that government, every man, 
 and woman, v/hether white, black, or brovn, 
 have equal rights before our laws." 
 
 Mr. Lincoln, in a jocular way, said to the 
 member of Congress, "If you are not careful, 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 135 
 
 you will bring on a war with Canada. I think 
 we have got a big enough job on hand now." 
 
 The conversation then turned on the attitude 
 of England toward the Free States in their 
 contest with the slaveholders. One gentleman 
 remarked that he was surprised to see so many 
 manifestations of unfriendliness on the part of 
 the English and Canadian people, and asked me 
 how I accounted for it. I replied, "How can you 
 expect it otherwise, when there exists in the 
 Northern States so wide a diversity of opinion as 
 to the justness of your cause } The unfriendly 
 expressions of an English statesman, or the 
 avowed sympathy of a few English and Canadian 
 papers, are noted by you with painful surprise ; 
 while the treasonable utterances and acts of 
 some of your own political leaders and people 
 are quite overlooked. Besides, you cannot ex- 
 pect the sympathy of the Christian world in your 
 behalf, while you display such an utter disregard 
 for the rights and liberties of your own citizens, 
 as I witnessed in this city yesterday." 
 
 ro vn, 
 
 the 
 ireful, 
 
 Mr. Lincoln asked what I alluded to. I re- 
 plied, " A United States Marshall passed through 
 Washington yesterday, having in his charge a 
 coloured man, who he was taking over to Vir- 
 ginia under the provisions of your Fugitive Slave 
 
h ( 
 
 ^! 
 
 136 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 Law. The man had escaped from his master — 
 who is an open rebel — and fled to Wilmington, 
 Delaware, where he was arrested, and taken 
 back into slavery." 
 
 After dinner, Mr. Lincoln led me to a window, 
 distant from the rest of the party, and said, 
 " Mr. S. sent for you at my request. We need 
 a confidential person in Canada to look after 
 the rebel emissaries there, and keep us posted 
 as to their schemes and objects. You have 
 been strongly recommended to me for the posi- 
 tion. Your mis.sion shall be as confidential as 
 you please. No one here but your friciid Mr. S. 
 and myself, shall have any knowledge of your 
 position. Your communications may be sent 
 
 direct to me, under cover to Major . Think 
 
 it over to-night ; and if you can accept the mis- 
 sion, come up and see me at nine o'clock to-mor- 
 row morning." When I took my leave of him, he 
 said, " I hope you will decide to serve us." 
 
 The position thus offered, was one not suited 
 to my tastes or feelings, but, as Mr. Lincoln 
 appeared very desirous that I should accept it, 
 I concluded to lay aside my prejudices and 
 accept the responsibilities of the mission. I 
 was also persuaded to this conclusion by the 
 wishes of my friend. 
 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 nr 
 
 At nine o'clock next morning, I waited upon 
 the President, and announced my decision. He 
 grasped my hand in a hearty manner, and said : 
 " Thank you ; thank you ; I am glad of it." 
 
 I said : " Mr. Lincoln, if even one of the 
 objects of your Government was the liberation 
 from bondage of the poor slaves of the South, 
 I would feel justified in accepting any position 
 where I could best serve you, but when I see 
 so much tenderness for that vile institution and 
 for the interests of slaveholders, I almost doubt 
 whether your efiforts to crush the rebellion will 
 meet with the favour of heaven." 
 
 t it, 
 
 and 
 
 I 
 
 the 
 
 He replied : " I sincerely wish that all men 
 were free, and I especially wish for the complete 
 abolition of slavery in this country ; but my 
 private wishes and feelings must yield to he 
 necessities of my position. My first duty is, to 
 maintain the integrity of the Union. With 
 that object in view, I shall endeavour to save it, 
 either with or without slavery. I have always 
 been an anti-slavery man. Away back in 1839, 
 when I was a member of the Legislature of 
 Illinois, I presented a resolution asking for 
 the emancipation of slavery in the District of 
 Columbia, when, with but few exceptions, the 
 popular mind of my State was opposed to it. 
 
■ 
 i 
 
 138 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 If the destruction of the institution of slavery 
 should be one of the results of this conflict 
 which the slaveholders have forced upon us, 
 I shall rejoice as hearty as you. In the mean- 
 time, help us to circumvent the machinations 
 of the rebel agents in Canada. There is no 
 doubt they will use your country as a communi- 
 cating link with Europe, and also with their 
 friends in New York. It is quite possible also 
 that they may make Canada a base, to annoy 
 our people along the frontier. Keep us well 
 posted of what they say and do." 
 
 
 n 
 
 ^ 'fii 
 
 
 After a lengthy conversation relative to pri- 
 vate matters connected with my mission, I rose 
 to leave, when he said : " I will walk down to 
 ' Wiilards' with you, the hotel is on my way to the 
 Capitol, where I have an engagement at noon." 
 
 Before we reached the hotel, a man came 
 up to the President, and thrust a letter into 
 his hand, at the same time applying for some 
 office in Wisconsin. I saw that the President 
 was offended at the rudeness, for he passed the 
 letter back without looking at it, saying : " No, 
 sir ! I am not going to open shop here." This 
 was said in a most emphatic manner, but accom- 
 panied by a comical gesture which caused the 
 rejected applicant to smile. As we continued 
 
 ,1)1 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 139 
 
 our walk, the President remarked on the annoy- 
 ances incident to his position, saying : " These 
 office-seekers are a curse to this country. No 
 sooner was my election certain, than I became 
 the prey of hundreds of hungry, persistent 
 applicants for office, whose highest ambition is 
 to feed at the government crib." 
 
 When he bid me good-bye, he said : " Let 
 me hear from you once a week at least." 
 
 As he was about to leave me, a young army 
 officer stopped him, and made some request, 
 to which the President replied with a good 
 deal of humour : " No ; I can't do that. I 
 must not interfere : they would scratch my 
 eyes out, if I did. You must go to the proper 
 department." 
 
 I could not help watching the receding form 
 of the President, as with long, indifferent strides 
 he wended his way towards the Capitol. What 
 a dreadful responsibility rested on that man ! 
 The hopes of millions of Republicans throughout 
 the world were fixed upon him ; while twenty 
 millions of his own people looked to him for the 
 salvation of the Republic, and four millions of 
 poor down-trodden slaves in the South looked 
 to him for freedom. 
 
I 
 
 i •■) 
 
 t 1 
 
 i''\ 
 
 
 
 it 
 
 II 
 
 I-' 
 
 140 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 Mr. Lincoln was no ordinary man. He had a 
 quick and ready perception of facts, a retentive 
 memory, and a logical turn of mind, which 
 patiently and unwaveringly followed every link 
 in the chain of thought on every subject which 
 he investigated. He was honest, temperate, and 
 forgiving. He was a good man — a man of 
 noble and kindly heart. I never heard him 
 speak unkindly of any man ; even the rebels, 
 received no word of anger from him. 
 
 CONFEDERATES IN CANADA. 
 
 Immediately upon my arrival in Montreal, I 
 sought opportunities to familiarize myself with 
 the names, habits, and occupations of the various- 
 Confederates in Canada. I had bat little diffi- 
 culty in accomplishing this purpose, as the Con- 
 federates looked upon all Canadians as their 
 friends. 
 
 The principal Confederate agent in Canada at 
 that time, was an ex-Member of Buchanan's 
 administration. The contemptible conduct of 
 this man (while still a member of the Go\ c 
 ment), in warning the rebels of Ch H- .con ot 
 the sailing of the Steamer " Star le West," 
 
 with provisions for the beseiged gai ^on at Fort 
 Sumpter, will furnish a good index to hi "har- 
 acter. 
 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 141 
 
 's 
 )f 
 
 )t 
 
 > 
 Irt 
 
 The plots and schemes devised by him and 
 his subordinates to furnish the rebels with 
 clothing, boots and shoes, &c., via Nassau and 
 Cuba, and to keep open a channel of commu- 
 nication with the Confederate States, kept me 
 continually on the qui vivc to frustrate their 
 designs. 
 
 REBEL POSTAL SERVICE. 
 
 Toward the close of 1862, I received satisfac- 
 tory information that a regular system of postal 
 service was in operation between the Confederate 
 States and Europe, via Canada. Diligently and 
 earnestly I sought for a clue, week after week 
 passed away, but nothing was discovered. I 
 placed detectives on all the trains leaving Mon- 
 treal, with instructions to closely watch every 
 stranger, and especially those of southern aspect. 
 All my efforts, however, were unsuccessful. 
 
 I finally concluded to go' to Detroit, and insti- 
 tute some enquiries in that section. With that 
 object in view, I sent for a cabman (one that I 
 usually employed), to convey me to the depot for 
 the 9 p. m. night train west ; he came to inform 
 me that it would be impossible for him to drive 
 me that night, as he was obliged to take a lady 
 from Lapraire to Champlain, a small village in 
 the State of New York, not far from the boun- 
 
J 
 
 142 
 
 ?'i ■ ■' 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 dary line between Canada and the United States. 
 He said he had a brother living at Laprarie, who 
 was regularly employed to carry a lady once a 
 fortnight from Laprarie to Champlain ; but that 
 he was ill, and had sent for him to take his place. 
 Some further questions from me elicited the fact 
 that my cabman had on one former occasion 
 filled his brother's place to carry the same lady 
 over the same route. 
 
 My suspicions were now aroused, I felt confi- 
 dent that this lady had something to do with the 
 Confederate postal service, and I closely ques- 
 tioned him as to her appearance and habits, and 
 ostensible business, and why she travelled in 
 such an unusual manner and by such a round- 
 about route. I put these questions in such a 
 way as not to excite suspicion in his mind as to 
 my object. The information I obtained from 
 him was of such importance that I decided to 
 reach Champlain in advance of the cabman and 
 his strange passenger. I consequently took the 
 evening train to Rouse's Point, and from thence 
 was driven in a carriage to Champlain. 
 
 I engaged quarters at the principal hotel in 
 the village, and in a short time won the 
 confidence of the talkative and consequential 
 little landlord, who finally, on my referring to 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 143 
 
 the lady in question, informed me that she was 
 a Mrs. "Williams," (an alias, no doubt,) an agent 
 for a religious tract society ; that she passed 
 over this route from Canada about once a fort- 
 night ; and that she was a very excellent person 
 indeed. He, however, knew nothing about her, 
 except that she said she was a tract distributer, 
 travelling between Upper Canada and Boston. 
 He finally remarked, " I expect her here either 
 to-night or to-morrow night, on her way to 
 Boston. She always arrives here in the night : 
 sometimes it's early morning." 
 
 In 
 
 ie 
 
 Securing a front bed-room, I was in a position 
 to observe whoever came down the road leading 
 from Canada, as the hotel fronted the road. 
 Patiently I waited at the window from 10 p.m. 
 to 3 a.m., looking out into the darkness. Shortly 
 after three o'clock, I heard the rumbling of an 
 approaching carriage coming down the road, 
 and in a short time a cab drove up, and I 
 saw my Montreal cabman alight and open the 
 door of the carriage, from which a lady, closely 
 muffled, stepped and entered the house. She 
 was placed in a room on the opposite side of 
 the hall to the one I occupied. To prevent 
 her leaving the house without my knowledge, I 
 determined to remain awake the rest of the 
 night. At six o'clock I saw my cabman drive 
 away towards Canada. 
 
1 1- 
 
 , (, 
 
 
 m 
 
 
 Is. 
 
 Hi 
 
 il 
 
 144 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 At the breakfast table, I sat vis-a-vis with the 
 object of my search. She was a keen, intelligent, 
 witty, and handsome woman of medium size, 
 with black eyes and hair, about 45 years of age. 
 She conversed quite freely with the landlord's 
 wife, but at times she would check herself, 
 betraying a startled half-frightened look. Her 
 conversation was principally upon her experi- 
 ences as an agent of a "Religious Tract Society." 
 At length an opportunity offered for me to engage 
 in conversation with her. When I informed her 
 that I was Canadian, she became less reserved 
 in her manner, and chatted familiarly on her 
 trips through Canada. I soon learned that it 
 was her intention to go to Rouse's Point by the 
 noon train, 
 
 As soon as breakfast was over, I telegraphed 
 to a detective at Rouse's Point to meet me, on 
 the arrival of the train, prepared to make an 
 arrest. When Mrs. Williams was seated in the 
 car, I took a seat near her, to prevent her from 
 escaping. Before the train reached the Point, 
 it slackened up, and a detective officer came 
 into the cars. I pointed out Mrs. Williams to 
 him, and ordered him to take her to his house 
 as soon as she stepped from the car, to watch 
 every movement she made, and not permit her 
 to have any communication with confederates. 
 
 ! 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 145 
 
 led 
 
 on 
 
 lan 
 
 :he 
 )m 
 
 Int, 
 le 
 to 
 ise 
 :ch 
 ler 
 
 ARREST OF A REBEL MAIL CARRIER. 
 
 As soon as the train entered the depot at 
 Rouse's Point, the detective arrested her, and, 
 with the aid of an assistant, took her to his 
 house, where I immediately followed. I directed 
 the wife of the detective to rigidly search her, 
 and, if any documents were found, to call her 
 husband and give them to him. Notwithstanding 
 her protests, tears, and prayers, Mrs. Williams 
 was thoroughly searched, and with good results, 
 for eighty-two letters were found sewed into her 
 under garments. The majority of them were 
 addressed to rebel emissaries in Europe, the 
 balance, to private individuals in the Northern 
 States. After copying the address, and placing 
 a number on each letter, I secured them safely 
 on my person, and telegraphed to the President 
 the substance of the above facts. In less than 
 an hour I received instructions to hasten to 
 Washington with the confiscated letters. 
 
 Before leaving Rouse's Point I had an inter- 
 view with Mrs. Williams, during which I offered 
 to secure her release, providing she would 
 disclose certain information, that I knew she 
 possessed, relative to the rebel mail route from 
 the Confederacy to Europe via Canada. She, 
 however, positively refused, and declared that 
 10 
 
m 
 
 146 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 she would die in prison before she would 
 disclose the secret. 
 
 I 
 
 IK 
 
 '; -} 
 
 r ! 
 
 H- 
 
 I ■:.'? 
 
