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32X

fSc

PKIOB TWOPENCE.

D- H . t . ^ rr

No. 8.

i'.

Imperial Federation (Defence) Gonunittee.

This Committee adopts the following Resolutions passed by the Con-
ference which founded the Imperial Federation League in 1884 : —

That in order to secure the permanent unity of the Empire some

form of Federation is essential.
That no scheme of Federation should interfere with the existing

rights of Local Parliaments as regards local affairs.
That any scheme of Imperial Federation should combine on an
equitable basis the resources of the Empire for the main-
tenance of common interests, and adequately provide for an
organised defence of common rights.
It also adopts the expansion of the principles of those Resolutions by
the Special Committee of 1892, as expressed in the summary taken from
the Report adopted by the Council of the Imperial Federation League in
the same year.

In particular, the Committee recognises as the lesson to be drawn
from the experience of the nine years' working of the late League —

1. That an adequate system of Maritime Defence is the primary

necessity common to all parts of the Empire.

2. That such a system of defence does not exist under present

conditions.

3. That, given a common system of Maritime Defence, provided

by all parts of the Empire, the most essential point in
the Federation of the Empire is attained.

4. That combination for the defence of common interests is there-

fore — as was recognised in 1884 — the one essential point, and
the test of the practicability of Imperial Federation.

5. That if the self-governing Colonies take their share in the cost

of such a system of defence, they must have such a repre-
sentation as will enable them to exercise a supervision over
the disposal of the fund to which they contribute ; and if
those Colonies be not willing to take their share in a com-
mon system of defence, it is evident that Federation is not
practicable, whatever arrangements may be proposed or
adopted as regards interchange of commerce, means of
intercommunication, monetary standards, etc.

6. That proposals involving participation in the cost of general

maritime security, which has hitherto been enjoyed by those
Colonies without expense, cannot be expected to come, in
the first instance, from Colonial Governments.
It will therefore be the first aim of the Committee to call the attention
of the people of the United Kingdom to the anomalous and precarious
state of affairs now existing, and to induce Her Majesty's Government
to make to those Colonial Governments, in an official manner, such state-
ments as to the present means by which defence is provided, and such
proposals regarding the future, as will elicit from them an expression as to
their willingness to take part in such a combination.

In order to narrow the issue as much as possible, and thereby to
concentrate effort upon this one essential point, it is specifically declared
that the objects of the Committee do not include any proposal involving
an alteration of the fiscal policy either of the United Kingdom or of any
of the Colonies.

Kl^iL

No. 8.

COLONIES AND CRISES.

" In my opinion no MinlBter In this country wlU do hln duty who neglecta
any opportunity of reconstructing as muoli as possible our Colonial Empire,
and of responding to those distant sympathies which may become the source
of incalculable strength and happiness to this UlsxO."— speech of the Earl of
Bsaconsfieid, June 24th, 1872.

The expressions of loyal attachment to the Mother Country
and to the Imperial connection on the part of the great Colonies,
evoked by recent crises in Foreign Affairs, recall vividly the
statesmanlike words that have been taken as the text of this
pamphlet. Happily, there is good reason to hope that the present
opportunity will not be neglected, but that the statesmen who now
sway the destinies of the British Empire will not fail to recognise
it as their duty to avail themselves of the favouring breeze of
popular sentiment, by making an earnest and practical effort to
transmute the existing patriotic feeling and language of our Colonial
kinsmen into correspondingly patriotic and useful action.

The time, therefore, seems fitting to gather up in a few pages
those gratifying utterances of statesmen and politicians, of press-
writers and publicists, that have come to us from Canada and
Australasia during the crisis of the Epipire that had a part of its
origin in South Africa ; to see how these have been received by
public > men and the press in the United Kingdom; and to
examine briefly into the direction that may be given to events by
the combination of these two great forces of public opinion.

L— COLONIAL ADDRESSES.

AUSTRALASIA.

On January 12th, within less than a fortnight of those events in
South Africa which came so close upon the heels of the grave
national crisis arising out of President Cleveland's Venezuelan
Message, a telegram from Sydney announced that the Hon.
G. H. Reid, Premier of New South Wales, had, on behalf of his

pw^np

[ ^ ]

own and all the other Governments of Australia and Tasmania,
addressed the following telegram to Lord Salisbury : —

"The Governments of Australia and Tasmania view with satis-
faction the prompt and fearless measures adopted by her Majesty's
Government in defence of the integrity of the Empire. We drsire to
convey our united assurances of loyal support. The people of Australia
are in full sympathy with the determination of the Mother Country to
resent foreign interference in matters of British and Colonial concern."

Some twelve days later a Melbourne telegram informed us that
Mr. Chamberlain's imperially-minded speech, delivered on the
2 1 St of the same mor^h (of which presently), had been

"received with enthusiasm throughout Australia. His name was
greeted with ringing cheers on the Melbourne Stock Exchange, followed
by the singing of ' Rule Britannia.' "

At the beginning of February it was announced that the Earl
of Glasgow, ^Governor of New Zealand, had forwarded to Mr.
Chamberlain a telegram received from the Prime Minister of that
Colony containing a resolution passed by a meeting of colonists
at Auckland, to the following effect : —

" Recent statesmanlike and patriotic conduct of Imperial Govern-
ment, with reference to the Venezuela and Transvaal Republics has
been such as to intensify loyal sentiments to the Queen of England,
making us prouder than ever to belong to the Empire of Great
Britain."

