IMAGE EVALUATION
TEST TARGET (MT-?)
/.
// -.^
1.0
I I.I
■^ iae III
^ 1^
2J.
2.2
|Z0
1.8
1.25
1.4 1.6
i -r— ^ —
^
6"
►
V]
(^
/]
^^'
•c^
^^- c^'
:^:>
'c^J
4
P
A
^n'**^
'^
%
Photographic
Sciences
Corporation
2i WEST MAIN STREET
WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580
(716) 872-4503
CIHM/ICMH
Microfiche
Series.
CIHM/ICIVIH
Collection de
microfiches.
Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions / Institut Canadian de microreproductions historiques
Technical and Bibliographic Notas/Notas tachniquas at bibliographiquas
Th« Institute has attempted to obtain the bast
original copy available for filming. Features of this
copy which may be bibliographicaily unique,
which may altar any of the images in the
reproduction, or which may significantly change
the usual method of filming, are checked below.
D
D
D
D
D
D
D
D
Coloured covers/
Couverture de couiaur
r~n Covers damaged/
Couverture endommagia
Covers restored and/or laminated/
Couverture restaur^ ot/ou pelliculie
I I Cover title missing/
Le titre de couverture tr ^ nque
Coloured maps/
Cartes gAographiques en couleur
Coloured ink (i.e. other than blue or black}/
Encre da couiaur (i.e. autre qua blaua ou noire)
Coloured plates and/or illustrations/
Planches et/ou illustrations en couiaur
Bound with other material/
ReliA avac d'autras documents
Tight binding may causa shadows or distortion
along interior marQin/
La re liure serrie peut causer da I'ombre ou de la
distorsion le long de la marge intirieure
Blank leavM added during restoration may
appear within the text. Whenever possible, these
have been omitted from filming/
II se peut que certaines pages blenches ajouties
lore d'une restauration apparaissant dans le texte,
mais, lorsque cela 4tait possible, ces pages n'ont
pas ixi filmias.
L'Instltut a microfilm^ le meilleur exemplaire
qu'il lui a it* possible de se procurer. Les details
de cet exemplaire qui sont peut-^tre uniques du
point de vue bibliographique, qui peuvent modifier
une image reproduite, ou qui peuvent exiger une
modification dans la m^thoda normaia de filmage
sont indiquto ci-dessous.
Th«
to tit
□ Coloured pages/
Pages de couleur
r~~] Pages damaged/
□
D
D
D
D
Pages endommag^s
Pages restored and/or laminated/
Pages restauries et/ou pelliculies
Pages discoloured, stained or foxed/
Pages dicolories, tachetAe^ ou piqu^es
Pages detached/
Pages ditachees
Showthrough/
Transparence
Quality of print varies/
Qualiti inigale de I'impression
Includes supplementary material/
Comprend du material supplementaire
Only edition available/
Seule Edition disponible
Pages wholly or partially obscured by errata
slips, tissues, etc., have been refilmed to
ensure the best possible image/
Les pages totalement ou partiellement
obscurcies par un feuillet d'errata, une pelure,
etc., cnt dt6 filmies h nouveau de facon h
obtenir la meilleure image possible.
The
posi
oft!
film
Oris
begl
the
sion
oth(
first
sion
oril
The
shal
TiN
whi
Ma(
diff<
enti
beg
righ
reqi
met
Additional comments:/
Commentaires supplimentaires:
Wrinkled pages may film slightly out of focus. There are some creases in the middle of the
pages.
This item is filmed at the reduction ratio checked below/
Ce document est filmi au taux de reduction indiqui ci-dessous.
10X 14X 18X 22X
26X
30X
y
12X
16X
20X
24X
28X
32X
tails
du
adifier
una
Tiage
'rata
o
lelure,
iddle of the
32X
The copy filmed here has been reproduced thanks
to the generosity of:
Douglas Library
Queen's University
The images appearing here are the best quality
possible considering the condition and legibility
of the original copy and in keeping with the
filming contract specifications.
Original copies in printed paper covers are filmed
beginning with the front cover and ending on
the last page with a printed or illustrated impres-
sion, or the back cover when appropriate. All
other original copies are filmed beginning on the
first page with a printed or illustrated impres-
sion, and ending on the last page with a printed
or illustrated impression.
The last recorded frame on each microfiche
shall contain the symbol — »- (meaning "CON-
TINUED"), or the symbol V (meaning "END"),
whichever applies.
IVIaps, plates, charts, etc., may be filmed at
different reduction ratios. Those too large to be
entirely included in one exposure are filmed
beginning in the upper left hand corner, left to
right and top to bottom, as many frames es
required. The following diagrams illustrate the
method:
1 2 3
L'exemplaire film* f ut reproduit grAce A la
gAnirosItt de:
Douglas Library
Queen's University
Les images suivantes ont *t6 reproduites avec le
plus grand soin, compte tenu de la condition at
de la nettet* de l'exemplaire fiimi, et en
conformity avec tea conditions du contrat de
fiimage.
Les exemplaires originaux dont la couverture en
papier est imprim6e sont filmis en commengant
par le premier plat et en terminant soit par la
dernlAre page qui comporte une empreinte
d'impression ou d'illustration, soit par le second
plat, selon le cas. Tous les autres exemplaires
originaux sont filmte en commenpant par la
premidra page qui comporte une empreinte
d'impression ou d'illustration et en terminant par
la derniire page qui comporte une telle
empreinte.
Un des symboles suivants apparaftra sur la
dernlAre image de cheque microfiche, selon le
cas: le symbols -^ signifie "A SUIVRE ", le
symbols V signifie "FIN".
Les cartes, planches, tableaux, etc., peuvent dtre
fiimis A des taux de reduction diff^rents.
Lorsque le document est trop grand pour dtre
reproduit an un seul clichA, 11 est f ilmi A partir
de I'angle supArieur gauche, de gauche d droite,
et de haut en bas, en prenant le nombre
d'images ntcessaira. lies diagrammes suivants
lllustrent la mAthode. ^ , .
1
2
3
4
5
6
I
*
n T ft n fi
mV JB- K_/ JL» KJ
»• TSS
OiHGIN
ASS
«ONSa«UlBl«;ES op OtJR PCMLlnCAL DI88fcNSlOI^8,
to wiB»a It iJrnxni.
TJmjuATE TREATtMMTfrEBJ^ THE XTXITSM STATES J^Jf
OREAt BBPTAIJ^,
BY A CITIZ&N OF VEBW''*NT,
the gtcftte»t etits ate not stfHwd at thteir uttooat petted oiltjl tJiote irtto
^ are in fmw haw lost all atsaat of shame. At such a time those who
should obey shake off all respect and subord^tion. iTiea i« letha!^«
indoknce rouawi, biit foapBd by fconrulsiofts.
■ - Cii»»iirAt iai fetw.
"What tm be dwie to save th* BepubKc i tUne Aat sooUjs iiU otlte «l|fe.
ings will hri^f us no rejifef^ we neglect or throw away ^ea«BnA in oar
haftdi. Wh»t we they ? Truth and Argument. They are feeble wxats :
feeble mdeedj sgainsl prqjudice and passion j yet they are all we hate i^
♦« »lMt tiy them, They will be J«ry<masts if w« «re ship-wrecked.
FMaxtt Aifza.
.i^a.ii !
ALBAJ^f:
tMNTED BY E. & E. HOSFOHX)
1815.
[C^y right taeurt^^
mr^
-*-ftg
^^81^
*-
L
'I
•1 ,,^»«
ii f
•*•.
"''■ "-'i^f'*''*;'" ■ •»'XCi3
■j^
:^
• .lie 5 i'tr
ii:-yf% ■li. ■
,«!*;,;
■**»•■
4
V
.clfew.
"m-
PREFACE.
ffm twenty4lve y«W9 the ^irit «f party has nged in thic coimtjy, to
the dirtur^ance of its peace, the win gf its interest, ud the dishosor of
ita name.
The new acton in the poUtic«a drama, and tb«<y are Uteprineipal or at
ieaat the n^oai usixn oaea, aeem to haire taken it for granted, that Uie ijvar-
rel among the leaders waa well begun, and it is their duty to fight wij vw-
^i' the t£i»mpli8 of party are ««sttigBtaMt«d.
Since tife« cMnmenceiMBt of tljfc present war, experiencje has tai^tus
that in tkttm of great and eommon danger np Dneasure can succeed, witlr-
C *^4°***'* ^^^ """"^ *® people : and that wil never happen snieas the
^ pefl^ will impartiaUyrevinr their political esaduci^ md pe.«Xainine the
t^ grounds of their poli^iea^ pr^iidices.
I^nless titese can be removed, the Aothor of the ensuii^ pages has loi^f
believed liiey willeMmtually lead to cit^ war and Ute nun of liberty'.
This to him isasuffieiMit apology, for an attempt at this tinte^ to leave
for a ntomoit, tile ecnteat about measures, af>d to eall back the attoitioa
of his fellow^sitizens from the commotions and rums which surrauod i^m,
to the first causes, of their pf>litical prejudices : tft enquire who it was that
,enkindled Ifae fiames of civil discord among us, and why we ate ftdivide^
people.
#
; I 4.-
■f'*\:.
-%■''
r , 'ft' ■'),:<
'•T*'"
^ WBnTBN JOWABp tmOip^ OF TUE L^TE WAR
Courage n)f^ j^areh»se libeily.
Tb the People 6f m Unitea Siates.
"yHlpll^lE are certain periods in the co^rve ^ human eveats,
-vJb^ithe a^airs ojf civil gov^mineDt cjurite an extraordioary inte-
rest i|i tjlie public mind* ' ' . ,
Such a period has commenced. And in a fti^ ir^pubiic like
ours, .when a blind confidence in rulers could never. j)§,% virtue, it
would at the present time be crkninal. <*•■,,
,, Whea the public wealth is waiting, and its orodit sinking in
^c dust; when the horrcns of a ruinous and hopeless war are
spreading around us devastation and misery j shall we, whoa« an-
cestors have purc^asefi for us our libertiee at the expense ot their
Wood SMptd treafiwe, amidst ti^e fcbundf r» of contending natipns,
shall ws. their descendants standstill, and in stupid sHencei*»ce
the mighty fabric of our freedom trembling to its Imse, witiwjut
one bold and manl/ effort to avert ita ruin ? ^f
We believe still, that among our unaHeijable rightt ace those
of life, liberty, and the pursuit of lappinesfi ; -nd to secure these
rights and for this, purpose only, governments ; instituted amcaig
inen. , * 1774, we remonstrated against the administration of the
Bi^tish government because as, we beUeved, it became destruc-
tive of these great ends of its institution, ^nd to provide for ew-
s^ivea a constitution which should secure to us a remedy against
tfee abuse of power, we appealed to arms, and after a conflict of
ojgbt long years, .i^?!victoriotisIy triumphed.
p^^bty revolution was ©flSectttJ, this dreadful aacrifice of
btoea and treasure was suffused, te secure to the people of the
United States the right of changing the councils of the nation-,
Whenever their interest^ or happiness should rcquins it. ,
But we have a. yet oiUf i«arD«d from thu event ti»t .ppwsaad
man po.^„cs the pa^^^^^,^ ^-i th« a bo d .nd^
dy race bke that whick dehiiwi4i ,!,, ili-_-j__ , ■"<! n«r-
thepto been exhausted in vain ««««*▼« w-
wretcKed do«.nion of cleapotic ^^ ^^^e 2^:1^4:
entlte, «n»Wst fte conflicts of contemfing faction*, of nii^im. .J
Tice and error! Vain and delusive ho J M^JL '
and physical power may acquir. iiberT buflL ! J""^'
Jlut if the wed* of dissolution are implanted Itt the constitatmn
oi our republic, and death „.ust be it. f«e, it let ^t^\^S^^^^^
owe^to the .memory of our iUustrious fo her. ^^Z^J^
• Purchased it ibraswitfithei. blood, which weowetoo^X^
our country and posieeit^^fe „tnin everv nerve Jhl^,rth. 7 J
poivcr of iatcHect, and if hete««-.„V . ' "**'*"** ^^^ !»«
.o protect uMy;..;:2:rc7t7r^^^^^^
1 he boasted l.hcrt.e. of Greece and Rome could not sorv^eX
conflicts of contending faction; they have perished, an^Ztever
rem«,ned of the spirit of real liberty in mXn Eur;pe^!8 tjnl
«n aayl«^ only in the United States. ^ ""**
In the political a. well as the natural or mb»I »rtrf,i .i.
dple that lite causes will pi^uce mlT^^Ti.^Xl'Z
tant and true. And the history of republics ia. SV. 2^
such a state of things «» «ow exists, has always pled.d' fri
been „ .t were the precursor of their ruin : AndVri evrr! a^e a^
».Uon « which rations liberty ha. existed and becnTosfth^
have proved the tocsin of civrt war, it. final catastrophe '
Mm who are hi,m, and *<hicated in the «»<• ^-JL '
do „o. M «, «,«„, ..„ .*„ „irrr;,rr r:s
, imB to cotnmcpce |l« ImHneti of roWieiy, d«vMMtti«i
and murder.
iiktlM conilicts wf prny d i if m jwnj ite4 !)•»# to in^re»«f»Hn r^tig-
n||>p4» i^d m viralMice, Uwr their i^flue^ee 8«em» t©bkl,d«||ft»©
t»,th« O^mmion of r««fafi. Cft4-«Rd dl^MSfientte diwiukitia^
1mmmm>9l^ ^ot^m»9V^mAm$»P^ty of party «id^thf
*i*"»W«M#4 m^^ of our com^ are abwrbed m the view* of ^d-
Vftte aqil^iyii^ : «, «{»mt of hatred^: of maKcc and revenge hw ay-
»»y*4#|»«ry;ffMMJt s«suwt bk f«ll9ir ithe di»cordaii|t to«r«ft«r -^
the mullitude swells in CTery breeae^and Hktf the ifprific so«^
which precedes the earthquake, adnrt««MlM» iis«>f«i iiM»roacWng
GonvulsioR: The. last r»public on earth i« divided J^h«i itself
aiwi t»qtDUe$ to^i fid) i
lAnd ja there no i«m«# I »*Qp hip^be liictofjr of Mlm ^piib-
Iks been recorded for us in vauv?;,., ^I^tyihe eviU^hkhf !|rrpu^
us, reimlted from fin iroperkmn and in«vit»bJ|e neeeasity ?;,,iy|ai|y
^f <»i;Wy#MoW «it»»««s» well rena^mbcr.ttiat hapi^ p«?r»ofli of
Wvhipt(»p4 wbt»ja|J hef^t» weie unkmi jn the chmfs of; tMrffirst
phief magistrate, who presided in the twuncilaof the rtpiibll^.
The first orjganixation of our govepvnaeot was hailed by. aU
clinsea f|f onr, <^;9enf,a» the trJuiaphant inomii^ ofa ^illef^ial
^j mfm^m'^imf *. i«or«,pe«le«it u^ion of ^fnti^unt oxluhite4
b» <»rtb, than by the freemen of ihe United Stales^ J^ ihP year
one thousand aeven handred and eighty-nine, !n the choiae of
their rvder^« .^nd never did the i^jgislators of a free people coi^-
nand more ^o^fidi^ce from their co^i^ijpnts, than the«« wfaqi«
that time, adnunistered the p)Veii[iifte|it. But only ^^y^
years have passed away, and how c}*imge<} i» the scene j how p^v-
tentous the prospect before us! AH confidence |o our yi^lers
UmU all confidence in each other. No onion anumg our ciUaem,
except in tho belief of this one solemn trtith, that our disunion
will 80<m put an end to our liberties^ ., , , > .
Thoae party disaensions which palsy th<.arm of government,
overwhelm the wisdom and defeat the councils of the republic,
haw l^d their origin. The present disti^cted state of things,
has evidently been produced by a certain chain of events, which
can^aseasUy be traced to theif origmal cause, as ©ur rivers ^
*"— 80urc« i and it i» just as absitrd, to think ©f changing it for
\-4
> ('
( ■ i
%.
ft' i i
the stream while its source retnaws. »'.i . rjTTo,.;
of this Inlp«W!»ttC ti<«th^<li^.iT y^^^ aitiA;*«t*^t fUMT dLrtrt
; mn6t <it thit IMS nwHJm fi ««}tta% ftpi*r{««M*r «* ||fi|»,a|^cia
itite, A^ to « ftlMVitemiffliic cort^t^, Bt|ilii||V^ili^||yi^^
pfecepthif Height wa, that <l<tf'}ng|it«ii#^dr^ty>|ftlU»lM»i ii^3
ii wfiich pre«<5flts iii «wtol)arf»eMri th«f^#»y«iliatr rtJM whieU
ifbt'only otfr ^teietit ne«il'ssitie*, l^t the mymtimmtM'W^}iifW'
pufclifcah Instttationsimperioo'sly Hemirti^, ' Mir* 'iinijii!«; ^
-: ffii^igrtt Wir^hlchliisbf^a^ dn tt ffi^ rl rff^ntt tormnjnyii
energies of every class of citiiens. To hikV#y<Hive(r tb'8«>kJ^^
^^' ""^ ^'oridca termM«H3«h 6f Hhd jk>«ll«t contest^th* WKble
^t offltc repuBilt alidufOAave betft Wi^ghttff, to «»te*t««^
r^rji a^c %ttia» '•iito^^^^MAg-^peftai^ tttf^l^K^
,flft p«^p|*; rtfeaaUr^ <^ff<featarnf awful- lna8*»«ii«'Hke that df
trarjr^fiiiSli ii td put at ftwteW, Rfcy »^ty, aM #o«^rt*,%bd«i
corr«Hlport«^irt,tlie#giq|^qil«,,^l^^^^^,^^p^ , ^' .
With a frontier on thi *ho«^'W«the*fktlJ^|>df mtirfe thi*
fourteM hfjnflrert mile8|cjt{jo9e^«kft'fert*mf mi> Mil! Mfiej. c^a
j*» rtorfbj1>6rdWi«^ t««*<Wif%fe»%«rtitfW«ii<%lTOgfe^ ittfl n^
^•; WK*#<tiJapc^lat;d«ori*'^aftoutfe*t5«%i»|«IS«th!h^e^ "
tmd-'t^et mnTtiihen%tmtm,f, i? ithdut am^r wubdtit forati
ckfioife,with«it^«kdtft!aftd^tft«,p^»'o»»d^Sue!?ci*ttito3te^^^
declare wai- wltftoUt art assupanc^' thft!* «hd li«ft>|^'1«itoW n^
KeArtind hami in support tfftbtjeaufteirati^ bt'thk*© tHaij-i^
piditjr, it must be foliy and nwdndss in t^ exiretrtW -^^'M u^' >u<:
Ami had tf J na«i6t% of, tW pffes^rtt ^ar IWs'airf*i*i«<^ ai^^
feilow^itiaen5,>o«' WWIiriii^ mbrmtm'mo siWiiet #M'ft
kftowrithat War ^aS dfe-cliieU Against Great^BrtSfto, tiitfn one ge-
nera! expressron of disratppit»bati«i and of i^fMe'tti ^^aifcitutfe ^
•lb evcM, pervaded all^i Jsea/^>
In a freo repuWir- which Uas virtue for its base, and the ^mrd
tamrftmmp
,.*<P'-«^'5
htpptoess lb^itt supreme object, the people unintlucoced by jai*
' tioii or prejudice, will never believe it to be wiao or expedieati
to leako wary er«n wbcn the cause would justify resistance, un<
less there is at least some prround to hope that the injnrid luntlon
will be able thereby to redress her wrongs. The idea that tiM
conquest of Cuiadat could it be effseted, would compel 6reat-BH*
tain to yield to our claims on the ocean, is too ridiciiloui* to ad-
mit ctf any consideration : and no one who had much knowledge
of her political state, believed she would give up ^he right she
chiimed to impress her native seamen when found in neotraj
ships, to any one except her conquerors ; and to ber.ome her ctio*
querors the people tutd aditheir a dispositieot nor confidence In
their power. , '
The rulers of a free people would never hazard Uieir popului'
ty, by disregardinf;^ tl^ igrtax and funcfaimental maxims of their go-
vernment, while they believed th^ cool and unprejudiced reason
Avas predominant in the public mind.
B^ haye we not reason to fear that happy period of our exis-
tence is passed, t>''ver to return.
« In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to
public opinion, U should be enlightened." But when I ask wero
the people enlightened, when consulted, when were they eall<»l
upon to deliberate seriously upon tiie expediency of makii^ waV
•n the Britisi) nation, for the purpose of compelling her to yield
her right of impressment. Never until war was resolved upon*
was it pretended that in the year 18)ft, ttus cause would justity
resistance ; or even if it would, that it was wise or expedient t«
declare war at that time. The British Orders in CotiAcU were
equally with the French Milan and Berlin Decrees, considered
by the people as the only causes which could justify resistance.
These obnoxious Orders and Decrees it was believed were intend-
ed by the two great belligerents of Europe to uiiHjy each other,
• rather than to be aimed at pur neutral commerce.
When it was known in this country that the obnoxiofts Deerec^
of France were repealed, the people Relieved, they had good rea-
son to believe, that the British Orders in Council would soon hm
revoked. When, therefore, the adminiairalion had recommende<^
AD immediate appeal to arras, and the iiBderaiists then in CoQ'
B
.■.-Jim.i
m^
1 *
I K
^l# -.
^grcs3, saw the torreniTof calatniliel d»nit to bur&tuoon tlie oiini-'
try, thejr warned, they intreated theni to delay, eren for a few
day*, until despatches from Great-Britaio could arrive, which
Blight announce the revocation o. ihc Orders in Council ; and if
r%ar was inevitable, they urged them to delay a measure of aueh
awful tnagnitude, until the country could be better prepared to
Jneet the event But in vain ; the war was proclaimed, ctMitrary
to the views and wishes of the people, not of that class orrty who
. are called federalists, but the great body of freemen, who have to
hazard their lives and property in the contest.
Before Grcat.firitain could have any knowledge of this event,
and within eight days after it happened, her Orders in Council
were revoked, and that as soon as she had knowledge of the re-
peal of the Miiaw and Berlin decrees. This was an event which
our rulers must have anticipated. No sooner had a knowledge
oftherevocatidn ofthe Orders in 'Council reached this country,
than the people expected an armistice, and an immediate end put
to hostilities. They did not believe the administration were se-
riously resolved on a war at that time, to compel the British to
.yield their right of impressment, as they w'ell remcmberctl that
;Mr. Monroe, who Mr. Madison had employed to settle that bu-
amessi had declared that the propositions made by the British
commission, and the explanation which accompanied it, was both
,*onorable and advantajjeous to the United States : and that it
<!Ontained a concession in their favour on the part of Great-Bri-'
/tain, on the great principle in contestation, never before made
% a formal and obligatory act of their government, which -mm
highly favorable to their interests. Therefore, with respect to
that the people did not believe all hope of settlement by treaty
had failed, notwithstafiding what Mr. Madison had said to the con-
trary.
The public opinion had not been enlightened on any subjact
relative to the causes of the war, except the Orders in Council,
so far as to induce the people to indulge for a moment a conB-
detice, that any other cause existed at that time which could jus-
tify offensive hostilitie's. But their expectations were disappoint-
ed. No armistice was to take place, none was ever contemplatedi
by our rulers, but only by the honest freemen who wished for it,
who wished for peace. ..
-fl''
in tlieonm]*
1 for a fevr
rive, which
ucil; and if
fe of audi
pre{xired to
!d, c(Hitrai7
is only who
irho have to
this erent,
in Council
of the rc-
irent which
knowledge
ts country,
kte end put
m were se-
British to
ibered that
le that bu-
he British
[) was botli
nd that it
Gfreat-Bri-'
ore made
I'hich waa
respect te»
by treaty
the con-
y subject
Council,
t a confi-
ould jus-
sappoint-
emplateil^
ed for it»
This hopeless and ruinous war must go on; a war which has
already driven from our defenceless frontiers the helpless and
peaceable inhabitants; which has l^id in ruins our flourishing
towns and villages, which Las filled our land with widows and or-
phans, with suffering, with sorrow, and with tears ; and which has
already entailed on posterity, a debt, which will inflict on genem-
tions yet unborn, years of toil and of pfiin. And after all this, otor
adnimstration w!!J be forced to accept of a disgraceful peace, if
they can giet any. ^
lam sensible thet-e'Js'alai^e class of citizens amoi)gus,QO
whom argument would be lost; who would shut their eyes against
the light, and their cars to truth ; who would jather see the last
vestige of republican liberty in ruin, tlian see their leaders forced
to resign {be power which they have abused ; in wl^ breasts the
interests and the loveofnarty has extinguished every glow ^f
patriotism : To such inen I do not appeal ; but to those who
would yet, tb ihe p^ltl-y views of party, prefef the durable inte-
rests atad glofy of their country ; to them I appeal, and to their
candid and serious consideration I submit-^whether the present'
war, and the ruinous policy which has led to it, has riot been pro«
dtlced by councils founded in corruption and error.
On the nineteenth day of June 1812, could llie voice of the peo-
ple been heard in the capitol, would it not have thundered its so-
lemn veto on the proceedings of that awful day ? Could they for a .
jnoment have Exercised the powers of legislation, would they not
have indignantly annulled an act, engende- jd in the Court of St.
Cioud, and recorded in letters of blood ?
It is not necessary for me at this time to presait to your vision
all that formidable array of evils, which are last gathering around
us, and which have evidently been produced by the weak and cor-
rupt policy of the last fourteen years, to convince you that thp v
councils of the nation ought to be changed. The fact is ackncW-
ledgcd : not by the authors of this policy : not by diose who have,
or who expect to derive emoluments from tlieir agency in the
present administration : but by the honest freeman, who hold no
oSBce uhuer the administration, and who expect none. They with
the frankness and sincerity becoming republicans, who wish to
pi^petuate the duration of their liberties, they now declare they
«,
if.
' HI
-%.
■'■^imm.imm^i^
1$
•Relieve the present policy must be chingcd, to s«»e from vmi
the jnterefcts and the gloiy of our republic.
But these good and honest citizens, have not m yet discovered
t^ means by which thia all important change can |ie effected.
They have hoped, and hoped in vain, thatthe men or the friends
»nd advocates of these very nnen, who have produced the present
|itate of things vrill change it for the better.
.^ A strange fatality seems always to have marked the courefr of
iwpublics. Events happen, « and wc are astonished, as if they
were miracles." One would suppose that opr citizens had alrea-
dy tost sight of the great object of our rcpublicwi institutions.