 4i 
 
 
 
 rli'^ii^ 
 
 Having instructed the officer to keep Mrs. 
 Williams under close arrest until he received 
 further orders from me, I left for Washington. 
 On my arrival there (about midnight), I went 
 direct to the Executive mansion, and sent my 
 card to the President, who had retired to bed. 
 In two or three minutes the porter returned, and 
 requested me to accompany him to the Presi- 
 dent's office, where, in a short time, Mr. Lincoln 
 would join me. The room into which I was 
 ushered, was the same in which I had spent 
 several hours with the President on the occasion 
 of my first interview with him fourteen months 
 before. Scattered about the floor, and lying open 
 on the table, were several military maps and 
 documents indicating recent use. On the wall 
 I observed a picture of John Bright, of England. 
 
 INTERVIEW WITH PRESIDENT LINCOLN. 
 
 In a few minutes, the President came in, and 
 received me in the most friendly manner. I 
 expressed my regret at disturbing him at such 
 an hour. He replied in a good humoured 
 manner, saying, " No, no, you may route me 
 up whenever you please. I have slept with 
 
 if!;p 
 
and 
 I 
 
 uch 
 red 
 me 
 
 vith 
 
 ^ 
 
 t-^^MkrrS 
 
mmmmmmm 
 
 i 
 
 ^ 
 
 rl 
 
 1 
 
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 1 M 
 
 4 
 
 i 
 
 !; 
 
 
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 Vi.-' 
 
 'H. 
 
 
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 i: 
 
 PI 
 
 ■ 
 
 1 
 
 i iji 
 
 1 ] 
 ) 
 
 ! 
 
 ' i 
 
 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 147 
 
 one eye open since I came to Washington ; 
 I never close both, except when an office-seeker 
 
 is looking for me." 
 
 " I am glad (referring to a letter I had sent 
 him) you are pleased with the Emancipation 
 Proclamation (issued a few weeks previously), 
 but there is work before us yet ; we must make 
 that Proclamation effective by victories over our 
 enemies. It's a paper bullet after all, and of no 
 account, except we can sustain it." 
 
 The President's efforts being now directed to 
 give freedom to the poor, despised, and long 
 suffering people of the South, I expressed my 
 belief that God would now aid the cause of the 
 Union. He replied, " Well, I hope so ! but the 
 suffering and misery that attends this conflict, 
 is killing me by inches. I wish it was over." 
 
 CONFISCATED REBEL DESPATCHES. 
 
 I then laid before the President the "rebel 
 mail." He carefully examined the address of 
 each letter, making occasional remarks. At 
 length he found one addressed to an ex-Presi- 
 dent of the United States, then residing in 
 New Hampshire, and another to an ex- Attorney 
 General of the United States, also a resident 
 of that State. He appeared much surprised, 
 
^1- 
 
 '''hi 
 
 a 
 
 \i 
 
 
 
 i 'iM 
 
 m^ 
 
 I*; ■ '. 
 
 IL 
 
 148 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 and remarked with a sigh, but, without the 
 slightest tone of asperity, ** I will have copies 
 made of these letters, after which they shall be 
 sent enclosed in official envelopes to these 
 parties." When he had finished examining the 
 addresses, he tied up all those addressed to 
 private individuals, saying, " I will not bother 
 with them ; but these look like official letters : 
 I guess I'll go through them now." He then 
 opened one after the other, and read their con- 
 tents slowly and carefully. 
 
 While he was thus occupied, I had an excel- 
 lent opportunity of studying this extraordinary 
 man. A marked change had taken place in his 
 countenance since my first interview with him. 
 He looked much older, and bore traces of 
 having passed thrc ugh months of painful anxiety 
 and trouble. There was a sad, serious look in 
 his eyes that spoke louder than words of the 
 disappointments, trials, and discouragements he 
 had encountered since the war began. The 
 wrinkles about the eyes and forehead were 
 deeper; the lips were firmer, but indicative of 
 kindness and forbearance. The great struggle 
 had brought out the hidden riches of his noble 
 nature, and developed virtues and capacities 
 which surprised his oldest and most intimate 
 friends. He was simple but astute : he pos- 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 149 
 
 sessed the rare faculty of seeing things just as 
 they are : he was a just, charitable, and honest 
 man. 
 
 REBELS IN NEW BRUNSWICK. 
 
 Having finished reading a letter, he said : 
 " Read this (handing me a letter signed by the 
 Confederate Secretary of State), and tell me 
 what you think of it." The letter was addressed 
 to the rebel envoy at the French Court, and 
 stated that preparations were being made to 
 invade the Eastern frontier of the United States 
 in the vicinity of Calais, Maine. It also 
 expressed the opinion that an attack in so 
 unexpected a quarter would dishearten the 
 Northern people, and encourage the Democrats 
 to oppose the continuation of the war. 
 
 I told the President that this confirmed the 
 truth of the information I had received several 
 weeks previously, and satisfied me that the rebels 
 would make an attempt to raid on some of 
 the Eastern States from the British Provinces. 
 He replied : " I wish you would go to New 
 Brunswick, and see what the rebels are up to. 
 The information contained in these despatches is 
 of great importance. Two of them I cannot read, 
 as they are written in cipher ; but I'll find some 
 way to get at their contents." 
 
 I , 
 
♦ ' -^ i 
 
 
 150 
 
 RlxoUccHoiis and Experiences 
 
 I then rose to go, saying that I would go to 
 the hotel, and liave a rest. '" No, no ! it is now 
 three o'clock ; you shall staj- here while you 
 are in town. Come with me, I'll find you a 
 bed," .said the President ; and, leading the way» 
 he took me into a bedroom, saying : " Take a 
 good sleep, you shall not be disturbed." Bidding 
 me " Good-night," he left the room to go bnck 
 and pore over the rebel letters until daylight, 
 as he afterwards told me. 
 
 If ever the Almighty raised up an individual 
 to perform a special service, that person was 
 Abraham Lincoln. No parent could evince a 
 greater interest in the welfare of his family than 
 he did for the safety and influence of his country. 
 Every faculty he possessed was devoted to the 
 salvation of the Union. 
 
 I did not awake from my sleep until eleven 
 o'clock in the forenoon, soon after which Mr. 
 Lincoln came to my room, and laughingly 
 said : " When you are ready, I'll pilot you down 
 to breakfast," which he did ; and, seating him- 
 self at the table, expressed his fears that trouble 
 was brewing in the Province of New Brunswick ; 
 that he had gathered further information on that 
 point from the correspondence, that convinced 
 him that such was the case. He was here 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 151 
 
 yen 
 Mr. 
 
 giy 
 
 im- 
 lible 
 ck; 
 hat 
 ced 
 ere 
 
 interrupted by a servant, who handed him a 
 card ; upon reading which he left me, saying, 
 "Come up to my room after breakfast." 
 
 On entering his room, I found him busily en- 
 gaged in writing, at the same time repeating in a 
 low voice the words of a poem, which I remem- 
 bered reading many years before. Wiien he 
 stopped writing, I asked him who was the author 
 of that poem. He replied, *' I do not know. I 
 have written the verses down from memory at 
 the request of a lady who is much pleased 
 with them. I wish I knew who was the author 
 of them." He passed the sheet on which he had 
 written the verses to me, saying, " Have you 
 ever read them .-'" I replied that I had many 
 years ago ; and that I should be happy to have 
 a copy of them in his handwriting, when he had 
 time and inclination for such work. He said, 
 " Well, you may keep that copy, if you wi.sh." 
 
 The following is the poem as copied from Mr. 
 Lincoln's manuscript given me on that occasion : 
 
 oh! why should thk sphut of mortal be 
 
 PROUD } 
 
 Oh ! why should the spirit of mortal be proud ? 
 Like a swift-fleetiug meteor, a fast ilyiug cloud, 
 A flash of the lightning, a break of the wave, 
 He passeth from life to his rest in the grave. 
 

 152 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 
 ■ ' -1 
 
 i 
 
 : : 
 
 1 ' 
 
 1 :i 
 
 : '1 
 
 i i 
 
 
 n 
 
 ii i I 
 
 J i!il 
 
 I 
 
 B"^j 
 
 Thu leaves of thu oak and the willowH shall fade, 
 Be scattered aroun<l and together be laid ; 
 As the young and the ohl, the low an*l the high, 
 Shall cnimble to dust, and together shall die. 
 
 The infant a mother attended and loved : 
 The mother that infant's affection who proved ; 
 The father, that mother and infant who blest — 
 Each, all are away to that «lwelling of rest. 
 
 The maid, on whose brow, on whose cheek, in whoso eye, 
 Shone beanty and pleasure— her triumphs are by ; 
 And alike from the minds of the living erased. 
 Are the memories of mortals that loved her and praised. 
 
 The hand of the king that the sceptre hath borne ; 
 The brow of the priest that the mitre hath worn ; 
 The eye of the sage, the heart of the brave. 
 Are hidden and lost in the depths of the grave. 
 
 The peasant, whose lot was to sow and to reap ; 
 The herdsman; who climbed with his goats up the steep ; 
 The beggar, who wan«lered in search of his bread, 
 Have faded away like the grass which we tread. 
 
 So the multitude goes, like the flower or the weed, 
 That withers away to let others succe^il ; 
 •So the multitude comes, even those we behold, 
 To repeat every tale that has often been told. 
 
 For we are the same our fathers have been ; 
 We see the same sights they often have seen ; 
 We drink the same stream, we see the same sixn, 
 And run the same course our fathers have run. 
 
 The thoughts we are thinking, our fathers did think ; 
 From the death we are shrinking, our fathers did shrink ; 
 To the life we are clinging, our fathers did cling ; 
 But it speeds from us all like the bird on the wing. 
 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 153 
 
 They loved — Imt the story wo cannot unfold ; 
 They scorned — but tho heart of tlie haughty ia coUl ; 
 They grieved — but no wail from their Hlunibers will come. 
 They joyed — but the tongue of their gladness is tlunib. 
 
 They died ; ah ! they died. Wc things tliat are now ; 
 That walk on the turf that lies over their brow, 
 And make in tlieir dwelling a transient abode — 
 Meet the things that they met »)n th: ir pilgrimage road. 
 
 Yea, hope and despondency, pleasure and pain. 
 
 Are mingled together in sunshine and rain ; 
 
 And the smile and the tear, and the song and tlic <lirge, 
 
 Still follow each other like surge upon surge. 
 
 'Tis the wink of an eye, tlic draught of a breath, 
 From the blossom of healtli to the paleness of death. 
 Prom the gihled saloouto the bier an<l the shroud. 
 Oh I why should the spirit of mortal be proud. 
 
 \^\ 
 
 OFF TO NEW BRUNSWICK. 
 
 The rebel document.s contained abundant 
 evidence that the Confederate Government was 
 organizing a band in Canada to raid upon the 
 United States frontier, and the President re- 
 quested me to "go to New Brunswick, and ascer- 
 tain what the rebels were up to in that quarter." 
 
 That night I left Washington, and arrived in 
 Boston in time to take the steamer for St. John, 
 N. B. The boat was crowded with passengers ; 
 and I had to share my stateroom with a gentle- 
 man who came aboard at Portland. The fea- 
 
! r 
 
 I -f 
 
 154 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 tures of my room companion were dark and 
 coarse ; his hair black and curling. He was 
 about six feet in height, of tough and wir)' frame. 
 His language and general appearance was strik- 
 ingly Southern. I retired to my berth before 
 him, selecting the top one, that I might the 
 more readily observe him ; for I had already 
 concluded that my room-companion was a 
 Confederate. 
 
 OCCUPY A ROOM V/ITH A REBEL. 
 
 When he entered the stateroom, he intro- 
 duced himself as the owner of one of the 
 berths, and said : *' I am glad you are not a 
 Yankee." I asked him how he knew that. He 
 replied : " I asked the clerk, ard he said you 
 were a Canadian ; besides, you don't look like a 
 Yankee." "Well," I said, "you do not look like 
 a Canadian or a Yankee either ; I would take 
 you to be a Southern military officer." This 
 touched his vanity, and he admitted that he 
 had been in the military service of the Con- 
 federacy, but that he was now engaged on 
 special service. I felt now^ that I had sprung 
 the mine. I told him that I thought the Con- 
 federate Government were blind to their own 
 interests, in this, that no advantage had been 
 taken of the Canadian frontier to harass and 
 annoy the Yankees along the border. 
 
 ,.1 
 
 M 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 155 
 
 WAR ON THE UNITED STATES FRONTIER. 
 
 take 
 
 This 
 [at he 
 
 Con- 
 id on 
 [prung 
 
 Con- 
 |r own 
 
 been 
 ;s and 
 
 " Well," said he, ** we have had all we could 
 do to keep the Yanks from our homes ; but 
 they will soon know how it feels to have the 
 war carried into their own homes. I tell you, 
 before long, you \s ill hear something exciting.'" 
 I replied : " I have heard that so frequently that 
 I don't place much reliance upon such reports." 
 I saw he was nettled at what I had said, 
 and hoped it would make him indiscreet. He 
 remained silent a moment, and then said : 
 *' What I have told you is the truth, and before 
 two weeks are over you will hear .something 
 exciting Trom Eastport. I don't mind telling 
 you, becau.se you are a Canadian, and the 
 Canadians are all on our side. Yes, sir ; we have 
 already a number of picked men in St. Andrews 
 and St. Johns, New Brunswick, and we have a 
 j:;Or>d supply of stores on Grand Menan Island. 
 I expec^ thirty men from Canada next week. 
 A3 soon as they arrive, we shall all go to 
 Grand Menan, and prej^are for an attack on 
 
 Eastport ; and, by , we intend to wipe it 
 
 out. A.nd then we shall attack Calais in the 
 rear, and, if hard pressed, retr^^at into New 
 Brunswick." This astounding news corroborated 
 the information obtained from the captured 
 letters. 
 
 a^ 
 
156 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 ARREST OF A REBEL OFFICER. 
 
 On the arrival of the steamer at Eastport, I 
 secured the arrest of my new acquaintance, and 
 had him placca in prison. I telegraphed to 
 Washington the information obtained from the 
 rebel officer, and a gunboat was sent from Port- 
 land to Eastport. In forty-eight hours from my 
 arrival, Eastport and Calais were fully prepared 
 to meet the raiders. The Provincial authorities 
 were also warned from Washington, and prompt 
 steps taken to prevent any infraction of the 
 Neutrality Laws on the New Brunswick border. 
 
 \% -I 
 
 I: 
 
 I: i 
 
 P 
 
 Returning to Portland, I sent the President a 
 detailed narrative of the facts abovf related, 
 and then returned to Montreal. In a few days, I 
 received the following letter from Mr. Lincoln : — 
 
 Executive Mansion, 
 
 Washington, Feb. 9, 1863. 
 