CANADA.

Contiguity to the United States has always had the effect of
bringing the question of the Imperial connection home to the
minds of Canadians more vividly than elsewhere as an actual
matter of practical political application. The Liberal party
in the Dominion has contained within its ranks men of
great weight and influence, whose loyalty to the British con-
nection has not been always quite unquestioned in the face of
difficulties and temptations besetting them from across the border.
The manifesto from which the following extracts are made is the
more significant, therefore, inasmuch as the Hon. J. W. Longley,
Attorney-General of Nova Scotia, is a distinguished member of
the Liberal party in Dominion politics. Referring (shortly after
the Venezuelan Message) to the deplorable possibility of war
between England and the United States, Mr. Longley said : —

[ 3 ]

"Nevertheless, there must be no misunderstanding as to the
attitude of Canadians in the event of such a war. Every man of
sense and wisdom in Canada will deplore such a war, will hope that
all possible means will be taken which prudence can suggest to
prevent it, and will pray that its evils and horrors may be averted.
But if come it must, Canadians as one man will be on the side of the
Empire. Let there be no misconception. Canadians will be practically
a unit. There will be no parties, no divisions. The invading foe will
confront five millions of Britons whose hearts will be truj to the
Empire, and who will not shrink frcm any sacrifice necessary to main-
tain the national honour.

" But what of French Canada ? The answer is easy— Loyal to the
core. French regiments raised in Quebec and officered by French-
Caaadians would stand side by side with the English regiments of
Ontario m defence of the country, and no brayer men would march to
battle than the pious descendants of heroic and glory-loving France."

On the same authority we have it that the very day after the
crisis occurred the Morning Chronicle, one of the oldest and most
influential of the Liberal organs of Canada, used these editorial
words : —

"We are Britons. We believe in the rectitude and justice of
British statesmen. We are as much concerned in the honour of the
Empire as the inhabitants of the British Islands, and therefore, if war
must coift, let it be distinctly understood that all Canadians stand
side by side with Great Britain in this contest from the beginning to
the bitter end. Whatever resources of men and money we possess
are at the service of the Empire, and in this view our counsels are
united, and our voice is the voice of one man. That we are not
directly interested in the originating cause of the war has nothing to
do with the case. The honour of the Empire is at stake, and the
honour of the Empire is ours."

The Toronto Globe (we further read), one of the greatest news-
papers in Canada and the great Liberal organ in Ontario, uttered
editorial sentiments equally ringing. The Montreal Herald, the
leading Liberal paper in Montreal, was equally clear and emphatic.
The London Advertiser, the Ottawa Free Press, the Hamilton
Times, the Kingston Whig, the St. John Telegraph— evQxy one of
them daily Liberal organs of influence and power — spoke out in
tones most patriotic and devoted to the Empire. Indeed, there was
but one voice from the entire press of Canada, English and French,
and that was, " Britain's honour must be maintained, and Canadians
must help maintain it." In a speech delivered before an immense
Liberal meeting at Montreal while the President's Message was
the leading topic, the Hon. W. S. Fielding, Premier of Nova
Scotia and one of the Liberal leaders of Canada, declared amid

[ 4 ]

prolonged cheers that if war came Americans would face not a
party, but five millions of united Canadians.

The above have been printed first because they are prior in
date to what follows. No less entirely satisfactory are the more
official parliamentary utterances of many of the leaders of politics
in the Dominion House of Commons. On January i6th, replying
to Mr. Laurier, the Opposition leader, who criticised the proposal
of the Government to strengthen the Defences of Canada, Mr. G.
E. Foster (Minister of Finance, and leader of the House of
Commons) said in his place in Parliament : —

" No person can in the present circumstances, whatever may be
said at other times — no person in Canada who loves his country and
desires its peace and prosperity — can think of breathing a spirit of
defiance or jingoism. It is the furthest remove possiblt ."rom the
sensible and well-meant sentiments of this country, which, while it
respects other countries, feels evidence of its own strength in its arms,
feels in its heart a full purpose to defend the country, and stand by it
whenever it is threatened ; but he would read the signs of the times
not aright, in these somewhat troublesome days when the great
mother Empire stands

SPLENDIDLY ISO LATE I >

in Europe, with interests stretching over the wide world, v^h a com-
merce the greatest that any nation of the world ever possessed, and
vulnerable in every quarter of the sea, who did not feel, as Great
Britain feels to-day and is showing, that the country's weal, the
country's progress, the country's stability, and all the country's pride
and glory must be based upon the strong arms and willing, loyal
hearts of the citizens of that Empire from one end to the other.
(Cheers.) It is the right and duty of Britons, of Britain herself, and
of every dependency that belongs to her, to be ready, aye ready, as
well as steady in their sentiments of loyalty and admiration for the
Empire as a whole. It is in that spirit, and not in any spirit that asks
for war or trouble, that that modest reference was placed in the
Queen's Speech, and in pursuance of that it is the determination of
this Government to put the militia and the defences of this country,
as far as it possibly can be done by Canada, into a state which is
adequate to the feeling, interests, and security of this country in itself
and as a portion of the Empire." (Loud cheers.)]