Recollect for a momeiit what were your sentiments respectinjj
^ remedy for national calamities fourteen years ^go. You thep
bcld it as a principle that power long exercised had a corrupting
influence on the conduct of nilers: that whenever through coTt
jfuptiw or error an administration bad adopted a system of policy
destructive to the interests of the nation, it was expedient to
change that administration, by placing it in the hands of ethers,
not of those V>*o had advocated and supported such destructiv*
policy, but of those who had opposed and condemned it. You
then professed to believe that in a republic like ours, the admin-
istration should haye no views, no object pr no interests opposed
to the views and wishes of the p^ple. And y«^u professed to
believe, whether you had or had not grounds for your belief,' that
* the federal administration had produced evils to remedy which a
change was necessary. You <;alle« . on your friends and fellow-
<;itizens to aid you in effecting a change of ru/era by th«|r suiTra-
ges : they gave yoti ^heir aid. I^housands at that time sacredly
pledged themselves that they had nothing in view at that time, in
wishing for a change of rulera, but the interest and glory of their
country. That whenever they foui^ themselves disappointed in
the resu' I of npw measures, they would aid in restoring the pow-
er of the «brmep administration.
And vour new measures have now been tried for more than four-
teen years, and beyond all endurance.
And noyr you ask what can be done to save the republic.
The united energirs and the whole resources of the countiy
$ire put in requisition, and we ar^ a divided people. Qae puUs
•■jfr
re than four*
jthU way and another that : the wheels of gOTeniinent roll heavily
on and our enemies triumph.
You fellow citixena who arc advocates for the present policy,
until very latcty professed to believe that an opposition to the
measures of the majority had a salutary effect on the admini^ra-
tiw: that it tended to keep alive the spirit of liberty, and aWaken
the people to a sense of the dangerous encroachments of abused
|iower. Had the leaders of the party in power opposed measures
only, you might at this time have gloried in the privileges of m
elective government, and would long be&tte this, have arrested
the progress of those evils which have brought us to the present
alarming crisis.
But their opposition was not confined to measures. Federalists
]^ve been proscribed, and denounced, as dangerous men, ene-
mtes to our republican constitution, tories aiid British partizans,
Tjuworthy the confidence of a free people. And this accusation
has been repeated so many millions of times tliat many of the
honest electois really believe it roust be true. They tell you
that it i«-io vain to question the truth of what has been believed
Ibr trtei*y five years;
It is indeed a lamentable fact, that so many of qnt best citiaea»
tbotild after fighting and suffering eight years to establish an elec-
tive government, wish to erect on its ruins an hereditary monar-
chy : but our good republicwa rulers tell us, it is so, wA we can-
not doubt the truth of it.
In those countries where the structure and administration of
the ^vernment is based on the ignorance and abject condition of
the people, it is not strange that the arts of deception and&lse-
|iood shoidd prevail against reason and common sense : but that
m majority of the enlightened citizens of the United States, should
fall the victims of tism most absurd v^ fetal delusion, in the very
hifancy of that republic which their wisdom, their virtue and he-
foic deeds had but just achieved, is one of those political phe-
nomenons, which prejudice alone can divest ot mystery. One
vould suppose that many of our citiaens had utterly despaired of
eaving the republic, and seeing the rwd to ruin inevitable, had
resolved to shut their eyes against the light of truth, thinking that
like assc» they can travel « best in dangerous reads witfe Windera
-.1
t'. J A
^.l
«'' ^r
'\....
■•♦
^
T6rl zik yinm ♦vn* miy hot the h&dm of the party in p^^,
ef inflict wUh impunity, so long as tkcy assume the name *tf
repubhr^n ? Notwithstanding tlsey have seen Napoleon under
that asstMwed name enslave and oppress thirty mlllJdns of dela-
^d Fl^h<:hmen, and on the ruins of liberty, erect a despotism
^ horrid and so stupendous, that nothing but the conflagration
W Moscow could stop it« progress to the mitis of a mm 1
Tet in the United States tbij word republican has acqtnred a
**ag!c, a resistless, charm. One who assumes that appellation
iiftachfes to his character, all those admirable qualities, which
cotistitute the pure patriot, the exclusive friend of an elective
government, and the rights of man. While the man who hu
tlM5 misfortune to be called a federalist, is not only proscribed
PA » tory and dangerous citiajen, but becomes thereby absolute-
ly disfranchised. For as it respects the evils which may result
to society or individualsi by excluding from office a large por-
tton of our most respectable citizens, it is the same whcihcr
they are excluded through the influence of fraud aild delusioti,
or by power of the constitution.
When during the French revolution, the deluded citifctn. of
fhat df ted country, believed there was no way to regain their
"long lost Kberues," but by cuttinro? the head, of their best
emacns, the error proved as fatal to the poor victirns of the
gtrHtotine,and to the liberties of those who escaped it, as though
they had suffered by virtue of authorilydertved from a consti-
tutten of civil government: When prejudice becomes deep
Wotcd, so as to gain an entire ascendency over the mind, it has
thfe* power o: a law upon the conduct and becomes even a more
mvariaWe rule of actioh, For rhen are sometimes disposed t»
violate the law, and when they can with impunity, win do it f
^vhcTcas, they never feel disposed to act against their invetei
J'atc prejudices.
When in ah elective government such prej-idices have armed
«ne part of the citizens against the other, and all confidence in
each othens lost, the minority are thereby rendered IncHgible
to office, they arein cifect disfranchised no long as such prejudices
W#predommant. The republic insuch a state partakes of an ar-
»locracy, irt' propohion as- the nuaber of proscribed citteerif, re-
:::./'
'W . 5^^- ^..
i;»
duces the ntiitiber of those who onlf can administer the govCTti- ^
nien*i Suppose then we have in the United States, one million of ^
free white male citizens, about five hundred thousand of these have
the misfortune to be called federalists; and arc denounced as£ne'
xnies to o\ir free constitution and to republican liberty. It is acknow*
ledged these men are at least equally respectable, for their talents,
their uiformation, their wealth and useful hiritits. Among thej^-
inaining five hundred thousand, composing the party in power,
the leaders of that party will not select and recommend to the peo-
ple as candidates for offke ; nore than one to five hundred, so
that in the pre«ent state of parties, the electors who support the
present policy by their «uffmge8, under the influence of .these in-
veterate prejudices, which exclude federalists from « participation
in the administration, hsave to select those who are to direct and
controul our great national concerns, from less than one thou-
«andth part of the freemen. And ftmong these it will be acknow-
ledged a great number are more distinguished for their party
xeal,than by those important q«aUficatioii8 which the high re- '
spectability of their trust requires.
So long as the inihience of these prejudices continues to blind
and delude so many of qur citlisens, the leaders of the party in
power may rest secure in the patronage of their constituent^ tin*
til they shall establish an aristocracy on the ruins of liberty, .. *
If it is said the electors ai^e not bound to regard a nomination
tmtde by the leaders of a party, it may be answered, it is equally-
true, that under the influence of party spirit and i^veten^e preju-
dice, its usual concomitant ; it is certain they always have,, and
always will regard it.
When therefore, it becomes an irrevocable principle withabare
majorit}' of the people to exclude from the administration, a cet-
uin clat > of citizens, to be designated by a particular appelladonj
wid com prising only a minority of the freemen, the leaders of that
majority, may with impunity sacrifice the interests of their constit-
uents, to the advancement of their own. For suppose you dismiss
from their > aces in the national legislature, the leaders of the
majority, and appoint otliers of the same party in their stead, it is
evident a combination may still exist among the few v^ell inibrm-
ed and influential leaders, of the party both in and out of office, for
theparposeofpromoungtheir own views, ift oppoaition to the
\'M
'M
#■
4h
!6
♦tews and Wishes of the people ; for so long as theySaliltme to
tiiemselves the right name, call it republican or what you please,
they may rest assured that the majority will support them.
And it is generally true, that the members of the national legia-
lature, at the expiration of their term, if they are not re-elected,
are still prov' .ed with some snug office, and go out among their
cqyp*tituent8 faithfully pledged to support that policy which they
have been instrumental in establishing.
From the nature of man and from the invariable effects of the
influence of party spirit on his political conduct, it will always be
found, that to change the policy of an administration, in an elective
government, where all the electors are divided into two great par-
ties, a revolution of those parties is absolutely necessary. Fede«
ral measures would never have been changed by federal men.
This truth you once believed. \nd those of you who pledged
yourselves to restore the powjr of the federal administration,
■whenever you found yourselvts disappointed in the result of new
measures, would now, it is believed, gladly change the present
ruinous policy by restoring to power federal men, had not your
prejudices usurped the throne of cool and dispassionate reascMi.
Y«u are convinced that the merits of an administration of civil
government should be adjudged by its fruits and not by a name.
And yet when the policy of our present rulers has involved us in
scenes of calamity from which they have not power to extricate
us, you persist in proscribing and denouncing as unworthy of
y wir confidence one half of your fellow freemen, because they ar»
called federalists.
But there are times when the triumphs of political delusion^
over a minority must come to an end, when the errors of rulers cant
not be practised with im punity. Such are times of great national ca-
lamity, when life, liberty, and property are pm at hazard. Then
it is that the errors of an administration, sheds on commtinity its
dire effects and awakens the spirit of inquiry into the causes of
the evils which surround them. Such is the present crisis.— Un»
til the commencement of the present war, the advocates for the
late nteasures of the administration, have affected to view our po-
litical dissensions with great indifference : to consider a fiiction
in a free state as a necessary appeixlage of liberty. But no soon-
er wci-c hostilities provlMme4 between this country and Great
t7
»
Brttain, than the minority were called ap<*iito join heart and band
in support of the contest, or submit to the imputation of beii^
identified with the enenaies of oar coantrjr. Thus was the oppo-
sition to be hushed into irfleuce, wkJ the liberty of speech and of
the press, those grca*^ bulwarks of frecdiom, prestratcd in the dutt.
A powerful minority is no longer considered a» a harmieta
ftction. The affairs of the republic have come to a crisis, in
which union has become indispensable to prevent a disastrous and
inglorioufi termination of the present contest. But it i» io vain to
talk of onion without just and correct ^iews of the causes of our
disunioB. The advocates of the present policy are disposed at,
last to asjjribe to our {Militical dissensions, tbe present calamitous
state of things, and to the federalists the first bla(^»ble cause.
If our mi&ibrtunes should lead us to retrace our steps, and un*
tnfiaeuccd by passion to review our political conduct, and im{tar'
tiaUy to investigate the causes of our divisiorn, we taigkt stiU
profit by them. The lessons of history are before us, and thejr
have taught us that thus far we have travelled step by step, the
downward course of fallen republics. The ovUs which the in|-
mortal Wasblngtoo, warned us would-be the eflects of party spii^
rit, have already completed half their work of ruin. They hm»
distracted the public councils, and enfeebled the p«biic adminls*
tration : they have agitated the coranaunity with ill founded j«ai»
lousies and klse alarms: they have kindled the animosity of oaft
mrt agaiust another : they have fermented occasional riot and in*
surrection : they have opened the door to foreign iiiflueiKC and
corruption, wliich have found a facUteated access |o the govern*
roent itself, through the channels of party passions, and the policy
and will of this counti7 has thereby been subjected to the pdlicjr
and vrill«fa&oth»r.
,A.
Ml
J !
ft
U it a^t
*u.~
•idtlf
•aghf St wiKiom, while b«$et on e..,y ,„,, „
^ foreign «od powerful foe. to i„q.Ure with deep «„i,u«de who k
^ U«»tl«th e«kindl,dthefl»B«a of ciril di«:a«i among o«r,el,e,.
The jmtmi war will probably come to an end, at no very die-
t«ot period of lime : And we hate too m»«;h reason to J^ tfe^t
tlw iwue wai be diwstrom if not ingjorioaa.
Bm the «rent of it or of any of our foreign relatione, c«» ne*er
»ee«^ to ua domble peace and proaperity, ao loi^ a* we are ^s-
twcted With domestic animosity and diaaensioi,.. , .
In a free republic like our., where all may posseaa the nmn
«ean. of i„o.i„g ^ ,^,^ ^, ^^^^.^ ^^^^^^^^ ^ ^^
fe ence of op«^ shonld divide them into two ^reat panie.^
Other ea«,„ have operated to create o«r fatal diviaion. Tbeae
«^ !»« examined. It may not yet be too late. «; ,
^we« their Worst enemies. Search them out then, and ler
Z^H "•'^'*'"''"^° »haH without a cau«, «..
<^P^d«ae„s.ons, as mo., dangerous to yourliberticT and
-""^^l to your peace and safety, than mymda of mercenary
««»fMh the miserable tools and slaves of foreign despot.,
- That wi« be the most important crisis in tbe history of our r.^
P«'l-^be«i,ahall be recorded of «s, that our ««.o« «d wis-
^m t^umph..^ p,3,^„,^ ^^.^^^^ ^^ ^-^-
wton by ou. cott^tge we pu«:hased lilM^rty, but when by iMtr vir.
«»e we aumped «» it* eiristeace, immortal d»rati#D.
M
\9
No. 2.
That will be the mokt in^rarUnt CRISIS in thtt kUtoir of ou(
republic, when it shall be recwded of usf Uiat our reason uid m$*
df>m triumphed over passion and prejudice! net that period when
by our courage wc purchased Ubcrtfi but when by our virtue we
titatnped on its existence, immortal duration.
WRrtTEN TOWABb THE CLOSE OF THE LATE WAR.
To the eiUsens of fie VnUtdBttiW*
FarixM Aim FizxoW eiYizxKs.
IN great and important revolutions which change either thf
form ofgovemment,6r the policy of an administration, the peqp
pTe ^oon lose sight of the first link in the chain of events, by whicfi
it is produced.
That ardent love of power so generally, if not univerKdIy pre*
d6itiinant, operatiSs on the pas^onB,and disposes men to investi-
gate the means by which they may retain it, rather than those by
Which they have been elevated.
But if by any means weak or corrupt men gain the ascendency
in the councils of the natidn,no great or at least no very durable
evils, n«^d bie apprehended from their political eirOrs, prov«le<i
their constituehta seek R^ correct information, and remain tmcor"
rupted l^ the inftuenee of party intoresits.
There are men enough in every free state, who, to acquJk'e
power, are ever r«idy to pul ia t^ir cliomt t» th» eiicliitsve titlt
i
p*
4
ao
to ]Mtrtottsni {' wb© to tcquire wwIUj, wouldacquire poiiucal c«i.
sequence. , ^
It roust therc|(i^4eperKl on the wisdom «nd virtue of the elec-
tor!, composed of the great mass of useful citiaens, to select such
rulers s.% will bent secure the perpetuation of liberty. But it un-
fortunately Nppens in popular governments, that the electors
from local or other causes, are often involved in the same vor-
tex of error and misguided «eal, with their rulers. It is not Grange
that men who have not much either of wisdom or virtue, to boast
of, should in the exercise of power commit errors, and even per-
severe in them, when they are thereby deriving immediate emol-
uments to themselves.
But that the electors* who derive no benofits from the adminis-
tration of civil government, but what result from the influence
of wise and equal laws, that they should persist with persevering
obstinacy, to support those, whose political conduct has been pppo-
sed to their views and wishes, and whose measures have disappoin-
ted their most sanguine hopes, cannot be accounted for in any
other way than by supposing they are actuated by the influei»i^of
delusion and prejudice.
Our error and our misfortune has been, that while we have
fcen and suflFered the effects of party dissensions, we have not re.
traced our steps to the first cause. According to the, usual
course of republics, we have progressed from bad to worse, uti-
ti! at last, the evils resulting from the policy of the last fourteen
years appear to be fast approaching to a remediless crisis.
It has been well observed by a distinguished writer, « that the
• The author would apply his remarks throu^out this address oaitL,*
lariy to thai class of electors, who make no 3e„s.on. toThe^^IT^"
«q.i..te to the d«t.es of pubUc office, and wh'o. when'^r the^^o^a^^^^^
tbebestmterestof theircountry.woaW pursue k. , '^'''^^^^'"'
|M^1« mf sever in luch (kmi^M when placinf a 10^ conA.
4«ice in their repretentattvt'8 ; whn, acting in « ||||pjr, divide the
,a«nsa crf^ame or disgrace among' each other} ami do things from
which a tingle tmiividual,^ however disaolute* wtetld shrink with
dkgiitt."
The electors may be said to act under the bfluence of such a
<4ionfidence, when they support by ihelr suffrages the authors of
Measures, of which they disapprove bf whatever political name
their representatives may be called.
Bat, say the supporters of the present policy, although it ap-
ipeara to us that the present war, and the measures whidi led to
it, are roinous to the interests of the coumry, and might have
been avoided, yet Qur representatives have a better view of the
whole ground, thwj we can be supposed to have, and therefore
we must conclude they have done what was best, although we
Jiad other views of our political state; and it is our duty quietly
to submit to the will of the majority.
The representatives of that majority may however sanction
m^wres opposed to your will. In that event you have but one
eonstttutional remedy ; by electing other men, who condemn such
measures, and will change them. This you will not do ; no matter
1^ what motives you are actuated, as it respects the evila which re-
sult to the minority and to our country ; unless you will remove
them by a wise use of your right of suffrage, they must be endu>
Fed. ,
^ By the exercise of this right, the minority cannot remove them»
thhough the proportion of their numbers to that of the majority
shall be as nihety-nine to an hundred, and although the evils re-
suiting irom s«ch measures should &II with tenfold greater
.w«%bt €« that minority, tlim on the saajority.
1'
i
^^^^^^^^■■R
i
^HHP'
'\
^^^^^^^^^^^^l&' V
i
^
93
tHit to oot 1 mere chiaMrtoU vieir of the wretehe4
which a freo Ee^uUic nuy be raduced. Fot thcrv it m dugntif
degradation «t)d tBiMrf, to which a minority may not lie redoaid
by a dominant party, actUig under the dondnioD of iaf^teMd pM«
sion, or inveterate prejudice. f^ .
But have you forgotten that there was a time when the leaders
Qf a minority ancourai^d an open and riolent retiataace to mm-
♦urea of whicli they disapproved. la i 793 ander the adminiatm.
tion of Preaident Washington, th* execution o* the law* tmpaikif
a duty on spirits disiiiied within the United States waa netia'H j
and that resistance was encouraged by the very men who wen
theu the leaders of a minority, but who now direct thedeaiinift of
our country.
If resistance could be jusUfied then 1 30 h could at tfie present
lime with equal reason. Many of you who support tlw men in
power at thU time, did not then think it was the duty of the p«o*
pie quietly to submit to the will of the majority; if that will waa
as you professed to believe, destrucuve of th0 great end of flivil
government. ,
When you were the legitimate subjects of Great Britain m 17/5,
you disclaimed the right of the British i>aiitaMent to t&xyou wilb.
out your being represented; you would not submit to it, Ym
would no longer be suhjectcd to the evils of at> admioistratioii,
which you cotild not change. You are now represented in the
councils ofthe nation, and when your representatives tax yon
contrary to your wishes, and wantonly s; ' ^t i you devatta.
tipn and misery, you presume they hav^d^-",,!^ because »,.^
are men of your own choice.
But does the right of suffrage, give impunity to the errors or
crimes of rulers ?
m
9f
**?
ic •rrtH'sor
l«t tidbred the privation Hid luflMmft If tt^'l^fe fCi»^f
tHH*, boelniie you would nrt. iiA«iiAt to Hie litafd t- slm, tijtt
I in King out do no wrong : And by a bliml cmSdesce, by an «ii«
[ w^mm tOmtmas to « ««rtite ckM of citasna, you would a«opt a
I «M»im e(|ia«% |]»8urd and &tal to Ubarty. The pfivU«E«» which
tJw el#«» are to derive frotn the right of suffrage, do not con-
slttin the power which the freeroea posaesn of exerciaiag th^
r^tfhttt in the actual cxerciac of it by a. majority of the «l«f -
r tun, io m rnanner beat calculated to ipromote tbeif ^oi^cal iaia.
[neai ««4tappine8a. ^
Suppoae abtre majority of the flectora hare estabUiheil itaa
I aninrew>|:»Ue principle, that they will never elect to office* aujr
[opt who shall be nominated by the minority; what benefits do
t%t nainoeity deriite ftom the right of auffrage i Yob aay they en-
jtgr the beivBfit of l»w» ow^ l)y tb« men whp are chosen by the
n^jorijy, wMcb k ^ |i>^ cp» expect frona an elecufc goYewi-
[n^^ f Ut suppoa^|||ft,i9^)ty elect men, who pursue a poll-
fcj mmm »<» »»>«< interest and happiness of the people, and should
Brsiat in supporting su^h men ; ought auch a policy to de^nand
f^c^ifidence and cordkl submtsuQni, b«cau»i th.e adthora of it
enjoy the right of suffrage ? If the rights of tho people arc t«
l^^tendfd with impuoiii ; '^ our liberties arc to perish, is it a
(nyi^egfof which fr$«men should boast, and in wh|cii they ought
^ofxult, that they have the right of choosbg the men wjho are to
I the bstrumenti ^ ^cir ruin I
^fi%k is »a*d, the rtpreaentatives who are chosen by a majority
lof »,fireeatHl enligl)t«ned,p<^ple, will,it is to be presumed, best uii*
fdwat;»ndj and be disposed to pursue, the best means to promote
tho pu()lic good. ^ ;^ ,
This iras not the reasoning of the party in jiowr acventsea
-^r
<l
■»
■'a
<
V
^
f
, j
/ "
! .
f
24
^&> kuMi koa^u <,ubjr aiiai^iicu At iiic UMl' Ol UUUIlC ^^ —
r
ion, atui^ condemned the measures of the representatives of a great
majority of the electors.
You who ndw advocate the present policy, had not then adopt-
ed the absurd maxim, that the representatives of a free people,
can do no wrong. You then gloried in the privileges of an elec-
tive government, because it authorized you to change the coun-
cils of the nation, by removing those ivho had deceived your Con-
fidence. You then complained of the measures of federalists, bet-
cause they imposed unnecessaiy and oppressive taxes. But our
republican rulers have imposed a tax on l&nds, houses, carriage^
waggons, harness, licenses, auctions, stills, leather, boots, hats,
caps, ladies' hats, sugar, tobacco, snuff, segars, bar iron, roll'd
iron, pig irtirt, cut rails, brads, sprigs, umbrellas, furniture, pa-
per, candles, playing cards, saddles, bridles, ale, porter, and a
stamp tax, a double pbstage tax, and all to support a war which
the people be! ieved was unnecessary, arid might with a little prus.
dence have lieeh avoided : and you have become silent as the gt^ve
upon the subject of federal measures: for if they chastised ui
with whips, itcan no longer be concealed, that our republican ra-'
lers are noW chastising us with scorpions. The people there,
frre have exhibited some symptoms of a disposition to exercise
the right of suff age, by restoring to power those men who have
invariably warned them, that the policy of the last^urteen years* -
would lead to the present disastrous state of thingfcv^^ .'
But no sooner has the result of an election exhibited to pabltc
view, some evidence of art inclination in the electors, to consult
their eyes rather than their ears, in forming their opinions of po-
litical characters, than the old cry of British influence, monarchist,
and tory, is raised with redoubled efforts ; «" glaring JSi the di«*.
^*
)i puuiic ^ui'
ivesofa greai
ot then adopt-
a free peopk;
jca of anelee-
ige the coun-
ted your con-
sderalists, b&-
:es. But our
eS) carriages^
( bootS) hats,
iriron, roU'd
rumiture, pa-
jorter, and si
a war which
1 a little pru"
: as the gt^ve
chastised ui
^publican ra-
eoplfe there.
» to Exercise
en who hare
irteen years^
ed to pabfic
i, tO'COOSUlt
itilons of po-
monarchist,
; i8( tiie di«%
' ^.^^jjj^»2o« between republican and federal Dtiea^uFesj In. favonl'Af
[the latter, that there is danger, that even the « moles will be cured
lof their blindness."
If the federalists committed errors in their administration four-^
I teen years ago, they are no longer considered as obstacles to their
restoration to power, since in that respect the little finger of Mr,
Madison, has become thicker than the loins of Washington or
Adams.
The republican leaders, twenty-five years ago, were well awafe
[that the test of experience might eventually expose the fallaey
I (tf their new policy; and thereby restore to confidence and to
power, the proscribed federalists.
It was not therefore against federal measures only, or principal-
ly, but against federal men, that the efforts of the first opposition
were directed. They were denounced as daugeroxjs men, attach-
ed to monarchical principles, and inimical to republican liberty.
These accusations, unceasingly urged, have excited prejudices
which have grown so inveterate as to become a rule of action, an
inviolable law. And it is n« longer a question wli^tbcr they ougl t
not quietly to submit to any evils which may result from the vice*
' or errors of their republican leaders, rather t^an trust their poli-
tical concerns to the controul of federalists. We now see a few
individuals, who claim the exclusive title to patriotism and re-
publican virtue, chosen from less than one thousandth part of the
* freemen, set at the helm, exulting in the triumphs of delusion and
prejudice, over reason and truth: Our territory iavaded by a
powerful foe, and nearly one half of our citizens disfranchised, and
identified with the enemies of our country. Such a state of things
cannot long continue. Our poUiical state' must be regenerated.
A revolution in the public opinion is indispensable.
D
A
.M.
i
/
\ ^4
'\
$
'-■^.
.V
-i
. ,■■-
,^/"
\2d"
Whatever may be the event of the present war^ in the present
state of the worid, we cannot expect any very long and uVnJ^
rupted state of peace. >
In times of common danger ^i^ ImA from recent expc
ncnce, that union is the great bulwark of our safety. In the midst
of surrounding commotions and ruins, pause then, fellow<liize„„
for . moment, and review the motives of your political conduct,
and wuh th. negrity of virtuous freemen, examine ihe.evidence
upon which you have founded your political prejudices;
In the long conflict for power which has engaged the txvo great
P^Uical parties in this country, it is evident the great mass .f elec
tors, who would at this time exclude from office fedeml r^,
iiave lost sight of the origin of our political dissensions.
You now believe that those of your fellow-ciUzens, ..bo are
called feder^hsts, are enemies to republican liberty, and friend.
to an hereditary monarchy.
Bu. where « ,o„r evidence „f „,e f«,- There are b„, „.
mode, of prooA by„hich »e ean at..,. ,o U,e senUmcn., ofo-h-
«.= onect „BUh ,. derive from .heir profe,.i„„,, ^ „e„,her
fro„ «,me ove« „., u,e „a.ore of which clearly evince, .„ ,h.
nund, .he principle which raus. have produced i..
A«d ha, a„, federali.,, wh,.« p„,i,ica| „pi„i„„, j^„ ^^^
tfioogh. to ™eri, public conrideration, ever,„„„„„„d to hi, lei-
lo-^.««».. i„ a„, comm„„ica.io„ of hi, p„,Me., ^,,
«.h,r pubhc or private, hi, predilection .o a „„„a,,i„ „ y^
..Uctmen. .„.he BriU,b naUon f If ,„, .,. „, ,^„, ,^^_^^,.
when and on wha. occasion, and .o whom wa, ,„ch a con.h>„„ica'
^o„n,.de> If there had been one ,tich instance of repoblican'
deKene^c, would no. U,e fac. admit of proof, and th, Ldene.