 My Dear Sir,— 
 
 I tender you my warmest thanks for 
 the effective and invaluable services you have 
 recently r^nidered me. * » * ♦ » 
 
 Accept my best wishes for your prosperity 
 and happiness, 
 
 [Fae-«imile »/ niynatitie.] 
 
 ^■^^^^CerzC 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 157 
 
 irt, I 
 
 and 
 
 d to 
 
 1 the 
 Port- 
 n my 
 Dared 
 )rities 
 ompt 
 if the 
 order. 
 
 dent a 
 
 ilated, 
 
 iays, I 
 
 In :— 
 
 I863. 
 
 iks for 
 have 
 
 Isperity 
 
 PERSECUTION OK JOSHUA R. GIDDINGS. 
 
 The cruel and unnecessary arrest of the Hon. 
 Joshua R. Giddings, Consul General of the 
 United States, at Montreal, for the alleged con- 
 nivance at the kidnapping of one Kedpath, was 
 incited by the Confederates in Montreal. Red- 
 path had fled to Canada to escape punishment for 
 crimes committed during the draft riots in New 
 York. A detective officer was sent to Montreal 
 to arrest him. He was arrested, ironed, placed 
 in a close carriage, and driven to the depot. 
 Where he was then guarded by an assistant 
 while the New York detective went to the 
 United States Consulate, and told Mr. Giddings 
 that he had arrested a man charged with murder 
 in New York ; and that having complied with 
 the requirements of the Extradition Treaty, 
 he wished Mr. Giddings to give him a letter to 
 General Dix advising the General to compensate 
 the detective for the services of an assistant 
 required to convey Redpath to New York. Mr. 
 Giddings, without ascertaining (for which he was 
 in fault) whether all the formalities of the extra- 
 dition treaty had been complied with, gave the 
 detective a note to General Dix, in which he 
 simply requested the General to remunerate the 
 detective for the service of an assistant 
 
 *w 
 
^RHH 
 
 158 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 When the detective reached New York with 
 his prisoner, Redpath obtained legal advice. 
 The result of which was, that the Canadian au- 
 thorities demanded the return of Redpath to 
 Canada. He was consequently brought back 
 and liberated. Then the Southern agents 
 in Montreal, took charge of this criminal, and 
 induced him to prosecute Mr. Giddings. This 
 was done to gratify their feelings of hatred 
 toward a man who had for thirty years fought 
 for the cause of human freedom. 
 
 iilS ARREST. 
 
 Mr. Giddings was arrested on Sunday evening 
 while dining at the house of a friend. The 
 arrest was made on a day and at an hour when 
 it was hoped he would be unable to obtain bail, 
 and consequently would have to lay in jail over 
 night. Messrs. Harrison Stephens and Ira Gould, 
 two prominent and wealthy citizens of Montreal, 
 gave bonds for tJiirty thousand dollars for Mr. 
 Giddings's appearance at the trial of the case. 
 Thus his enemies were baulked in their mean 
 attempt to throw an innocent old man into 
 prison. Mr. Giddings was in poor health at the 
 time this outrage was perpetrated ; and he fret- 
 ted and grieved over it continually. After the 
 rebel agents had used Redpath for their purpcie, 
 they cast him off. I concluded it was now 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 159 
 
 a good time to get rid of Redpath and this per- 
 secution of Mr. Giddings. I found the n»iserable 
 creature after considerable search, and prevailed 
 upon him to withdraw the suit, and confess that 
 he had been urged by the Confederate agents in 
 in Montreal to take action against Mr. Giddings. 
 This persecution, I have no doubt, hastened the 
 death of this noble old standard-bearer of liberty. 
 
 DEATH OF MR. GIDDINGS. 
 
 Dail, 
 over 
 ould, 
 real. 
 
 Mr. 
 case, 
 mean 
 
 into 
 t the 
 
 fret- 
 
 the 
 
 pcie, 
 
 now 
 
 He died suddenly while amusing himself with 
 a game of billiards in the St. Lawrence Hall. 
 In Congress, Mr. Giddings stood shoulder to 
 shoulder with John Quincy Adams, in resist- 
 ing the tyrannical and despotic demands of 
 the slave drivers. On one occasion when Mr. 
 Giddings was addressing the House in behalf of 
 freedom, a Southern member approached him 
 with a bowie knife in his hand, and threatened 
 to kill him on the spot, if he did not cease speak- 
 ing. Mr. Giddings was immediately surrounded 
 by his friends, and continued his speech, while 
 the cowardly ruffian who threatened him sneaked 
 back to his seat. Mr. Giddings was not only a 
 good man, but he was morally and physically a 
 brave man. Ho espoused the cause of the slave 
 at a time when an abolitionist was despised and 
 persecuted ; and he remained all his life a warm 
 

 I- 
 
 ^"p 
 
 
 U I 
 
 I 4' 
 
 
 IP 
 
 ' t 
 
 ♦ft i 
 
 I ; 
 
 ! , 
 
 1 1 
 
 : i 
 
 i6o 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 and constant friend of the oppressed. The 
 many happy hours passed in his company, dur- 
 ing the darkest periods of the war, will ever 
 remain bright spots in my memory. 
 
 STEPS TOWARD EMAN'CU'ATION. 
 
 The following Acts and Proclamation indicate 
 the progressive steps by which, in the end, com- 
 plete emancipation was reached. 
 
 Attention is hereby called to an Act of Congress, entitled 
 "An Act to make an additioi.M nrticle of war," approved. 
 March 13, 1862, and which Act is in the words and figurea 
 following : — 
 
 Be it enacted hy the Senate and IfoiiHe of liejn'esentativex of 
 the United Stat^'n of America in Coutp-eM assembled: That 
 hereafter the following shall be pronnilgated af an additional 
 article of war, for the government of the army of the United 
 States, and shall be obeyed and observed as such : 
 
 Article. All officers or persons in the military or naval ser- 
 vice of the Uniteil States are prohibited from employing any 
 of the forces under their respective commands lor the purpose 
 of returning fugitives from service or labor, who may have 
 escaped from any persons to whom such labor is claimed to be 
 due, and any officer wlio shall be found guilty by a court-mar- 
 tial of violating this article, shall bo dismissed from the ser- 
 vice. 
 
 Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That this Act shall take 
 eflfect from and after its passage. 
 
 Also, to the ninth and tenth sl tions of an Act entitled, 
 "An Act to suppress insurrection, to punish treason and 
 rebellion, to seize and confiscate the property of rel)els, and 
 for other purposes," ai)proved July 17, 1862, and which 
 Bections are in the words and figures following : — 
 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 i6i 
 
 Sec. 9. And he it further cnactal, Thot all alavea <»r persona 
 who shall hereafter be engaged in rebellion against the Gov- 
 ernment of the United States, or who shall in any way give 
 aid or comfort thereto, escaping from such persons and takine 
 refuge within the lines of the army ; and all slaves captured 
 from such persons or deserted by them and coming under the 
 control of the Government of the United States ; and all 
 slaves of such persons found on (or being within) any place 
 occupied by rebel forces and afterward occupied by the forces 
 of the United States, shall l)e tleemed captures of war, and 
 shall be forever free of their servitude, and not again held a» 
 slaves. 
 
 Sec. 10. And be it further cnnctnl, That no slave escaping 
 into any State, territo'-y, or the district of Colun»])ia, from 
 any of the States shall be delivered up, or in any M'ay 
 impeded or hindered of his liberty, except for crime or some 
 offence against the laws, unless the person claiming said 
 fugitive snail tiryt make oath that the person to whom the 
 labor or service of such fugitive is alleged to be due, is his 
 lawful owner, and has not been in arms against the United 
 States in the present rebellion, nor in any way given aid and 
 comfort thereto ; and no person engaged in the military or 
 naval service of the United States snail, under an}' pretence 
 whatever, arsume to decide on the validity of the claim of 
 any person to the service or labour of any other person, or 
 surrender up any such person to the claimant, on pain of 
 being dismissed from the servicer. 
 
 LU take 
 
 Intitled, 
 3n and 
 pis, and 
 which 
 
 THE EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION. 
 
 By the President of the United States of America, 
 
 Whereas, on the twenty-second day of September, in the 
 year of our Lord one thousaml eight hundred and sixty -two, 
 a Proclamation was issued by the President of the United 
 States, containing among other things the following, to wit : 
 
 " That on the first day of January, in the year of our Lord 
 one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held 
 as slaves within any State, or designated part of a State, the 
 people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United 
 States, shall be then, thenceforth and forever free, and the 
 Executive Government of the United States, including the 
 military and naval authorities thereof, will recognize and 
 
 11 
 
m 
 
 162 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 ill 
 
 I 
 
 i 
 
 , , 
 
 
 .- I 
 
 maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or 
 acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any eflbrts 
 they make for tlieir actual freedom. 
 
 "That the Executive will, on the first day of January 
 aforesaid, by pmclamation, designate the States and parts of 
 States, if any, in which the people thereof respectively shall 
 then be in rebellion against the United States, and the fact 
 that any State or the people thereof, shall on that day be in 
 
 good faith represented in the Congress of the Unite«l States 
 y memVHjrs chosen thereto at elections wherein a majority of 
 the qualified voters of such State Bhall have participated, 
 shall, in the absence of strong countervailing testimony, be 
 deemed conclusive evidence tliat such State and the people 
 thereof are not then in rel>ellion against the United States. 
 
 Now, therefore, T, Abraham Lincoln, President of the 
 United States, by virtue of the power in me vested as Com- 
 mander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States 
 in time of actual armed Rebellion agamst the authority and 
 government of the United States, and as a fit and necessaiy 
 war measure for suppressing said Rebellion, do, on this first 
 day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight 
 hundred and sixty-three, and in accordance with my purposo 
 so to <lo, publicly proclaim for the full period of one hundred 
 days from the day of the first above-mentioned order, and 
 designate, as the States and part of States wherein the people 
 thereof respectively are this day in rebellion against the 
 United States, the following, to wit : Arkansas, Texas, 
 Louisiana (except the Parishes of St. Bernard, Palquemines, 
 JeflFerson, St. John, St. Charles, St. James, Ascension, As- 
 sumption, Terre Bonne, Lafourche, St. Mary, St. Martin, and 
 Orleans, including the City of Orleans), Mississippi, Aiabama, 
 Florida, Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina, and 
 Virginia (except the forty-eight counties designated as West 
 Virginia, and also the counties of Berkeley, Acconac, North- 
 ampton, Elizabeth City, York, Princess Ann, and Norfolk, 
 including the cities of Norfolk and Portsmouth), and which 
 excepted parts are, for the present, left precisely as if this 
 Proclamation had not been issued. 
 
 And by virtue of the power and for the purpose aforesaid, 
 
 I do order and declare that all persons held as slaves within 
 
 said designated States and parts of States are and hence- 
 
 foncard shall be free ! and that the Executive Government 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 163 
 
 red 
 and 
 
 ople 
 the 
 
 XAS, 
 
 ines, 
 As- 
 and 
 
 AMA, 
 
 and 
 IVVest 
 orth- 
 folk, 
 hich 
 this 
 
 ssaid, 
 ithin 
 Ftencc- 
 lent 
 
 of the United states, inchiding tlio Military and Naval author- 
 ities thereof, will recogni/.e and maintain the freedom of said 
 persitns. 
 
 And I here))y enjoin upon the peo^>le so d'jclared to be free, 
 to abstain from all violence, unless ni necessary self-defence, 
 and 1 recommend to tliem that in all cases, when allowed, 
 they labour faithfully for reasonable wages. 
 
 And I further declare and make known that such persons 
 of suitable condition will be received into the armed service 
 of the United States to garrison forts, positions, stations, and 
 other places, and to man vessels of all sorts in said service. 
 
 And upon this act, sincerely believed to be an act of 
 justice, warranted by the Constitution, upon military neces- 
 sity, 1 invoke the considerate judgment of mankind and the 
 gracious favour of Almighty God. 
 
 In testimony whereof I have hereuntr) set my name, and 
 caused tlie seal of the United States to be affixed. 
 
 Done at the City of Washington, this first day of 
 
 January, in the year of our Lord one thousand 
 
 [L. S.] eight hundred and sixty-three, and of the 
 
 Independence of the United States the eighty- 
 
 .cventh. 
 
 ABKAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 By the President. 
 
 -William H. Sfavard, 
 
 Secrttarif of State. 
 
 THE REPUBLICAN PLATFORM OF 18G4 (LINCOLN 
 AND JOHNSON). 
 
 The National Convention which assembUtl at Baltimore on 
 the 7th of Juno, 18G4, and there nominated Ahhauam Lin- 
 coln for re-election as President, with Andkkw Johnson as 
 Vice-President, adopted and presented to the American people 
 the following : — 
 
 Resolved, That, as Slavery was the cause, and now consti- 
 tutes the strength, of thib rebellion, and as it must be always 
 and everywhere hostile to the principles of Republican gov- 
 ernment, justice, and the national safety demand its utter and 
 
164 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 complete oxtiri)atioii from the soil of the Iteimblic ; and that 
 we uphold and maintain the acta and proclamations by which 
 the (iovernment, in its own defence, has ahiicd a death-blow 
 at this gigantic evil. We are in favour, furthermore, of such 
 an amendment to the C'onstitution, to be made by the people 
 in conformity with its provisions, as shall terminate and for 
 ever prohibit the existence of Shivery within the limits of the 
 jurisdiction of the United .States. 
 
 ; m 
 
 
 t ^ 
 
 I 
 
 If 
 
 IS'- i !■ • 
 
 
 I'a 
 
 
 li 
 
 i*'"!; 
 
 1 
 
 K* ■ 
 
 1", 
 
 
 ?''■ i 
 
 
 
 PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S SECOND INAUCiURAL 
 ADDRESS, MARCH 4, 18<)5. 
 
 Fellow-C/OUNtrvmen : At this second appearing to take 
 the oath of the Presidential office, there is less occasion for an 
 extended address than there was at the tix'st. Then a state- 
 ment, somewhat in «letail, of a course to be pursued seemed 
 very fitting and proper. Now, at the expiration of four years, 
 during which puldic declarations have been constantly called 
 forth on every point and phase of the great contest M'hich 
 still absorbs the attention and engrosses the energies of the 
 nation, little that is new could be presented. 
 