On the same date Mr. M'Neill, an Ontario member, gave
notice of the following important resolution : —

"That, in view of the present threatening aspect of foreign affairs,
this House desires to assure her Majesty's Government and the people
of the United Kingdom of its unalterable loyalty and devotion to the
British Throne and Constitution, and of its 'onviction that, should
occasion unhappily arise, in no other part of tne Empire than in the
Dominion of Canada would more substantial sacrifices attest the
determination of her Majesty's subjects to preserve unimpaired the

[ S ]

integrity and inviolate the honour of her Majesty's Empire ; and this
House reiterates the oft-repeated desire of the people of Canada to
mamtain^the most friendly relations with their kinsmen of the United
States."

Mr. McNeill's motion came on upon February 5th, when
thirteen members took part in the debate. All the speakers,
Ministerialists and Opposition members alike, were in accord in
their expressions o\ loyalty to the Empire, and there was not one
unfriendly utterance respecting the United States. In the course
of his speech, Mr.'McNeill said:—

"How has England, our own England, -orne herself in the midst
of the menace and anger which compass her about ? She has borne
herself like the mighty mother of heroes that she is. The great heart
beat fuller and prouder in the hour of danger, and the spectacle
of i?.ng)and s composure and unflinching self-reliance in the presence
of the undisguised and altogether unexpected hostility of so many
of the great Powers of the world has sent a thrill of admiration
and pride through the veins of every loyal subject of the Queen.
(Cheers.) ^

"We wish the people of England and of Ireland and of Scotland
to know that the people of Canada are no mere fair-weather friends.
We want our kinsmen in Australia, some of whom we welcomed here
so recently, to know that we are with them in this issue, heart and
hand. We want the people of the world to know that, come what
may, in whatever part of the Empire they may happen to reside,
the British people are one people, animated bv one spirit, and
determined to stand as one man in defence of their common
rights and m the maintenance of their common interests. We desire
peace before all. We regard war with horror, but we are prepared to
accept It with all its consequences, come from what quarter it may if
it be necessary to do so, in order to maintain and defend the honour
and integrity of our own Empire." (Prolonged cheers.)

Mr. Davies, leader of the Liberals of the Maritime Provinces,
seconded the resolution, and in the course of his remarks
said : —

"As part of Great Britain, Canada, more than any other part,
is open to attack. With thousands of miles of continuous frontier
and divided only by an invisible line from the United States, with
many exciting international questions calculated to cause bitterness
and strife, it becomes doubly our duty so to conduct ourselves that we
shall lessen and not increase Great Britain's difficulties. Recent
troubles have accentuated our determination to remain part and
parcel of the Empire. The splendid dream of Imperial Federation
has never yet presented itself in such practical form to the Colonies as
to command their adherence, but its underlying sentiments evoke
hearty sympathy from many who could not openly support a scheme."

Sir Richard Cartwright's speech was noteworthy. He said that

[ 6 ]

he was not accustomed to make profession of loyalty, but he
thought that the resolution was appropriate. He did not think
war with the United States was possible, but in slightly
different circumstances there might have been real danger in
President Cleveland's Message.

" But," continued Sir Richard Cartwright, " while we desire, as
long as we are part of the Empire, to do our duty to the utmost, while
we are prepared to shrink from no proper sacrifice for the purpose of
assisting the Empire to the best of our means, yet as a Canad'- n
I take leave to tell the country that there is not a question of obligat i
between Canada and the Empire, or if there be a question of obligatiw .1
the obligation is by no means confined to our side. Among her
hundreds of Colonies, Britain has but one which was founded and
created by men who did not leave the shores of England to benefit
themselves, but who gave up all they had for the purpose of maintain-
ing their loyalty to England, and the name of that Colony is Canada."
(Cheers.)

Two French-Canadian leaders, Sir Hector Langevin (Con-
servative) and Mr. Laurier, leader of the Opposition, heartily
endorsed the resolution. The latter spoke with his usual
eloquence. He eulogised the achievements of Great Britain
whether in war or in peace. In conclusion, he said : —

"When England should have to repel her foes, I am quite sure
that British subjects all over the world would be only too glad to give
to her what help they could — British subjects all over the world,
not only British subjects of her own blood, but British subjects
who are not of her own blood, but who have received from her
the inestimable blessing of freedom." (Cheers.)

Mr. Foster, leader of the House, expressed the concurrence ot
the Government with the resolution, and it was adopted unani-
mously amid prolonged cheering.