».». b,«, toi»cU, a«o«„ced,o the public through the medium
.-*"., "■'*■»,
• ■ J
-:^
~e
!S&
27
7 ^ji no such evidence hs^ ever been exhibited, for
this plain reason, that it never did exist. But an tjie oontrarf ,
whenever the sentiments of federalists on this subject liave been
disclosed, they have invariably evinced a strong predilection to
our republican constitution as the only foria of governiBent wtach
could best promote th<? happiness of the people. ,? * ..^ --
Fisher Ames, whose character for political science, and pure
morality, stands unrivalleiiin our bistpry, about ten years ago
wrote a dissertation on the " Dangers of American Liberty," and
sent it to a friend for his perusal, who retupaed it witlj an expec-
tation that it would liave been published at tliat time,. In that in-
lerestwg work we find the following x'emarks which cannot be
thought impertinent to pur present object,
" This is certain, the body of the federalists were always and
yet are essentially democratic in their political notions. The triith
is, the American nation, with ideas and prejudices wholly demo-
cratic, undertook to frame, and expected tranquilly and with' en-
ergy and success, to administer a republican government. It is,
and ever has been my belief, that the federal constitution was an
good or very nearly as good ai^ our country could bear ; that the
attempt to introduce a misted monarchy %va8 nev^fer thought <oi,
^d would have failed if it had been made ; apd could Ijavc pro-
ved only an inveterate curse to tlie nation if it had been adopted
cheertuUy, and even unanimously by the people." The manu-
script which contained these remarks, remained in the possession
of Mr. Ames about three years, and until his death -, which, dear-
ly sbQWs that he i»ad no anxiety that it shwild have been publish-
ed. That great an^ good m«a wh<> ^^ QO enemieg but what weiv
creiited by party inSuence, nevw indeet believed it was necessa-
ry, op the duty of patriotism, to use a single argument through
2i
r%'
the whole of hb #ritinefi,1o convince the people that the federal-
ists were friends to republican liberty: and thought as he expres.
$ed himself, that the assertions to the contrary were « impudent
falsehoods," made only to gull the unsuspecting freemen out of
their cohfidence in federal men.
It is a feet, that since the commencement of ouf political dis-
aensions, only two men Iwve been designated among the whole
^ body of federalists, as having publicly announced sentiments fk-
vorable to a monarcliical government.
One of these, and the first, who was denounced as one, whose
sentiments had a dangerous influence was John Adams, late Pre-
sident of the United States.~When I say he was the first, I speak
in the language of those citizens who have been deceived with re-
spect to the origin of our politic^ dissensions. If truth can pre
T«il over falsehood and prejudice, and they will hear it--it will
Convince them that the opposers of federalism, directed their first
efforts against Washington and his- policy. But so unchangeable
^as the conAdence, of the great body of the people in his talents
and his character, both a, a hero and statesman, such their un-
bounded admiration of his wisdom, his virtue a.d disinterested
patriotism, that the torrent of calumny and abuse, which issued
from the democratic presses at that time, against him and his po.
hey, had no effect, in withdrawing the confidence of the.people
from the man on whom they had rested their hopes through the
tiying scenes of the revolution.
It would have been indeed an Herculean task, to have destroy,
cd the credit o^an administration over which Washington presid-
ed. It must tndeed have been a work of much time, ^d have
required ^-rangements, difficult in their execution, to opetate
JK:
£9
y^hh success agaifist an admini»tration, which commcnecd undBr
the most flattering ausjpiccs, and which had inspired *^ur citarens
■with^ the most flattering hopes.
A considerable time had elapsed, before those papers, which
<were the vehicles of slander against federal men and measti^s,
were extensively circulated. And those who might have early
discovered the calumnies agains': Washington, must have conclu-
ded they were the effect of some invisible and myst^ious policyi
not founded in a disposition hostile to his character or conduct.
Although that opposition to federalists, which has ended in fix-
ing the present inveterate prejudices of our cidzens, began with
*^ fiinit'operBtions of the government, certain it is, that the gnat
ttiass of electors, who by their suflhiges support the men now in
power, trace the origin of their party prejudices, no &rther back
than to the administration of Mr. Adams, who it was said, was
disposed to extend the influence of his principles both by his
precepts and example j that he was a dangerous man, because he
thought the British constitution better than our own.
' Where is the evidence of this fact to be found ? 0id he ever
»«nake any declaration, either directly or indirectly, that such were
his sentiments ? You liave said they were to be found in his wri-
tings.
It will be recollected that after the establishment of our inde-
pendence, the people were free to form for themselves, civil con-
stitutions, according to their own ideas of liberty, iitdependent of
any foreign power. The then thirteen states, therefore chose
and established for then^selves, constitutions of government, foun-
ded on principles similar to that which the United States |iav&
since adopted'.
;, I
fa
i
w\
X^. ;■
fr
\
so
Mr. Tui-got. a Frencliman, in . !«,„. to Dr. Pri.. „■-«.■■
*'7"' '"^"-^""''"f «P'e.™„U„., .councii and ag„,„.
"or. bec.»« in t^^^ .,„. j, . ,^^^ ^^ ^ ^^
121 ' ""^ '" ^'^" ""' "-"^ "»''• ^-^o. on U..
Amencan con,u,„,.o„„ Mr. Ad,„s ,„.ea»<l pabli.hed . d^
fence , . defence of ,h„,e ,er, p,i„cip)„„f a r,p„Hican form of
gover™™. „Meh „. recognUed i„ o„r pre„„. „„am„.ion,.
has b.«„u.e peculiar province of a few.eader, of d«noc«c,i„
he U„,.ed S«e., .o di,ce™ i. .,;» „leb,a,.d defence of rep'b.
Lean pr„aple., . predUeoion in .U. ..,hor «, an heredi-arv n,o
mrc,,,. Thi. »„rKof Mr. Adam,, ia no.before me, fron, „,^,
..appear, .h« ^„ „,„ fc.,. ,„^^,^^^^^
Pf .U prediUC™. ii. a ,^,„ ,,. ,^^ ^i^^^^^'
*...repre,.n.ed .hen,. The ,.e«io„ be.ween Mr. Ad™, L.
^, prefe^^e ..a .^.narch,, l,« ^i,. ,„,„ of go^m^, _
beat aac„.a«d,«.,e^re..u,, duration of r.p„Ufca,,Uber,y. BotT '
*^ This letter of' if r Turirot ana thA r.n;„„ VI
*ngr the constitution m xts present form. The rd!^ " ^''' ^ °PP°-
constitutions provided, that tl»ere shouW . ',, ■^-'*'_f*^'^''^*^**»ba4 ia .Uiejr
^cfthoieg,^e,.^e.or,^:ri^t^^V;^^^^^^^
cUy auch constitution., had formed t^eTn^r i ^ '''^*"*^' -'"^ ""•
inustbeaacribedtor;nch In^Zt^"^"'''''^^ ^^^<''^.
tbn. tho«e W1.S professed m ej^^^ ^^1,1^^ '"' P'^"*^^' '°^^
Tur^.. letter was evdent^to M^^^^i^ ^ ^-* *^
fortnuig their present constitution Pr^.h "« '^^'^duct of the Amcricar.s in
the councils of the nation. "' "^ "^"^"^^ " ^'^^ «^^ ^^^ «
•,?«/;.■
'•:^-.?:
:^'^:.d:
'i-T
■ ,. y
^r^
^».',.*'i»
31
agreed that the people were the source of aU legitimate po-vw^,
and had a right to choose for themselves, aach a form of govern-
ment as they believed would be»t comport with the great ends of
ita institution.
Mt-. Adams contended in bis book against Mr. TtTrgot's o^)^^
ion, that a chief magistrate, and senate or council, as provided in
the American constitutions are indispensable to constitute that
equilibrium of power, neces«iry to secure the ilghtv of the pep*
pSe in every free state. He believed that the British nation had
improved on the science of government, by introducing three se-
parate and independent branches into her constitution to support
that equilibrium.
But to prove him a monarchist hi« writings have been misquo-
ted, garbled and miscohstrued.
As evidence of his predilection for a monarchy, the foltewing
part of a sentence ' xs been often quotei as his sentiment, from
'%.
the 70th page of the first volume of his JD^efience : " The Eng*
lisb constitution is the most stupendous fabric of human in-
ventioiil** But does this prove that he prefered this stupen^
dous fabric to that which the American Convention cfectcdin
forming our own constitution ? On the bticceeding page of the
same volume, Mr. Adams has disclosed his sentiments relative
trfour repifblican institutions, in expressions which cannot b*
mistaken. « They, meaning the Americans, says he, have not
made their first magistrates hereditary, nor their senators : here
they differ from the English constitution and With great propri-
ety. The agrarian in America is divided into the hands of the
common people in every state, in such a manner that nineteen-
• The whole sentence reads as follows, « I only contend that the Englist
cgnstitution is in theory, the most stupendous fabric of hiiman invention,
b«(Jh for the adjustment of the balance, and the prcventioa of its vibr.itioni.'"
m
'Ui
V ■>
f 't'
l '•'
r.-'
I
I
J
^^.,
■'*i'^
:r^""
t^
w:
■/i.
■' »
, 'i3,
•..^',£^
38
fwenUeths of tiie property would be in tbe hands of the coiB-
moM, let them appoint wnom they could for chief magistrav*
and senators : the 8o^'ereignty then in fact, as well a» morality,
must reside in the whole body of the people ; and an hereditary
fongand nobility, who should not govern according to the pub.
,/, He opinion, would InfalUbly be tumbled instantly from their pi..
, ccs; it is not only most prudent then, but absolutely necessary,
; to avoid continual violence, lo give the people a legal, constitu-
tional, and peaceable mode of changing their ruler, whencvc*
they discover improper principle, or dispositions in them." I«
^ther part of his writings* on this subject, he makes the foi-
bwing remarks ;-,« It i, become a kind of fashion among wri-
'. ters to admit.as a maxim, that if you could be always sure of a
wise, active and virtuous prince, monarchy would be the best
of governments. But this is so far from being admissible, that
^U Will forever remain true, that a free government has a great
j:.dvantage over a simple monarchy. The bestand wisest prince*^
-^if means of a freer communication with his people, and the
.greater opportunities, to collect the best advice from th^WStaf
^ ""bjects. would have an eminent advantage in a free state,
more than in a monarchy."
But it i. unnecessary to quote farther from his writings, to
'convince my fellow-citizens, that many of them have been df!-
«eived with respect to their import. It is true that Mr. Adams
like every other man who has any knowledge of the history of
I t'Publics, weU knew that the election of chief magistrate, ami
|^«her great officers of state, had in every great nation, been at-
irodcd sooner or later, with yioteow, anarchy nnd every spc.
• Vol L p. 8^
•■-( -O' - '*
v,*.
,' . -jf '..'^ .x .V
y^-
ss
«!!>' tt*lfortttne, when It might t» necc8«arf u» resort t<i tht|
rfimtdf [irovtded in the coniritution, by caiiing a cohrentiolK
Btlt even in such an event he exults in the reBection that •* iucfc
a convcntioti may atill prevent the ftr«t magistrate from b*«ort(*'
hig abBolute as well as hereditaiy.*** I have qtidted sotne ff«li-
timents of his ttom his writings, to present to the pubfie vi^
one of those absurd falsehoods, oh which that ttfljlendoas tf**
ttfli of delusion and prejudice has been erected, by i*htch |Wd*
eftfli then have been driven from the cbuncils of the natfon.
f he troth is, the writings of Mr Adaiha have been rei»i»*#
stfnted ad evidence of his menarchical principles, »y those wl^
never read them, and wiio knew nothing of th^ir ddntents $ trttd
thousands have received such represerttatiOnii ai truth: &%a
have therefore infered that those who would confide in Wni t*
*Ke«:ute tlie iinpbrtant trust of chief magistrate, must h4ve beeiJi
attached to the sanie principles by whkh he waa iiifiuenced.
While he was writing his celebrated Defence of our repuD<
lican institutions in England, the Convention framed our pre-
sent Constitution, which came to Ms knowledge, when he vrai
about drawing his work to a conclusion : upon which he 'wia^i
the following remarks : « It is now iq our power to bring tbiai
work to a conclusion with unexpected dignity. In the courso
of the last summer, two authorities have appeared, greater than
any that have been quoted, in which the principLs we h«ve at*
tempted to defend, have been acknowledged. The first i» an
b«linance of Congress of the 13ihof July, Ifsr, for the gov*
erament of the Territory of the United States Northwest of
* Sec AdjB»8' Defence, Vol, ID. p, 383.
'.<>.
4 .'¥
34
*^ Okioi the ««^ci i,, tha rennn «P »••- ^-
Melphia, of the iTth of September, irgr tk /
»h!.K . ^"'^'''•^P'°««ti«^ body :eren the Lycian
nwHJation cannot be auppoaed to reach .h : ^'
«f -r on. , but the colptio J^^^^^^^^ r-: °' '^^^'"'°^
««t, umoD of so great and ** ""^ ^^ '^^"b.
"" "« adopt i,, m , ''"^'° "" =°"" "»«'«,
pi u, we need not fear will k« om
-henSSrexppne^e, its incoavenielrl ? '""'^ ^*"
be «.en and felt - ""* ^^Perfections «haJI
Tiiw end the lutings, of Mr A.i«.
>" ""• iccuKd of wi.(,i„„ , , " """'""wn which
. f -.1.% .0 .ul„.„,. Because he ka,^;
. « » a weU luwxrn fact tK,f •
«-»cter in tb« strpngeat t«n» of
■■ '^**^'iirii[i>^ I '
.35
Dtioti «t Pbi.
former con-
»e niodeIjui4
'«'n, in whielx.
» the Lycian,,
more. Tha.
h. and com-
»ted States
h«ir wanto ;
ted to unite
«nifqrmity
ted to unite
of accom-
perfectiou
I tlMsdelib-
»t exertion
*f natJoDal
»ay be im^
*e for that
conceive,
"nend it,
ions jjJiaJI
►trongcsj'
>n which
had diai
sed soiD*
»tion, the
ttSHQSof
csmafunt to di»cov«r the dangcrt to which republican Ub«rt^
«as exposed, and had wi«dom to Ipoinnas t» a remedy, he has
Been ijenounced at an enemy to republics.
The delusion which has been practised updn t&c honest free- .
men of this country respecting the political principles of Mr.
Adams, may yet convince them that if they would {ireserv*
their rights, they n^ust become their own guardians, and not
trust to a constitution written on ^apcr : nor to a blind confidence
ih men whose title 'tD ' patriotism is evidenced .only by their
professions.
Perhaps no one thing has had moVe agertey' in effecting that
lihange of men and meaiures in this ceuhtry, by vi^bich the
present policy was introduced, than the prevalency of an opi^
inn among the people, that Mr. Adams was hostile in his prin-
dpies to republican fibetty, dnd that be hoped by the influeifce
of his meaiiures, gradually to undermine our republican insU>
tfltions, and erect on their ruins, a monarchy.
What man is there thttn, among us, who believes that wit-
dbm and virtue are essential r*<jtii& «s, to support and p«rp<t<
uatc the privileges of a free ctmstitution, who has ndt reasori to
be alarmed for the existence <rf"'our own ?
When it is considered that in this'e^lightened age, and in
this free repilbBc, *here the means of correct information are '
a's-^eil provid«d,'as the condition of man, and the course of bil-
man affairs will admit ; even here it is found on a review of our
-pbUtical 8t«e, £hat a large portion of the honest freemen, have-
approbation ! which proves that U»ey never had any st^fchension as they
pretended, from the dangerous influence of his monarchical principles, for
they make no pretension that these have in any d^^ree changed. Let a miui
approve of the conduct of the men in power^ and there is no danger of bis
>Ildtlecti»n for a monarcby ; he is artliod(».
f
"«.»« of ...» U»^,,„, ,,„fc ° ,'' '"'^ «"
, Irfou, hUouI „.1U., „.. fo„„„. ■ , , " " "•>"'"•
Mr. Adamt Jim remwkcd in his book «« ♦!. ..
^fevwJence «thcr than Atro.elve.." And tl.is.^«... !
*■*■ ***? TOTiouB reasOBv that ^h-
iwmeihnes do that for«, which i. be,. * «. ' *^
tnHa. in^vitablHo t.at fa. „. which 1.27 *'""'^^^«*
But Fo kope wil Wiewtk,, «,,,„.,.
l>«.|..r, ..,<! o,r rigb,^ *■ " • •"""'^ f our '
If
mmiatm pf^mi^i um uvm r«nuirks hp VMule triiU« A iMtiMwr
«f ehe conveniioti which frtined our protent coDMituttei). Dwt"
ing the debates on that ofxauon he eKfM-eskrd opiniona kt Tarour
t)f » «r»teTO pf government which thowld rmtder the executive
at4,»ei>ate, thtnigh eteciive, in<M« permanent than thejr arc by
the cMttituikn which was finally adopted by the people. But It
knot known that he ever explained the extent of tlie dumtion
wUch he wonld have <ixcd upon for those departinentt. Hla tnc-
mtes have said that he would have had the president and senate
^d their ofiices during ^oud feehfviour* And this is tJie high-
est accutatidQ that even hla enemies have raised against hi«n.
9^t eiyea Uds is not true> and if it had been, it would prove qo^
thing of hi* predilection for a monarchy. It is well known that
kc aftcvwardt sppported the tjonsiitwion, as fmmcd, with great
^ility> and contributed essentially to its adoption.
Ue might Without the spirit of prophecy, have looked fbnranl
to such a ame nf thli^ as now exists : when it raigbt become
ttecessary tiwt Congress sliouid possess the power more effeetQ.
ally of contmuling the sovereigsrties and commanding the resoiiv^
Hces (^the respect^e atatcs^
Thero was a great diversity <rf opini^i «m»Bg the members of
the Convention respecting itw extent and duration of the powW
whicli sliouW be vested in the chief magistrate and the senate.
The leaders d" those who advocated these -opinrons were Mr.
Hamilton and Mr. Jefferson.
JCT" I'o the differcmie of opinion,* wliloh wove on this «ub»
* It is Qct fieeesssiry to tpsoe the causes of our political dissensions Or-
lh©r ttian to that difference of opinion between Mr. Hamilton and Mr. Jtf.
¥enion> on the aubjcct of the cpnatitation : to stow the origin of the two
parties which ^ distinguisli^ hy ^ names ofi^leral and republic«i>»
h ''f ,
i
li
t!.^s called federal and republican, which have since agitated ai
shaken the fotodaltons oT our republic to ita centre.
The animosuy, whTch mighthave been created on that occariou,
ought not to have survived the a'dr .tion of the constitution, fbr
it was finally unanimously adopted by the convenUon, and the in-
**™^^^^*"'^^"^'^'«^»" a '*"er argne^ % the j)resideot: ii,
■wl'ch, be remarked that the "constitution was th6 >c»ult of «
'spirit of amity and of that mutual deference and c&ncession, which
the peculiarity of their political situation rendered indispenskbr*:'
that it will meet the full arideh-iire approbafion of *>ery Steels
not to be expected ; but each will doubUess consider, that had
her interest been done consulted the consequences might have
feeih parUcularly disagreeable or injurious to others : that it is as
liable to as few exceptioris as could have been reasonably expect-
ed, we hope and believe ; that it may promote the lasting welfare
of that country so dear to us all, and secure her freedom arid b6p.
piness, is our most ardent wi»h."
I have me>.tioned this happy result of the convention to show
tliat the conciliatory motives by which the members of that body, \
'appear to have been actuated, were such, that they ought not,
neither could sound policy, or any prihciple of real palribtislfa
/or a moment admit, thkt they should ever kfter, have been ar-
raigned at the bar of public opinion. Yet notwithstanding the
and to show that tl»e pn^udicea which were won after excited a-ainst the
our cUssens^on, may be traced to a dlspo..tion which was apparent lonr
the peop e soon after the termination, of the «m.lutionar,*.7 It ,sT2
T f ti; ;r f ''" '''^'^' "^''J^* "^^y y«* ^ P-^^nted to ^e t^
pl« of the 4.r.utcd States. befo« the en.„ which «„lt f^m mistafen Z
^
bjkj^y re&^t oi iko convention, a^d the 3ttbse<iueQt&d«i>tl«ti,of
the constitution : immediately after the organization oi' our go^.
vemment under President Washington~>a party m^de its appear*
ance in Congress^ and uniformly opposed almost every rneasurs
of great j^ational concern ; and from the opinions of Mr. Hamil-
ton on the subject of the constitution, attempted to adduce argu^
ments, to prove that both Hamilton himself, and the.^wlvocates
:or his. policy, were iniluenced by tjaonarcliicba} principles.
Mr. Hamilton, it is true, openly avowed the opinion, that tlie
^eatest danger, to which the c<>n:itltutiQn was exptaed, arofin
from its imbecility , and, th*t our liberty had m^re t9 fgfU' from
th£ «aci;oachments of the great ^tes, than from thusi^ of the
general government. In, the event of a foreign vnr which we
now experience, he doubtless believed, tiiat those states whicli
might not approve of the policy which produced it, would not
render those essential aids, which might be necessary to insure
its success :. aad it iM not iropossibjc but thjit he m%hthav9 pre-
ferred a constitution which would vest in Congress that power to
command tlie militate forces of the respective states, which they
have attempted to exercise in thp present ^vv> without Jj|iy au-
thority derived from the constitudon. But while a member of
the convention, or on any otlier occasion, it is not known, that he
ever expressed a sentiment which evinced his predilection for ar,
hereditary government, or attachment to the British nation-
Those thousands of republicans who- knew hiftranscendant wor^h,
and had seen and felt the influence of his wisdom and benevolence.
witnessed their love and admiration, of his persotial virtue, and
excellence, in the effusions of their indignatkm against the base
author of his final catastrophe, and the profound respect, wit^
which tMy paid their last sfid hofjors to his reniihia-
I J
I 1
frk
I
4«
UH me tmt Amtig^l^td mtn of b6th p^Hticat pirtift*, hatfr,
in priVWe coivvemtiott, exprei*ed their apprehehsiefts that oilr
republitaft tonatituiten would not long endyw the »ttnck»of liw,
tion, of passion, of vice, ancl error. And woh ex*pres8i«ins when
Mtterted by federalists, have been construed into principlet, vpA
reprcwiotcd as proofs, of a dwpoaitiOa to ohange our government
for a ftonarchy.
Buring thet>re3idcncr of Mr. Jeflfc„on, the writer of this ati-
dfeas well recollects, tfikMtfr, Granger, late poat-master gen-
ral, in a cotvversattop relating to the dangers of republican liber,
tf, remarked, that he did not think the period very remote, wh,Sn
a despotic tovemmerit^ouldte established oh the ruina of our
repuhiic; But that gentleman like aH others, who have mad«
similar remarks, dottBUess founded hisopim.n on his knowledge
of political events, th« nature of man, and the usud cour.se, mi
- fate of republics. But the man who would receive such opiniofiS
as proofs of i predaectiott for a monarchy, cannot be competent
fe exeTcke the rtjjBi of sofTnsge. * , -
Attetnpts are not made to practise imposition, relative to thi,
.abject, on those who knoiv the history of oj,r political concerns
Mr. Jefferson at the time of hil iMugu aion, must have known,
that many of the freemen throughout the iTnion, had received
iatse impressions, respecting the motives and principles of fede-
vai men. But surrounded ^3 he was, at that time, by the officers
of government, and others distinguished W political science, he
would not mque his reputation, by making a false discrimination
b?||pefipt^|p^^jcal principles of those who were his advocatea
indopposers. A sense of the dignity and high responsibility at^
tached to the characters of those who are placed at th? Imi ©i
i#::JLiHi&
\
41 .
the respective departm^ts, and who in reality dii'cct the deld*
nie« of our country, presents a motive too vast, too irreisistible, tc*
admit the soppositton that they coutd prevaricate in announcing;
foots, which are to constitute a public and official document. On
that occasion he announcfcd to the public and tofthe world th#
truth, when he said we have called by different Qame^, brethren jl^
the same principle. « We are all republicans, we are all »d«"*
raliats." And again, recall to your recollection £cll<jw<iti^en««
his farther reniarks on thskt occasion. "Let us then** sdd he)
" with courage and Qonftdei^e pursue our own federal and repuli*
licaii principles." *' ^ 7'
Had a suggMtiW^sctpett him that his political oppbncnts had
a predilection for the British government, he knew too well, the
ridicule and contempt to which it would have exposed him. No*
fellow-citizens, it is not knoWn that Mr. JeffersOn himself evei-
pretended to any one, that a difference of opinion with reapect to
thecholceof a government, was the origin of our political dissen*
sions. But he well knew that great numbers of the freemen had
been duped by political qUackS and impostors, into a belief, that
federalists %Vere attached to mbnarchical principle* ; and that to
those felse prejudices he owed his elevatioiu '\
Had he believed that certain influential leaders of the federal-
ists, entertained principles opposed to our republican form of go^
vemment, and to the union of the States, it would have been his du-
ty to have publicly announced this information to Congressi and
to ' ave warned the people to av^id the influence of sudh men, and
denounced them as dangerous citiiens. But ttlth gh sucb «
measure might have been highly gratifying to the deluded voy
ties of his power, it would have excited among the people %^l
<S-''
\ I
/..
ifi"
Li.
» *V:
^%
on him for his proofs of the
-istcnce of buch priiiciplcs. The
J^publican chief was not to be caught in sucl, a dUemnia. The
trmmpl. of delusion, o.cr truth and re^spn, we« not thus to be
defeated.
Let it not be forgotten, that after every effort had been wadp
\Y the friends of Mr. Jefferson, which cunning orhypocrw couU
*vase, to establish in the public mJnd , difference between thf
Pri^^cs of those who were called fede^ists and republicans, in
favour of tUe latter, the first act of bis administraUon was to d..
Clare, th$re was no difference. ,;
For this act of treachery towards his copatriots, it was thought
»t that Ume he „,ight be justified, evcnin dispensing with the old
«l»Kin,,«honoi- among thieves," when he thereby excited such
,. Ottering hopes of his intention to break down that spirit of party
^chhaddisg^pedlhe country, and threatened the .n.in of h^
^er^ts and happiness. But subsequent .vents soon taught u^
tj.at the man who owed hi. elevadon to dissensions atnong th«
people, was not desUned to unite them.