 The progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly 
 depends, is as well known to the public as to myself, and it 
 is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory ami encouraging to all. 
 With high hope for the future, no prediction witli regard to 
 it is ventured. 
 
 On the occasion corresponding to this, four years ago, all 
 thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war. 
 All dreaded it ; all sought to avoid it. While the inaugural 
 address was being delivered from this place, devoted altogether 
 to saving the Union without war, insui^M nt agents were in 
 the city seeking to destroy it without war h l kiiiji to dissolve 
 the Union and divide the effects by negotiation. l3oth parties 
 deprecated war, but one of them would make war rather than 
 let the nation survive ; and the other M'ould accept war rather 
 than let it perish, and the war came. 
 
 One-eighth of the whole population were coloured slaves, 
 not distributed generally ovei- the Union, but localized in the 
 Southern part ot it. These slaves constituted a peculiar and 
 powerful interest. All knew that this interest was somehow 
 the cause of the war. To strengthen, perpetuate, and extend 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 165 
 
 this interest, was the ol»ject for which tlie iii8urgeiit8 would 
 rend the I'nion even l»y war, wliile the (iovernment claimed 
 no right to do more than to ruutrict tlie territorial enlarge- 
 ment of it. 
 
 Neither party expected for tlie war tlie magnitude or tlio 
 <luration which it Iuih already attained. Neitlier anticipated 
 that the cause of the conflict might cease with, or even before 
 the condict itself should cease. Kach looked for an easier 
 triiiniph, and a result less fundamental and astounding. 
 
 go, all 
 I war. 
 igural 
 aether 
 ere in 
 issolve 
 ^)artie3 
 \\ than 
 rather 
 
 Islaves, 
 in the 
 
 iar and 
 lebow 
 
 lexteud 
 
 Botli read the same Bihle, and pray to tlie same fiod ; and 
 each invokes the aid against the other. It may seem strange 
 that any man should dare to ask a just (.iod s assistance m 
 wringing their bread fn)m the sweat of other men's faces ; 
 but let us jutlge n<tt, that we be not judge«l. The prayers 
 of botli couM not be answered. That of neither has been 
 answered fully. The Almighty has his own puq)oae8. "Woe 
 unto the world because of ottences, ft)r it must needs be that 
 oflFences come ; but woe to that man by whom the offence 
 cometli." If we shall suppose that American slavery is one 
 of these off'ences, which, in the providence of (iod, must needs 
 come, but which, having continued through His appointed 
 time, He now wills tt> remove, and that He gives to both 
 North and .Soutli this terrible war as the woe due to those by 
 whom the off'ence came, shall we discern therein any dej)ar- 
 ture from those divine attributes which the believers 111 a 
 living < iod alw ays ascribe to him ? Fondly do we hope, fer- 
 vently do we i»i-ay, that this miglity scourge of war may soon 
 pass away. Yet, if (Jod wills that it continue until all the 
 wealth piled by the bondman's two hundred and fifty years of 
 unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood 
 <lrawn with the lash, shall be paid with another drawn by the 
 sword ; as was said three thousaiul years ago, so still it must 
 be said, " The judgments of the I^ord arc true and righteous 
 altogether." 
 
 With malice toward none, with charity to all, with firm- 
 ness in the right, as (iod gives us to see the right, let us strive 
 on to finish the work we are in ; to bind up the nation's 
 wounds ; to care for him who shall have borne the battle, 
 and for his widow and his orjihans ; to do all which may 
 achieve and cherish a just and a lasting peace among ourselves 
 and with .all nations. 
 
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 23 WEST MAIN STREET 
 
 WEBSTER, NY. 14580 
 
 (716) 872-4503 
 

 
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 1 66 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 The following amendment to the Constitution 
 of the United States was ratified by vote of 
 the Legislative Branches of the United States 
 Government, February i, 1865 : — 
 
 ARTICLE XIII. 
 
 Sec. 1. Neithei' Slavery nor involuntary servitude, except 
 as a punishment for crime v/hereof the party shall have been 
 duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any 
 place subject during their jurisdiction. 
 
 Sec, 2. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by 
 appropriate legislation. 
 
CHAPTi: R VI. 
 
 EXTRACTS FROM LETTERS. 
 HE followin^r extracts from a few of the 
 letters received by me during the crreat 
 » rebelhon, are pubh'shed with a vicl- to 
 Illustrate the varied hopes and fears that animated 
 leading Abohtionists during the contest between 
 freedom and slavery. Fac-si;,^,7,s of the auto- 
 graph signatures of the writers are given. 
 
 FROM HORACE (JREELEV. 
 
 Office of the Trhjune, 
 New York, May 19th, 1863. 
 Since the outbreak of our terrible war, I have 
 made ,t a rule to be rarely or ever away from our 
 City for any distance. I should hke very much 
 to meet you and Mr. Giddings at Gerrit Smith's 
 next week, but it is not possible for me. • * • 
 
 Yours faithfully, 
 
 ML 
 
1 68 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 from secretary seward. 
 
 Department of State, 
 
 Washington, June 4th, 1863. 
 
 I take this occasion to renew my thanks for 
 your solicitous attention to the interests of this 
 Government. * * * * Your zeal 
 merits the highest praise. 
 
 Yours, very respectfully, 
 
 (LjL^.. 
 
 FROM JOSHUA R. GIDDINGS. 
 
 Montreal, October 13th, 1863. 
 
 %■ 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 I fully agree with you, 
 my dear friend, that any act, command, or enact- 
 ment, violative of the eternal principles of right 
 and liberty are void ; that they have none of the 
 essence or elements of law ; that they are the 
 mere mandates of despots ; that it is not only 
 right for you to disregard such mandates, but it 
 
Of an Abolitionist. jgg 
 
 is your duty. There can be no law which in- 
 vades the rights of any innocent being to h'fe 
 iiberty, and happiness. » * * * ' 
 
 Your friend, 
 
 FROM GEHRIT smith. 
 
 Peterboro', August 31, 1804. 
 
 * 
 
 * 
 
 ., r ,,^ I ii^d Strong fears from 
 
 the first that you would be baffled. We thank 
 you for your noble and benevolent purpose, and 
 accept the will for the deed. I believe the 
 Heavenly Father means that my country shall 
 live ; she has more to fear just now from North- 
 ern demagogues than from Southern rebels. 
 
 Your friend. 
 
 ■k\v 
 
I/O 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 lifcl; 
 
 FROM WENDELL PHILLIPS. 
 
 Boston, September 4th, 1864. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln may, probably does, wish the 
 grand result, freedom to the negro but he is too 
 much a border statesman in his opinions. Hence 
 the negro is not to him a man in the full sense. 
 Hence he overrates the prejudices and comfort 
 of the slaveholders. Consequently, though he 
 desires the result, he hesitates at the MEANS. 
 Public opinion has bayonetted him up to his 
 present position, and mayyet save us through him, 
 or rather in spite of him ; but it is a very dangerous 
 risk to run. Settlement is a more dangerous 
 hour than war. Hence I oppose Lincoln's re- 
 election ; prominent republicans dread it. The 
 leading Senator of New England said lately, 
 " Lincoln's election would be destruction — Mc- 
 Clellan's would be damnation ;" so the leaders 
 are making an effort to induce Lincoln to with- 
 draw, and unite all earnest men on a better can- 
 didate. If we effect that, we are safe ; if not, 
 there is great danger that McClellan will be 
 elected, then we should have to rely wholly upon 
 the people to prevent his doing the harm he 
 intends. I trust the people fully ; but dread 
 such a trial. The aim of all true men is either 
 to replace Lincoln, or to array such a force 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 171 
 
 864. 
 
 ih the 
 is too 
 Hence 
 I sense. 
 :omfort 
 ugh he 
 MEANS. 
 > to his 
 igh him, 
 ngerous 
 ngerous 
 )ln's re- 
 it. The 
 lately, 
 •n— Mc- 
 leaders 
 ;o with- 
 ter can- 
 , if not, 
 will be 
 |lly upon 
 larm he 
 X dread 
 is either 
 a force 
 
 against him as will oblige him to surround him- 
 self with a Cabinet of different wood. 
 
 The task we have to do, is a very great one. 
 Davis made a rebellion : it was all he could do. 
 Lincoln, by tampering, delay, indecision, and 
 long tenderness for slavery, has made a Confed- 
 eracy — united, proud, with friends and military 
 strength. 
 
 With great regard and many thanks for all 
 you have done for us, 
 
 FROM GERRIT SMITH. 
 
 Peterboro', October 20th, 1864. 
 
 I am glad to learn that your heart is set on 
 Lincoln's re-election. * * * This nation 
 will live. It has given ample proof that it can 
 withstand both foreign and domestic foes ; both 
 Northern and Southern rebels. Yes, this nation 
 
■mm 
 
 t- 
 
 ■' i 
 
 ivn 
 
 il n 
 
 Mifii 
 
 i r 
 
 
 H;^ 
 
 Mi I 
 
 i?l 1 
 
 i. 
 
 ||] 
 it 
 
 i*^M!::i 
 
 ''Ji 
 
 1 j 
 
 Mil I ! 
 
 172 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 will live to see herself and the whole continent 
 free from oppressors — not from slaveholders only, 
 but from Imperial despots also. As life is the 
 law of righteousness, so death is the law of 
 wickedness ; and the wickedness of the demo- 
 cratic party is nearing that extreme limit, where 
 wickedness dies of itself 
 
 God is for us. 
 
 Your friend. 
 
 Be of good cheer — 
 
 Gerrit Smith. 
 
 FROM CHARLES SUMNER. 
 
 Senate Chamber, 
 January 31st, 1865. 
 
 * 
 
 * * God bless your 
 patriotic labor in our behalf. You have done a 
 noble work, and deserve the thanks of every true 
 American. Accept my best wishes and believe 
 
 me. 
 
 FathfuUy yours, 
 
 y Oty^Cx^tu/y^ 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 173 
 
 inent 
 only, 
 s the 
 w of 
 lemo- 
 vhere 
 eer — 
 
 FROM GERRIT SMITH. 
 
 TH. 
 
 Peterboro', March lOth, 1865. 
 
 Many thanks for this excellent likeness of our 
 dear friend Giddings. I hope to meet him in 
 heaven. * "■ 
 
 The end of the terrible rebellion is at hand. 
 I hope to hear this week of the capture of the 
 remainder of Lee's army, and of the taking of 
 Mobile. Heaven bless you for your active in- 
 terest in our cause. 
 
 Your friend, 
 
 Gerrit Smith. 
 
 I865. 
 
 your 
 lone a 
 hy true 
 )elieve 
 
 FROM GEORGE B. LINCOLN. 
 
 Brooklyn, March nth, 1865. 
 
 I thank you for your very able pamphlet that 
 reached me yesterday. I am glad for your own 
 section, that there is at least one (and I trust 
 there are many) who will stand up for the liberty 
 cause amidst so many who seem to owe the free 
 people of the United States a grudge, and to 
 give it exemplification in striking hands with the 
 pirates and thieves who carry on the great rebel- 
 lion. In the coming time no more mortifying 
 
174 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 ii 
 
 
 
 chapter will be written in Canadian history, than 
 the sad story of the aid and comfort given these 
 enemies of mankind by her people. But I trust 
 that the ancient philosophy will attain with you 
 — that a few good men will save a city — so shall 
 it be said, that for your fidelity and those who act 
 with you, the wrong done us by the great mass 
 of Canadian people, shall be forgotten. Slavery 
 and rebellion which are two names for one thing 
 nears its close. Thank God for the war ! Indeed, 
 I have scarcely seen human hands in all this great 
 struggle. His mighty arm has wielded the sword 
 of justice, and in the North, as well as in the 
 South, His wide swath can be tracked. The man 
 who thought he was rich in money made out of 
 southern trade, is to-day 2i Pauper. His children 
 are Beggars — and the men who most of all, and 
 singularly enough, took sides with the slaveholders 
 in all political actions, were the Irish people, and 
 they from their necessities, were found early, 
 largely in the army. At least 50,000 of these 
 people have gone out from us to return no more 
 forever. A very great number are among us car- 
 rying an armless coat sleeve, or some other mark 
 of rebel work. I hope to meet you in Canada the 
 coming summer. Again, thanking you in behalf 
 of our liberty-loving people for your good wishes. 
 
 Yours very truly, 
 
 Geo. B. Lincoln. 
 
Of an Abolitionist 
 
 175 
 
 from governor fenton. 
 Executive Dept., State of New York. 
 Albany, April nth, 1865. 
 
 3ft 3){ Jfa at _ 
 
 I thank you in behalf 
 of the loyal people of this State, for your 
 patriotic services in our behalf. Your interest 
 in our cause, I assure you, is highly appreciated. 
 
 Again, thanking you, 
 
 I remain yours respectfully. 
 
 R. E. Fenton. 
 
 from WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 
 
 Boston, May 13, 1865. 
 
 * * ♦ ♦ * V 
 
 , . J^our active and 
 
 sympathetic interest, in behalf of the freedmen 
 of our country, will do much to engender 
 kindly feelings between the United States and 
 Canada. * * * * 
 
 m 
 
 • 'i 
 
 1"' 
 
1/6 
 
 Rccollcclions and Experiences 
 
 m 
 
 I, 
 
 (^ 
 
 FROM JOHN (IKKKNMCAF WHITTILR (THE 
 f QUAKER I'OKT). 
 
 Amcsbur^, 27, 5th mo., 1865. 
 My Dear Frucnd, 
 
 It gives xwki great satisfaction to sec 
 the friends of freedom in Canada and England 
 acting in behalf of the freedmcn of the United 
 States. * * * 
 
 The tears which both nations are shedding 
 over the grave of our beloved President are 
 washing out all the bitter memories of miscon- 
 ception and estrangement between them. So 
 good comes of the evil. 
 
 Oh, En^'lishmen ! in hope and creed, 
 
 In blood and tongue our brothers ; 
 We too are heirs of Runymede, — 
 And Shakespeare's fame and Cromwell's deed 
 
 Are not alone our mother's. 
 
 Thicker than water in one rill, 
 
 Through centuries of story; 
 Our Saxon blood has flow'd, and still — 
 We share with you the good and ill, 
 
 The shadow and the glory. 
 
 Thine truly, 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 ^77 
 
 FROM WILLIAM CULLEN BRYANT. 
 
 RosLYN, Long Island, 
 
 June, 3rd, 1865. 
 