In February the Legislature of the Province of Ontario, also,
on the motion of Sir Oliver Mowat, the Premier, seconded by
Mr. Marter, leader of the Opposition, adopted the following
resolution : —

" That an Address ^should be sent to the Queen, in view of recent
events, affirming the unalterable love and devotion of the people
of Ontario and declaring that, in the event of any troubles aftecting
the interests of the Empire, no sacrifice that circumstances might
demand would be considered too great for the people of the Province,
should they be called upon to repel an invasion and defend the
integrity of the British Empire.'

The motion was carried by acclamation, amid great enthusiasm,

[ 7 ]

the members rising in their seats, raising cheers, and singing the
National Anthem.

II.^THE ENGLISH RESPONSE,

WHAT STATESMEN HAVE SAID.

These hearty and robust expressions of opinion and support
did not fail to awaken an echo in the Mother Country. Appro-
priate official acknowledgments of the loyal addresses from
Australasia were of course made. In reply to Mr. Reid's
telegram from Sydney, Lord Salisbury cabled : —

" Her Majesty's Government heartily thank you, and through you
the Governments of Australia and Tasmania, for your patriotic
assurance of sympathy and support. Nothing can give us greater
confidence in mamtaining the rights of our country than the know-
ledge that we have the full approval and goodwill of our fellow-
subjects in the great Colonies of the Empire."

. And upon receipt of the New Zealand message, Mr. Chamber-
lain telegraphed to the Governor : —

"Convey cordial thanks of her Majesty's Government to your
Prime Minister and people of New Zealand for their message."

But the most important and far-reaching declaration on this
side of the water has been the great speech which Mr. Chamber-
lain, as Secretary of State for the Colonies, seized the occasion
to deliver at a complimentary banquet given on January 21st
to Lord Lamington, on his departure to take up his appoint-
ment as Governor of Queensland. Mr. Chamberlain in pro-
posing the toast of the evening — the health of the new Governor
— said : — *

The Solidarity of the Empire.

" I think that I see before me a representative gathering of British
subjects, whose chief, or, at all events, one of whose principal,
interests lies in that great group of Australian Colonies, whose
present greatness and importance give us but a faint indication of the
splendid future which awaits them. (Cheers.) For of one thing I am
certain, whatever may be the fate of the old country— and even as to
that I have sufficient confidence (cheers) — no man can doubt that our
vigorous offspring in the Southern Seas are bound at no distant time
to rival the older civilisation of the Continent of Europe in wealth, in
population, in all the attributes of a great nation. (Hear, hear.) But,
although, as I have said, your interests lie in this direction, I have an

* The Committee have to thank the Secretary for the Colonies for personally
revising the following report of his speech for this publication.

i .

[ 8 .]

instinctive feeling that to-night you are thinkiro" not so much of
Australian politics and of Austr9lian progress as you are of events
that have recently! occurred (loud cheers) in another quarter of the
globe, and of their connection with Imperial interests. And if that be
so, I hail the fact as another proof of the solidarity of Imperial
sentiment in making it impossible that a blow can be struck, or a
chord soundv.!;,. in even the most distant part of this Empire without
an echo coming back from every other part. (Cheers.) It would be
inopportune in me, it would be improper, if I were to dwell on the
incidents which have diverted attention to South Africa. Those
incidents will be the subject of judicial inquiry in this country and in
Africa, and I assume that, with the fair-mindedness which dis-
tinguishes them, my countrymen will wait to hear both the indictment
and the defence before they pronounce a judgment. (Cheers.) But,
in the meantime, I will venture to say that I think there is a tendency
to attach too much importance to sensational occurrences which pass
away and leave no trace behind, and not enough to the general course
of British policy and the general current of Colonial progress. I have
heard it said- that we never have had a Colonial policy : that we have
simply blundered into all the best places in the earth. (Laughter.) I
admit that we have made mistakes. I have no doubt that we are
answerable for sins of commission as well as for sins of omission ;
but, after all is said, this remains — that we alone among the nations of
the earth have been able to establish and to maintain Colonies under
different conditions in all parts of the world, that we have maintained
them to their own advantage and to ours, and that we have secured,
not only the loyal attachment of all British subjects, but the general
goodwill of the races, whether they be native or whether they be
European, that have thus come under the British flag. (Cheers.) This
may be a comforting assurance when we think of occasional mistakes ;
and when we are rebuked even for our misfortunes (laughter) we may
find some consolation in our success. (Cheers.)

Splendid Isolation.