I have presented to your view, the evidence that ha, been ex
l^ited to t|,e public, to prove frpm the writing, or decla^Uon:
of John Adams and Alexander Hamilton, that ^^.,y ^ere n^o^r-
*A°^<lojou,a.youpretehd, believe i„, he poliOcal cto„ct«
«ri policy of W»»H„gu„, .' XKen k, „e ,e„ ,„„ «,., „, «„,
«.a»y occasion, o„ 'vWch i,„, proper fo, w„ ,„ „^„.^^ '
pru-cple, or ra.a.»re.,«,glec,.d .ogive ,hem hi. e„ure ,t„^
«on.„dperfec.op„f.de„ce.Mr.H»,i„o„,.fterha.i„6hee»L.„
«dhyU.e„p„.„ea„p.„y,or.e™„,„i„,,l.^'^;
A..™ea„s, ™ ,i„,», „rg.„„„ce„i.y, , „,^„.„^* '^,
\J
43
Stcretaiy, #b{cfa be held under Washington ; having «pent ih the
public service a great part of the fruita of his former hibours.
Mr. Adams, at the end of his presidential term,'rctired at the
request of the republicam, to make room for Mr. Jefferson, who
at that time declared the government was in the full tide of suc-
cessful experiment : And I need not tell you, it is now overwhel-
med wilb suffering and disgrace.
Towards the close of the presidential term of Mr. Adams, the
views Which Wasliingtoo bad at that time of his measures, and
the political state of the country gs it respected onr relations with
France, are concisely stated in a letter addressed by him to Mr.
Adams, of which the M lowing Is an extract >—
« It was not possible forme to remain ignorant of, or indifferent
to recent transaetions. The conduct of the directory of France
totrards our country ; their insidious hostility to its government ;
their various practices to witbdraw the affections ot the people
from H ; tiie evident tendency of their arts and those of their
agents, to countenwice and invigorate opposition ; their disregard
of Solemn treaties and the laws of nations ; their war upon our ^
defenceless commerce ; their treatment of our ministers of peace,
and their demand, amounting to tribute, could not fail to ejtcite in
jne sentiments corresponding with those my oountrymen have so
generally expressed in their affectionate addresses to you. Be-
lieve me, sir, no man can more cordially approve the wise and
prudent measure^ of your administration. They ought to inspire
universal confidence."
Yet that party who assumed the mme of republican, that party
wlHch \^a3hii%ton called the French party, and which he sdd
were the curse of this country, and the source of all the evils it
b
■4 A
TbS""'
''i
p 'P
(
I
■V
■JS
;'|- O^
•) :
■44
r
tad so er,couwcr ;» h.d it ,eera. «i,hd™™ thdr t«,Sd™„ ft™,
.Mr. A.la„,.,.„d .h. measures of W. .dmW«r.,io„. „d de„ou„.
ced them .. I,„.ti,e ,o „p„wu:.„ Ubmy. Atxl ,our «p„blic„'
I«Jcr^evento,M.,imc,„<,u,d h.,e you b.,«,e, ,h.. your pre-
m Mr. Adami,
Butktth. voice of r.a,o„ a»d truth b. l,«rd; Wu 'h„.
*«n d.ce,.ed. you -« jealous of your, ihe„y, i„„ .nguatxled
^o^eutyou yielded .o the dominion of p...io„, y„„didL.e0,
t-,,.der,„efa,a„e„de„cy„fi„fo„„ded p„j„dice., and you Z
-.S-dandeondemned the poii.ica, eha«te. and pHncipie
J.r^tpo«.o„„ryo„rfe.,..,,>.,„,^„„„^^^_,^^/^
I have owed, th.t,i,ere are but t.vo mod« of proof by Whic*
« can at,e« to the .e„.i,„.„t, „f „thera, either by their profe..
«on. or ^m, oyer, act, ,ha nature of Which CeaHy e,i„cr,o
«» m.nd.he princip.e which m„,.i,a,e produced it ButTed.^
*"•" '"" *° ^™'«' '^ *« '"". P-f'" a atrougpredilecUon
Pularity of his name » ^ ^ ''^ ""^ ^^dvantage fttDm tl« po.
«.ven wish they had been more'enrJet "^1^^ J ^T °'**^'^"«' ^^^
under the reservations I havem.de JSn V """^^ ^^ ^^^^ i** <='^,
out hope. a>ad and intox.cIX^e »t„T * T*' ' ^^'^ ^"^ "°* -'^h!
on the dfvi«,on of the people Ij ^^l^T f ?"'"" " ^''^'^ '^"'^^^''^
their party, i, ^duced'ra e lu^^^^^^^^ '"^"^ ^^ «^-I-ct fro«.
vrhether THAT PARTY Jjf".^'"*^' *''«"Sh it « somewhat equivocal «til]
TRVandtheSOUKS^oVSl/E^^^^^^^^^ «^' '^^ '^0^'
2^^. -ay not be able to co "Lf ^H nr^L"^''^ "^'^ ^*^^«»^N-
fc tl^ expense could not ^T^u^^ZJ"^^^^^ » V^y it
ji>'
1 --..•»/-,'
■ili^
r^^:j^-a
' i!.;"j-
"i«*'
•n
m
^.w
;a -f t V.
?t-,.. «^
and denoui)*
r republicaN
^at your pre-
Iministration
^u hava
I unguarded
did not cbn^
I you have
I principles
i» truth and
of by which
-ir profea-
Evinces to
But fcder-
redirection
n to Charles
EJ'al months
•arty now in
rom the po-
e measures
sfence, and
wyitscaU,
n not with-
luse before
ilculationa
ptct from
focai gtUl,
» COUN.
iNCOUN-
■ » pity it
45
for our rcpnbKctth cw«kution ; they say they arc repubUcans, orx
and all, and Mr. Jefferson i^aa also «iid the same, and nothing
* they have ever said or written, which has ever come to the know-
ledge of the public, has furnished any evidence to the contrary.
And here permit me to ask you, who claim the exclusive title
totheappe'.lationof republican, whk other proofs have you to
evince to the mind the republicanism of your principled, than
your professions ?
Were you to reason with an ancient christian oft this subject,
he would probably say to you ; shew me your principles without
your works, and I will shew you my principleB by my works. If
it would rtot give offence in this enlightened age, to ask the same
question, the answer would be the same now as then. Principles
are not ofthemselyes objects of vision, but fundamental truths,
which exist in the mind, and are the source from which actions
are produced. Itis impossible therefore to show to the world
that yo.r principles are republican, except by measures, which ,
are the natural result and effect of such principles; unless the'
name i^pubUcan is to be considered as evidence of the principles
ofhim who ia pleased to assume the appelladon. <
This kind of proof however will not pass current unless u ,s
among mad men and ideots.
It reminds one of the limner who before he exhibited his p^..
«m;r view, took care to designate the respective «»-*
tures to puD"c >«« > ..,..., u
imalswhichhe would represent, by wrxung directly over each
one its proper name, that the specutor might not mistake the
lion for the lamb. If the artist wanted either skill or disposition to
exhibit any other evidence of the nature of the animal he would
^present than the name, he was blameless, provided he taxed the
people notluDg for liis exhihiuoo.
'■'r''
'^?
H.1
■<
M^
!;
I'' f
1
i
i
■ i
.'t
■jiS.
'-•A>t.
VS
"■■-(,!■
<Vv
'-^■% ■'■■
J
Should this be ca'iajHi-—-' -J <•
sure of convcmence t» pre v„„, „u«k,, i„ f„.„„ j_^, _^^
.-n appoint one or „„,ro persons i„ each cou„„ ,„ro„,a„„, ^
,ua «cauo„a„f.,o,.„„o.,ana.s.,„e.he„a™e of replc^
""" '"f""' '"«■» """?. »l'o .hall be found orthodox in .h,
^.Ke Ooa of lihor., „. e,„a,i, . „ho ahal, re:^„ J ^
a.d .0 a red cap wiu, ,he word republican, ,™„eu i„ ,ar! '
faU on .h. front, .Oho provided a. the e,pc„.e of .h ' '"'
«=n.a„d direetthati: .h.,1 be ,or„ onaUda,.of e et'^r'
.vouldh.v.a.e„de„cy.oexc.„<,ci„po.to„f,„„J^- '^■•
l»n„„tbl= tiUe, ^ e«ble the pe»ie thereb, °™.""""""^ "■«
PUoe, .here „„„,d „„, be f„„„d a ,_ „„„,„. „/;^; ^^^
: ■"""".»*., profess their attachment to. p„blica„ 'ZiJ,
jet do „o. Cain, a,, exclusive Utie to .,„t appellation, ad .1 '
forowouldno. be enUtled to .he red cap. The^ helie^ 1 "■
«h0 are governed b, certain mr,,„>.„ ^.ylj^^T"
pavucular „a„e. but that .atne con^i^, „„ ki^ ^ '^ '
«M such principles do exist. ^^ "^ ""''""'
I should not have inKle those remarks wa. •. • " ' " -
<!■» plainest dict«,. r °°' ''"^="<' "»«
•■».E.c,nfluence,„hichinthe„M„„rt,,„.^ ,,
' r • " ; - ■ ■ ' ---« mA- ■- '■' ■ . ,
, -,; '.'1 _,'■-/ , .
■ ■ ■■ ■«>, , -. .
■ *f:^y-l5> ^- > :* •' ;^ y^ ■■'Si* 'V '.; , n^ -^'-m^S-'-P .X,
■ X-K'J,:^ -■'■ . ■,- .■^.■ -^ ■;,- !-■ ^.•-'....-■'t.T-i. /-v..^ ■ ■
?^jl^-
*^r^ ^^*^ ■
,.ii«' *«
t.C
4f
overwhelfned courts Mid cabioets and cbopctes, and io our own
•ountrjr, has disaolved the codearing ties, which bind together eo-
cietf, aai blew the condition of man ; and like the honW din of ilic
tocsioj weraytd the fiends erf misguided pasaion, against the laws
of heaTeo and nature, and would erect for its votam«i a throne
on the ruins of liberty.
If those who are called republtcana have no other or greater
evidepce, by which they can prove themselves to be the friendaof
ova constitution and republican liberty, our party distinctions
at once are at an end ; and the only inquiry respecting the
(HJalifications of candidates for office wiU in future relate only to
their wisdom and integrity, and not the insignificancy ol inamc t
If ^hen political names do not furnish ai^ evidence whatever,
that the principles they arc designed to designate do in fiict exist ; .
it follows of course that the tqaxi who assumes op<m himself th^
name of republican, is entitled to no confidence in bis attachment
to an elective govemmept by virtne of his name. Neither does
th^ appellation of federalist, fumi»h any evi ic* whatever, that
lie wlw is called by that name, is under the infli^ence of ibonarcliif ,
cal principles. And as to the professions of men, if they are to
be admitted as proofs of their principles : federalisU have equal
and the same e vidence that they are attached to an elective govcrnr
raent, as those who are called republicans. But the truth is, the
professions of men respecting their principles can no farther be ,
admitted as competent evidence to prove what are their reafe*
principles, than their acdoij) wfcich result therefrom, correspond
with their professions.
If then you would form correct opinions respectingthe poliiicalj'
sentiments of your fellow-citizens, you must derive your evidence
from a pure source j from some overt act, some poIiUcal mpasure
n
•'i' V •
.i.i ■
j4,
'1
ii:W
■'O^t
^'
:«
#•".
4»
tfcewltire of which ckarly evinces to the mind the principle
which iDuat hare produced it. . , ,
It wfjl be recollected that although the membew of the Con-
^entim which framed our censtitution, were divided in opinion
onthf; lubject of ihe constitution, it was finally unanimously
adopted But Mr. Hamilton or any others who might at that
time have had objections to the constitution similar to thofco
which he had suggested, did not suppose after it was adopted,
they could be justified in making that instrument which had be-
come the great bulwark of our liberties, any longer a subject of
political dissension. They were, and continued to b»!,its firm
«od uniform supporters.
But there was a party throughout the United States who were
opposed to the constitution even in its present form : they would
have ha<) neither a chief magisirute or senate, but the whote
legislative body to consist of an assembly of represenutivej*
similar to that which was established In France after the de-
scruction of their monarchy. This party had charged the ad-
vocates of our present constitution with a desire to establish a
monarchy on the ruins of republican liberty: and the constitu-
tion itself it was alledged, contained principles which would
prove the truUi of this charge.
The leaders of that party had therefore been ready from the
instant the government came into operation, to discover in all
its measures, those monarchical tendencies, which they had
perceived in the instrument they opposed.* They insisted that
the constitution bore a strong resemblance to that of Great-
Britain : and that some of the first measures of the administra-
• See Marshall's Life pf Washington, Vol, V. p. 350,
. i\. J "/ .'3 ^* V. 5S«( ' ».^ i ^i^ ' Alt.-' .^ : ^;.<-^-s
-» -a.^'
5^''
'lt-|fi
;??s3'
4.V
lion, atio w.re foanded in a poUcy u\t^ to thtt i^hich tUa,
country bad adopted. By refeHng t«* tht JoumaU of Ifce eon-
'rention. of the respective States, which we«> called to ditctt«l
the merit, of the conttitotioH, and to reject «^adopt4t, it wlO
be found, that those »ery men throughout the United Stat«^
who were oppowd to tHe adoption of tbt constitution, ware the
men who commenced the opposition to the adnanistf^tioiHii
Washington.
The first great and principal leader «f that oppo«tion-wa.
Thomas Jefferson, then Secretafy qf Sute. And betweeii hinl
and Alexander Hamilton who was then Secretary of the Treaa-
ury. there was a differed of opinion on tbo« great nationai
questions, the decision of which completed the organi«ition of
those two parties which at this time are agitating and confound,
ing the councils of the republic.
Mr HamUton in pursuance of the doty pertaimng te his <rf-
fice, digeated and reported various plans for estabUshing tha
credit of the United States, by providing for th* payment of the
pobtic debt. These were approved of by Washington and a
great majoriiy of his administraaon, and passed into laws, and
constituted what was called the Funding System, stoilar in some
respects to that which existed in Great-Britain.
It ahouldl«ere be recollected that our ancestors who establish-
edfor us our republican institutions, derived all their science
in the policy of legislation from Great-Britain. • ).;
- In that country, as in others on the eastern continent, the bu.
slness of taxation has been practiaed ii. almost e^ry p«a«.
ble farm, no one of which eyer did, or ever wiU gtve enux.
eatjsfection, inthatoranyothar .ountry. B^t it eouldnotb.
> h'*-1
1^.\
1
no
I
U. i
< '.. *
1;'
ii
expected that a syueip of taxation could ever be devisM) ioth«.
linked Sutes, wWch would not bear somo airong reseml^c«
to those of Great'Britaiii. It is not ncx^awry therefore to at-
l«mpt an inveadfaUoii of the nature or effects of those Jaws, to
thow UiM no evidence whatever could be derivc4 from Ihem
Vhich could in any way eyince a disposition in the authwt^ f«.
■vouraWe to a monarchy, or to the British nation. If in a free
•tete laws are made which are unequal in their operations an4
imnec^sa^ly burdensome to the people, mch laws may fur-
mh evidence that the authors of them are de^utute either of
talent^ or integrity; but the most devoted p^nlmn, the most
ifabuf guardian of our liberties, could never believe, tluisu^h
law« of themselves, could furnish any proof, that th« author*
of them were monarchists or enemies to republican liberty ,
the idea is too absurd to admit of apy consideration.
»utUi«oppo8ers^of the administration, at that time,^rr?ign
«d and poi^lcraned at the bar of public opinion all those mea-
^iff»i|b|cfchadorigioatea^wtthth^ ^^^ Trcasuiy
. •• well aa many others of great national concern, ail which
were finally adopted, with the entire approbation of Washing.
ton.
• »-/4" * ■ ';■■ ■.
The authors of these measures were censored, because they
in the first place, had been instrumental in forming a consiitu-^
tion, which it was said must have been the result of monarchi-
cal principles, from the resemblance it had to the British coo-
atitmion: alleging that similar powcrjj wer? vested in the pre^
aident, Senate and House qf ^leprcscntativea, to those which
by the British consutution wet«e vested in the King, ;,ord, and
Commons.
There was perhaps no measure of Washington's admijuftra..
I
1
%l
doa ttVow pointedly wd itrenuoutiy oMJowd thwi the »>«*«
,y«icm, by which provision vra. rowie lor payment of the pob-
Ua ckbi which had accrued during the r*volutionarf WM. Tl o
repubUcan party contended that the fanding qrttem fomishel
cooclttiive evidence that the autbora 0t it were aauated by mo •
narchical principlei, and Britiah inftuence } becauae 1ft Orrti
Britain ihcy have a fundir.g tyaiem, and the government M'
Great Britain ia a monarchy. And because our fedeial TUiefii
ettabliabed a funding aystera, they must therefore have beea
attached t<. a monarchy. But it wa. contended that thla mea.
Hure waa ...oloundcd in bad policy. The a,igin.l cr.««tur.
«any of them had parted with the certificates whkh coatiOned
n,e evideuce of their rcM»ective debt*, at a great deduction fi^
thenomlnaWalue: and it was .aid thoae creditor, hadthereby
«.nife«ed their willingne.a to add to their other sacn^J^^^
deduction fVom their ^emaad upon ^ nauon : and therefore
^ purchasers of thatdebt, ought not to t^cetve any more thaft
^hat they had paid the original creditor.
Thwe who were in favor of the ayatem contended, that it
.V.S subversive of every principle on which public contract,
.re founded,foralegislative body todimiuishadebtthe amount
.C which had heen ascertained, and for ^^« P^^-"^ «^ f;^J
^ey considered the property S.a «cred honor of the j^c.
1 of the United Stateswas pledged. Of the Jusuce or poh^
!f that^easure let the people judge : ^^^^;''''^
you that some of those very men who opposed ^J^^
Ld many others Who ha,i hee« the firm suppor^rs of the.r po-
Ucy and po^er. are at thi. time, purchasing of the poor .d,
Jr, his'ciaim. o« the go^mment, at prices reat^ed below
I
\
'm
:^2
^
^
th« nonuaal vftUie, in pr^oportion to the ftressure ot hia neces
sitf , occas'nued by the ruin of that pblky which bad given to
the funding Bfstem life and vigor. But it was not these laws
bnljr which ctostituted the funding syjtem, by which the re-
publican partfi attempted to excite prejudices against Wash-
Vigten and his administration : the opposition was soon direct-
ed against altnolt every measure^ and the authoni of them ac-
cused of being tii« enemies of republican liberty. " The sala-
ries dilowet' to public officers, though so low* as not to afford a
decent maintenance to tBose who resided at the seat of govem-
mentf were dectai^d to be so enormously high, a» clearly t©
manifctt A total diiireg«rd of that simplicity M)d economy, which
•were the eharactcrifttlcs of republics.'*
" The levees of the President, and the evening parties of
Mrs. Washington, were said to be imitations of regal institu-
tions, deiigned to actlHstom the Aftiericpn people to the pomp
and manners of European courts. The itth war they alleged
was misconducted and unnecessarily |»ro)iiuged for the puirposes
of exjjendiBg th( pubiiit money, and of affording a pretext for
augmetitihg the liiilitary establishment and inCt-easinig the re-
venue. All this prodigal waste of the people's mOiiey Was to
keep up the national debt, which united with standing armies
andimmetise revenues, Wduld enable their rulcr^ to rivet the
chains which they were tecretly forging."f It was not long
"* The salary of the Secretary of State which was the highest, Was three
IhoHsMd five hundred dolhtM. Mr. AtfTersen himsdf patronized the press
at that time which denounced federal men for high salarIes..^He and bis co-
patriot^ h»ve doubtless, become »inoe cortvinced of their error, in that re-
Bpect, m ^e have heard nothing of that compiaint for fourtMh years.
I 8e» Marshairs Life of Washtegton, vol. S. p, 350 See »ho the J«ir
nsk and d«b%tw 0f Congrou f|t that ti7i9<
r"* 'w^
** S^jtlk tik.'.i
Ilia neces
d given to
these lawB
rh the re-
»t Wash-
ion direct-
f them ac-
The Mla-
to sSbrda
of goyern-
clearly to
way I which
parties of
;al institu-
) th^ pomp
bey alleged
e put-poses
pretext for
ig the rc-
kty was to
ling armies
rivet the
s not long:
:»t, ti'as three
zed the press
Fe mi. bis co-
r, in that re-
V years.
t»o the Jmir
53
„._ ^.. ..n,m«ncemcnt of Waabington's adminiatratrofi, th*t
a clerk ift the office of the SecreUry of State, becj.m€ the e4ltor
of a certain newspaper, called the NaUonal Gazette, whiefc was
patronised by Mr. Jefferson, and soon became the vehicle of
calumny against the most important measures of the flrat ad-
minUtr^tion, and the men who proposed and supported them.
It «i« through the medium of the press only, that the bate
.landers, the most outrageous abuses of the conduct and cb*
fna*t of Washington and his policy, came to his knowledge-
The republicans have been told millions of times, and they
have as often denied, that Washington and hia political friends,
were themen against whom the first efforts of democracy were
directed. But in this they have been deceived ; they have de-
rived thp evidence on which are fou^ided iveir political pre^u-
diees from an impure source.
So violent and unceasing was Uie opposition to the measures
ef Washington's administration, that he was filled with the
tnost painful sensations for the event. As proof of this fact, I
lefer you to a letter* which he addressed to Mr. Jefferson on
the 2ad day of August, in the third y^ar of his administratioD*
in which he wrote as follows :
« How unfortunate and how much is it to be regretted, that
while we are encompassed on all sides with avowed enemies
and insidious friends, internr^ dl^sensiolp should be harrowing
and tearing our vitaU the last to me is the most serious, the
most alarming, and iU most affiicting of the two ; and without
ftiore charity for the opinions of one another, in governmental
Clatters, or some more infallible criterion by which the truth
of speculative «|«iions, before they have undergone the test
• 9tt MsrsKalVs ViStot WsteWngtoA, v«»l. I. p 9$r.
,Ss>.^
f
M,
•".I
Qf experience, al-e to be faiejadged, than lias yetiiiUeh to tU
lot of fallibilUy, I believe it will be difficult, if not impractica-
ble to manage the reins of government, or to keep the parts of
it togethfer : for if instead of laying our shoulders to the tea-
chine, after measures have been decided on, one pulls this way
and another that, before the utility of the thing is feirly tricdj
it must be inevitably torn asunder ; and in my opinion, the fair-
est prospect that dver was presented to man, vfilJ be lost, per-
haps for ever.** '
But all his endeavours to conciliate the opposition to his mea-
sures, were una.vailiog. On the 2 1 »t day of Jluly, the next year
after the letter of which the above is an extract w&s written^
Washington addressed a letter to Gen. Lee, then Govenror of Vir-
ginia, on the sjbjcct of the opposition to his administration, which
Was mlade through the medium of the press— from wluch letter
the following is an extract :•— >' The arrows of malevolence, there-
fore, however barbed and pointed, can never reach my most vulne-
rable part; though whilst I am up as a mark, they will be con-
tinually aimed at me. the publications in Freneau's and Bachc's*^
papers are outrages on common decency ; and they progress in
that style in proportion as their pieces are treated with contempt
and passed oVer in silence by those, against whom they are di-
reefed. Their tendency however, is too obvious to be mistaken
by men of cool and dispassionate minds, and in my opinion ought
to alarm thctn 5 because it is difficult to prescribe bounds to their
■;»ffect."
■ Will you ask, how do the calumnies against Washington, and
tfce measures which he approved, furnish evidence that our prc-
• Bache was a Clerk in the office »t' tbi? Secretary of Statey and his paper •
patronized by Mr. Jetterson. '''■[:'
f'jf^iif^^';
*M-fJ
*'Wr' 'ji ■ jn^^
'■^\-..
ulen to tbt&
mpractica-
lie parts of
to the tra-
Is this yrny
irly trifedj
i, thcfair-
ioat, per-
his mca*
next year
is writteiH
)or of Vir-
lion,whicli
jch letter
ice, therc-
ost vulne-
ill be coi)-
IBachc'fe^
rogresa in
contempt
cy are di-
mistaken
ion ouf ht
Is to their
;ton, and
our prc-
i his paper
5»
-.jj:.^. .^-;..» r..A^t<a% men ova ill fnimflpfl ? Inansv^er tathistlet
me enquire of you, how you came by them I Through what chan-
nel did you derive your evidence that federal men are under th«s
influeitce of monarchical principles, and thereforo datigerowi
men I They, as I before observed, have made rl# professions M'
such principles. No : they tell you, they prefer an elective go^
vernment j and ten prove it, they refer you to what they have done
and fSufiered to acq^iire such a goveriiment : to their blood an4
treasure, and that of their fathers and friends, which has been free-
ly expended in the acquisition : and they tell you they are still
ready to fight and to die in defence of that Constitution, which 1^
their courage and wisdom they have achieved. They point yow
to the aeld of battle, to which they have flown to victor' and to
death, that they might repel an invading foe, which your miscM-
We policy has brought upon our borders, and which your dastard-
ly efforts cannpt repel without their aid.
The question returns then, how came you by your prejudices!
They arc not the creatures of a day. That sudden impulse, l^
vyhich we are led to resist or to oppose another for some supper
sed offence or intended injury, is the effect of passion. Prejudice
is a sentiment or judgment formed without examining the groMtida
©r evidence necessary to support it. Judgments or sentiments
«ierefore, that are founded in prejudice, can never be considered
as any e\ddeirce of themselves, that theiactson which they ar.
supposed t6 be founded do exist. That you entertain prejudices
againstfederai men, you do not deny s and that these prejudice*
»e producing serious evils among us is certsfinly true : anditis
seriously believed that unless the differences among the people,
which have been created by these prejudices, can be reconciledj
they will end in the ruin of our repubUc.
r'piM'
^^J^
IAl
56
■"I
:^
■i \
tou wre tfaer«fore» at this alarming crisis, urged by the duly
Which you owe to your country and to posteiity, to examine the
evidence on which your prejudices hav4 been fbunded. And to
this end your attention has been invited to the calumniatora of
WasWngton and hi» policy, as themen,from whom, on a revtew
of the subject, you must be cohvmced that you hate derived tbe^
•^dence, to which your present prejudices, owe their <m^
*tfidence which viU be found on examination, totally incempe-
tpnt, in its very nature, to decide tlte roost unimportant <;iv^
Strictures on the administration of government are riflrf*
through the medium of the press, and through that channel com-
tnunicated to the people, by those individuals who approve the».
Those presses which arc established at the scat of government,
where tneasui-es originate, and where, it is believed the real views
and principles of their authors are best known, arc tlie first tb
give them currency, the National Gazette to which I have al-
luded, and other papers became the vehicles of the calumnies
against Washington and his administratmn, soon after the govern-
ment went into operation ; and those, or their contents copi^.|nr
to other papers, were circulated among the people.