 * * • * I am glad to know the 
 cause of the United States has so strenuous a 
 defender in Canada. Your zealous and patriotic 
 labours merit the thanks of all who desire the 
 prosperity of this country. * * 
 
 Faithfully yours, 
 
 Q2P (X^Myu*.^:::-' 
 
 FitOM WKNDELL PHILLIPS. 
 
 Boston, June 12th, 1865. 
 
 I will mail you, with this, my last two speeches 
 and evening talks on Lincoln's death, from which 
 you will get a fuller view of my present position 
 than I could give you in a note. 
 
 I will only add, that since those .speeches, I 
 have become more and more anxious and doubt- 
 ful about the policy our President will pursue. 
 The Cabinet are about equally divided on the 
 question of negro suffrage. But we hope to 
 make an active use of the interval before the 
 next session of Congress, to manifest (I say 
 12 
 
178 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 manifest, because it already exists,) such a deter- 
 mined public opinion as will awe the Govern- 
 ment into following that radical course in which 
 the masses are abundantly ready to support them. 
 Time will show what we can do. Politicians are 
 slippery reliance in war times as well as in peace. 
 Thank you for all your active and zealous 
 efforts in our behalf. 
 
 Your friend, 
 
 i > 
 
 i'i 
 
 J I 
 
 in 
 
 * 
 
 FROM GERRIT SMITH. 
 
 Peterboro', July ist, 1865. 
 * * Slavery has received its 
 death blow ; but it is by no means certain that 
 our nation will be saved or still united. We may 
 have first to pass through a war of races. I am 
 not satisfied with the course our goverment is 
 pursuing in the matter of " reconstruction." My 
 poor, guilty country cannot be saved so long as it 
 hates and persecutes the black man. Our nation 
 is lost, if the Freedmen are denied the ballot. 
 
 Your friend, 
 
 ^.^^.c^Li 
 
My 
 
 Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 179 
 
 FROM GENERAL GARIBALDI. 
 
 Brescia (Italy), September, 1865. 
 
 * * * * I rejoice with you over the 
 destruction of slavery in the American Republic. 
 ♦ * * * Cloistersand prisons are not His 
 work. God made liberty — man made slavery. 
 
 Ever yours. 
 
 from victor hugo. 
 
 Hauteville House, 
 
 August 13, 1865. 
 
 * * * * Freedom makes Light and 
 Life. Slavery makes deafness in the soul. 
 
 Accept, sir, the homage of my respect. 
 
 rr- 
 
 * t 
 
 /C^ 
 
 n " 
 
 > 8. 
 
CHAPTER VII. 
 
 KU 
 
 'ii 
 
 EFFORTS TO AROUSE SYMPATHY FOR THE 
 NORTH — LETTERS AND PAMPHLETS. 
 
 HE following letters and pamphlets I 
 had published and circulated extensively 
 throughout Canada, with a view to aid 
 the cause of the North, by arousing sympathy, 
 awakening humane and liberal sensibilities, and 
 drawing more enlightened attention to the objects 
 of the great struggle between freedom and slavery 
 in the United States. 
 
 I felt persuaded that once the Canadian peo- 
 ple were rightly informed as to the nature and 
 objects of the slaveholders, their sympathies 
 would be given to the North in her efforts to 
 crush the rebellion, and prevent the establishment 
 on this continent of a government 
 
 " With one great bloodstone for its mighty base." 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 I8i 
 
 *' The present war is simply a conflict between Slavery 
 AND Freedom."— /Tom. Charles Sumner. 
 
 THE SLAVEHOLDERS' REBELLION. 
 
 ITS INTERNAL CAUSES. 
 
 Every step in progress the world has made 
 since the advent of Christ, has been made from 
 the cross to the scaffold, and from stake to stake. 
 All the great truths relating to society and self- 
 government, have been first heard in the solemn 
 protests of dying martyrs and patriots, who have 
 yielded up their lives a sacrifice to obtain free- 
 dom and liberty for mankind. 
 
 The great contest now being waged in the 
 United States, is a struggle between a higher and 
 lower civilization— a continuation of the struggle 
 between light, liberty, and freedom, and the 
 ruling powers of wickedness and tyranny, which 
 began at the advent of our Saviour, and has 
 been continued by his apostles, and by martyrs 
 and patriots from that time to the present day. 
 
 Never, since the revolt of Satan against the 
 government of Jehovah, has there been a rebel- 
 lion so utterly causeless and unjustifiable as the 
 Slaveholders' Rebellion. Actuated by the same 
 wicked ambition that moved Satan to rebel 
 
l82 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 against righteousness, peace, and justice in 
 heaven, the slaveholders are seeking to over- 
 throw the only really republican government on 
 earth, and to erect upon its ruins a despotism of 
 the vilest description — the foundation of which is 
 to be human slavery ; and thus crush out forever 
 the refuge and hope of liberty-loving men of 
 every nation and people. 
 
 The rebellious slaveholders never furnished 
 any list of grievances, never cited any acts of 
 despotism on the part of the government against 
 which they rebelled. Their only excuse was, 
 that a party had come into power, the leaders of 
 which had some moral feeling in reference to 
 slavery. It could not be truthfully alleged that 
 Mr. Lincoln proposed to infringe upon their state 
 rights or peculiar privileges. No ; the actual 
 and only object was (in case they proved suc- 
 cessful in their appeal to arms), to found a slave 
 empire upon this continent, and extend the bane- 
 ful curse of slavery all over this land, from the 
 Atlantic to the Pacific, and repudiate the God- 
 given right to all men of life, liberty, and the 
 pursuit of happiness. They wish to establish a 
 government for the rich and powerful, that they 
 may the more firmly rivet the chains of bondage 
 and despotism upon the poor black people 
 of this continent. 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 183 
 
 The slaveholders, and their supporters in the 
 North, had for fifty years controlled the govern- 
 ment of the United States, and used their 
 patronage and power to advance the interests of 
 slavery, and force compromise after compromise 
 from the northern people. During the past eight 
 years the Republican or anti-slavery party in 
 the Free States had gained strength rapidly. 
 Their principles were inimical to slavery, and 
 especially to its extension to the great territories 
 of the west. No attempt, however, was made or 
 could be made constitutionally to interfere with 
 slavery in those States where it was legalized 
 by local enactments. Under the Federal Con- 
 stitution, every State has the right to make 
 such laws and enactments as will not conflict 
 with the Constitution of the United States. 
 The President has no power, in time of peace, 
 to interfere with the institutions of any State, 
 and there is clearly no such power in Congress. 
 But, for thirty years the slaveholders had been 
 seeking a pretext to rebel, and when the people 
 of the Free States nominated as their candidate 
 for the office of President, Abraham Lincoln, 
 they at once declared that in case he was elected, 
 they would never submit to the will of the ma- 
 jority, but would rebel and disrupt the nation, 
 and establish a Confederacy, the corner stone of 
 which should be human slavery. 
 
II ^1 
 
 
 1 84 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 For thirty years the gulf between the Free 
 and Slave States had grown wider and wider. 
 The conflict between freedom and slavery 
 had become fiercer and more bitter year after 
 year. The anti-slavery party, of which John 
 Quincy Adams, Joshua R. Giddings, Gerrit 
 Smith, and other noble advocates of freedom, 
 were the founders, had increased and become a 
 great, influential, and powerful party, spreading 
 its influence and principles throughout the coun- 
 try. For many years after the inception of this 
 party, its leaders and advocates were subjected 
 to the most persistent abuse and persecution at 
 the hands of slaveholders and their sympathisers 
 in the North. But the little cloud that appeared 
 no larger than a man's hand thirty years ago, 
 now overshadows the whole Union. 
 
 The triumphant election of Abraham Lincoln, 
 convinced the Southern despots that hereafter 
 the power and influence of the General Govern- 
 ment would be exerted to extend the blessings 
 of freedom and liberty, and establish for ever 
 the immortal principle that all men have "the 
 inalienable right to life, liberty, and the pursuit 
 of happiness." 
 
 True to their wicked purpose, the slaveholders 
 precipitated the country into a bloody and cruel 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 185 
 
 war, which has continued, with varied success, 
 for nearly four years. I believe that out of 
 this conflict will arise great good to mankind, 
 and that, when this conflict is ended, free- 
 dom will be universal throughout the great 
 American Republic. What a glorious future 
 awaits the United States, when slavery is for- 
 ever crushed, and the energies of her enlight- 
 ened millions shall be devoted to extending 
 the principles of freedom and self-government 
 over the continent of America, and in welcoming 
 the poor down-trodden masses of Europe! 
 
 The United States deserve the sympathy of 
 every Christian man and nation, because they 
 have espoused the cause of freedom, and are 
 contendinfT for the ri'j^hts of man. And althous^h 
 the loss of life and suffering consequent upon 
 the great struggle is to be deplored, I feel con- 
 vinced it is all for the best ; for had the North 
 been successful in crushing the rebellion at an 
 earlier period we would not have attained that 
 result which every good man should desire — 
 the abolition of human slavery. 
 
 With what gigantic strides the cause of 
 freedom has advanced since the war broke 
 out, and what glorious results have been 
 worked out ! At the outbreak of the rebellion, 
 
^w 
 
 1 86 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 there were four millions of human beings in 
 bondage in the Southern States, and the day of 
 deliverance seemed very remote. They were 
 held down by the most wicked, vile, and cruel 
 system of slavery ever devised ; and possessed 
 no right which a white man was bound to re- 
 spect. 
 
 How different their condition at present \ 
 Hundreds of thousands are now enjoying the 
 blessings of freedom and liberty, and the whole 
 power and influence of the Northern States is 
 being exerted in their behalf. The constitutional 
 amendment abolishing slavery throughout the 
 Union has passed both the Senate and House 
 of Representatives, and will shortly be ratified 
 by the required number of States to make it 
 an accomplished fact. When that glorious deed 
 is done, what an enviable and proud position 
 will the United States occupy! Cleansed from 
 the foul blot of slavery, it will be a beacon- 
 light to every people and nation. Several of 
 the former Slaveholding States have already 
 emancipated their slaves, and commenced 
 a new and glorious career in the new nation of 
 Free States. Thus the good work of emancipa- 
 tion goes on, and will continue until freedom is 
 universal. 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 187 
 
 igs in 
 lay of 
 were 
 cruel 
 sessed 
 to re- 
 
 ■esent ! 
 ig the 
 whole 
 ates is 
 utional 
 >ut the 
 , House 
 ratified 
 ake it 
 as deed 
 >osition 
 d from 
 )eacon- 
 eral of 
 ilready 
 neiiced 
 ition of 
 ancipa- 
 dom is 
 
 THE RIGHTS OF MAN. 
 
 Our Almighty Father has given to all men 
 the right to live, the right to enjoy the light of 
 the sun, the right to breathe the vital air, to 
 unfold his moral nature, to learn the laws that 
 control his moral and physical being, to bring 
 himself into harmony with these laws, and to 
 enjoy that happiness which is consequent upon 
 such obedience ; and wherever a human soul 
 exists, that law applies. I mean by the term 
 soul that immortal principle in man which exists 
 hereafter ; and where such a soul exists there is 
 the right to live, to attain knowledge, the right 
 to sustain life, obey the laws of his Creator, and 
 enjoy heaven and happiness, and the poorest 
 slave on earth has this inalienable right ; and 
 whoever deprives him of that right outrages both 
 the laws of God and nature. In defiance of 
 these sacred laws, four millions of innocent 
 human beings have long been deprived of all 
 these rights and subjected to a cruel bondage by 
 the slaveholders of the South. Thank God, the 
 hour of their deliverance is at hand ; and how 
 severe the punishment now being meted out, 
 by a just God, to those wicked and misguided men 
 who sought to establish a government in violation 
 of God's most sacred laws ! 
 
 May 1 6th, 1865. 
 
i88 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 %.. 
 
 lit' 
 
 In Memory of JOSHUA R. GiDDlNGS, who died 
 May 27th, 1864, at Montreal. 
 
 Mr. Giddings was one of the truest, most con- 
 sistent, and courageous advocates of freedom in 
 the Northern States. For thirty years he faith- 
 fully laboured, both in and out of Congress, to 
 bring about the abolition of slavery, and before 
 he was called away from earth he was per- 
 mitted to see the dawning of brighter and better 
 days for his country. Only one day prior to his 
 death he remarked to the writer, while convers- 
 ing upon national topics, " I have but one desire 
 to live longer, and that is, to see the complete 
 triumph of the cause to which I have given 
 the energies of my life." This noble and vener- 
 able patriot was one of the few statesmen in 
 the Northern States who felt the humiliation 
 of sharing the responsibility of slavery. 
 
 The writer was honoured with the confidence 
 and regard of Mr. Giddings, and was with him 
 much during the last weeks of his life. He 
 possessed a kind and genial nature, and when 
 conversing upon the glory that he believed 
 av/aited his country, when every human being 
 whether black or white, should be in possession 
 of the God-given right of freedom and equality, 
 his countenance would glow with animation and 
 
 joy- 
 
 Til », 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 189 
 
 Mr. Giddings was a thorough abolitionist in 
 principle. He did not, like many of the states- 
 men of the present day, stop merely at emanci- 
 pation, but demanded that every innocent man 
 was entitled not only to liberty and equality 
 before the law, but also to the right of suffrage. 
 Thirty years ago he bravely advocated the 
 cause of the poor down-trodden slave, when to 
 be called an abolitionist was considered a disgrace 
 and a dishonour ; neither threats of personal vio- 
 lence nor abuse could daunt the spirit of this 
 heroic and Christian man ; and, from his first 
 entrance into public life to the day of his decease, 
 he never allowed an opportunity to escape him of 
 advocating the cause of those in bondage. The 
 poor slave always had in him a warm defender and 
 true friend. His position on this great question, 
 classes him with Wilberforce and Clarkson, names 
 dear to humanity, who were the first in England 
 to speak for the enslaved race. He strove with 
 all his power to eradicate the foul blot of slavery 
 from his native land ; and, before he took his 
 departure for his heavenly home, he was permit- 
 ted to catch a glimpse of the bright future in 
 store for his country. 
 
 Few names will rank above his when the long 
 conflict with slavery is ended, and justice done 
 to those who fought for the right. 
 