" There is, gentlemen, another consideration which I think is not
inappropriate to such a gathering as this. A few weeks ago England
appeared to stand alone in the world, surrounded by jealous com-
petitors and by altogether unexpected hostility. Difference! between
ourselves and other nations which were of lonj standing appeared
suddenly to come to a head and to assume threatening p»'oportions ;
and from c[uarters to which we might have looked for friendship and
consideration (cheers) — having regard to our traditions and to a
certain c<Hnmunity of interest — we were confronted with suspicion,
and even with hate. We had to recognise that our success itself,
however legitimate, wa? imputed to us as a crime ; that our love of
peace was taken as a sign of weakness, and that our indifference to
foreign criticism was construed into an invitation to insult us. (Loud
cheers.) We had to admit that the prospect of our discomfiture was
regarded with hardly disguis'zd satisfaction by our competitors, who at
the same time must have been forced to admit that we alone held our
possessions throughout the world in trust for all (cheers), and that we
admit them to our markets as freely as we admit our own subjects.
(Cheers.) I regret that such a feeling should exist, and that we should
be forced to admit its existence ; but as it does exist, I rejoice that it

■n

mhihA

■li^

[ 9 ]

found expression. (Cheers.) No better service was ever done to this
nation, for it has enabled us to show, in face of all, that while we were
resolute to fulfil our obligations, we were equally determined to main-
tain our rights. (Loud cheers.) Three weeks ago, in the words of
Mr. Foster, the leader of the House of Commons of the Dominion of
, , Canada, ' the great mother Empire stood splendidly isolated.' And

how does she stand to-day ? She stands secure in the strength of her
own resources, in the firm resolution of her people, without respect io
party, and in the abundant loyalty of her children from one end of the
Empire to another. (Loud cheers.)

The Moral of Becent Events.

" The resolution which was conveyed to the Prime Minister on
behalf of the Australian Colonies and the display of patriotic enthusiasm
on the part of the Dominion of Canada came to us as a natural
response to the outburst of national spirit in the United Kingdom,
and as a proof that British hearts beat in unison throughout the world,
whatever may be the distances that separate us. (Cheers.) Then let
us cultivate those sentiments. Let us do all in our power by improving
our communications, by developing our commercial relations, by co-
operating in mutual defence (cheers), and none of us then will' ever
feel isolated, no part of the Empire will stand alone, so long as it can
count upon the common interest of all in its welfare and in its security.
(Cheers.) That is the moral I have derived from recent events. That
is the lesson I desire to impress on my countrymen. In the words of
Tennyson —

' Let Britain's myriad voices call,
' " Sons, be welded each and all,
' " Into one Imperial whole, '

' " One with Britain, heart and soul !
' " One life, one flag, one fleet, one Throne ! " '

(Loud cheers.) And in the time to come, the time that must come,
when these Colonies of ours have grown in stature, in population, and
in strength, this league of kindred nations, this federation of Greater
Britain, will not only provide for its own security, but will be a potent
factor in maintaining the peace of the world. (Cheers.) Our guest
to-night goes out to take his part in this work of drawing tighter the
bonds which unite us to our children at the Antipodes. ... I say
that the relations between these Colonies and ourselves are questions
of momentous import to us both, and I hope that our rulers and our
people will leave no stone unturned to show the store that we all set on
the continued amity, the continued affection, of our kindred beyond
the sea. That is the message we ask Lord Lamington to take with
him, and we wish him health and prosperity in the Colony over which
he is about to preside." (Loud cheers.)

Subsequently, in replying to the toast of his own health, and
referring to some observations made in the meanwhile in the
speech of Sir James Garrick, late Agent-General for Queensland,
Mr. Chamberlain made the following very definite and significant
statement. He said : —

[ lo ]

" Sir Jatijes Garrick has kindly attributed to me motives in seeking
the office which has been conferred upon me. He is perhaps not far
wrong in thinking that I have long believed that the future of the
Colonies and the future of this country were interdependent and that
this was a creative time, that this was the opportunity which, once let
slip, might never recur for bringing together all the people whc are
under the British flag and for consolidating them into a great self-
sustaining and self-protecting Empire whose future will be worthy of
the traditions of the race." (Loud cheers.)

WHAT THE PRESS HAS SAID.

The same note that characterises Mr. Chamberlain's speech has
been heard also in the press. The extracts given under this head
are useful in so far as they testify, if testimony be wanted, to the
fact that the admirable sentiments expressed in the Colonies meet
with a universal response in the public organs of opinion at home.
The views that find expression on the more prosaic but more
practical aspects of these questions will be more fittingly con-
sidered under the next head.

Th". 7iw<w, 27th Jan., said : —

" The immediate effect of the outbursts to which we have been
suddenly exposed has been to draw the whole nation closer together,
to determine them to increase their preparations for defence, and to
bring to them once more abundant proofs of the affection and the
loyalty of their children beyond the seas. That is the chief result."

The Morning Post, 22nd Jan., said : —

" The resolution recently conveyed to the Prime Minister by the
Ministers of the various Governments of the Colonies of Australia, and
the display of patriotic enthusiasm on the part of the Dominion of
Canada, were unmistakable and gratifying proofs, if proofs were needed,
that the pulse-beats of the offspring of the Mother Country all over the
world keep time with the heart-throbs cf the nation from whose loins
they have sprung."

The Standard, 27th Jan., said : —

*' The unlooked-for manifestation of hostility by Germany has
passed a»vay, leaving little behind it except the proof which it has
evoked that this country is as ready for a war of self-defence as ever
she was, and that in her belt of Colonies, all eager in their promises of
support, she has a source of strength unknown to her in any of her
former great struggles with European States."