It must therefore be through the medium of democratic papers,
first published at the seat of government, that you derived your
first information, that your liberties had been entrusted with dan-
gerous men. TWs is evident. There is no other mode by which
the motives, views, and principles of men, so frr removed from
the great bod; of the electxjrs as those who reside at the scat of
government, could be communicated. To extead the circulatioa
of these papers, and thereby communicate what were called re-
^ipublican sentiments, a democratic society was formod at Ptuladei-
i>7
30th day of May 1793, which ^vas the fiWj year
of
pUia, on the 30th day ot *iay ";«" ""'^ ^^j^^l of Mr.
Genet, the French minister. i"*:*^ r
eh^pion. of alLhe encroachment. '«™P''eyfs,XrJ^
U,e Fren. 1, rcpnblic on Ac governmen. "f f » "" ' ,7^^, fc„
'l^^'LiCy . corresponding -t^S^^^
through the aid of th» »"= "^ ^"" j„«ae«<,o to the gmii
i„5,„n.ndhi,n.eas«res^exun4^d h^^^^
an exception to the number of thoae, wuo w
-?ti™^S;;tXLo.«tKe..^U.™<^e^
corropt. and who by »°'""S ^^,„. By » i„„g .cries of
,„ bles. hi. cbantr,^ "" ™ uSled d.»pl.y «' di.i».e«..ed
alu«rio..s acuons, and "^y^^,""" "^ ,„;.«,e„edhin,«lf on
' ^'"f r- '!:, rfXtS^-" tu'.- ve'ry n.n.e paUied the
.ivfthecAsot f*""f;°^^„i„„.p.„.i„,., heroes and SU..CS.
^ "t 'SvVSS .natlT .Tconntry, and »h„ «o,ad
Mien, who have aciorneti a» ^ ^^, ^^^^ ^^^^i
,„e honored^, a.- "-n^^^^^
"' T '^"roie c"w he tuL, who alone wip destined b, Hea-
rer: jrUidedc„n^^«.,of>^^^^^^^^^
rs:td:t:nr„:r:r:::aSze"«iu sunind*.
r,^„rt:;^-=he...^o„.ytobj«sa^^^^^^^
countfy,wd died in her service. And couW that
• MarAi^a Ufc of Wo^ngton-v. 5. ^.427.
H
, i
y
I
■"*;-\-i
••*''
in
Ml '/
ftgain^t hcrbenefacior, the voice of deti-action ? It could. Wash-
ington was traduced • by a few indeed, a despicable few of his
felio^Y-citiaens. And had not his hand recorded the ewldcace of
their degeneracy, you never would have i)elieved it. It Was re,
served for him alone to tranamit to us for the benefit of our coup-
try, the evidence of the degeneracy of the age in which We live,
as a warning against that fatal system of delusion and falsehood,
•which he saw was preparing: to entangle us in the corrupt prrfi-
tics of foreign courts, and to enkindle ^n^eng us the flames of civil
discord.
Notwithstanding every effort which was made by President
"KVashington to restore harmony and to reconcile his opposers,
the democratic parly continued with unabating zeal, to publish ^he
grossest and most insidious misrepresentations against every act
of his administration. In the third year of the second terra of his
presidency, he evidently discovered that strong sensibility which
the unqualified abuse of his opposers could not fail to excite.
In a letter to Mr. Jefferson on this subject, he has the followin|t
lemarks: — *'■ Until the last year or two, I had no conception, that
parties would or ever could go the lengths 1 have been witness
tt) J nor did I believe until lately, that it was within the bounds of
probability baldly within those of po' ibility, that whi}elwas
•using my utmost exertions to establish « national character of our
own, independent, as far as our obligations and justice would per-
2nit» of every nation of the earth } and wished, by steering a stea-
dy course, to preserve this country from the horrors of a deso-
lating war, I should be accused of being the enemy of QUc nation,
ajid subject to the influence of another ; and toproveitthat eve-
• iy act of my administration would be tortured, and the grossest
and most insidious misrepresentations of them be made by giving
one side only of a subject, and that too in such exaggerated, and
indecent terms as could scarcely be applied to a Nero—to a no-
torious defeulter, or even to a common pick -pocket."
And who were tlie men that tortured every act of Washington's
administration to prove that he was an enemy to France, and sub-
, ject to the influence of Great-Britain ? They were the men who
''Wrected and supported tlie National Gazette a< d otike'r presses
vrhich tirst denouriced federal men : They were the men from
-whom you derived your evidence that JV.r. Adams and Mr. Hami!-
■r A
W^
^„„r^^>*,'^^^^-'"^'^"°'^'^"'""'
^^Zr you beUeve inU. integn^a^r^^
Washington.' Well you ^^^^^ . "^'^^^ ^^.,,,dtouse tKo
nt \w appeared to belong ^'^^'^^.^a actuated by thotiVds
purely di.intereated, and m this re i^ .^^^.ded.
^ every other rnan whose life ^^* '';;^4 • ,o human pride,
I .ell know ^'^«-^7;:,X i r^^^^^ »--
to be forced to acknowledge that you P .^^^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^
been founded on «?»«-"* ^^t^^^r^ho. to t,ring intodUcred-
you have derived from the very ^^^v ^^ ,^„i«et, tortured
Land disrepute, ^^poUt^cal cha ac«»^n ^ ^^^^^^
ey.ry act of hb ^^-^JI^^'^^ ^J^'^^^ an e^nemy to France,
that he was partial to G--t.m tarn ap ^. ^ ^^^^
and who to effect their ^o^ J^^,eaUrcs. by gV,ing only
iasidupus -i^-prescntatto. oflus^ ekags^tated and
one side of asubject, and thai too Mvtr^
indecent terms. ^ . , . , ,„ .^.terity. And however humd-
But history wiUbe fatthfttUo P***^*"^ ^^ Uy of man, the
ilgtothe pride of A-^;-^^^^^^^^^^^ fu.J generations
trmlv will be recorded, and m.»m ^^^^^ ^^^^ ^^^ ^ f
,H«>ugh the^l-| --f^ trenUndlcd among the peoplo of
Civile JJISCORO were '".„f Washington.
^nVunited States by the -^—.r^l^g.ined credit among
' B«tho#come.Utopas^^t^tth ^^^^^^^^,^.„^.,„^dts-
teriiy, as they did others ^ ^ ^^.^^ not be deceived.
The truth is, wUh '''^'^']lZ^,ac.l character were im-
Your sentiments respecting "J^^^^,„,, consult the opm-
«,oveably fi-e^-- ^^^f;' ^Mn'egrity-lus wisdom, orthepu-
ions of Others «^«P^^^;^^^\t respect to others who were the
rity of his motives. K'^^J" .^^ Ld no other source of m-
L hora of federal "^^'^''^^^^/^^^ for evidence of their prt-
fornmtion t>n which you i^l^ose to ry^^^^^^^^^^^
,ate views and P^-P^^^^'^m t^o nature a^d effec»of thetr.
posed these measures, or from ta
'■J
(
(iO
political conduct. Cou W you have know* tliat thoic Tf ho ffm
soun(]ed the alarm, and cxcitprl vnu.. ;-»u. -_,t . ^ . .
,5.^. j>„.„„ny agaiuBc leaerai
men and mcasyres, were the very men who Were the reviler. of
Washington, the men who were making the mo« insidious
misrepresentations of him and his views and poHcy, you cer-
tamly would have doubted respecting, eiihei' their integrity or
the Cterectness of their views. You must indeed h«v« held
thej^m disrepute and utter contempt, as men without integrity,
without honor, and without correct views of political measures
or you must have discarded Washington himself, and consider-
«;d him as no longer entitled to your confidence, your gratitude
or your respect. "« b'^«"uac
The authors of the present .policy and its advocates, will at-
bel' Uy'"r^'' T"^""'' themselves of the imputation of having
been the poht.cal enemies of Washington and instrumental in
subverting his policy and discarding his councils. Do trey ex!
pect It by saying their political prejudices originated under the
administration of Mr. Adams ? But Washington has pub^y fn!
uounced to them and to the world, that he most cordi^Sly app'ot
ofMrAdri.''1'"-v^*"^
ot Mr. Adams, admimatration, and declared that, in his o«mm„
they ought to inspire universal confidence. Dk^ d tl" wi d2
the record of your memory; and to be consistent with yourselv^!
you must be forced to do it ; and tell tlie world, that fX^s
lost your confidence, by the vices and errors of their politicrcoT
duct, durmg the presidency of Mr. Adams. In what'd d th i v '
cos and errors consist ? They imposed taxes which we e bu del'
some to the people, and you then said they ^^ nnneeessarv
But suppose they were ; the representatives of a mlS 2'
thought otherwise. You displaced them and havTLtZutS
new men called rei^ublicans, who have intioduced differenfre!
sures^d a new o..er.f things. Wnew:n:: ;^^^
without measure, and it may almost be.said without murar Y^
say It ,.s necess^ry^the minority think otherwise : a^d k 'can!!!
be concealed at this time, that even a majority of the elelra^
ofthat opinion, although they may not o^y Jew S "^ -u!
republican rul^rsthcmselvesacknowledgLhatthevWi^^^^^^
ii^en unfortunate m their policy, but ii^kt that,if they have ^l!
6.\
le vtho ffnt
iiUi federal
irevilers of
t insidious
yi you cer-
integrity or
have held
t integrity,
measures,
i consider-
r gratitude
8. win at-
of having
imental in
> they ex-
under the
uWicIy an-
ly approv-
cal) theni^
is opinion,
te wisdom
5ver from
ourselves
ederalists
kjcal con-
1 their vi-,
e burden-
te^essary,
>rity then
itnoduced
ent mea-
e people
^f. You
t cannot
:torsare,
and our v
) indeed
mittcd errors, they litve been hmest ones ; and above sAl evils
warn you against that of coniiding your intiluMHt coiiceros to itw-
ni men. Th*y remind you of Hut sedition act, which in contempt
of Its authors, has been called the gag-law; and this ought ngt
to be passed over in silence. 1 of ki no otic meastire have |hc
viaM^a and principles of federalists been more perverted than in
the construction of this law i and the eAect of th»t perversion bus
been extensive and fatal. This was said to have for lU object the
abridgement of the liberty of speech and of the press ; and every
attempt to execute it, was considered as proof of a disposition in-
0uenced by the principles of despotic power. Th^ ©tect<M's were
told by their republican leaders, that the object of that law was t<>
prevent the pcuj.'.. *'»om exposing the vices and errors either
rulers. Barefaced as vhis falsehood is, it was, and even, to this
day is believed by thousands of honest freemen, who never had
any knowledge of the law or its object, but what they have deriv-
ed ftomibose, whose political efforts were made only tp betray,
mislead and excite ill founded jealousies, and thereby elevat«i
themaOlves to power. The object of the act of congress, called
the sedition act, was so fer from abridging the liberty of speet^li
and of the press, tbkt express provision was made in the apt, tisft
if any person should be prosecuted for writing or p\^blishing
any libel agairist the goverracnt, it should be lawful for the
perscn who was so prosecuted, upon trial of the cause., to give
in evidence, m bis defence, the truth of the matt^jr cont»in«d in
the pubUcation, charged is a libel : And the jury who should try
the cause, had a right to detfcrmine the law and the fact, under tbe
direction of the court, as in other cases. The act made it crimi-
nal to publish any f^lse, scandalous, ar,d malicious writing agajast
the government for the purpose of destroying th^ confidence of
the people in their rulers : and of bringing them into disrepute
and contempt ; but prevented no one from speaking, writing and
publishing the truth. Since Mr. Jefferson came ii^to office, that
law has not been in force ; but the old common la>y principle h;^s
been adopted in prosecutions for libels against the fsmvmxs6pt
whkh makes it criminal to livrite or publisli any tluiig wMch 4)%\l
tend to bring the government into discredit and disrepute, how-
ever true the &Ctstnaybe, that are thus written and published.
Undtr the s«dlti«i act, the citizens had perfect liberty to write or
1
.*•■
11
Plf
6S
imbltsh the truth respeciing their rulers ; bul to do the simc M^
by the common law, which is the only rub in such cases, i« crim-
inal, and exposes those who shall do it, to punishment. Had the
electors examined the nature and object of this law before they
bad condemned it, it would have bad no efTect in esciiing prejudi-
ces against it* authors ; and this may be said wUh tfuth, rcapect-
ing ail the measures of the federal adn^inistratlon.
U is evident the people of this country did not duly consider
the importance of malting every effort to guard against th*
evil* of party diatensions in the infancy of our republic. They
<^id not wisely wcJRh the consequences of creating against any
considerable portion of their fellow-citiiens, prejudices, wliicU
ji^gjjt be imei-minable in their duration and fatal in their effect*.
Sinc» the dominion of party spirit corarocnced hi progress
over the minds of the republicans, they have been apprehensive
©f no danger but what resulted from the possibility that the per-
secuted federalists might eventually prevail in the councils of
the nation. Never was tl>« world cursed with a more fatal or
more mysterious delusion than that which has prevailed in tliis
enlightened republic, within the last 25 years. And this has
been the result of the abuse of that great bulwark of our liberty,
the freedom of speech and of the press. The most important
lacts relating to our national concerns have been cither conceal-
ed, misconstrued or misrepresented. The people were at liber-
ty to place their confidence in such men as they chose. They
bave placed, it is to be feared, a blind confidence in certain fa-
vorites who have deceived them, and who still have an interest
in continuing the delusion. In the Brst slumber* of the revolu-
tion, the minds of the people seem to have been prepared for
the reception of that fatal system of delusion and falsehood,
-which at that time was cunningly devised. When our goverhr-
ment first went into operadon, a general sentiment inspired om
citizens wi!^* an unconquerable attachtncnt to an elective go-
vernment, and an abhorrence of monarthy equally strong. The
few individuals who opposed the revolution were called tories,
were held in contempt and considered by the great body of the
people as traitors and enemies to their co«ntry.
The war whiqh terminated in 1783 had left also in the bosoms
of Americans a strong attachment to France : the services which
had been rendered us by that cauntry in ©ar rcvolutienary
i
same DctiR^
ea,»crim-
Htd the
before they
ng prejudi-
:h, rcBpcct-
\f consider
LgAtnst the
lie. They
igainst any
ices, vrhicU
leir effect*.
i progress
prehensive
aat the per-
councUs of
ore fatal or
tiled in tills
nd this has
our liberty,
; importaht
er conceal-
ere at libei''-
ose. They
k certain (a- :^
: an interest
the revolu-
repared for
1 falsehood,
our goverft-
nspired otur
Elective go-
rong. The
illed toriesj
body of the
the bosoms
■vices whi<:h
sTOlutienary
. '', . .:' . S3-. '■
struggle were fresh in our I'ecollection, an^ inspired our citt
sens with sentiments of affection and gratitude.
But there was a difference of opinion respecting the influence
which ought to be allowed to those scniimentfc over the pol«"-
.cal conduct of the nation. With such evident sentimenu olf
partiality to France and such deep-rooted enmity lo Great.Brl-
iain, it required all the energy at^d wisdom of the adminisira-
tion to prevent the nation from inconsiderately precipit^iof
itself into the war which had broken out between those two
powers.
Ill such a s ate of the public mind, the ingenuity of man could
not have invented a more effectual and Iktal excitement of the
prejudices and the malignant passiohs against any of our citi-
zens than by inducing the people to believe that they were mo-
narchisisjaod had a predilection f9r the British gotcrnment.
Soon after the organization of the governtnenti it was found
that the opposers of the administration were disposed in our
commercial regulations, to make discriminations befween France
and Great Britain in favor of the former ; while the v^hole ea-
binet council except Mr. Jefferson ; an* also a great major^y
of congress were of the opinion, that no such discrimination
ought to be made—" that trade ought to be guided by the judg-
ment of individuals"— and that it was our duty as a w»«» people
to adopt the maxim that vrith respect toother nations, we ouglit
« in war only to be enemies, In peace, friends.'* Happily sepa-
rated as we are from the belligerents of Europe, by a wide
ocean, and having established a government on principles en-
tirely different from theirs, and peculiar to our own modes and
habits of thinking and acting, it was thought that no considera-
"tion either of duty or interest would require us to pursue any
measure, which should have a tendency to « entangle our peace
and prosperity in the toils of European arabltion--rivai8faip--ii|.
terest — humor or caprice." ti "' '
Such were the views of the administration, witii rttspect to
our relations with Great Britain and France, when the war be-
tween those powers commenced. Those men, therefore, who
had been for a discrimination in favor of France, were of tne
Opinion ♦ftftt such were bur oWigaiions to that counti7» we oouid
^ot be justiaed in taking a neutral .position. But subsequent
I
I
I
?rir'
, h
W
*4
i
•vcnuhavc taught us, bow highly w« ought to appreciate thit
policy which saved us from the wi">teh«d cot^itkm, in which
«t jpust irtevUabiy have been Involved by an aJlianee vith
lliihce, at that time; or by granting to her thoao favors for
*6ieh the opposition contended. Yet no sooner was it knoi(fn
tlnyt Uie administration had determww.d on ft nettirai poaitM|Pt
•|m4. the president had issued his proclaraation of neutrality j
thaa, they were denounced as the enemies of republican liberty
—the friends of monarchy and the obseqttious devotees and das-
tardly hirelings of despotism.
It is evident that no m«aaurp,could have contributed more to
oi»r national prosperity than that neutral policy, to which the
federal administrsition ever inflexibly adhered. Yet this mea-
sure, as weH as every effort mpde by the administration of Wash-
ington) to save us from the horren «rf a foreign war, were re-
presented as the effect of a,crimioai attachment to Great Bri-
lain, and ungratcfulhosuHly to France.
jDuting the administration of Mr. Adi^ma, the French wUh-
out any pietext of right but what they derived froiw their des-
potic powe*-, kidiseriminately captured and destroyed our ves-
sels, and would not even condesicend to treat with wsr unless
we would first pny them tribute money,, for the. privilege
IiUmUy reqi; eating them to d«»i^ from plundering our defeu-
Jess commerte, and, tt/add infult U> injury ; ordered Mr.,Pink-
lasy, our lAinistor then in Paris, to depart from that city, in
fOsTty eight hours. This was tantamount to a declaration of
war } and io defend ourselves against tlicir aggressions, and to
redress our wrongs, a few troops were raised. The extraordi-
nary expense, which this measure rendered indispensable, was.
represented by the denoocrauc party as unnecessary and oppre»»'
awe ; and our differences with France at that time, which gate
rise to i, were ascribed to an undoe attachment to Groat B|i-
tsan,and a disposition hostile to France and to republican liberty.
The views which Washington had, at thai time., of the war wit^
France are stated in liis fetter* to Mr. Adams, on his aecep-
tance of the appointment of commander in chief of the
armies. It will be fognd by an examination of this subject,
that our differences with France at 4hat time, and the evils
• Sec his letter page 43
:-4|ff!lW*'
1^**
■-T^.
6*
ill which
aoce with
favors for
U Known
teutrality }
» and dM-
d more to
vrliich the
this mea-
I of Wash-
were re-
treat Bri-
Qch with-
their dcs-
our ves-
;;S; unie&f
vllege ^
r defeo* ;-
Mr.,P^nk-
atcit]r, in
^ration of
IS, and to
BKtraordit-
&able, wa^
>d oppres'
lich gare
Qreat Bii-
\m libeny.
iwar wit^
rtis aecep-
9I of the
ia i$ub]«ct«
the eviU
which resulted from them, may be rjcribed to the confidence •
which the French had, in the aid ihey expected to derirc from
theie- party in this country, which was oi^osed to the adminis*
tration, and to the neutral policy which it bad endeavored to
maintain.*
It is a truth which cannot be concealed, that ever since ^e
Arst organiaatioq of the govcrnm nt, the opposcrs of fedeml
men and measures, have been disposed to palliate the injuriia
which have been inflicted upon us by the French, while iMf
have cx%fpg*rtned those of the British beyond the bounds qf rea-
8<m and truth.
The efibrts of both Washington's uid Adams* administration
were exerted to counteract the effect of this unwise dispcMition, .
tending in its consequences to embroil us in foreign contests,
and to defeat the great objects of that system of neutral policyi
which they had adopted and were determined to support. Yet
every effort that has been made for this purpose, has been repre-
sented as the effect of fi dangerous British influence in the coun-
cils of the nation.
In the vast and complicated system of delusion, of intrigt|0
and of falsehood, by which the men in power have gained their
ascendency, and created those inveterate prejudices ag^nst
federal men, the imputation of British influence among them,
has had no unimportant effect. That allegation brought against
the federalists, with such bare-faced impudence and supported
with such persevering obstinacy, however glaring and improb-
able the falsehood, hfvsbeen attended with effects pernicious
in the extreme. Like the pestilential i.iists of Hades, it has
blighted into deformity that which was beauteous; it has darken-
ed the prospects, and prostrated the energies of our once Bippf
country. It had been the firm resolution of the federal admin-
istration not to involve us in a war with either of the belliger-
ents, until ail hope of reconcilirnf any differences, which might
exist had failed. , .
.With such views the administration under Ms- Adams, did
not commence hostile operations against France, until that gov-
ernment had ordered our minister to depart from t,hat counny,
under circumsunces highly insuldng to the dignity of ourgov-
ei-nment.
• Set Wa^hlnytoa's lette? to Charles Carrol, p ♦*-
I ■
I
6(r
. '\
?...-^
•vv
\jiis3^■
-,*. tCfJ
■ '■>•
M
,i^^
1^
"throu'^h the whole t^rm of Washington's admini»tratioi>i
f ranee by her ministers and agents in this country had been
indefatigable in her efforts to influence our government to a*>pt
a system of policy partial to her interests. And after the war had
broken out between that country and Great Britain, Mr. Genet
i^ French minister, aoon after his arrival in the United States
jWnced his determination to treat this country, as one which was
in alliance with his own, and thereby virtually involve us in their
contest with Great Britain.
Immediately after his arrival, even before being recognized
ly our gcvernment as the French minister, « he undertook to
authorize the fitting and arming vessels in our ports, enlisting
jnen, and giving commissions to cruise, and commit hostilities on
nations with whom the United States were at peace." About
this time an event took place that places on the record of ouv
history the most conclusive evidence of the falsehood of the aaseiv
tion that the federal administration have been influenced by mo-
tives partial to the interest of Great Britain, and of their fixed
determination to adhere to that neutval policy which they con-
sidcrcd as the surest pledge of our future peace and prosperity.
A British merchantman called the Little Sarah, had been
captured by a French frigate and brought into the port of Phil-
adelphia where she had been armed and equipped as a piivateer.
Being completely i»med and manned, partly by Americans) sh*
Zas a^out to sail on a cruize under the name of La Petit Demo-
v.'at. In pursuance of the regulations which had been made by
the President to prevent the fitting out armed vessels in our
ports, Mr. Secretary Dallas was sent to prevail on Mr. Genet to
desist from such a proceeding, and thereby prevent the employ-
mcntof force to compel an acquiescence in our fiyed regulations.
On receiving the ssage he ptreraptorily refused a compli-
ance with the requisition ; and said that if any attempt was made
to seiije the vessel, bhe would unquestionably repel force by
'force. In consequence of this positive refuiiul to comply, a suf-
ficient portion of the rpilitia were ordered out by the governor for
Ihe purpose of taking possession of the vessel ; and the case
was communicated by him to the executive. The next day
Mr. Jefferson waited on Mr. Genet, in the hope of prevail! .g
on him, if not to desist entirely, from the prosecution of his at-
tempt, at least to defer it till the arrival of the President, who
was then at Momu Vernon. After mu«h outrageous andabusive
it^iiS' it-'i:
. 'rt
*Wt
T't -jis;
^^^j-,;;#-
**«^,;|j^feV^*#t^,,
•!fe;
*'
:«'
vi^«;
.^j^.jrir.
■n""*.*^-
mistratioDi
had been
nt to adopt
he war had
Mr. Genet
itcd States
which was
us in their
recognized
dertook to
, enlisting
Qstirttisson
!." About
3rd of onv
fths aaseiv
ced by mo-
th eir fixed
they con-
proaperity.
, had been
ort of Phil*
a prtvi^er.
:rtcanS)S)i«
*etit Deuao-
;n made by
eb in our
r. Genet to
he emplof-
eguiations.
a corapli-
>t was made
il force by
iply, a suf-
;overnor for
i the case
e next day
prevaill .g
m of his at-
tident. who
and abusive
67
ianouage, he concluded by making some remarks "i«*^^ S*^*'
Slefferson an impression, that U.e vessel -u) -t -l^-
^il the arrival of the President. This mterview v'^h^r Genet
he imparted to governor Miftin.in consequence of wh.ch he d»s.
"^r X^J;:-ding the l^vorable hopes ^^^^^
that had been excited, the Little Democrat sailed before the ar
rb I of the President, and before the government^ould mtei-
;: its authority, ana in contempt of our ^-^' /-^f^J^J",
her cruize. The President immediately arrived and .onvened
h s cal" and while they were deliberating on -easurea pro-
per to b. taken relating to the Little Democrat, they had deter-
So dtoetain in port all vessel, equipt as privateers, wUhm *
r errLries by any of the belligerent ^TJ W "" M Uh
.Hipsenumerated^.be-^^^^^^^^
r:n^rr;trsrd^ .
Uiatshe had considerably increased her armament, by replacing
odeun carriages with new ones, and opemng two new port
?olX The British minister requested that these aUeraUons
^t h be allowed to remain. But his request was peremptorily
^ fe ed '^^^^^^^ compliance with the requisitions of the govern-
Ztrsh; was restored precisely to the condition m which she
'That ^d o'^r government, wh.n administered by federal men,
IhuscUQou B minister of France insulted
tXr-'u?^ "'".».».. .na .he rnaje., ot .he people :
nlne^W Ve...dea,mce, our laws and regulauons, w..h .».-
•f The rutera of F «.c. have aince been changed, hut
pumty. The ™"» °' J ^ ^ j,^ been .he alttiomeot of
their lioUcy »nd .'I""; °'')'"' ''^"" ^^^^d. The aame poli-
""'rir'r:ir»r;nT:ara%«.u„,p.u>n, which
cy, the «^mc """""^^en., whe.her administered b, ana-
Uor.r:. o^ ra Cslr c'ahine., has marked its pro«re«
?««.". rXn^of the «nfor.un... Lo»i.. " "»' »' •'••"■f""^
J;:::"*;:Lrha.thea..«:h..«ofrnan^
onvertnnent and open the way to universal a^m
/
i\.r.'
•V
»,'
r
l:-'':
. i'
m
6«
titipute and who would perpetuate the universal dominion of re-
|>ublican liberty, not be disappointed.