190 
 
 Rccvll'\tioHs and Experiences 
 
 \m 
 
 wk 
 
 " Angelic jieace I stay not long, 
 But sit besitle the patriot's tomb, 
 And sing an everlasting song, 
 Of Freedom's triumph. Slavery's doom ; 
 Unite the Heveral links again. 
 The golden links of every State, 
 That men may tell their fellow men. 
 Columbia stands, free, blest, and great. " 
 
 June, 1865. 
 
 ii I 
 
 SLAVERY IN THE SOUTHERN STATES. 
 
 Human slavery has been denounced by all the 
 great and good men of the Christian world, as a 
 " relic of barbarism." The fathers of the Amer- 
 ican Republic, pronounced it an outrage, and 
 deplored its existence ; and the Bible also rises 
 up in judgment against this iniquitous institu- 
 tion. 
 
 Notwithstanding all this array of evidence 
 against human slavery, the bold attempt has re- 
 cently been made in this city, Toronto, by a pro- 
 slavery clergyman, to inculcate the falsehood that 
 human slavery was devised by our Heavenly 
 Father, and is, consequently, in perfect accord- 
 ance with His Almighty designs. 
 
 To the humane and enlightened among us, it 
 may appear a work of supererogation to publicly 
 
 \im 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 191 
 
 protest aj^ainst this absurd pretension ; but I 
 deem it my duty, as an anti-slavery man, and in 
 presenting my protest, I shall avail myself of 
 the opportunity afforded me, of recording the 
 testimony of Washington, Jefferson, Madison, 
 Monroe, Patrick Henry, and John Randolph, — 
 all residents of Virginia, and the most illustrious 
 men of their day ; and thus show those in 
 Canada who sympathize with the slaveholders* 
 rebellion, the hideous serpent they are helping 
 to warm into life ; for the Vice-President of the 
 rebellious States, has declared that " Slavery is 
 the chief Corner-stone of the Confederate Govern- 
 ment.'' 
 
 Is it possible, after reading the opinions of the 
 great and good men above quoted, and the testi- 
 mony of the Bible, that any man, professing to 
 be a follower and believer in the meek and XowXy 
 Jesus, can give his sympathies or countenance to 
 such a heaven-defying scheme ? Is it possible 
 that any liberty-loving Briton can countenance 
 the establishment of a government with such a 
 foundation, after reading the declaration of 
 Brougham and Wesley upon the vile and wicked 
 institution of slavery ? These great men knew 
 whereof they affirmed : they were familiar with 
 the laws of the Slave States, which are alone 
 sufficient to inspire horror in every human heart 
 or reflecting mind. 
 
192 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 m 
 
 w \y. 
 
 ¥<• 
 
 :|ii' 
 
 I f: 
 
 i 
 
 PI'' 
 
 1 ^^ ' '■ ' 
 
 ■t! !■" 
 
 
 
 1 ■ 
 
 '"■ 
 
 i i 
 
 George Washington says : " There is not a 
 man living who wishes more sincerely than I do 
 to see a plan adopted for the abolition of slavery." 
 George Washington^ April I2th, 1786. "The 
 scheme, my dear Marquis, which you propose as 
 a precedent to encourage the emancipation of 
 the black people in this country, from the state 
 of bondage in which they are held, is a striking 
 evidence of the benevolence of your heart." — 
 Washington to Layfctte, 1783. 
 
 " It is the most earnest wish of America to see 
 an entire stop put to the wicked and cruel trade 
 in slaves." — Meeting at Fairfax, Va., presided 
 over by Washington, July 18, 1784. 
 
 Thomas Jefferson says, in his " Notes on 
 Slavery in Virginia :" " I tremble for my coun- 
 try, when I reflect that God is just. His just- 
 ness cannot sleep for ever." 
 
 James Madison says: "We have seen the 
 mere distinction of colour, made in the most en- 
 lightened period of time, a ground of the most 
 oppresssive dominion ever exercised by man over 
 man." 
 
 James Monroe says: "We have found that 
 this evil has preyed upon the very vitals of the 
 Union, and has been prejudicial to all the States 
 in which it has existed." 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 103 
 
 John Randolph, of Roanoke, says, "I envy 
 neither the head nor the heart of that man who 
 defends slavery upon principle." 
 
 Thomas Jefferson says: " One ^^j of Ameri- 
 can slavery is worse than a thousand years of that 
 which the American colonists arose in arms to 
 oppose." Alluding to slave insurrections, he 
 said: "The Almighty has no attribute that can 
 take sides with us, in a contest with our slaves." 
 
 Patrick Henry says : "Slavery \s detestable. 
 We feel its fatal effects. We deplore it ivith all 
 the pity of hnmanityy 
 
 Surely here is evidence sufficient to convince 
 any but the most prejudiced, of the iniquity of 
 slavery as it exists in the South. The great men 
 above quoted, were residents of Virginia, and 
 the founders of the Republic. 
 
 Lord Brougham says: "Tell me not of 
 rights. Talk not of the property of the planter 
 m his slaves. I deny the rights— I acknowledge 
 not the property. The principles— the feelings 
 of our common nature— rise in rebellion against 
 It. Be the appeal made to the understanding or 
 to the heart, the sentence is the same that rejects 
 It In vain you may tell me of laws that sanc« 
 18 
 
vi' n 
 
 194 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 tion such a claim. There is a law above all the 
 enactments of human codes : it is the law writ- 
 ten by the finger of God upon the heart of man, 
 and by that law, unchangeable and eternal, while 
 men despise fraud, and loathe rapine and abhor 
 blood, they shall reject with indignation the wild 
 and guilty fantasy that man can hold property 
 in man." 
 
 John Wesley declares, " slavery to be the 
 sum of all villainies." 
 
 i i 
 
 Miss Sarah M. Grimke, daughter of the late 
 Judge Grimke, of the Supreme Court of South 
 Carolina, testifies as follows : ** As I left my na- 
 tive land on account of slavery, and deserted the 
 home of my father to escape the sound, of the 
 lash and the shrieks of tortured victims, I would 
 gladly bury in oblivion the recollection of those 
 scenes with which I have been familiar. But 
 that cannot be, they come over my memory like 
 goary spectres, and implore me with resistless 
 force, in the name of a God of mercy, in the 
 name of a crucified Saviour, for the sake of the 
 poor slave, to bear witness to the horrors of the 
 Southern prison-house." 
 
 Among the horrible barbarities she enumer- 
 ates, is the case of a young girl, thirteen years 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 195 
 
 ,11 the 
 writ- 
 "man, 
 while 
 abhor 
 e wild 
 Dperty 
 
 be the 
 
 old, who was flogged to death by her master. 
 She says : " I asked a prominent lawyer who 
 belonged to one of the first families in the State, 
 whether the murderer of this helpless child could 
 not be indicted ? and he cooly replied, " the slave 
 
 was Mr. 's property, and if he chose to suffer 
 
 the loss, no one else had anything to do with it." 
 She proceeds to say : " I felt there could be no 
 rest for me in the midst of such outrages and 
 pollutions." 
 
 he late 
 South 
 my na- 
 ted the 
 of the 
 would 
 f those 
 r. But 
 Dry like 
 ^sistless 
 in the 
 of the 
 3 of the 
 
 inumer- 
 n years 
 
 The Bible says : 
 
 " Remember them that are in bonds, as bound 
 with them." — Heb. xiii. 3. 
 
 " Hide the outcasts. Betray not him that 
 wandereth. Let my outcasts dwell with thee. 
 Be thou a covert to them from the face of the 
 spoiler." — ha. xvi. 3, 4. 
 
 " Thou shalt not deliver unto his master the 
 servant which has escaped from his master unto 
 thee. He shall dwell with thee. Thou shalt not 
 oppress him." — Deut. xxiii. 15, 16. 
 
 "Whatsoever ye would that men should do 
 to you, do ye even so to them." — Matt. vii. 12. 
 
 " Is not this the fast I have chosen to loose the 
 bonds of wickedness, to undo the heavy burdens 
 
 ...jiij 
 
196 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 Vi ^-f 
 
 % 
 
 %*:- 
 
 
 and to let the oppressed go free, and that ye 
 break every yoke ?" — Isa. Iviii. 6. 
 
 " They have given a boy for an harlot, and 
 sold a girl for wine, that they may drink." — Joel 
 iii. 3. 
 
 " He that oppresseth the poor, reproacheth his 
 Maker." — Prov. xiv. 31. 
 
 " Rob not the poor because he is poor ; neither 
 oppress the oppressed. For the Lord will plead 
 their cause, and spoil the soul of them that spoil 
 them." — Prov. xxii. 22, 23. 
 
 *' Masters give unto your servants that which 
 is just and equal ; knowing that ye also have a 
 Master in heaven." — Col. iv. i. 
 
 " Neither be ye called masters, for one is your 
 Master, even Christ, and all ye are brethren." — 
 Matt, xxiii. 8, 9. 
 
 "Woe unto him that useth his neighbour's 
 service without wages, and giveth him not for his 
 work." — Jer. xxii. 13. 
 
 " Behold, the hire of your labourers who have 
 reaped down your fields, which is of you kept 
 back by fraud, crieth ; and the cries of them 
 which have reaped are entered into the ears of 
 the Lord of Sabaoth. Ye have lived in pleasure 
 on the earth, and been wanton : ye have nour- 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 197 
 
 ished your hearts as in a day of slaughter." — 
 7 as. V. 4, 5. 
 
 The above quotations, from both the Old and 
 New Testaments, prove conclusively Lhat the pre- 
 sumptuous assertion, that " slavery is sanctioned 
 by the Bible," has no foundation in fact. The 
 human heart, reason, religion, and, above all, the 
 Bible, rise up in judgment against it. 
 
 The universal law in the Slave States is, that 
 "the child follows the condition of the mother." 
 This is an index to many things. Marriage be- 
 tween white and coloured people, is forbidden 
 by law ; yet a very large number of the slaves 
 are brown or yellow. How could this be, unless 
 their fathers or grandfathers had been white 
 men } But as their mothers were slaves, slave 
 laws pronounce them slaves also, subject to be 
 sold on the auction block, whenever the necessi- 
 ties or convenience of their masters and mis- 
 tresses require it. The sale of one's own children 
 has an ugly aspect to those tmacaistoincd to it. 
 
 Throughout the Slave States, no coloured 
 person's testimony can be taken against a white 
 man. Any drunken master or overseer may go 
 into the negro cabin, and commit any outrage 
 he pleases with perfect impunity, if no white 
 person is present who will witness against him. 
 
198 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 IH. 
 
 Slave laws declare that " a slave is a chattel 
 to all intents and purposes whatsoever." This 
 involves the right to sell his wife and children* 
 as if they were cattle. There are large numbers 
 of fugitives from slavery in Canada, with many 
 of whom I have conversed. I have seen the 
 scars of the whip and branding iron, and have 
 listened to their heart-broken sobs as they told 
 of their wives and children torn from their arms 
 to be sold. 
 
 ')*'»? 
 
 ^ is 
 
 i iiii 
 
 Viewing slavery in the light of the above tes- 
 timony, is there a Christian man in Canada who 
 does not feel it an outrage upon his feelings to 
 have it boldly and plausibly asserted that the 
 Bible upholds such a heaven-defying pretension^ 
 that tramples upon the most sacred relations^ 
 making wife and child the wretched prey of lust 
 and avarice .'' 
 
 * * * "0 execrable sou ! so to aspire 
 Above his brethren, to himself assuming 
 Authority usurped, from God not given ! 
 He gave us only over beast, fish, fowl, 
 Dominion absolute ; that right we hold 
 By His donation ; but man over men 
 He made not Lord, such title to Himself 
 Reserving, human left from human free." 
 
 Milfoil's Paradise Lost, Bk. XII. 64, 73. 
 February 3, 1865. 
 
I chattel 
 " This 
 :hildrenf 
 numbers 
 ;h many 
 seen the 
 ind have 
 hey told 
 icir arms 
 
 bove tes- 
 lada who 
 lelings to 
 that the 
 etension, 
 relations^ 
 ;y of hist 
 
 f 
 
 [. 64, 73. 
 
 Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 199 
 
 Remarks at the Annual Meeting of 
 THE "Society for the Abolition of 
 HUiMAN Slavery," held in Montreal, 
 October 2ist, 1863. 
 
 Ladies and Gentlemen, — My views upon 
 the subject of slavery are by many considered 
 ultra ; but I have been an eye-witness to the 
 cruelty, injustice, and barbarity of that vile and 
 atrocious institution, and know whereof I speak. 
 In October, 1859, ^vhile on a visit to Rich- 
 mond, Virginia, I was forcibly reminded of the 
 truth of the saying, " The wicked fleeth when no 
 man pursueth." I found the population of that 
 city in a condition of great excitement ; a feeling 
 of dread and insecurity prevailed which extended 
 to every part of the State. You will naturally 
 ask the cause of this excitement, this feeling of 
 insecurity and dread. The people of Virginia 
 were at that time living under the protectiofi of 
 a government intensely pro-slavery ; they were 
 in the enjoyment of all their State rights : the 
 cause of this dread and insecurity in the minds 
 of slaveholders was produced by the sudden 
 darting of a ray of light from Harper's Ferry, — 
 a ray of light that penetrated the pending gloom 
 and ignorance which hung like a cloud over the 
 darkened minds of 4,000,000 enslaved human 
 
F* 
 
 2CX) 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 I i 1 
 
 beings. John Brown had stricken a blow on 
 the confines of slavery, the echoes of which 
 resounded on every plantation, and entered the 
 humble cabin of the poor slave as well as the 
 mansion of the proud and haughty slaveholder, 
 and roused the lonc^ -deferred hope in the bosom 
 of millions of poor, downtrodden, and long- 
 suffering slaves that the hour of their deliver- 
 ance from a cruel tyranny was at hand ; and 
 prayers ascended from a thousand rude cabins 
 to the Almighty Father for freedom, justice, and 
 liberty. Is it a matter of surprise that a feeling 
 of dread and insecurity was felt in the mansion 
 of the proud and haughty master, when a million 
 earnest prayers were going up to the throne of 
 God for justice and freedom } 
 
 It is not unusual to hear the tales of cruelty 
 and oppression toward this unfortunate people 
 spoken of as a fiction ; and that interesting work 
 of Mrs. Stowe (Uncle Tom's Cabin) has been 
 declared by slaveholders and Northern sympa- 
 thisers with slavery, as entirely imaginary and 
 unworthy of belief. 
 