The Daily Graphic, 22nd Jan., said : —
"The spirit that will make Canadians, Australians, and South

■

[ " ]

Africans stand ready to fight shoulder to shoulder with Britons at
home in defence of the common Empire, is something more than a
theine for after-dinner speeches. It is this spirit which gives the
Empire its strength, and justifies the policy of the Mother Country in
keeping clear of European entanglements. It justifies still more the
splendid, the almost reckless, liberality which has been the dominant
note in our treatment of our Colonies for nearly half a century."

The Yorkshire Post, 25th Jan., said : —

"Through Great Britain and her Colonies the patriotic sense of
unity is now producing an enthusiasm hardly less than would be
experienced if we had annihilated some dangerous foe in battle,
sinking his fleets and bringing him to sue for peace. Mr. Chamber-
lain's recent speech has been received . . . with a fervour which
must suggest to the Government that the time has arrived for
furthering materially the great work of Imperial consolidation. . . .
He is well aware that the federation of the Empire— better still, were
it attainable, the federation of all the English-speaking peoples — is the
great work of an Imperial kind which our statesmen will have to
undertake. . . . Mr. Chamberlain's words were the more im-
portant because never before had a British Minister used language
that could not fail to be recognised as pledging a Government, though
indefinitely, to the policy of Imperial Federation. . . . Mr.
Chamberlain was very guarded in his committal of the Government ;
but it is impossible to doubt that he intended to intimate that nothing
shall be wanting on their part or on his to promote so noble an end.
Is not the present a splendid opportunity for doing something ? ''

The Western Daily Mercury, 23rd Jan., said : —

" We have recently seen something of the splendid loyalty which
animates the British race in all parts of the world. A short time ago
it seemed as if Great Britain stood alone against a forming con-
federacy of antagonists. What a noble sentiment the danger has
evoked in Canada, in Australia, and even in India ! . . . The
events of the last few weeks have demonstrated our power in several
ways, in finance, in resources, in coolness, and in determination. But
no feature has been more agreeable than colonial loyalty and the
quick sense of brotherhood all over the British Empire."

The Bristol Times, 22nd Jan., said : —

" The new Governor of one of the more important of our Colonies
will be able to carry out with him, to his distant sphere of Imperial
work, the assurance that the Colonial Office and the management of
Colonial affairs were never in safer and stronger hands than they are
at present, that the ties which bind the Colonies to the Mother Country
have been immeasurably strengthened, and that everything will
be done to enable and encourage them to play a more important part,
as belonging to a great Empire, than they have ever played before."

i »2 ]

I II. -DE EDS NOT WORDS.

It will not have escaped remark that, so far, sympathy and
goodwill and promises of support in general terms have been
proffered on the one side and accepted on the other, as though
nothing more were wanted. But fine words, as the gnomic saying
has taught us, have but a limited power of producing material
results. Not that these agreeable interchanges of" friendly pledges
are meaningless or altogether unfruitful. They are even necessary
precursors of negotiations of a more substantial and business-like
character. Only, we have heard the same thing, more or less, in
different forms, pretty frequently during the past ten years,
and an increasing number of people are beginning to think the
time has come when these flowers of rhetoric should ripen into
the fruit of action.

This view has been making itself heard during the past
two years, and is voiced here and there amid the general
chorus of the past two months. Said The Western Daily Press,
for example, on 22nd Jan. :—

" Meanwhile it is wise to turn from swelling periods to sober
reflection, and to realise that an enormous Empire makes us vulner-
able in many places, . . . Are Sydney, Melbourne, Adelaide,
Perth, Brisbane, Port Elizabeth, Durban, Bombay, Hong-Kong, and
innumerable smaller places absolutely safe ? If not, then does it not
follow that the whole matter of Imperial defence should be a joint
undertaking, carefully divided between the Mother Country and the
Colonies, whose loyalty it is so pleasant to note ? The British Parlia-
raent is ready to do its duty in the matter of the navy ; will the
Colonial Parliaments do theirs ? "

The Pall Mall Gazette, on 3rd Feb., puts the matter in a
nutshell when it says, in speaking of congratulatory telegrams,
and so forth : —

" Resolutions are all very well in their way, but they will not build
a jolly-boat or equip a single rifle corps. We should like to see the
Imperial defences made impregnable, and to that end Colonial con-
tributions are necessary. Now that Australia and New Zealand have
weathered their own little crisis, they might come forward with cash
down."