But it ever has been found and it is believed, that experience,
always will teach mankind, that, although by courage they may
purchase liberty, yet without wisdom and virtue, its duration
cannot be perpetual.
But has wisdom, has virtue marked the course and progress
of our republic thus far ? Are our liberties secure, because we
iwssess the power of remaining free ? So thought Greece ; but
where are her libertiei now ? The Romans also might have
been free : but where are they ? 'their freedom too, has perish-
ed — Frenchmen thought they were free, and that their liber-
ties wpve immortal : but where are they ? ask Napoleon : and
he too is a republican ! and once possessed the power of ma-
king millions free. Ask Frenchmen: they will tell you, that
they have been rqled by successive factions, until the last more
powerful than the rest, triumphed by the sword. And do you,
my fellow-citizens, believe, that your republican liberties arc
secure, becausu there is wisdom and virtue among the people ?
But have our wisest and best citizens, always directed the des-
tinies of our country? it will be acknowledged they have not.
And it is said, that in a free republic, where all enjoy equal
yights, those who are less wisi* and virtuous than others, ought
isometiraes to participate in the exercise of the sovereign pow-
tr i and should any evil result from a weak or vicious adminis-
tration, we may always find a renjedy, in the good sense of the
fiation. But suppose the majority of the people are under the
absolute dominion of passion and prejudice: neither good
sense, nor eyep common sense can prevail — neither can the
voice of truth oi^ reason be heard. While parties exist, the
V majority will contend that their voice is the good sense pf the
,; pation. The Romans boasted of their liberties, while they suf-
^red under the despotism of the most despicable tyrants, that
ever cursed the condition of man. And Cicero himself, with all
\ his boasted talents and good sense, pleased the Roman people
by telling them only six months before Octavius overturned the
^mnaonwealth, «♦ that it was not possible for the people of Rome
to be slaves, whom the gods had destined to tbe command of
l^ll nations.'* *
* % taking a review of the history of our republic, it will ea-
sily be seen whether the wisdom, the virtue, or good sense of
,' tbe nation has prevailed thus far over tcWv. virs snA ^-„~a-*~
h S*»*i| 4
69
but
Some evidence has been adduced in the preceding pages, lo
show that the charge of British influence against federalists is
false and absurd. For proof of this, it might have been sufficient
to appeal to the common sense and reason of mankind. That
the very men, who achieved our independence, and who, in tli»
acquisition of it, had patiently endured the privations and suf-
ferings of a long and bloody conflict— who had also made eve-
ry efi'ort in their power, to form a constitution of civil govern-
ment, agreeable to their own views and wishes, and which was
itself the surest pledge for the security of their dearest rights ;,
and those of their posterity : that these men should, without
any discoverable motives, at once lose their attachment to those
principles, which they had so strenuously labored to defend,
and become the devoted partizans of that monarchy from which
they had solemnly absolved themselves, is contrary to the plam-
est dictates of reason and cou aon sense. And yet thousands
of our honest citizens have believed, and even yet believe it to
be true.
But in this monstrous tissue of deception and absurdity, who
are the witnesses ? The very men who bring forward the accu-
aation ;--and it is evident, from subsequent events, that those
men had a deep interest in bringing into discredit, those they
accused ; that they might, thereby acquire to themselves, the
emoluments of office.
You, fellow^citizens, who have believed, that federalists were
monarchists and British partizans, have never had any other
evidence of the fact, than that which ^ou have derived from
the declarations af those who have brought forward the accu-
sation. Those who have spread ill founded jealousies and false
alarms against the federalists, and thereby enkindled the flames
of civil discord among the people to elevate themselves to pow-
er, must have been destitute of both wisdom and virtue. You,
who have been the honest and unsuspecting dupes of this gross
and fatal delusion, are indeed the subjects of compassion—
And it is to you that we would most cheerfully lend our aid m
your attempts to break through the thick, dark cloud of error
and falsehood, whieh has long intercepted yoor view of the
truth ; and which even now threatens with destruction your feir-
est hopes and your best intt resta, in the fina) extermmauon ftf
republican Ul»rty. „
M
■ f "fit
^ . i
i
,)
it"
*J
'J
3
^
"W
i.
%; ■
X
' y - -'*
_-/
'' ..^ -'
.■*•.' ■
, f
- ■*.''^;"
> ■■
% Cf.-
(
>
V'- \
,r
:^%
■l'
*i'
■ P_^
■ ■_ i^- .
For it Is on you, fellow-citizens, that we rel;, for the eleva-
tion of men to office, who possess wisdom and virtue } without
which, it is believed, republican liberty cannot be long perpe-
tuated.
And can you, on cxaminaiion of the subject, believe that it
is in such, men, that you have placed your confidence and con-
fided the destinies of your country ? You have already seen
from facts, which cannot be doubted and from evidence which
is irresistible, that the men to whom, by your suffrages, you
have entrusted the sovereign power, have grossly deceived and
wiekedly betrayed you. You every day witness the evils, which
their miserable policy has inaicied on your suffering, bleeding
country— You see your government, in cons quence of that
'polky, already far advanced in the downward road of fallen re-
publics. And can you yet think that these men possess that
wisdom and virtue, so necessary to the preservation of our
safety, and the perpetuity of our civil institutions ? You must
indignantly answer, No, they arc not enly unworthy of our con-
fidence, but they merit our execration.
^ That one half of our citizens should array themselves against
the other, and with the most inveterate prejudices, excited by
falsehoods the most improbable and absurd, and should reward
the authors of those falsehoods by their most unbounded confi-
dence, in bestowing upon them, the first offices of responsibil;*
ly and trust, can be ascribed to nothing but the power of a
delusion, the most myslerious and {lital. Striking is this delu.
sion in its resemblahcef and more fatal in its effects, than that
whieh doomed to an ignomittious death, the wretched inhabit
tants of Salem, for the supposed crime of witchcraft. It will
'* ,' doubtless be recollected by some of our readers, that in an ear-
l^s^ly- period of our history, some of the good people of Salem,
i ill the then colony of Massachusetts, discovered that that town
?■-*•' was infested with witches—and to prove it, said they had seen
.- ^ them, and suffered by their witchcrafts.
In that period of our history it appears, that the evidence of
the accuser was admitted as competent on the trial of these un-
lortuoate victims of delusion i and on such evidence cwily, great
I'^-tiumber* of the most respectable citizens of that town were con-
'■f-, -vlli
;.f . ■*; .
%gncd to death for the supposed crime of witchcraft. But so of
^ten and so indiscriminately were these strange accusations made,
that it led to an apprehension, that, ia that my8te;riou8 bMsineas,
le eleva-
wlthout
g perpe-
ire that it
and con-
ady sficn
ce which
iges, you
eivcd and
ilsi which
bleeding
e of that
fallen rc-
sess that
)n of oui'
JTou must
f our con-
es against
xcited by
Id reward
ded confi-
sponsibil:*
3wer of a
this dplur
than that
ed inhabi'!'^
t. It will
An nnear-
of Salem,
: that town
y had seen
svidencc of
f these un-
wily, great
wfcre con-
But 60 of-
Lions madei
la bMsiness,
there miRht be « something rotten in the state of D«nTnark ;"
and on a review of the origin and progress of that event, it was
found that noevidence but that of the accuser had ever been ex-
hibited against the unfortunate victims who had suffered, and that
no other person had ever seen witches in Salem. The scales fell
from the eyes of the judges, the people were enlightened, and
the delusion and horrors of Salem witchcraft came to an end.
^Neither has any other evidence ever been exhibited, to prdve that
"our country is infested with monarchy -loving federalists, but that of
those by v^hom these unfortunate citizens have been accus«J ; on
the evidence of those, whom subsequent events have shewn, had
an interest in denouncing them : neither has any other person
ever^scovcred them.
I would not be thought disposed to treat the great conccm«
which relate to the public peace and welfare, with the least degree .
of levity. But it is a duty which we owe to the honor of our
country, andto the dictates of reason and truth, to expose m aU
their deformity, the absurd falsehoods of those who have distmct-
edand ruined the councils c? this once happy republic, by th* n- x
dicUlouB story of British influence.
The vices and errors which have marked the course of our re-
public thus far, must be abandoned, or we are lost. If we disi-e-
card the great and immutable principles, to which republics ne-
cessarily owe their exUtence, and duration, we cannot expect to
nertjetuate out* own. . . . . _
ifwas an unparalleled display of wisdom and virtue that gave
to the constituuon of our republic, its existence ; and when-
ever that wisdom and virtue shall become extinct, or y»eW their
influence to the dominion of vice and error, the ties which bmd
that constitution to the affections of the people wt mstantly dis-
solve and anarchy will succeed, and despotism Enally triumph.
U^^ZuoZ.rs.A that thus far we have travelled step by
step the downward opurse of fallen republics. To the tru^ ol
this let history attest. No repubUc has ever fellen, without bemg
first torn asunder by party dissensions.
Washington, when he made his last, address to h« country was
deeply impressed with this truth, and warned the people m the
most solemn manner, against the baneful effects of party spmt.
uTs evident he had seen and felt the mischiefs t^sultmg from
party dissensions, when, in his letter to Mr. Jefferson, wnttenfiv^
ycrrs before, he remarked that, « if insWad of laying our shouU
«
I
nS<
7a
■I
i -vi.
.K"!
fi
ix :
«ters to the machine after measures are decided on. one pulls thi*
Wftjr, and another that, before the utility of the thing ib tairif
tried, it must inevitably be torn asunder ; and in my opinion the
feirest prospect that ever was presented to man, will be lost per-
haps for ever."* Thus it is that the adminisiration is enfeebled
and exposed to foreign influence, corruption, and eventual ruin.
When a party, to gain popularity, and acquire the ascendency in
the councils of the nation, have arraigned and condemned the
measures of governnaent, to be consistent with their professions,
after they have succeeded in getting the power of the state into
their hands, Uicy must change the policy of their predecessors i
Thus, before the utility of fcrmer measures are fairly tried, and
which perhaps have been adopted at gr^at expense, a new policy
must be introduced, equally expensive, and uncertain too with
respect to its operation, and always lis^ie lo be ruined in its very
infancy.by the next successful faction, which is continually .ex-
erting itself to defeat its operations. Such a state of things en-
courages foreign aggression, insult and violence : and in the event
of a foreign War, one party will always be charged with the crime
of adhering to the common enemy ; and if accused wrongtullyt
they will be impelled by a just sentiment of indignation to bring
into contempt and discredit their accusers : and their efforts to
effect this, if their numbers are considerable, will obstruct, if not
entirely defeat the operations of government against the comnuMi
enemy. Such events have ever marked the course of fallen Be»
publics, ,|ind thus far have marked our own.
From the first moment our government went into operation*
the political conduct of the party in power, has throughout been
distinguished by one prominent feature which has imposed an in-
fluence, resistless thus far in its progress, and fatal to tkc peacei
the happiness, and glory of our infant republic.
Those who have directed the anti-fedcrul administration, have
from the beginning evinced a disposition to favor the views of the
Trench nation against her enemies ; to justify this disposition
they have sought for motives in considerations of gratitude far
Ircr services rendered us in the reyolutio ..ry war : in a union of
sentiments and pursuits, between that country and '-u- own, and
as resulting from these, a just and internUnable ho'<ilily against
Greet Britain, Iv most formidable rivd. j *
This dispositni. .he federalists never have,i<^r :. ;tiement irtdul-
* Sen p^s^e S" -j^,;
pose
Pt^f^-^ Jff^>rd!l^^
~^:
" *--ije.*v- -/ — i*r
i'f*>-*i«T.»-
d:;.
^'A
,A.v
<^i\
3;'.:5"<^.
•^^
73
«^, but ever have, and wiii, while they have life iffidf Tcar-n, ep*
pose by all lawful means within Uieir power.
None of these motives, ought to influence the poh al viCWt
of an American, who undersunds, and would promote, the mte-
r^oi his country. What debt of grat ude do w owe to
Frunce I She offered us her services on certain sUpulation. wi*
Which '^e have con.plied. She doubtless wished to cripple i^
power of Great Britain, by lopping off from her empire the Ame-
rican colonies ; but it is evident by her interference, .n our nego-
^^,m. with that country, she i ended v^ should ''^ " «;;-8»^
- ihd meddled by the incision, that we should eventtK.lly adhei^e W
lier own. She had an interest in aU! l>g «» ; we nev6r uad, kn4
probably never shall, have any interest in hatarding o'^e**^* «f
Lfety, in her contests for domin .. It is mdeed folly ior .ny na-
tit to Ixpectdtsinterested favor. from another. « ^''---^
n6' greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favors from
nation to natloi.. It is an illusion which enperience mustcuw*
whtbtl at iu*t prldi ought to discard."*
lehhir do the iederalists believe, that there is any resetnblan^
between the |Ju.%uits and sentiments of Frenchmen, anc. those of
Americans, or any o.her nation, who have ^2:^:^TZ
al liSerty. Every one who knows any thmg ot '^^ ^^^^/JJ^^^^^^
Luhtry, well knows, that, from the commencement of therr t^
non/tothatof the imperial dynasty, successive f^^^^^lJ^^
intrilcd and oppressed the people, until Napoleon seued th»
throne and sceptre, and triumphed by the sword. _ ^
%c therefore can have no motive, from constderations of nfk-
paly and affection for France, to hate Great BrUam, or make wj
^ Z: because France would have it so. A.k1 experience hat
ThtuMirfry oTconsulting the views of a foreign despot,
taunht us the toiiy o» & ^^uinir war oo Great Bntaini
With respect to the expediency of makmg war on «
fAr «.««. than a year.: and no sooner bad Ureat oruam
I V ,1 U loM bv our adminislTatioi., that if she w.H do w
tiui:- -:^" t- »'"»*"'"^ -"' """'^ "'" "" ■""
' • 8ee Washiiigtoa's FareweU Address.
-'«■
1>-*'
~"i-
^.A
*. ^i
^\|
74
:.^V.
/
^f-
a
s:.'
%■■-
TV,
iviUi her against Great Britain. This looks like French influ-
ence ! The plain language of that shameful business is this. If
France will permit us to enjoy cjr neutral rights, we will, sub-
mit to a much greater evil, by involving ourselves in a war witk
England. You may talk vi the abuses of British power, as long»
and as loud as you please, they never will surrender their raarl-
j^e riglits 10 an administration wbichi are the most devoted said
^^tervilc partizans of her enemy.
Thpe is foreign influence in the councils (>f the naUon^ btit \\
is purely French, and ever ha^ been. There never was through
the whole course of the federal administration, a single measure,
which was in any degree eontrouled or effected by British in-
fluence. The policy which Washington and his political friends
Ikad marked out, waa intended to exclude foreign uifiuence, en-
tirely from the councils of the nation, as one of the most fatal
. foes of republican liberty. And with these views, they had wisely
.^i^opted that system of neutrality, which, has perhaps been pro-
% }iluctive of more blessings to the United States, than any one mea-
sure uuce thJorganization of our government. Vet every effort
t^ carry this system into effect, has been ascribed to British inr
fiuence^
Ji is a truth, which the history of our political state will dfas-
ly^demonstrate, that ever since* the commencement of the war be-
tween Great Britain and France, the republican party, at least the
mfQst iulluential und active leaders, have evinced by their political
conduct, a disposition to entangle us in an alliance with Fra ^,
Excessive hatred to Great Britain, and partiality for France,
futs been tlie most in'omiooit feature, in the republican adminis-
tration. While the blood of the best citizens in France was sa?
criiiced to the rage of an infuriated mob, our republicans were
celebrating her victories, and cxulti.^j in her emancipation from
i^thc tyranny of kings.* She was represented as the great natioa
X;. '• On the first day of May 1795, tit a civic feast in Pluladtl]phia, which
%«« attended by a great number of American citizens, to celebrate the vie-
tories ct Fiance^ and whicii was lionourcd by the presence of the Minisiter
and' Consul ofihe French Hepnblic, and the Consul oiHoll.md tlien subdued
by the amis of Fi-ance r tl»e follo\ting' tousts among others were given, which ,
will fiirivish a just idea of ilje prevailing spirit of those times. , .
The Repmblk of FroMce— May the shores of Gi-eat-Britaiii goon bail the
trl-colotired standard, and tlie people rend the air with siiouts long live the
r^iibiie.
Ting slwws thjit the rbject of French and American rep^iblieans at that
^ tijtoeWas, the conques'/oltiieai-Bntam : thatobjccthus not been abandoned-
TU ItepiMQ of /!r««cff— May all |i,cs uatjous kaiu of her to transfer
«,W
'J*-
ft.
^,
:^!.
I ^L^^^j-^^".-^^
'♦-'V
m AK^IIL
T5
W2^r«ndpc,p«u.»0«m»™fh.of «Ur„ .hrough.
fore it w.. due, mi ther. w« n« monc, m '''' "'"7 „ „,^,
public debt i . democmic n»=mter "n ll« S™^ »' 8
it wa. convenient to pay ; >« "1°'"° .^i, h-, gratitude.
There -a. at *« "™'' f^f, ,, j„„,h republic, tl«n fov our
more«.lic.tudetorthe»eir,re«li^ ^^^ __j _^^
own. Notlm.gbutan.nll«tbl.«lM« , . ,.,^
.^..tt.i^tf-a.n.uV.P-.--"'""""'"^'^"""".^ •
^"s.ce .be co™«c.,»2^-^- rS^SS'r;.=?.f.
Iiave nei,er prevailed m that countjy ag u. , .„ ^
few individuals. . example In Ae ab6\ition of *!«« aaa
. Tfer ll<-i»«6Kc 0/ ^'•«««r%J cs to dStroy those leavens of corruption.
splendor, ^be a le««on U, ^'^S'^':, pr^ce smcc ii^ revoluUon. but new
Old titles have been ab'»""f^,'i. -epubUcan liberty. , „ „,„
on"s created cquaUy.ncon.Bte|^tw^lh^^^^ Uie ^publics of Fr««ce
TAi. RebubUc of Holland— Mh-Y "^'^ «> t-„,mvirate in the cause ot hbeny-
Jau^So^ ,Tf r ^ftS g^vSrriy^^^^^^ a« ab^«;-
.h^^i?hat;{£riT^s;i^-^-^^^^^^
cbyTthe office of president. aristocracy of wealth founded upon . j
^"^ Rep^Mc </-r^^rti2^^t hr«|VoluUonary a^^^^^
the virtues, the toils, and the Ulowo^^^^j,|. behind.
SdlSe baseless fabricofad^m^^^^^ by ^^'ob. *e
object, atfd be purged otUie dregs r^^^^^ j.^^^^^ '^l^r^hLvSwof
WtteinMd' of -^""^^r-^^Ud thatman be branded as theenemy «» . ,
France acquire vigor w^"* ,"*' ten ©r unhinge it. i_„ -.notlv thi«'
m /^^Pi'Attc < ^rnmca--^^^, and patriotism enough to cher
a^-5ii:i.r^ L «: -.ct...^-t-ssf '•^.'
' V*- "
5 :
^•
:ft» ■
*' ; 'f'
^
*'%
I ■'
■y
nx ;
■*3'
.i.i..
7«
h:
.h..
'<! I: f-wnthe horroriciriftAt war in vfetM;)^
>,'.:ni»t!hf ". ombincd power* ol Europe.
1''
i' i
.•\>.
h^
■->,-
^':
, V
tnhtf , would haT«
"Mftxi^t WHS cngagf
For the laosi % gr»iw ubiucf, and bwlett drpredationt commit*
1^ by Frmice oil our ^pfenceless commtrce, scarcely a compl^iint
lias been uttcicd'ba' our republican rulers } apd whenever U haa
been, it has been fasy to discover from tJic cftutious mode oi ex-
pression on that subject, that it wa>i done only to save uppea^a^fi
liOftand preserve their populari /, \ rauier th;*n tht reswU of %
•entiment of just indignation, for unnverited wrongs, while our
language has been ratisackcd and tortured, to find words expves*
•ivc of their contempt and hatred of the British government.
For such a discrimination between these two nations, the fcdc-
falists could never find motives, either in reason ox sound policy.
They have therefore opposed it, and warned the people of its
fatal tend'incy, to prevenv a reconciliation with Great Britian, if
not to involve us eventually in a war.
But for their warnings they have been reproached, and every
jifffbrt which they have made to establish a national character, in-
dependent of every nation of the earth, and to preserve the coun
. ^ryfrom the horrors of a desolating wTr, has been ascrihtd td
','■: %< British influence. This pitiful story of British influence has ex-
vv [J_. piled prejudices which have now been so long predomiuant, that
r >*' the honest electors can give no accottnt of their origin or proT«
''■'••<"' gress.
^ T*-", Yet to tbis strange delusion we may ascribo our fatal divisional
•jffirhich while they have encouraged foreign aggre«sJon, have by
!; C^; f"*'**"^^''"? ^^^ councils of the republic, enfeebled the means, if
"', inot rendered the power of resistance ineffectual.
> ' , And now wh^n at last gjl are convinced of the baneful conse-
.; fluences of our political dissensions, we find that our republican
TBlers arc even more clamorous than ever in their efforts to ex?
Jfite the prejudipes, the passions and the jealousy of thd people
;| tgainst federal men. They ctdl oa them to *id in fighting the
^glBritish nation ! *
; But can they expect federalists \vill fight and destroy those they
' sp ardently love : and to whose government they have, as thw
} trip represented, such an invincible attachment ? You, fellow-citi-
fjBens, have been told millions of tin\es, that the fetieralisls wisb-
td to become recolonixed : or to establish a government i" New-
England, ai^ilar to that of Great-Britain. Xf this is true, why
do they net at this time make an effort to do it ? There certainly
never WM; and Drebabiy neyer win he a mors {kv^irshls n!^n.'>.rt-.:-
."■^t
m.
-¥^^ ^^
'^:
'^'( .
•V^-tf V- ,*->*-' '■■'
,rfi^^eBi*i*?*sw*fi-**'**';
*
if
sc they. I
IS they
)w.ciU-
s wish-
fi New-
c, why
irtainly
11
r»ty to effect sych a purpose. Were the federtlistf to whe thek
force to the Canadiaii provinces and the other armi«» of Great
Britain, thcjr wpuld stand the tug of war, at lca»t btvyond tl»e du-
ration of Mr. Madison's life or energies. But if •hame had not
lost its power on these declaimers of British influence, the con-
duct of the federalists, would strike them dunib with confusion.
Instead of aiding the enemy, you sec them braving death and
ttenger in the field of battle, that they may expel frcm our bor-
ders, the hirelings and subjects of that nation by whose influence
you say federalists ^re governed ! !
And if this country is ever saved from the tyranny of Great
Britain Or France, if it is ever saved ffom the miserable degraded
conditwn to which it has been rtduced, by intrigue, by falsehoodi
by cowardice, by hypocrisy, and viUany, it will be saved by fede»
ral men: Nut all the efforts of a weak or deluded faction, aided
by the hirelings, tools and sycophants of the imperial tyiant, can
«5ver extinguish in them the fire which glowed in the breasts of
their illustrious ancestors: they will yet exhaust the last power
of nature, that they may transipit unimpaired to posterity our .
froe constitution and all those privileges of freemen purchased
by the courage, the toil and blood of their fathers: they are the
men who achieved our independence, who fought and suffered
with Washington, and who are still ready to fight and to die, in
support of that policy which he recommended. And while they
« at the call of the law, would fiy to the standard of the Uw, and
would meet invasions of the public order as their own personal
concern," they will with equal xeal oppose by all lawful means,
the weak or wicked policy ot our own riilers whenever it shall
tend to subvert the great ends of governroeiitj and bring misei;
tnd ruin on the present and future generations.
The policy of the last fourteen years has been gradually thougb
UBceaaingly draining the source* of our wealth, reducing tho
ttrength, and impairing the credit of the nation. But since the
eommencen>ent of the present war, it lias progressed to our ruin
-with bold and rapid strides : and the toil and wealth of an age has
been sairificed to the administration of a year. Yet such a sacri-
fice great as it is, would cheerfully be made to advance- the glory
Vtd interest of the republk. ■
When federalists humbly ask* in what way present measures
»re to advance this interest of our country, our rulers tauntingly
r«ply. we are not accountable to the minority : when they ai|t ,
-^k£« Mat- !- to b« dsm§dbonva «u wtkout ««inc.pnMil-:
V
'H-
'(
.1- \.
iCf-
^J
^^
'B
7tt
\
'\-
■-/
':f
h
.•A
fe
%
:^•i-^'
*-.
■ ^ .► H'
grotind to hope tiiat the ouictwiblo object for which it h (iccUred,
. %iH thereby be attained, we ai-e iiiBulting^y told, thW if it is not
atlair»ctl, the failure will be ascribed to the parti:^n^ of the ene-
my, the federalists.
So long as every evil which may result from the vices or errors
>«rf rulers, is to be ascribed to a large portipn of the citizens and
to them only, it is in vain to anticipate the blessings, or the diira
tlon of renublican liberty.
It has long been betievcd, that nothing would save us from
the dangers which result from a blind confidence in rulers, but
■factual suffering inflicted by their folly or vices. Then it is that
..*>« lethargic indolence is roused," and if it is not roused by con-
Vmilsions, we have reason to hope that reason and virtue may tri-
v* ■ \imph over passion nnd prejudice. ' '* • '
' .i*' The policy of the last foiirtcen years has been founded in errbr
... /«nd delusion, and it must be totally renounced; and you, myfcJ-
[Hlow-citizens, must go back to the days of Washington and com-
^tnencc anew your political career. You must go back to that hap-
j)y period, when yotir only enquiry, your only solicitude, respec-
ting candidates for office, were respecting their wisdom and their
/Integrity, and not the insignificancy of a name: and as in the
'presence of your God and under that awful influence imposed by
; i'the fate of millions and millions yet unborn, make a final sacrl-
r Jjfice of your passions and your prejudices on the aftar of patriot-
ism. And with the stern integrity of virtuous freemen, you must
Tcsolve that your future efforts shall be devoted to the interests
, of your countrj',and not to the paltty views of any political sect,
■iby whatever specious name, it may be called. Remember that
republican liberty is on its last and final trial. Republican virtue
has been corrupted by the baneful influence of party spirit, and
. ^ it must be regenerated.
That wise, firm, independent, and pitriotie policy, which was
recommended both by the precept and example of Washington,
V is the only system which can encourage us even to hope with eon-
: :* fidence for any great duration to our republic. And in this it is
f believed you have placed yoin most sanguine hopes, your firm-
;|| est confidence.