 Mr. President, I have read that and other 
 kindred works upon the institution of slavery, 
 and assure you I have witnessed scenes of 
 oppression, cruelty, and brutality towards that 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 201 
 
 inoffensive people in the Slave States, far exceed-^ 
 ing anything described in works of the kind 
 mentioned. 
 
 Slavery is demoralizing in its tendencies to 
 the white as well as to the black, to the master 
 as well as to the slave. Where it exists, it 
 brutalizes and renders the white domineering, 
 despotic and brutal. The black race is kept in 
 a condition of the grossest ignorance, and the 
 circulation of knowledge is guarded with a 
 jealous eye, with a view to prevent the slave 
 from gaining information. The discussion of 
 subjects which would be likely to reach the 
 darkened but alert mind of the coloured people, 
 is sternly prohibited. For fifty years past, the 
 Government of the United States has been under 
 the control of Southern men, and they have 
 persistently endeavoured to extend their domi- 
 neering tyranny over the entire North ; and 
 until within the past twenty-five years, there 
 were few prominent men in the North with 
 sufficient moral courage to face the proud and 
 overbearing dictation of the slave lords in the 
 Senate and Congress. The venerable John 
 Quincy Adams, and that noble veteran and 
 apostle of freedom, the late Joshua R. Giddings 
 took a firm and decided stand twt ity-five years 
 ago for freedom, and bravely asserted that all 
 
202 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 ■ 'J 
 
 M 
 
 men, black and white, had the " inalienable right 
 to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness;" 
 and for many years these two noble men with- 
 stood a united Senate and House of Congress, 
 and the cowardly and assassinlikc threats and 
 abuse of the slave-drivers of the South. The 
 lamp lighted by Garrison, Adams, and Giddings, 
 continued to burn with increased brilliancy year 
 after year, and in many of the free States 
 societies were formed to promote the abolition 
 of Slavery by the dissemination of information 
 throughout the North, describing the actual con- 
 dition of the poor downtrodden slaves and to 
 awaken an interest in behalf of that oppressed 
 people. The leaders in this movement had to 
 withstand the most vindictive persecution at 
 the hands of Southern men nnd their sympa- 
 thisers in the North. Prominent upon the roll 
 of men who have rendered their names immortal 
 by the advocacy of the rights of man may be 
 mentioned the names of John Quincy Adams, 
 Joshua R. Giddings, William Lloyd Garrison, 
 Wendell Phillips, Gerritt Smith, Horace Greeley, 
 Charles Sumner, and other noble men and 
 women who have laboured with great zeal 
 and sacrifice to bring about the abolition of 
 human slavery in the United States. The 
 slaveholders used every influence in their power 
 to prevent discussions upon the subject of 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 203 
 
 slavery, and when they failed to meet the argu- 
 ments of the anti-slavery men, they assumed the 
 domineering and despotic attitude of the slave- 
 driver, and attempted, by acts of cowardly 
 brutality, to stifle discussion with the bowie- 
 knife, pistol, and bludgeon. The late Mr. Gid- 
 dings, when a member of Congress, and while 
 addressing the House upon the rights of man, 
 was threatened with instant death if he uttered 
 another word upon the subject; but the brave 
 old statesman well knew the cowardly character 
 of slaveholders, and continued his address in 
 defiance of the cowardly threat. And more 
 recently the Hon. Charles Sumner was attacked 
 while seated at his desk in the Senate Chamber, 
 and nearly assassinated by a Southern member 
 of Congress, while another Southerner stood over 
 the victim of this brutal outrage with a cocked 
 pistol, to prevent the bystanders from rendering 
 aid to Mr. Sumner while his Southern confrere^ 
 with murderous intent, brutally assaulted an 
 unarmed man. This outrage upon Mr. Sumner 
 was committed because his arguments, proving 
 the " Barbarism of Slavery," were unanswerable. 
 In this manner the South has endeavoured to 
 control the nation and extend and perpetuate 
 the blighting curse of slavery. And when the 
 slaveholders found they could no longer brow- 
 beat and force the liberty-loving people of the 
 
204 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 North into acquiescence with their barbarous 
 designs, they rebelled, and are now endeavoring 
 to establish a government with slavery for its chief 
 corner-stone. An eminent English statesman has 
 asserted, in reference to the war in the United 
 States, that " the North is fighting for empire, 
 and the South for independence." This is a 
 fallacy — the great struggle now being waged in 
 the United States, is a continuance of the con- 
 test between freedom and slavery, that began 
 thirty-five years ago in Congress ; and, thank 
 God, the indications are, that slavery will go 
 down beneath the blows of the freemen of the 
 North. 
 
 It is unnecessary for me to occupy your 
 attention any longer to convince you of the 
 barbarity and demoralizing influence of slavery. 
 Most of you have doubtless seen the pho- 
 tographs of the slave children from New 
 Orleans ; the mother of these two inno- 
 cent children was a slave, and the children 
 of a slave mother follow her condition, — and 
 these innocent children, as white as any child 
 in Montreal, were destined for the slave market. 
 This is not by any means an isolated case, 
 but of frequent and daily occurrence in the 
 Slave States. What do you think of a father 
 selling his own child, and that child a pure 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 205 
 
 innocent girl, as white, if not whiter than 
 himself, and for the basest, vilest, and most 
 loathsome purpose imaginable ? Thank God 
 for the war ; may it continue until we no longer 
 hear the sighs and groans of an oppressed 
 and cruelly outraged people ! I believe the 
 great principle of human freedom involved in 
 this contest will ultimately triumph ; it may be 
 the purpose of a just God to punish still more 
 the people of the North, because of their com- 
 plicity with the South in binding the chains of 
 slavery upon the coloured people. But out of this 
 great contest will arise the august form of Liberty 
 demanding that all men — black and white — shall 
 have an equal right to " Life, liberty, and the 
 pursuit of happiness." 
 
 It is the custom in this country, and in 
 England, to find fault with the President of the 
 United States, because he has not done more 
 towards liberating the slaves, and especially, 
 because he failed to declare every slave in the 
 Union free, when he issued the emancipation 
 proclamation. I believe Mr. Lincoln lias done 
 all he could do constitutionally toward emanci- 
 pation, and has kept pace with the public opinion 
 of the country ; he may appear slow and over- 
 cautious at times, but he has done what he has, 
 after grave deliberation and much thought and 
 
206 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 anxiety. In issuing his emancipation proclama- 
 tion, he acted in his capacity of Commander-in- 
 Chief of the Army of the United States ; he had 
 no power to interfere with the local institutions 
 of a State like Kentucky, not in actual rebellion. 
 I find from public documents that over one 
 million of slaves have been liberated, during 
 the past two years, and the good work goes 
 bravely on. President Lincoln, in my estima- 
 tion, merits the approbation and prayers of 
 every Christian man, for his efforts to crush 
 slavery ; and that God will help him and sustain 
 him, should be the earnest prayer of every true 
 lover of freedom. 
 
 •. American Reconstruction. 
 
 The question of Reconstruction, which at 
 present is deeply agitating the public mind in 
 the United States, is one which almost equally 
 concerns all mankind as much as the American 
 people. That the fruits of the great conquest 
 won by the North may not be entirely lost, is a 
 wish that is shared alike by the people of everjr 
 enlightened nation. 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 207 
 
 The policy of Rcconstructio", now being pur- 
 sued by President Johnson, is fraught with much 
 danger to the permanent peace and welfare of 
 the United States, and to the progress of Liberal 
 principles throughout the world. The President's 
 system of appointing, as Provisional Governors 
 of the rebel States, men who have just returned 
 from the ranks of the rebel army, and the indis- 
 criminate pardoning and restoring to political 
 rights of men who were prominent in their efforts 
 to destroy the Government — the placing into 
 political power of men who, by their infamous 
 treachery, forfeited everything, even their lives, 
 will, it is believed, work great and lasting injury 
 to the cause of freedom in the Southern States. 
 
 Mr. Johnson maintains that the rebel acts of 
 secession were null and void — that the rebel 
 States have never been out of the Union — that 
 the Federal authority was only temporarily 
 obstructed by insurrection — that all acts done 
 and laws enacted by rebel authority were illegal 
 assuinotions of power, and that all the people of 
 *:he Uteiy rebel States are required to do, to 
 
 enable them to assume the rights and privileges 
 'hey forfeited by their pi .♦^icipation m rebellion, 
 
 s to obtain pardon and taKC the oath of fidelity 
 to the Federal Government, which they have, 
 for four years been endeavouring to destroy ; 
 
 ^io^'>^ 
 
^w 
 
 PC 
 
 i.i 
 
 II ''I'l 
 
 ■■) !': 
 
 208 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 and having conformed to the above require- 
 ments, they (the rebels) are to be reinstated to 
 all the rights, civil and political, of loyal citizens. 
 This is the policy adopted by the President^ 
 and which, if persisted in, will deprive the loyal 
 people of the Union of the fruits of the great 
 victories they have nobly won by tb'" si. .rifice of 
 so much life and treas.ure. 
 
 The most recent informatioi? from the South 
 conveys the surprising intelligence that Pre. 51^ 
 dent Johnson has authorized the Ivjv iora) 
 Governors of Mississippi and South C robaa to 
 arm and organize a company of militia in each 
 county of these States ; and as the whole white 
 population of both these States were rebels, 
 without exception, the militia, of course, will be 
 rebels, and zealous in their efforts to keep the 
 nominally free coloured people in abject submis- 
 sion to the wishes of their pro-slavery rulers. 
 After this concession to unrepentant rebels, it 
 would not be at all surprising to hear that the 
 National troops were to be removed from tho.?^ 
 States, where their presence is the only securiy 
 the freedmen have from outrage and tyrr.iny. 
 The troops once withdrawn from the rebel States, 
 a system of persecution and tyranny will be 
 organized against the coloured people. Once the 
 war power is laid down and State Governments 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 209 
 
 inaugurated, what is to prevent the Southern 
 whites from enacting laws by which the freed- 
 men will have as little protection for life, liberty, 
 and property — as little control of their own ac- 
 tions — in fact, from making them slaves in all 
 but the name ? To bring about this condition it 
 will not even be necessary to enact new laws ; 
 the brutal slave-codes of the rebel States will 
 answer every purpose. Under these codes no 
 coloured person's testimony can be taken against 
 a white person. Even were these codes abro- 
 gated, nothing more would be needed than the 
 prejudice that exists in the courts of justice in 
 the South. If the Southern States are allowed 
 to reorganize and assume their former position 
 in the Union, without granting the negro suf- 
 frage and perfect equality before the law, the 
 poor black man will be left to the tender mercies 
 of the slaveholders, who will take a fiendish 
 pleasure in wreaking vengeance upon him for 
 his fidelity and loyalty to the Government, 
 And to this condition is the policy of Mr. 
 Johnson tending. 
 
 The white population of the Slave States have 
 been corrupted by vicious institutions, which 
 have rendered them totally unfit to participate 
 in the reconstruction of the Southern States on 
 a basis of freedom and equality ; and if the 
 14 
 
210 
 
 Recollections and Expci'icnces 
 
 I' r 
 
 \\ 
 
 \h 
 
 mm 
 
 m 
 
 power of legislation is given to this class alone, 
 the natural consequence will be, that the 
 coloured people, who are the only loyal people 
 in the South, will be deprived of the little 
 freedom which they now enjoy, and remande-' 
 back into slavery. The votes of the loyal bla.-K- 
 men are absolutely required to neutralize the 
 votes of black-hearted white men. The Govern- 
 ment should demand that the intelligent coloured 
 man should have an equal voice in the recon- 
 a-uction of the Southern States. Before these 
 ^'tates should be permitted to have a share in the 
 Government, they should be required to give a 
 guarantee to freedom, and that guarantee should 
 be the immediate levelling of every obstruction 
 they have placed in the path of the negro by 
 unjust and cruel enactments, and the extension 
 of the right of suffrage and complete equality 
 before the law. This should be made the un- 
 alterable condition upon which alone they can be 
 permitted to regain their forfeited po.sition. 
 Unless that condition is established and acted 
 upon, the Northern people stand a fair chance of 
 losing the fruits of their great conquest, and the 
 coloured people will be left to the cruel and vin- 
 dictive passions of their former masters ; and the 
 extent to which their cruelty and cowardly bru- 
 tality can extend, may be seen in the records of 
 the horrid prison pen at Andersonville, Georgia, 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 2ir 
 
 where 30,000 Union prisoners were systematically 
 starved to death. 
 
 How long the patient and docile negro will 
 bear the wrongs and injustice heaped upon him, 
 we cannot tell; but there is a limit to human 
 patience, and the cruelties practised upon this 
 innocent and long-suftering people, may yet 
 result in a disastrous war of races. 
 
 October 1st; 1865. 
 
 Reconstruction of the Southern States. 
 (July 25, 1865.) 
 
 To a nation there can be no greater danger 
 than the existence of a flagrant injustice in its 
 midst, protected and sanctioned by those in 
 authority. 
 
 When the American people began their na- 
 tional career, they made this declaration : — " We 
 hold these truths to be self-evident — that all men 
 are created equal ; and that they are endowed 
 by their Creator with certain inalienable rights ; 
 that among these are life, liberty, and the pur- 
 
 i 
 
212 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 IS 1-" ill 
 
 suit of happiness. That, to secure these rights, 
 Governments are instituted among men, deriving 
 their just powers from the consent of the govern- 
 ed." These great principles were solemnly enun- 
 ciated by the founders of the Republic, and they 
 appealed to the Supreme Judge of the world for 
 the rectitude of their intentions ; and, notwith- 
 standing this solemn affirmation, the nation has 
 proved recreant to these principles. No wonder 
 that Thomas Jefferson declared, in view of the 
 national apostacy, "that he trembled for his 
 country when he remembered that God was just, 
 and that His justice could not sleep forever." 
 Without repenting for the long oppression of the 
 coloured race, and without evincing the least grati- 
 tude toward the negro for his aid and assistance 
 in overthrowing the enemies of freedom, they 
 basely determine to leave the coloured people in 
 the power of their cruel oppressors. Could there 
 be greater baseness } Could there be blacker 
 ingratitude "i 
 
 i I 
 
 The President of the United States, in his 
 proclamation appointing a Provisional Governor 
 for Mississippi, announces that none are to be 
 allowed to vote for members of the Convention 
 (called to restore the State to the Union) but 
 those who were qualified as voters in 1861 ; thus 
 summarily depriving the loyal blacks of all voice 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 213 
 
 rights, 
 iriving 
 overn- 
 ■ enun- 
 dthey 
 rid for 
 )twith- 
 on has 
 \ronder 
 of the 
 for his 
 as just, 
 )rever." 
 1 of the 
 it grati- 
 iistance 
 n, they 
 ople in 
 d there 
 blacker 
 
 in his 
 overnor 
 e to be 
 vention 
 on) but 
 ; thus 
 
 11 voice 
 
 in the reconstruction of the South, and placing 
 the power directly into the hands of rebels yet 
 red with the blood of Union men. 
 