Take again the following from The Belfast Evening Telegraph
of 30th Jan. : —

" We are ready for such au emergency, should it come our way,

jsm

[ U ]

but at what a cost to the people of the United Kingdom ! Not that
those who bear the burthen are so unpatriotic as to grudgingly dole
out the money necessary for the upkeep of our army and navy. No
sacriBct; would by most people be considered too great a price to pay
for the protection which these afford in the hour of danger, but the
question is being asked, Are we using our enormous resources to the
best advantage? . . . Our army and navy, with the exception
of the Indian and West Indian forces, may be said to be entirely
recruited at home, and supported by home taxation. The Colonies
share in the benefit and privileges which the possession of these
ensure, and they are prepared to participate in the outlay which their
upkeep renders necessary ; are prepared even to equip and man
military and naval forces of their own. In some measure the offer
has been accepted, but not to anything like the extent which probable
circumstances may ultimately be found to demand. We may with
justice, as with pride, lay claim to the possession of the greatest
empire on the face of the earth. Why not utilise its enormous
resources ; and why drain the British taxpayer with an ever-increasing
expenditure in times of depression,. when the no less loyal Colonist is
willing to share it with him ? "

Or this, from TAe Liverpool Daily Courier of the same date,
which supplements what goes before by pointing out how the
desired end is to be attained : —

" Sir Michael Hicks-Beach says that if Canada is' prepared to fight
for us, we must be ready to %ht for Canada. Quite so. The
sentiment is excellent. Just now — thanks to foreign bluster — it is
exceptionally warm, and it points towards the right goal. But the
thing required is a thorough organisation of all the resources of the
Empire. All the elements of invincible strength exist, but they need
form, order, and cohesion in a grand system of Imperial defence.

" ' The Colonies are ready to help the Mother Country.' This,
in reality, means that they are thoroughly willing. It is much to
be sure of that. But how could they help us ? Just at present no
one of them would be able to defend itself. A place, a duty, a pro-
portional obligation should rest on each. There is not the slightest
ground for supposing that any member of the great group is indisposed
to bear its share. But in order that any plan of Imperial defence
may be complete and effective a Council of the Empire is essential."

More recently The Whitehall Review said : —

" A writer in one of the magazines recently assured the people of
this country that the real bond of union with the Colonies ' consists in
mutual affections deeply felt, which are an assurance to ourselves, to
our sons in the Colonies, and to the whole world, that in the hour of
trial all British subjects will stand shoulder to shoulder for the defence
of the Empire.' An excellent sentiment this, but we must have some-
thing more practical than this ' shoulder to shoulder ' talk. What that
something ought to be seems clear enough to us, and the present
appears to be an extremely appropriate time for settling the matter.
The Government is now, if we are correctly informed, about to create

' t 14 ]

a new standard of strength for the Navy. Having determined that
standard, the constituent parts of the Empire should be invited to pro-
portionately defray one-third of the estimated annual future cost of the
Navy, the remaining two*thirds being borne by Great Britain. If any
of the Colonies declined to contribute, we should not, of course, dream
of coercing them to that end, but they should be given clearly to
understand that if they do not consider the protection afforded them
by the British fleet worth paying for, they must not expect it either in
peace time or during war."

In the Colonies also there is to be found some recognition
of the Necessity of following words by deeds. We have already
seen that the Canadian Government is alive to the necessity of
strengthening the defences of the Dominion, and it is a coinci-
dence, which we prefer to regard as pathetic rather than
ridiculous, that on the very same day that the cable gave us the
report of Mr. Foster's speech on the subject in Parliament, a
message came from Toronto to the efTect that —

"A number of captains of steamers on Lake Ontario held a
meeting here last night, and unanimously adopted a resolution
expressing their readiness to place their services at the disposal
of the Imperial Government should any occasion arise."

At about the same date, too, Mr. Seddon, the Premier of New
Zealand, was reported to have announced the pleasing intelligence
that that Colony was '* fully equipped to resist any invader " —
which may perhaps be news to the naval and military authorities
of the Imperial forces. And in order that the 15th and i6th
Jan. might everywhere be red-letter days in the calendar,
a Melbourne telegram of the latter date told us that —

" Yielding to pressure from experts, the Government has restored
the permanent artillery force manning the forts at Port Phillip Head
to the strength at which it stood before a retrenchment was made."

South Africa was too much occupied with its own share in the
crisis to join in the recent chorus. But it is noteworthy that the
expressions of readiness to act that came not long ago from that
quarter of the Empire showed more than any others an apprecia-
tion of the true nature of Imperial Defence, and a recognition of
what Colonial co-operation really means if it -is to be anything but
a sham. The three following extracts have already appeared in a
previous publication (No. 6) of this series ; but they are too
apposite not to be repeated here : —

[ 15 ]

" Cape Colony ought to, and could, in conjunction with the other
Colonies, contribute to the cost of the Imperial Navy." — The Hon.
Sir J. Gordon Sprigg, K.C.M.G.y Treasurer of Cape Colony, Sep-
tembery 1895.

" It is to the Navy that the Empire will look in time of need, and
the Colonies should contribute their share to the heavy expenditure
involved." — Cape Argus, August 13, 1895.

*• Not only have the aims and objects of the Navy League met
with hearty approval, but we have gone further and have confirmed the
principle {laid down by the Imperial Federation {Defence) Committee),
that the Colonists should in equity, as well as self-interest, contribute
to the cost of maintenance and further expansion of the Imperial
Navy by an annual subsidy." — The Mayor of Durban, Natal,
August 31, 1895.