: ;V Your leaders, while they have claimed the popularity of his
name, have induced many of you to believe that he was their po-
s litical fiiend : while they have been elevated to power on th«
tuuis of that very policy which he approved and which you one*
ibndiy hoped wouiii atanu a^Mluai lii** »«»bC ><» .•wi;yiijr ~"- -' F —
endure forever. ^ >r , -^ . '^ '"' v
',s/;
eion,
i-f.-%
W:Mm
yfii
•Ai
n
If it U not
of the ene-
es or errors
:itizens and
or the dtira
ve us from
rulers, but
Ml if is tbit
ised by con-
tue may tri-
dcd in crrbr
you, myfcJ-
3iland com-
to that hap-
ide, respec-
sm and their
ltd as in the
imposed by
a final sacri-
r of patriot-
n, you must
he interests
olitical sect)
1 ember that
alican virtue
y spirit, and
, which was
iVashington,
pe with eon-
in thi3 it is
, your firm-
ilarity of his
as their po-
wer on th*
ch you onc«
ItwBlbe found on »e»ndid review^- ,. ea! state, that
t)ie leaders of the party in power, hav. : dj^ a cribed that poli-
cy to British inauence, and thereby - xeedta by the power of
delusion only, in subverting it, and dr v authors from the
councils of the nation.
To prove that the political condu t of t» ^ loaders of the party
in power was opposed to the views > it^cy of Washii^ton,
you have been refer<ed to his own tesli.aony, contained in letters*
written by him to the officers of government, as well as to his
private friends. And if you doubt their authenticity, make a
pilgrimage to Mount Vernon, that sacred deporit, where you
may find the truth recorded by that hand which viih«red in the
service of his country. Go to that venerable mansion, once the
abode of him, who lived only that you might be free and happy,
and whose spirit has ascerded to heaven: and from that pure
source, search for truth : and if your prejudices are not veiled
with darkness impenfmble as adamant, a light as from heaven a
ovn altar, will dissipate the clouds of error, of falsehood, and de-
lusion, which have bewildered your long and Ureary way, through
the course of the last fourteen years. And had not the laws ot
God, and of nature, imposed on the tomb an inviolable suence,
the voice of Washington would warn you in thunoers, to rwlort^^
his councils, if you would perpetuate your Ubert.es. ^"•.' > -^
Those councils are conuined in his last affectionate address to
his fellow-citizens. And that man who would "°* d^'^^^^.^J-J,
effort in his power to restore them must be dead to sens.bilny,
topltriotUm, to the interest, the honor and glory of his couh-
try. .' ,'.:m.
to reprobate my politics-, ""^ *^J^*Jf!,"l,X^ be relinquished by
W who will be «f '?fi^ J'^!* ";'tbL «^^^^^^^ fro«n cfnncious recUlude,
■*■ . , >■
\
':sm-'''-
n I
m'--^.
.':"-*- 'I;-;
:.i v»
1 1.
it- '■;
ll'i
M
!■
■I'
'i t.4
Wanton and unnecessary wars have in every age and sati^
been the horrid instrunaents, in the hands of' government, t;f »«b"
wUng liberty and reducing to wit:tchednesathec;ftoditiifln qI o^.
.,* '. POUTIGAl. DELUSION TRIUMPHANT.
The horrible agitations which have distracted the councils and
^reatened the safety (rf the republic, have at length subsided. ,
The joy at the return of peace results from the irresistible im-
pulse of nature and hunrwinity. ' ' ?
We rejoice because the blood of our slaughtered citizens non
Itmger flows in vain.
We rejoice because the ruin <rf our naUmial wealth and credit
is arrested in its fatal progress: and tkatthe countless blessings
of peace bave succeeded the horrors of a ruinous and ito^jeiesA
war. te-r;:-/. ^.^. .vv ••-^•'v •.,,,.)>-. .:,s- ..-, ;'•
But could not ^e8eMef)sii%& have been preserved, could they
not have been as well enjoyed without this dreadful sacrifice of
bSood and treasure ? Are our citizens wiser or more happy, or
are their right* better secured than they were at the coninfif nce-
naent of the late war ? These are serious 'juestions and tbey must'
be answered.
Histoj7 has taught us thai in every age and nation wanton and.
unnecessary wars have been the horrid instruineuts of subvert*'
ing liberty, and reducing to wretchedness the condition of man.
Does it not become our duty then as a wise people to inquire with
d?ep solicitude whether the evils resulting from the late war have,
produced any good ? and if not, why they have been inflicted^
An offensive war should be the last resort of .injured nations, and
to which recourse should not be had except in extreme cases,
"when the peace, tke safety and rights of the people arje put |q
jeopardy.
But it cannot be consider*^ rex pcdient'by a wise and virtuous
people in any circumstances to declare war even when the cause
■would justify resistance, unless there is at least some ground to
hope, that the injured natUa will,be able thereby toi-cdrcss her
wrongs. • ■ * "^ ■
This last proposition is denied by modern politicians both ia
^.Jt
•t
llurofie And Amenoa. Who contend that independent natioot
ought to fight, when their national hontc is assailed, however,
it may affect the interests or happiness of the people. Under
the influence of this, princ'ple, the rulers of Europe have for
a^es compelled their miserable subjects to fight for the blessings
iE^f national honor. But on whsm do these blessings rest ? not
on the wretched multitude who fight and die, but on the few lord-
ly tyrants who direct the war : and who prate continually about
national honor.
• But whenever the rulers of a free people declare a war which
is more destructive to their interest and happiness than the injurj^
complained of, for which resistance is made : or when there is
no probable ground to hope that the injured nation will be able
thereby to redress her wrongs; such rulers, could never in the
event of such a war, expect either success or glory. Such were
the circumstances attending the commencement of the late war,
that no one but the roost blind and stupid votary of present meas-
ures could presage, in Its event, any thing better than disgrafer
and defeat.
At that fatal Crisis, suCh was the situation of the United Stateii,
and that of the belligerents of Europe, that we could expect n»
advantage, but had muth to fear from taking a part in their con* ^ v
test. France equally with Great-firitain had violated our neu» •
tx"al rights. Tltosc rights we shamcfufily surrendered to France,. ' •
by selecting the latter for our enemy, and thereby violated th» ^i^
pure maxim " equal and exact justice to all nations." Besides '
in doing it we could not avoic* an entangling alliance with France. .^
But supposing by uniting our efforts with France, we had suc-
ceeded, eiten in subjugating the power of Great-Britain, and Na-
poleon had taken possession of her thousand ships. Would he
liave given liberty to the seas, and peace to oar country ? Praised ,
be the ruler of the univefte, that we have escaped the horrible -
grasp of his iron hand-
But when it is considered that the unbounded ambition of Na- i^
poleon, had driven the nations of^Europt to madness, it was not f;
difficult to foresee that the event of bis downfail was more than ■
probable, and that, in such an event, we should be left to contend
alons, with the most powerful nation on the globe. Such was th»
condition to which we were reduced.
Do you not see then, feilowK:iiiatens, that our administrntion ^^
had staked the »ucc9f» 4 their Min%«v«ntuaU|r» on Uw iHCcoff
■?*•
-:--s
4;
^f-X
'¥
/
'i,-; ':"--i»'.
rv'^^..
,,»»WftMI»»«(«*(*»i ■■■
('-• .<■■■
^
A.
f
.'X
ll
U
t,f Napoleon, and thereby cBtangled us in the dcstr active poUey
of the belligerents of Europe? Of this you must be con7iuced
trhen you recollect the fact, that Mr. Madison rejeGted the rdf-
fer of an armistice made by Great-Britain, on any other terms
than that she would first yield the very point ia issue wun regard
*».impressmcnt;* a point which he well knew she woirid not
V • There is no doubt but thatthe subjects of thcgovermnentof Gre^tBiit^.
1« many .h.lar.ces abuse the r.glu which tLeyclauT,. to npprc.s.^^
mua, whenfound in neutral ships.-But the ^.-eat quest, n ^^M^J^ ^!^^^*^^
ciseof therishtofimpressmeni m the sense they «ont*.,idtb ^^''^'"^"^g
meatof our nkuonal sovereignty and mdepeadencc. ^,<^;;-^^ ":^;^"^^3, fo f
tieht of impreijsment on t%y.) principles ; one is, that .ill the muftDers m
Sfe civil cZmtmity are bound to each other by compuet ; the f^^^l^^
one of d»e parties to this compact cannot dissolve it by las o^^ ix ac .. \\ hen
therefore one of her native cd«ens attempts to cxpa ':.ie himself wuhout
the consent of the government, they contend tliat they l^^'-^ ^ ff ^^ .^^, ■^;
, mand such citizen, ar.d compel lum to submit to Uie *^7,«'«„'".'^^';*«*^^^^^^
of his native country. And .n this the government ot the ^"|f f.^^ "' °;
Oi-eat Britain, and France concur. There has been one case^m ^vh.ch his
principle has been the subject of legal adjudicaUon, m the Sup W Court
of tlie United States. "1» 1792, one Williams was commissioned oy the
French Consul-Gencral residing in America, as a lieutenant on b«-"| '"«
.Tupiter, a Fi-ench seventy-four. The Jupiter saded in the autum.^ o the
aarae veitr for Hocliefort, where WiHiams was naturalized, rcnouncog tus
»lletriance to the United Stat-ss. After t^is naturalization, he was eonimis-
sioned by the French Republlck a second heutenant ori board the French
fric-ate tiie Caront. He continued in die commission and service ot iiaice
" S the 27th of Februan', 1797, when he was seized and arrested ior ac-
oeptnifc a commission from the French l^publick, to commit acts oi v:o-
Eeainst the kiiig of Great Britain^ and las subjects, with whom we
were at peace. Wdhams pleaded m jusuficai ion his nutiu-^dization in I'l-unce,
Sris Enunciation of his allfegiancc to the United Stales. Chiet Justice
kllswortli gave the following opimon. i„c„.„,h.
"The common law of this counti-y remains the same as it was betoie .hy
revolution. The present question is to be decided by two grcut prmc.-
ales • one is that all the members of the civd community are bound to each
other by compact, the other te, that o!ie of the parties to this compact eaJi-
notdLssolveitbylnsownaa. The compact between our community and
its member!^ )!•. that the community sliall protect its members, and on the
part of the membevs. that they Wilfatall times bb obedienL to the laws ol
die community and faithful m its defence. Th s compact distinguishes our
Kovernmenifiom those which aie founded in violence or inmd. Tl neccssa-
rilv result, tliat a member canno L dissolve this compact, without th« covsoit
or default of the eommuiiity. Tlier.^. has been no cousent-^no liclault
Default 18 not pretended. Express consent is not churned; but it h?9 been
argued that the consent of the conimu'iity is implied by tt» poLoy--its con-
dition— and its acts. In countries so crowded with mhabitanta, that the
iheans of subsistence are difficult to be obtained, it is reason antt pohcy U.
pen.tit emigration ; but our policy is diftcrent j forourcountry is ^ut scarec-
\a settled, imd we liave no inhaliitants to spai-e
T' "CossKST lias been argued 'Vom ihecoiuiiSion of the country, bscausewe
were in a state ot peace. But iboucdi wt were in pcacr, the war had eom-
menccd in Europe.— We w.shwi to have nothing to do witli the w*-" i ^ut
the war would have something ty do wiUi us. It has been exH-en.ely iitti-
cuU for us to keep out of this war ; tlie progress of it has threateiwd to in-
volve us. It has hrca uetess.ai v for our govcmiuuit to be vigUant in re-
¥^J^
i . ( <"
V
83
yisitl to any but her conquerors : and that this very point was
yk'kled by him, ihb migiity sine «|ua non, ihis iusuriTiOuritoble
obbtaclf! to peace was removed on the 27th day of June, about one
we»k after the news of Bonaparte's abdication had reached this
country in a shape so authejatic, that it could no longer admit of
a doubt. , ' '
At the event of Napoleon's defeat, the federalists rejoiced, be-
cause they saw through it the approaching termination of an ex-
ecrable waf.
,FeiJcr«rist3 have no pretensions to the powers of prophccy,but
they havu firmly believed and predicted, that the excessive par-
tiality lo FraucB uiid hostility to Great-Britain which has been the
distinguishiug fealitre through every pe»-i.>d of the repubiican
admmisu'ation, would eventually end in disaster and disgrace.
straining our own citizens from those acts which woxiid involve lis m ho**-"
tUitiea. The most vib'.onary writers on tliis subject do- not contend for the
principle in the vinlimi'ed extent, that a citizen may at any, tat'l at all timti,
renounce his own, and join lumself to a foi-eign country. < ..*':?
« Co S8EJJT has been argued, from the acts of our government pennittmg
the iui upalization cf foreigners. When a foreigner presents himself here,
and proves himself tv> be of a good moral cTiai-acter, well af!ecied to the
ronstiivitjon and governm>-nt of the United States, .ind a friend tovhe gopd
ordci and happiness of civil society ; if he has resided here the time \m-
«cnbed bv law, we gtant him the privileges of a ciuacn. We do not eiM)
quite vhat his relation is to his own country ; we have not the means Of
knouMg. and the enquu-v would be indcl.cate ; , we leave hmv to judge of
that . i;' he cn-biuyasses IVimself by contracting contra,;\icu)ry obhganons,
iha fault aiidthefoHyarehisown ; hut this implies no consent ot tiie go-
vernmcnt, that our own citizens should expatriate thciusi.lves , ^-.
« It is tncrefore iTty opinion, that tlie .acts which the piisnner otters tft
nrove in his defence, ate totally irrelevant ,• they can hav-e no opmlion ta
law and the iury ought not to be embairiwEsd or troubled with themes
but'bv *he constitution of the court, the evidence must go to the jury.
« The cause and the evidence were accordingly rommitied to the j«ry.
The ii.' V soon aRrecdon a verdict, and liiund tlie prisoner &UrLT\. r^
«^riie court Sentenced hiip to pay a fine of 1000 dollars, and to sufR^^
four months imprisonment." ,. . , v i t. .
Bat it is eaid that when a citizen of Great Britain becomes nauiralued L/
our laws, her right to chim the services of such citizen ceases. O^^r »aw
rcla':,ve to naturalization had its orijTin subsequent to that by which Great
nritnin claims the right to tlie services of her n»v.ive subjects. How tai- one
indcpen<lcnt n:ition has a ri-ht W a municipal rcgulauon to mterfePe with
apre^xisting national right, - other independent nation, altlio gh
.*> _-..-.. f -:j.i.* „„ ^i.."«„'( m,. 1,. liimifrht an infringement ot naiiu-al
rcmt^i'ks, and cited
evon the British
tile case OIWHlianri, m ei.i:« vii... .V. .- ..-. ~ :, » 4 4i,„ u,....-^
rlditof impressment which our a.'m.mstration v.vmid res st, at the hazi^d
ot-our peace and happ *oukl rea.iily be yielded by our ow" govern,
ment. wa» our condi' ilar to that of Great Untain.--Fectera(,sts would
ao? Unction the .-bv^se of power, in any other nation, when 't mtringea on
tiieriKlits of their own -..neither would they sacrifice tiieiinaU.m.u wealth
a pre-existing national right,- • other independent
<it^li national right as claimed, ma^ *>',• dinught an inf-ine
rVht, is a great national qacstion. I have made these re
the caseofWiUiamJ, t(. shew thai it is nC rertam that
"1 - _ «
*^
> -*■
i
8i
/
1
^UJ
\i0
If
" And to ccmpiete the cliinax of insirtt, of abuse, of tufferinf^,
and of delusion, we are told that, from this war great and import-
AQt advantages have been derived tu the country ! 1 And what is
;^BIore a matter of astonishment, many of our good and honest
/electors, either do, or at least pretend, to believe what i« thus
told them I ! !
It has been truly remarked that " the greatest evils arc not fcr-
fived at their utmost period, until those who are in povirer have
f lost all sense of shame ; at such a time, those who should obey
•hake off all respect and s^iboidtnation ; then is lethargic indo-
lence roused, but roused by convulsions/' And have we not rea-
son to fear that such a period has already commenced. After a
vmr of more than 4.Mro years, declared by our own gavernment, in
which thousands and thousands of our fellow-citizens have faU
len by the sword and by pestilence : have been subjected to dis-
ease and to deatJi -. in which our land has been filled with «rido.ws,
■with orphans, with sufferings and with tears. And a debt ot mil-
lions entailed on posterity which can be paid only by years of toil
and pain, and when every object ot this war had been yielded to
the enemy, we have seen ^ur chiei' magistrate in an official and
public communication,* congratubung the representatives of the
people, that peace vas rejitpicd at a period when the causes of
war had ceased, and undej: circumstances that the nation could .^
review its conduct Avithout i-egret, and that thereby the govern-
jn^nt had de.iionstr?ted the efficiency of its power of defence :
and recommending to the beneficence of the people the military
ifnd naval d^partnrents, which as he asserts, had contributed es-
• acntially to the restoration of peace I !
^t the time this communication was made, neither at any
time since, has tlie British practice of impressment, nor the
cause which produced it ever ceased. Neither could it be said
that the achievements of our armies contributed essentially to the
/ •See President Madisqn's Message to .Congress feb. 20tb, 1815.
The following is an extract from Mr. Madison's instruciions to our minis-
ters, before Bonaparte's defeat—" But the business of imprt'ssments cannot
be waved, nor postponetl, nor i)ifonnally arranged. It .cannot be waved, be-
cause it im olves an intripgement of tJie national sov^eignty and indepen-
dence. It cannot be post^)ned, because ,heing one of the main groun<& (^
the war, the government cannot answer to the people, since the rejection of
Admiral Warren's proposition for a suspension of hostiUties, upon the basis
of the repeal of the Orders in Couneil. It cannot be tlie subject of an in-
formal arrangement, because the experience of Messrs. Monroe and F^^-
^iey*s arrangement has taught us, that such AH tyiderstandine cannot IWWr:
hcd Upon, lor any practical Purpose,"
w^
8S
rc^toraaon of peace, When our peace U not better »«""'«'*;r ^^;
ter enjoyed than before the war. To say nothing of ih. mcalcula.
ble miseries which this war haf occasioned. . .
And is it no matter of regret, that these miseries have been m^
flicte^ without any adequae obj«t. and to no purpose •
And is it matter of congmtulutioo that in a war declared by
our own government, we ha« - evi .<ved our powers of d. feuc*
against theenemy ? But th. sity of calUng .he. powers of
defence into exercise, we impo..d on ourselves by commencing
^'"'^o^m's which relates to the war c^n be a cause of ccngratu-
btion, unfess it is the attainment of some object ot the w«r : one
of which was, if Mr. Madison is correct, toevmce, tha we were
able to defend ourselves against the enemy I I And *«?»>-? J«
have proved by the late war, that we are .ble, - j'^^'fj ^^ ,^ ^^
actually defended oursejvc* against the power of Gre.t But.n .
at the Ixpense only of about ten thousand 01 the hves ot ou te U
low^itizens,and one or two hundred mi Uiuns of dollars. Noo.^
-trho has much knowledge of our resources, or the cha^ac er of
Americans, ever doubted of our ability to do this M^uhont ma-
C^^gtldcadful sacrifice to prove it. And couid .he chuf ma-
g^^^tme of a free and enlightened people attempt t is impo.uc.
L the common sense of the people, had he no, lo, all s.n.o of
late i Or can rulers who are thus insenstble ot sh n., .nd r --
It^dless of the honor and interest of their country, .xp^c stiU to
io^and the people's aspect ?-.Is it not r.ther to Oe fear.d. .
hH^imc I n'ot iar distant, when an injured and ind.Kn.U pco.
nle wiU throw off all respect, and all subordination to meo, who
undl the specious name of republican, wouU. thus abu.e .neir^
^^nLte and sport, with their dearest right. Why does the^
^onnaencc -u v impression on the public
chief magistrate attempt to "^f ^ ^^^^^^^^^^ , ^r^ ^.„ [, ,,,^^
mind with respect to the event of the late war v> uy
S"ka^ honest language of a -^ -P-j^'-"' l^'^^ ;^
Lple that the defeat of the ruler of F. auce had clisuppon.tcd .^
Topes with respect to the powerful aid h. expected to d.me tro^
nopts wiui F* .herebv the obiec's ot the »*ar h:iu been ..e-,^
that country, and that thereby tne o^j ,,;ffi,,,aheH ■^^'6 dis-^ ^
feated and the country unhappiij u^volvcd «. ^f^'^'^Jrl^^^^ 1
tresavfrom which their virtue .nd patriotism alon« cou.o txtu^j
^ ^'^r^^tLtismor sound policy, c.u the be«t interests of oiil
4..-. ■'r-^\.•.i
-'" i
.-■'.'S:
) ' •:-
"■' '-> -
:.:,i:f
y
-ifci^'
■#■
:■>
m
^.^
'i'
lA
J'..
Fifl
1^
s
•li
/
"^
,. tountry require, that the people ahoijW be deceived witli rci^ccl
,, j, to the object or tendency of measures, with respect to the "impo^-
■'■ tant concerns which relate to the welfare of the couutry I And has
« yj| become necessary, in order to secure llie confidence of a wise
Und free people, to betray them into a belief that real injuries,
that the most terrible national calamities are blessings in embryo,
in which they should exult. Is this the policy which is to light
j;^ur way to the millennial glories which Columbus s^w in vision ?
Whiiher, O my fellow-citizens, whither has fled that stern in-
/•.Jtcgrity, that firm and disinterested patriotism, that once seemed
to win a short lived popularity, at the expense of our immortal
glory f Is this the country in which republican virtue has claimed
\hp triumphs of an immortul existence ?
."jfes, in tnis once happy country, destined by heaven, as we had
' . fondly hoped, to illustrate ^he splendid achievements of her he-
i^rocs, and the wisdom of her sages, in the examples of their sons,
Jifcre have seen that duplicity, hypocrisy and intrigue, have consti-
tJUted the only elfectual passports to preferipnent and to power ! !
•*'■•■■,.'■ ■ ,
- p*'»^4*'l3rnprized a^ hep swt»#»l4h«j^
^ ^> tJudistinguish'd they live, if they stiame not their sires ;
-' •.«^-' And tlie torch that would light Uiera to dignity's way,
^ ,- M<iWtbc caught from the pile wjicre their country expires."
The people in this country. well know what were the pretendeii
' objecis of the war ; and those who have reua the late treaty of
j)cace* between this country and Great Britain, know also that not
onf. of those objects have been thereby obtained. And many'of
the electors who support the men in power, have even had the
iionesl candor to acknowledge, that they could discover nothing
but disaster in the event of the preseiit war.
But no sooner was the magic influence of Mr., Madison's mes-
sage diffused among the people, than, this war of misery and tlis-
grace, is at once trhnsformed into a national blessing ! their optics
are endued at once with new powers : the scales fall from tmsir
eyes, and they see advantages resulting from the war, of which be-
fore they had no conceptions. ' t , ; . >«.i^'%
There is not at this time a country on eartil, however despotic,
• For the benefit of those vho liavenot read tha late treaty, it is hefet*
annexed. Ii is hoped die people will read and judge for themsel^tt Hoy
much catise of con^atulatioii it contaiiw. ■
<,V>"'' •."T,»)!»^--'.__i»S^,.- il;j ,, ■r_^"ft,^,-.
:;, -f--':^ :.■ .■
.I*;'
»
1 1
'
87
^re rulers have a more absolute cofttroyl over the rights of
the people, than in our own. , . ,
The popularity with which they have conducted the late way,.
lenders it evident, that there are no evils which they may not m-
flict upon the people with impunity.
' The federalists can neither controul n6r change the councils o
the nation, and the republicans with theif present prejudices will
not. Should Napoleon again re-establish himseh in power, we
may well eonclude his continental system would be revived, and
we again involved in the vortex of his policy. ^,
With our present rulers at helm, our peace cannot be durabW.
By the late treaty nothing has been settled. The officers of the
late army are urging their claims on the gratitude and patronage j,
^^ the government ; and are dissatisfied with the late peace. A
host of the unfortunate sufferers in the late war are also putung
\n their claims for pensions, and will doubtless, obtain them to art,;
enormous amount, which the people must pay : and they arc ^,
ready taxed to the extent of their abilities, and even beyond. _
But if you would duly estimate the result of the late war, il y^u ^^
would know what we have lost by it, Uy aside for a moment Miv
Madison's message, and ask the thousands of weeping widows, ,
and mothers who have been thereby left destitute and comfortless,
to a merciless world: ask the thousands of orphan children whd ,
have been thereby deprived of their only protector and support ;5
' ask Uie miserable beings, mangled and maimed bywounds.anij..
rendered useless to themselves and to the world, and who must '
either starve, or subsist on the scanty pittance of a pension .^go
to the hospitals, those abodes of misery ; and ask t « wretc^^
beings whl have been transferred thither from the field of b ulc,
cov^ed with blood and distorted with the agony f heir wo ^^
ask them ; ask the poor fugitives who have been driven from he^P
b*ng dUuings, and reduced in an hour, from a state o com.
&le competency, to want, and even beggary : and whde y* ^
refl cton this miserable assemblage of -ff^Png humamty. as^ar^
ain if vou can, the mdlions of expense at which these evils have
bin purchaseil. L.ok then at the late -aty with Great Briuu.
«.d cLpure the .nd and object of the war, and Us final everU wuh
the m^ which have been employed in Us prosecution, and the
poUr^'^-hhasledtoU; and if you will then S-e the sanctu4
^your apprp ving voice lo the political conduct of thq9* *rho d»re«
l.".^-
'< ■■#■.'
f-l- '
,>■':
■' ;•;•
■y
^.V
«•
m
-m
ths public concerns of our countrf , it nuy iiu!e«u be %vA% it wit!
be said by an impartial world, that in the United States, political
j4ehi8iori is triumphant. Thii is at present our condition. Such'
* iccnes of sufferinj;, so wantonly inflicted on a free, and generous
people, were never before exhibited on earth I
Whut then can be done to save the republic ? Truth and argu-
iaent are our only means : with these the present policy, and the
flUtiiovs of it will bf opposed by federalists while they have life aI4^
Wason If our republic must fall, as it certainly must, under such
an .idmiiiis! ration as the present, and probably very soon ; " Let the
federalists cling to it, while it has life in it, and even longer than
there is hope. Let them be auxiliary to its virtues ;" and if death'
inust be its fate, let them strain every nerve, and exhaust the last
poweFofintellect.andif necessary, surrender even life itself, that
tl»y may protract its dyinp nature, and from its expiring convul-
sions snatch the spirit of liberty, and render its reign on earth ini-i
iMortal- -^' '^ !-.<■*- -^ ■ .-v'f.\ :.'