 If the terrible scenes through which the Amer- 
 ican nation has passed during the last four years 
 has not been sufficient to teach it its solemn duty 
 to the oppressed people of the South, it may yet 
 have to pass through a more fiery ordeal — a war 
 of races. Well might Jefferson exclaim, in view 
 of such an event, " The Almighty has no attri- 
 bute that will not take sides with the oppre:ssed 
 against the oppressor." In the midst of their 
 rejoicings over the collapse of the rebellion, the 
 American people should not forget to deal justly 
 with the coloured race. They need not expect the 
 favour of Heaven, or a true and permanent peace 
 until they level every obstruction, and give the 
 freedman the right of suffrage, and place him in 
 a position to freely enjoy those inalienable rights 
 which the founders of the nation declared to be 
 " self-evident truths." The logic of American in- 
 stitutions and the principles of the men who 
 achieved their independence and framed those 
 institutions should impel the American Govern- 
 ment to this course, which is demanded alike by 
 justice, humanity, and expediency. But if the 
 inalienable rights of four millions of men are 
 wickedly and unjustly ignored, their appeals for 
 justice will not go forth in vain. 
 
f^ 
 
 214 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 American Politics, (March 2, 1865). 
 
 While on a recent visit to the United States, 
 I had many opportunities of conversing with 
 intelligent Americans upon the all-absorbing 
 question of Reconstruction, now the chief topic 
 of conversation in the United States. 
 
 fi ''•I 
 
 M 
 
 1 'f 
 
 The conflict existing between the President 
 and Congress, and the results that may arise 
 from a continuance of that conflict, give much 
 anxiety to loyal Americans. From the tone of 
 the President's remarks and public speeches, 
 soon after his accession to the Presidency, the 
 loyal and liberty-loving people of the Union 
 were led to believe that the President was in 
 favour of re-establishing the foundation of the 
 country upon the just and enduring basis of 
 equal rights to all ; but it soon became apparent 
 that the President had a policy which was none 
 other than the restoration of Southern rebels to 
 all the rights they had forfeited by their wicked 
 attempt to destroy the country. 
 
 \ , 
 
 The object the President has in view is quite 
 evident : he desires to be re-elected, and, to 
 carry his point, he has resorted to the tricks and 
 wiles of a political demagogue. To aid him in 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 215 
 
 his efforts, he has formed an aliance with men 
 whose hands are red with the blood of the 
 murdered Lincoln ; and to propitiate men who, 
 for four years, have been engaged in murdering 
 and starving Union -men, he has hastened to 
 pardon and restore to impenitent rebels all the 
 rights of citizenship, without asking security for 
 the future, or without demanding equal rights 
 for loyal men in the South. 
 
 During the last Session of Congress it became 
 manifest that the President was determined to 
 force his policy upon the country ; but Congress 
 took a noble stand in opposition to the recreant 
 President, and have maintained their position 
 throughout. 
 
 The American people will certainly support 
 Congress in opposition to the President and his 
 demagogic henchmen — Seward and Weed. The 
 great majority of intelligent Americans are 
 decidedly more radical in their views than Con- 
 gress ; consequently there need be no fear or 
 anxiety as to the issue of the present conflict 
 between the political parties in the United States. 
 The great Republican party will be fully sup- 
 ported by the people in the elections now being 
 held for Congressmen. It is true that some 
 weak-kneed Republicans have gone over to the 
 
2l6 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 \^ t 
 
 President ; but it is equally true that they are 
 men of little influence, and that little they have 
 lost by their treason. 
 
 The President has already commenced the 
 wholesale removal from office of men appointed 
 by Mr. Lincoln, and is filling their places with his 
 time-serving friends and favorites of the Copper- 
 head species. As Mr. Johnson is a man of 
 violent passions, strong will, and very unscrupu- 
 lous, the question naturally arises, what will he 
 do, in case he is defeated at the present elections ? 
 One of his favorites, Montgomery Blair, declares 
 the President's determination to be the inaugu- 
 ration of another civil war, if the loyal people 
 return a Congress opposed to his polic>'. If that 
 is the President's determination, and he attempts 
 to carry it out, he will speedily meet the punish- 
 ment he merits. 
 
 The Blacks in Canada — The Laws— The 
 Negro Fitted to Enjoy Liberty. 
 
 Letter to " New York Tnbime," July 10, ISGo. 
 
 There is a resident population of between 
 40,000 and 50,000 colored people in Canada, of 
 which a large proportion were once held in cruel 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 217 
 
 vassalage in the Southern States, and, after en- 
 during innumerable perils, found a refuge in this 
 Province from the wrongs and outrages heaped 
 upon them by their wicked task-masters. 
 
 The laws of Canada make no distinction as to 
 colour. The negro is placed upon equality with 
 the emigrants from other countries, entitled to all 
 the privileges, and eligible to ofifice ; and, not- 
 withstanding they have had to encounter many 
 obstacles in a climate very different from that to 
 which they have been accustomed, their pros- 
 perity equals that of any other people in our 
 midst. They fully appreciate the benefits of 
 education ; they are quiet, docile, industrious 
 citizens — many of them have become wealthy, 
 and i;ome have attained to high positions in the 
 learned professions. 
 
 There is very much foolish talk in the United 
 States about " protecting the negro," and " fitting 
 him to enjoy the blessings of liberty." From 
 my experience of the colored people of Canada 
 (and I have enjoyed unusual advantages that 
 have enabled me to become familiar with their 
 condition and properties), I believe them quite 
 as capable of appreciating I'l'^ir freedom, and 
 much more deserving of it, .iian thousands of 
 white voters in the City of New York. The negro 
 
'T 
 
 218 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 needs no protection — no preparatory course of 
 training. What he does need is to be placed in 
 a position to freely enjoy those " inalienable 
 rights," which the founders of your institutions 
 declared to be " self-evident truths." It is your 
 duty to level every obstruction t^'^t' you have 
 placed in their path, in the way unjust and 
 cruel enactments, and, having done that, let them 
 alone to manage their own affairs in their own 
 way. 
 
 The logic of your institutions, and the prin- 
 ciples of the great men who framed those insti- 
 tutions, should impel you to this course, which is 
 demanded alike by justice, humanity, and expe- 
 diency. But, if you continue to wickedly ignore 
 the rights of the coloured people ou may yet 
 have to pass through the fiery op of a war of 
 races. 
 
 '■'■,:l^' 'J 
 
 Position of the Freedmen in the South. 
 
 (July 5, 1865). 
 
 The basis upon which the seceding States are 
 allowed to return to the Union is being very 
 warmly discussed in the United States ; and the 
 process of reconstruction is watched with the 
 
Of an Abolitiufiist, 
 
 219 
 
 deepest interest by Christian men throughout 
 the world. 
 
 Anti-slavery and radical men demand that 
 the freedmcn of the South shall have the right 
 of suffrage and complete equality before the 
 laws, and maintain that the President has the 
 constitutional power to guarantee these rights 
 to the loyal coloured people of the States lately 
 in insurrection. 
 
 On the other hand, there is a large and 
 influential party in the Union who maintain 
 opposite views, and insist that the question of 
 suffrage and equality shall be left to the control 
 of the white people of the States interested. 
 
 The Proclamation of Emancipation gave the 
 negro parclmient liberty, and the Constitu- 
 tional amendment only secures that a man shall 
 not be bought and sold, and shall have the right 
 to walk in peace — nothing else. They have no 
 other right that a white man is bound to 
 respect ; they cannot own land ; they cannot 
 testify in a court of justice. If a white man 
 enters the house of a coloured man, and out- 
 rages his wife or daughter, he cannot go before 
 the tribunals and claim justice. They cannot 
 vote where the great questions that effect 
 
220 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 their destiny, their labour and property, are 
 concerned. 
 
 And, if the question of sufifrage and equality 
 Is to be left to the white men of Texas, 
 Alabama, and Mississippi, beyond the reach of 
 Northern influence, and outside the shelter of 
 Northern law, the poor negro will, in all proba- 
 bility, remain the tool and victim of their former 
 masters for many years. 
 
 n 
 
 I contend that the American people and 
 Government are bound, by a solemn obligation 
 of honour, to give the freedmen complete 
 equality before the law, and the right of 
 suffrage. In the hour of their direst necessity 
 they called upon the negro for help, and tens of 
 thousands of brave coloured men sprang to the 
 rescue ; and, by the aid they gave, the North 
 succeeded in crushing the Slaveholders' Rebellion. 
 Thousands of these negroes have shed their 
 blood upon the battle field to maintain the 
 integrity of the Union, and now, to remand 
 them to the tender mercies of their former cruel 
 masters, is worse than injustice — it is base 
 ingratitude ! 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 221 
 
 are 
 
 Why I Desire the Success of the North. 
 (April 5, 1865.) 
 
 I am frequently asked why I, a Canadian, so 
 warmly sympathize with the Northern States in 
 their efforts to crush the Slaveholders' Rebellion. 
 
 I reply : I desire the success of the North, 
 because the Northern people are struggling to 
 maintain the integrity of the Union, and prevent 
 the building up of a slave empire on this continent. 
 
 I desire the success of the North, because it 
 has espoused the cause of the poor down-trodden 
 slaves of the South. 
 
 I desire the success of the North, because I 
 believe the preservation of tlie Union to be es- 
 sential to the progress of liberty throughout the 
 world. 
 
 I desire the success of the North, because the 
 ultimate release from bondage of four millions of 
 slaves depends upon the overthrow of the Slave- 
 holders' Rebellion. 
 
 If any further justification of my career were 
 necessary, I might cite the attitude of Liberals 
 
[J' . IT vy 
 
 
 222 
 
 Recollections and Experiences 
 
 ■■■i 
 
 ii' 
 
 
 all over the world. The Liberals among the 
 public men of England, France, Italy, and Ger- 
 many are in favor of the North. Cobden, Bright, 
 and Mill, in England ; and, in Italy, Mazzini and 
 Garibaldi, who will be known throughout all 
 coming ages as the liberators of Italy, and the 
 champions of universal freedom, are in favor of 
 the North. 
 
 Finally, I am persuaded ..hat however much 
 my objects and motives may be slandered and 
 impugned, that history will vindicate the course 
 I have pursued and the position I have main- 
 tained since the outbreak of the Slaveholders' 
 Rebellion. 
 
 Ratification of the Constitutional 
 Amendment and Proclamation of 
 Freedom. 
 
 On the 1 8th of December, 1865, Secretary 
 Seward officially announced to the world the glad 
 tidings that the Constitutional Amendment abol- 
 ishing slavery and involuntary servitude through- 
 out the United States, or any place subject to 
 their jurisdiction, as follows : — 
 
Of an Abolitionist. 
 
 223 
 
 fAL 
 OF 
 
 retary 
 e glad 
 abol- 
 rough- 
 ect to 
 
 To all to rchom tlo-.xc p)v-<i)i!-i mn;/ ronw, Orct'tiih/ : 
 
 Knoir ye, That, whereas the Congress of the United States, 
 on the Ist of February last, passed a resolution, which is in 
 the words following, namely : 
 
 " A resolution submitting to tlie Legislatures of the several 
 States a proposition to amend the Constitution of the United 
 States." 
 
 " Remloed, By the Senate and House of Representatives of 
 the United States of America in Congress assembled, two- 
 thirds of both Houses concurring that the foUowmg article be 
 proposed to the Legislatures of the several States as an 
 Amendment to the Constitution of the United States, which, 
 when ratified by three -fourths of said Legislatures, shall be 
 valid to till intents and purposes as a part of said Constitution, 
 namely : 
 
 "•Article XIII. 
 
 "'Section 1. Neither Slavery nor involuntary servitude, 
 except as a punishment for crime, whereof the party shall 
 have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, 
 or any place subject to their jurisdiction. 
 
 "'Section 2. Congress shall have power to enforce this 
 article by appropriate legislation.' " 
 
 And whereas. It appears from official documents on file in 
 this Department, that the Amendment to the Constitution of 
 the United States proposed as aforesaid, has been ratified by 
 the Legislatures of the States of Illinois, Riiode Island, 
 Michigan, Maryland, New York, West Virginia, Maine, Kan- 
 sas, Massachusetts, Pennsy^lvania, Virginia, Ohio, Missouri, 
 Nevada, Indiana, Louisiana, Minnesota, Wisconsin, Vermont, 
 Tennessee, Arkansas, Connecticut, New Hampshire. South 
 Carolina, Alabama, North Carolina, and Georgia, in all 27 
 States. 
 
 And whereas. The whole number of States in the United 
 States is 36. 
 
 And whereas. The before specially named States, whose 
 Legislatures have ratified the said proposed Amendment, 
 constitute three-fourths of the whole number of States in the 
 United States; 
 
224 Recollections and Experiences. 
 
 Now, therefore, be it known that I, William H. Seward, 
 Secretary of State of the Unite<l States, by virtue and in 
 pursuance of the second section of the act of Congress, 
 approved the 20th of April, 1818, entitled " An Act to pro- 
 vide for the publication of the laws of the United States, and 
 for otlier purposes," do hereby certify that the Amendment 
 aforesaid has become valid to all intents and purposes as a 
 part of the Constitution of the United States. 
 
 In testimony whereof, I have liereunto set my hand, and 
 caused the seal of the Department of State to be affixed. 
 
 Done at the City of Washington, this 18th day of December, 
 in the year of our Lord 1865, and of the Independence of the 
 Unite! States of America the 90th. 
 
 * 
 
 Wm. H. Sewakd, Secretary of State. 
 
 ' ■' !l 
 
 U I 
 
 Thus terminated the great struggle between 
 Freedom and Slavery in the United States. 
 
 vy\ 
 
 END. 
 
 ' . 
 
H. Seward, 
 rtue and in 
 f Congress, 
 Act to pro- 
 States, and 
 Amendment 
 irposes as a 
 
 y hand, and 
 affixed. 
 
 f December, 
 dence of the 
 
 y of State. 
 
 e between 
 Jtates.