'•■J>5 V ,■/- j^-f'f.'-'v V''"- W^'^_ :■(>*'•; "A .:.-.,. .-}(, Jku .;.,/-,■ -J
.'. -^ • . ■"■■ ." 'i. ■■'.■.■, ' ,' ' ■
mi^
JBkttrict of ^Vew-York, ss. - . , -. \.,r
BE IT REMEMBERED, that on the levenl^ day of August, in the
fortieth year of the independence of the United States of America, E. and
E, HosFOHD, of the .said District, hath deposited in this office ti>e title of a
book, the right whereof they claim as proprietors, in the words folbwinff,
to wit: ' •
" The Crisk ; on thie orifin and consequences of our political dissensions.
To which is annexed, the late treaty between the United States and Great
BriUin. By a Citizen of Veimont. ^ v
In conformity to the Act of the Congress of the United States, entitled
•• An Act for the encouragement of Learning', by securing the copies of
Maps, Charts, and Books to the authors and proprietors of such copies,
during the time tlierein mentioned." And also to an Act, entitled " an
Act, supplementary to an Act, entitled an Act for the encouragement of
I^etiming, by securing the copies of Maps, Charts, and Books to the au-
thoTb and proprietors of such copies, during the times therein mentioned,
az\A exte '<ng the benefits thereof to the arts of designing, engraving and
etcliing historical and o'herprmts."
THBRON BUDD^
Cl>^-1- of fhe Smhem JXftrict of J\rrv>-r9rk
i::
.. j^it.ij'
ft9
JAMES MADISON,
President of the United StfitfH*/'1mfrica. -*
' To ail and singular to whom tltcije,|»e»e»t9 sLaU cotiw, -gtcctiiig :
WHTilREAS a THEATY OF Peacf. and A&rriY between tUe
United States of America, amt his IJi'Uunnic Mitjcsty was signed at
(>tien4, oo the 24th day of December, one thousand eight hundi-ed
and fourteen, by Plenipotentiurk^s itispective iy appointed lev that
purpose ; and the anid Treaty having been by and with th- advice
an.l consent of the Senate of the United States, dbly acfcepted, rati-
fied and confirmed, on the seventeenth day of FvUriiavy , one thou-
sand eiffht hundred and fifteen, and ratified copief* tbet^ol having
been exchanged agreeably to the tenor of the said treaty, whidi is
in the wolds following to wit.
TllEATY OF PRJCE A.^DAMITJ,
HIS BRITANNIC MAJESTY
AND
THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.
M-.- His Britannic Mt-jesty and thiv United States of America, dcai-
rouB of terminating the war which has unhappliy subsisted be-
tween the two countries, and of restoring, upon prmcples ot per-
feet reciprocity, peace, ffiendship and good understanding, be-
tween them, hive, for that purpose, appointed their rcBpective
Plenipotentiaries, that is to say: H.s Britannic Majesty, on his
part, has appointed tjie Right Honorable James LobdGambier.
fate admiral of the white, now admiral of the red squadron of His
MaiSty's fleet, Henry Goui.bvh«, Esquire, a Member ot the
Imperial Parliament and utider Secretary of State, and Wn.tiAM
Sa«s, Esquire, Doctor of Civil Laws :-,And the President of
the United States, by and with the advice and consent of the h^^n-
ate thereof, has appointed John Quincy Auams. Xameh A BaF-
?KD Henky Clay, Jonathan Russel, and Albkut Callatui,
citizens cf the Ur.ited States, who, after a reciprocal comn.unicat.pii
of their rcspeuiVe fuU powers, have agreed upon the toUmvu^g a^-
W . tides: ^
:j ' ARTICLE THE yiBST.
There shall be a firm and universal Peace between His Britan-
hic Maiesty and the United States, and between their respective
countries, territories, cities, towns, and people, of every degree,
whhom exception of places or persons All bostilmes, b«th by
ia .nd land, shall tease as sooivas this Treaty shall have been )-:i-
tlfied bv both parties, as hereinafter mentioned. All territoi^,
Saces, and possessions, whatsoever, taken from euticr party, by
fSher, during the war, or which may be taken after the signing
M ' ,
'•'■%
mim m mm.y,, , ,
#
k.-f
Vw .
^^^l
i^i^
," . I
9if
ul' tltift Tt'euty* cxi«:pting onIy« the l!ilaQj*hci'c-i»attC!' uieftliORCji!
abtdl be restored yiriihoUL delay, and wiihoui causiug uny dcstiuc-
lion, or Carrying away any of ihc ariilleiy or ether public property
originally captured in the said forts or places, aiwl which ahull re-
main therein upon the excliange of the ratificstipn ot this Treaty,
or any slaves or other private property — And all archive*, re-
cords, deeds and papers, cither of a pubuc ^ uufe, or belonging to
private perbons which in the course of the war, tnay have fallen in-
tp the • inda of the officers of citlier party, shall be as far as may
be practicable, forthwith restored and delivered to the proper aa>
thorities and ijersons to whom ihcy respectively belong. Sucla
of the I&liinds in the Bay of Passamaquoddy as are claimed by
both parties shall reniain in the possession of the party in whose
occupation they may be at the time of the exchange of the ratifi-
caiiofis of this treaty, until the decision respecting the title to the
said islands shall have been made in tonformity with the 4th ara-
cle of this treaty. No disposition made by this treaty, as to such
pessession of the islands and territories claimed by both pkrties,
shall in any manner whatever, be construed to affect the rigkt of
«Uher.
.' ARTICLt THE SECOND.,
Immediately after the ratification of this treaty by both parties,
as herein mentioned orders shall be sent to the armies, squadrons,
officers, subjects and citizens, of the two powers to cease from all
hostilities : And to prevent all cause of complaint which might arise
on account of the pri«es which may be taken at sea after the aaid
ratification of this treaty; it is reciprocally agreed, that all vessels
and effects which may be taken after the space of twelve days
from the said ratifications upon all parts of the coast of North
America, from the latitude of twenty-three dejjrees north, to the
Intitude of fifty degrees north, and as for eastward in the Atlaii-
tic ocean, as the ihirty-hixth degree oi west longitude from the
meridian of Greenwich, shall be restored on each side s That the
time shall be thirty days in all other parts of the Atlantic ocean ;
north of the equinoctial litie or equator, and thei same time for
the British and Irish Channels, for the Gulf of Mexico, and all
parts of the West- Indies : Forty days for the North Seas, forth©
Baltic, and for all parts of the Mediterranean : Sixty days for the
Atlantic ocean south oi' the equator as far as the latitude of the
*Japc of Good Hope : Ninety days for every part of tlie world
south of the equator: And one hundred and tfventy days tqr Ml
other parts of the world, without exception. *
:\p-:.. AUTICLETHE Tttl)Et».
,_ All prisoners of war tjaken on either side, as well by land as by
ssj|«, shall be restored as seon as practicable after the ratifimtion
■*>
iti.'i'
iA}.:f^^j:--^
j.'~
»2'f'<
01
J^Jl
i.f tWs treaty, m hpreinjiftei- mcuponed, on their pa^inj? U"
v*iui.ir iMcj iMuy UMVc: v.uiiiia->iuvi uui u<|^ >>>«-<i i^^i'".'' ••.? • • •
10 Uebls
"The two
contpocung patties lespectiveiy engnge to discharge in specie, the
advances whJch may have been made by the other (or the bustc-
nance and mainlcnauce of such priftoners.
* ARTICLE THE FOVRTH. ,,
Whereas, it was stl{>u1ated by the second article of tlie Weaiy
nf peace, of one thoutiaml seven humhed ami eighty-three, be
iccn his Britannic Majesty and the United States ot Anicnca,
ihat the b<3nndary of the United States shonl ! comprehend all
islamls M^tfiin twenty agues of any part of the shores of the
0MiH States, and lyinj; bctwcrn lines tobedrawndiie castlroii|>
tlte taints where the aforesaid boundaries, between Nova Scotia,
on the one part, and East Florida, on the other, shall respective-
ly touch the Bay of Fundy, ?nd the Atlantic Ocean, cvcepting
fiuch islands as now are, or heretofore have been, within the li-
mits of Nova Scotia ; ami whereas, the sevei-al islands «i the Bay
of Passamaquoddy, which is part the Bay of Fii.ndy, ?«"' th6
island of Gnuid Mcnan, it» tlnJ said .y of Fondy, are clAinned by
the United States as being comprehended within their aforesaid
bonndaries, which said islands are claimed as belonj^mg to Ins
Britannic Majesty, as having been at the lime «f, and previous
to, the aforesaid 'treaty of one thousand scveft hundred and et|r h-
ty-three, within the limits of the province of Nova Scotu.^iu
order, therefore, Hnally to decide upon these claims, it is agreed
thattheyvshallbe referred to two comnusaioners, to be upponited
in the ibllowing manner, viz: Olie commissioner shall be ap-
pointed by his Britannic Majesty, and one by the President of the
Umlcd Stirtes, by and with the advice and consent of the henate
thereof, and the said two commissioners, so appointed, shall be
sworn, impartially to examine and decide upon the said claiiji*
Iccordinc to such evidence as shall be luid beforg them on the
nart of his Britannic Majesty and of the United Stales respetr-
tivelv The said commissioners shall, meet at St. Andrews, ni
the province of New-Brunswid, and shall have power to adjourn
to such other place pr places as ihey shall think fit. Ihc said
Commissioners shall, by a declaration or report, under their
Ws and seals, decide to which of the two contracting parties
Se several tslan48 aforesaid do i-cspectively belong m conformity
with the true intent of the said treaty of p«ace ot one thousand
Sen hundred and eighty-three. And if the said conatmssioners
Shall agree in theirdecision, both parties shall consider such d^
cSon as final and conclusive. It is lurther agreed, that m |e
S? Pf the^two commissioners differing upon all or any of the
TlxcvB so referred to them, or in the event of both or either ot
\be wk cqmsais^ionerf refusing, or dccUmng, or wilfnllv ^mitn
'■'I ■':■'
•/•■)^'*i-ili..'-
...^f'n*':
,*rfj^W^'T' '
■-*%
fri«ih> •m^-m-f«itsft'
"*«>.■'
>|^SSf*w.u
IMAGE EVALUATfiON
TEST TARGET (MT-S)
.%.
1.0
I.I
^■^ IIM
1^ 12?
Hi
u
K
12.0
1.8
1.25 1.4 16
t 6"
►
m.
^
/a
^h.
o
^A
■el
>:^
»»
Photographic
Sciences
Corporation
^
#
^ #;
^9)
V
^'^ .^
•L
V
23 WEST MAIN STREET
WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580
(716) 872-4503
^
--^S||ii^^*^gPf5P''; i
4»
'M V ' ■ ■ ■
#
A
. ,1
f
ting to act as soch, they shall make jointly or separately, a repbtt.
to that of the United States, slating in detail the pojnw on wHSfeh
they differ, and the grouncis upon which their respective opiniorts
have been formed, or the grounds on which they, or either of
them, have so refused, declhied, or omitted to act.-^nd H'ts
BiUannic Majesty, and the Government of the United Sfetes,
hereby agrcetoi-efertlic report, or reports, of the said coramis-
sionars, to some friendly sovereign or state, to be then n^med for
that pvnpose, ami -who shall l)e r«;quested to decide on the differ-
ences which may be stated in the said report or reports, or then
the report of one commisAioner tog^eiher with the gi-ounds ttpon
AvhiCh the other commiaMoner shall Ivdve refosed, deciined, 6r
rnniued to act, as tl»c case may be. And if the commissioner $o
refusmg, declining, or omitting to act, shall also wilfully omit
to stgte the grounds upon which he lias so done, in such manner
that fhe said statement may be referred to such friendly sovereign
or state together with the report of such otber commissioned,
then such sovereign or state shall decide ex-part upon the Bsfel
vepotn atone. And li^s Britannic Majesty and the Government of
tne United States, engage to consider the tlecision of some friend-
ly sovereign or State to be such and cpnclusive on all the fflattcrs
sorefcn'ud. n , ' ' '
' • ARTICL8 THE FIFTii.
' Whereas neither that point pf the high lands lying due north
iromthe source of die river St. Croix, and designated in the for-
incr treaty of peace between the two powers as the north-west
angle of Nova Scotia, now tne north-westernmost head of Con-
necticut river, hai not yet been asQertained; and whereas thK
part of the bpundary line between the domi.iion of the two poi^-
urs) which extfsnds from the soince of the river St. Croix di-
reciiy north to the abovementioned north-west angle of Nova Sco-
tia, tiif nee at?ing the said highlands which divide those rivers
which empty ihemaelve* ijjtto the river St. Lawrence from those
which fdli into the Atlantic ocean to the nortii-westermost head
of Comicciicut river, thence down along the middle of tliat river
to ihe lorty-fiUh degree of north latitude; thence by a line due
■west on i»aid iatiitidii untij it strikes the river Iroquois or Catara.*'
guy, hitsiiot yot been surveyed; it h agreed that, for these seve-
ral pmposjcs, two commissioners sluU be appointed, sworn, and
authomfcd, lo act exactly in tiie manner directed with resi)ect to
; t^ost niciitwlied in the next preceding article, unlejtd otherwise
-^^l^tciheU hi the present aiti'lc Tiicfatd coiiuuissionera shall
Bn:t|t at St. Andruws in ilic province' of New flriius wick, and
shah ipvv power to adj--U|n to aucii other place as they shall
thhik lii.. iiiit; HaidcommssiotiKA'S bialJ have power to ascertain
ana determine the points aiiuvenienUoiied, in conforiaitj vjth thte
■■^••IM*-*.,^,'
^'j.aMSffi'i
^<?^'
teparaleiy, a remjit,
>i iidiiiiic iwiijesty as
the points on which
respective opinions
they, or either of
to act.~^nd His
the United States,
if the said coramis-
9 be then n^mcd for
lecide on the differ-
or reports, or th«n
> the grounds Upon
l«sed, uecHiiedj or
ve commissioner ftt
also wilfully omit
iCi in sucli inanner
1 friendly sovereign
her contiDtssionei',
•part upon the B«kl
the GovernmetJt of
sion of some fi iend-
3 on all the ipj^tter?
ds lying doc librth
signated in the for
as the horih-we^t
itnost head of Cofl-
antl whereas that
►n of the two po\^-
iver St. Croix di-,
angle of N'ovaSco-
iivide thotie rivers
wreuce from those
i-westermost head
liddie of that nver
ice by a line due
roquois or Catara* *.*'
hat for these seVe-
>intcd, swornj and
ed with resiject to
unleftd othei-wi»e
Tiuuissioners shall
w Brunswick, alid
luce as they shall
[>oiver to ascertain
wiforrait) yjth thb
',.m>.i -.»....,]piimpf^i
^^^iiwmimffmmmimmBmmmmmmmmimm
m
9S
provision* of 'the said treaty of peace of onethoHsai.d seven hun-
dred and e%hly.thrce, and shall cause tte bf.undai v afnresaid
from the toiirce of the river St. Croix to the river iroqafais or
Cataftiguy, to be sm;Veyed and marked accordiftg to the b: kliyi-o-
visions. The said comiriisiibrterB shall make a map of ti,« saitl
boundary, aftd annex to it a deciaralion under their hands and
seals, certifyijig it to be the true map of the said boundary, aiitf
pafticulanzuig the latitude and longitude of the tiorthv?est angle
ttf Nova Scotia, of the northwestefnmost head bi Connecticut
nvei, and of such other poiots of the said boundary as they mav
deem proper. And both panics agree to.consider such map ancl
declaration as finally and conclusively fixing the said boundary.
And vh the event of the wicf two comtnissioners diRering, or botii
or cither of them, refusing or declining, or wilfully omiUiHg to
act, such reports, declarations, or statements, shall be m^de, by
t-.em, or either of thetlu, and such refertnce to a fiiendiv sove-
reign or state, shall be made, in all respects as in the litter part
ot the fourth article is contained, and in as full a maunttp as if tlie
same was herein repeated.
\ AKficJlR '■the;' SIXTH. ,';■■.,/ ,
Whereas by the former beaty of peaice, that portion of the
bqijfndary of the United States from the point wh^re the fo* tv-fiftl*
degree of norhjatitude slilkes the river Iroquois' or Cataraguy,
toibe Lake Superior, was declared to be '• along tiie mukJle qt
said river into Lake Ontarioj through the iWjddie of said lake
Xjn^l it strikes the communicatioii by water between that lake tnd'
Luke Eiie,, tlicnce along the middle of said coniinu'r.icauoii j|,io
Lake Lrie, through the middle of said lake until it arrives at the
water communication into the L,ke Huron, iliepce thi'ou"ii the
middle of said lake to the water coninitnucutjou bttwfceh chat iatte
aivl Lake Superior." And whereus,' dunbts feavc ariy-.'-i .,vhai wjs
the middle of said river, lakes and water c'onjiuuuic.iijr'' ' •*
:whetljer certain islands lying: iji llife.sanic, wch: uiuii! t
nious of. his Biitaniiic Majesty of the Uiiueti Status : iv ,; . .
theiefore, iii^liy to decicie.lht; (luabtb, thej- siiun i>/ ' > '
to, two co]Hf>iiussioners, to be apj;uiuicd,' ^woiv, ctiid .a •
aci*xactly hj theiimiimu- d'!i(vHi..(i,\vuii ivi;pcti/to tiic ;- ,. >.
eau. tiieuexi preced»ng,uivicie, u-lfcr&c)a:viViV.c"-iu?^%v; .; ^ . 'v''
prtseut article.
iosiaiiet, at^\lbawy, hi the iisWe of Ncw-Vot;,
power to iMijt/Uti. ip smlh'uther place or piudtrs, .
jftt i , thi^ saui cuniiuisaJiiiH'is shaiiby a ji'Cj) ■
4«;Tti)eu- ii^i.db ui.cl .Hisufh. dt-ui^iKiit? (Ii,
8&i«u rivci;,,)4ki;s, and waiti t.osuuui!.!.. .■■>. ;•.. , ■ •«
©f.lhti I'/occaanciin^' puratfc .:ii, !ii ,,.\,-.
.^aid tlyvi-f, iak^^s una vvaU-j' cc. . auwis,;, au
i¥V"
/''
//
;i
n
9*
Jong, in conformity with the true intent of the said treaty of one
agree to consider such designation and decision* as final and con-
clusive. And in the event of the said two cummisBioners diffari
ing, or both, or eitbef of tbcm, refusing, declining, or wilfully
oniitting to act, such reports, declarations or statemcnti, shall
be made by them, or either of th«m, and such reference to a
friendly sovereign or state sl>all be made in all respects as in the
latter |^rt of the fourth article is contained, and in a« full a maft-
ner as if the sanv; vas herein repeated. * ;
AntlCLS THE SBVENTH.
.^■'
It is further agjseed tbait the said two last mentiqned cottimis-
sioners, after tbeysbaU have executed the duties assigned to thein ,
in the preceding article, shall, be^and they are hereby authorized,
iipMi their oaths, impartially to fix and .determine, according to ,
the true intent of th« said Treaty of Pe^ce, of one thousand seven
TiUDdrcd and eighty-three, that part of the boundary between tb©
dominions of the two powers, which exteods from the water coW'
munication between Lake Huron and Lake Superior, to ti»e most
north-western point of the Lake of the Woods, to decide to which
of the two parties the several islands lying in the lakes, water
communications, and rivers, forming the said boandary, do re-
spectively belong, in cpnformity with the true ihtcJit of the said
Treaty of peace, of oue thousand seven hundred and eighty-
three and to cause such parts of the said boundary, as require
it, to bs surveyed and marked. The said commissioners shall,
by a report or declaration under thbir hands and seals, des^ignate
the boundary aforesaid, state their decision on the points tlms re-
ferred to them, and particularize the latitude and longitude of the
SQOst north. western point of the Lake of the W<wds, of such other
part of the said boundary as they may deem proper. Apid both
parties agree to consider such designation and decision as final
and conclusive. And, in the ejent.of the said two commissioners
differing, or both, or cither of them refusiu;;, declining, or*#ilfuU
ly omitting to aet, such reports, declarations, or statements^, shall
be nw.de by tbem, or either of them, ami such refereijce to a
friendly sovereign or state, shall be made in all respectSjas in the-
latter, part of the fourt^ article is contiainedj .and in as full a man- #^
ncrasiftl>esame was Iwerein repeated. . ■ * <
ARTICIiK TSe EIOHTU.
\ ■ It
The seve^ai boards of two commissioners nicntioned in the four
Pf^ceding articles, shall r«spectively have power to appoint a se-
cr^tary,and to employ such surveyors or other persons as they
ahall judge necessary. Duplicates of ail their respective reports,"
declarations, statements and decisions, and of their accounts, and
of the journal ol their proceedings shall be delivered by then^ to
^■m
le'sajd treaty of one
ms as final and con-
'mmisaioners digar*
eclinwig, or MdlfuUy
!>r statement*, slwll
uch reference to a
1 respects as in the
tnd in asfuUnaiiu^
nentiQTied couitinis-
es assigned to them
hereby authorized,
•mine, according to
one thousand seven
undary between the
romthe water coni'
iperior, to tlMj nipst
\f to decide to which
in the lakes, water
I boundary, do re-
; intent of the said
mdred and cighty-
oundary, as require
miMissioners shall,
md seals, de&ignate
the points tims re-
md longitude of the
'oods, of 9uc!i other
proper. A|«S both
id decision as final
two commiwioners
lecl'.ning, of^ilfuU
or statement^, »haU
uch reference to a
tl respectsjasinthe
lid in as full a mun-
cntion«iEi in the four
ver to appoint a sie-
3f persons as they
respective reporttt,"
their accounts, and
irered by then^ to
y
■
iedS^e! li!'*'®"!"*'"'^ "''^^'''y' ««*t»i»*e «»Se«ts of the U«i.
Slnirfn Kf ^^ ^"^ i-espectively appointed and authorised to
mnage the b6siness on behalf of their respective goyerninentr
The said commissioners shall be rcspeetivefy paid k s^ch -^l
ner as shall be agreed between the two contS parti S^
ajreehjpt bemg to be settled n Ihe tih,e utthe elcKnge of tSe
raufacati as of the treaty. And^l other CKpcnses attemUnff h^
said commissioners shall be defrayed equally ^7^ wo na^rti^
And in the case of death, sickniesB resi^nxlL « partiej.
sehf-f th« *»ia,„ ^r »»t-^RES8, lesjgnalion or necessary a^
setv^c, the place of every such commissioner respeclivcly shall be
atipphedm the same mauner as such commissioner rasfim«n
pomted,and the new commissioner shall take "£^,^^6 oath £.
affirmation, and do the same duties. It i fiSe a^ 'r^^^
SSVtfet'^n'^ *"^'°^'"'"^''' shouldTCrt'edccson
ot any ol the boards of commissioners aforesaid, >r of the sov/
reign or state so referred to, as in the fbur next precedtg articles"
o? S'^'i*" ^" ■"" '^^'^ dominions of the other^artrfll S
nL^v^. ^'^^'iP/f "°"J *" '*^" commencement of%e\ar ^6
Zfhuf^' Zr y- ^^ ^tJ^'C'sion or decisions, been adjudRed to be
withm the dommtons of the party having such possession
ARTlCtE THE NI«TH.
The United States of America entraa^ tr. «.,» t .
^liately after the ratificalTonhe | rSem fre tv to f l^-"?^"
with all th* tribes or nations of Indlis, .vhh wfi tlievll f
at ^^ at the timeof such ratification ; ^nd fbr«.^Ui to rLS u
such tubes or nations, resoectivplv aii .k» """•" ^of<- store to
one tlmusand eight hundred and eleven nrevinn! ,^ T i . ..V^
ties : m^i^eAlr^a,., that fuclftS ^n do4 1^^
desist from all hosUiitiesaijainst the U?itcri W« if^ - *''
their cM^.ens and subjects, ^n ^he' S^^"^':? t'^S
treaty being notihed to such tribes or nuti^nc „„ i i .? 1^'^f ^^."
accordingi;. And his BriJ^n^f lljl^"^^;;.^ L i"na ??'
put an endimm^diately after the ratLadS^tSri;,^]^ ^f;^^^^^^^
to hostiht.e« wuh all the tribes or nations of iSs wUh whom
shall agree to desist from all host^Iui s gSt hk I it^Lk X
jesty,and imsubjec,^, upon the ratificatL ^f t£ SS tr^
being notified to such tribe* nrn«no"= anr* -^-n ^-.^^^ "*^*7
jj5„jy_ i~.iv»„.., anc» Bnaii so actust accord-
-.Vi
id
m
9e
'.s
"V^hereas the traffic m slaves is irrecpricUcaljleNvith the princi-
nlea of huruamty and justice, ami whereas both his Majesty anil
the United States art desirous of continuing tlicir efforts to pro-
mote its entire abolijiioiv, it is hepby agreed that both the con-
tractihg paidea shalflse tiieir bo«t endejivours to ZkCcdw pUi^ so
desirable an obfcct;
?.,;</ ,. '■■/■' /ARTICLE THE.^i.EVENTU. -«'''> . ,■
f his tHaty, when ihe same shall haye been ratifiied op lj©th
sides, wi'.hout alteration by either of the contracting parties, and
the ratifications mutuaUy exchanged, shall be bindini^ on b:th par-
ties, and the i^tifications shall he exchanged at Washiniftf)n, in
the space of four months from this day: or sconei' if practieafele.
In faith whereof, we the respective Pienipotentiarjes iiave
, signed this treatj^ and have therehnto affixed our seals.
Done^ in iripltcate, at Ghent, the twenty-fourth day jc^Pe-
- ' ;\; ^«€nii>er, Qine thousand eight huncljped and fourteen. ' <
(l.8.1' OAMBIER,
(L. s.) HENRY GOULBURK,
h s.) WILLIAM ADAMS,
(us.) JOHN QUI NCY ADAMS,
(L. s.) J. A. BAYARD,
(t.i) H. CLAY,
(l 8.) jONA. RUSiSEt^L,
^ :(t..8.) -r !, ALBERT CfALLAtlN.
Now, therefore, to the end that Uie said Treaty o£ Peace and
Amity may be observed with good faith, on the part of the United
State i, James Madison, President as aforesaid, have caused the
premises to be made public ; and I do hereby enjoin all persons
bearing: office, civil or military, withm the United States, and all
other citizens ^nd inhabitants taereof, or being within the same,
faithfully to observe and fulfil the said treat i»d every Clause and
article thereof. \ ^ \ . ■
In testimohy whei^of, I have idaused thei seal of the United
(sfAt) States to b© affixed to these presents, ^and signed the
V^ same with my liand. -/'M
Done at the city of Wash^gton, this eighteenth day pf Fe-
bruary, in the year of oui' Loi:d one tfjousaftd eight hun-
At<M and fifteen, and of the sovereignty and indepen
dence of thfe United Stwes the thirty-ninth. ^
JAMES MADISdN.
, By the President, '. /
JAMES MONROi,
Jcting Secretary of Slate,
j,