Perhaps the most outspoken utterance on the Colonial side is
that in the Daily Northern Argus, a Queensland paper, which, in
a leading article on the Message of the Australian Governments to
Lord Salisbury, said : —

" To those who have a lively recollection of the debate upon, and
the difficulty Sir S. W. GritifAth experienced in passing, the necessary
enactment authorising the payment of Queensland's small share
towards the maintenance of the Australian Auxiliary Squadron, this
Colony's action in joining in such Message can only be regarded as a
thoughtless piece of impertinence. ' The people of Australasia,' says
the Message, 'are in full sympathy with the determination of the
Mother Country to resent any foreign interference in matters of British
and Colonial concern.' Surely this is a very cheap and tawdry piece
of sentiment coming from a people whose Legislature, but a few years
ago, flouted the Imperial Navy, and talked boastfully of the Imperial
duty to protect Queensland's commence on the deadhead principle.
Of course, there is to some extent a practical value in the sentiment
that blood is thicker than water, but an expression of it, at a time like
the present, comes with a very bad grace from a community who have
always claimed the advantages of the relationship in a very determined
spirit of economy. . . . Sentiment and fact show great inconsistency,
and Jingo telegrams are, under the circumstances, more ludicrous than
patriotic. . . . That eloquent orator, the late William Bede Dalley,
when Chief Secretary of New South Wales, said, * Britain's Fleet is
the instrument of power, and the symbol of her unity. British ships
of war are the safeguard of Colonial liberty, and the natural chain
which holds the scattered communities together. . . . ' But though
Mr. Dalley contributed the Soudan goat to the collection of the
Colony's curios. New South Wales has never dipped very deep in
her pockets for contributions to the support of the Imperial Navy.
Queensland through its public men has characterised any contribution
to the cost of Imperial defence as 'crushing out the natural life of the
Colony,' ' taxation without representation. ' It was said * that there was
a spirit of independence in Australia, and that they were quite able to
take care of their own interests,' and a lot more of what was doubtless
nonsense. But the fact remains that all Queensland could be induced
to pay towards the maintenance of the British Navy, as proof of what

[ i6 ]

it now cables as its ' united assurance of loyal support,' is ;^ 15,000 per
annum. For that contribution it expects the Imperial authorities to
be grateful. . . . Senseless inconsistency from a country too weak to

J)rotect itself, and too mean to pay for its protection, could scarce go
urther."

What, then, is lacking ? Let the answer be looked for from
the same source that has supplied both questions and answers
throughout this pamphlet — in quotations from recognised ex-
ponents of public opinion. The Liverpool Mercury said on
January 30th : —

"The enthusiasm with which the British Colonies rallied to the
side of the Mother Country, when she seemed to be left without one
friend in Europe, is possibly nothing more than an ebullition of
sentiment ; but it need not be despised on that account. It would be
unwise to count upon it for assistance in a time of actual danger, but
it would also be ungrateful to underrate their loyalty, for it must be
remembered that it has not been put to the test.

That is the key of the position. *' It has not been put to the
test." The Colonies, with all the willingness in the world, are
absolutely powerless to render substantial and effective aid to
Imperial Defence, because it is only by organisation that the
help they are ready to gi^e can be turned to account. To
create such organisation a complete scheme of common Imperial
Defence is necessary. Any such scheme can become operative
only after full consideration and discussion by the Governments
representing the various coyntries of the Empire that would be
called upon to take part in carrying it out. All concerned need
to be placed in complete possession of the requirements of Im-
perial Defence, as proptJy understood, and all must have an
opportunity of discussing the question from their several points
of view, to the end that the scheme to be adopted may have the
general agreement and consent of all. For this purpose the
obvious and, indeed, the only course to take is to summon an
Imperial Conference ad hoc. The readiness of the Colonies to
join in such a scheme " has not been put to the test," because
they have never been invited to come together and consider
one. Will the Queen's Government give them that invitation?
We hope and believe they will.

Copies 0/ these patnphUts may be obtained for distribution at the rate of %s. per hundred,
by application to the Hon. Secretary, who will also be glad to supply furtlier information
upon this subject and to receive promises of support on behalf of tlie Committee.

Address— 25, Old Queen Street, Westminster.

SUMMARY OF THE CASE.

The Royal Navy protects the Commerce of
the entire Empire. The value of
this commerce is ;^955,ooo,ooo

The Sea-borne Commerce of the United

Kingdom is ;{^62 5,000,000

The Sea-borne Commerce of the self-
governing Colonies is ;^ 146,000,000

Thus it will be seen that Colonial commerce forms ONE-
SEVENTH of the total trade of the Empire.

For the Naval protection of the trade of
the Empire there is paid an annual

sum of ;6^20,220,000

Of the above total, the United Kingdom

pays ;^20,000,000

Self-governing Colonies in North America,

Australasia, and South Africa, pay ;^220,ooo

Thus it will be seen that the Colonies, which possess ONE-
SEVENTH of the trade, contribute ONE- NINETIETH only
of the cost of protecting the trade. EIGHTY -NINE
NINETIETHS are contributed by the taxpayers of the
United Kingdom.

The following table shows the revenue and population
of the United Kingdom and the self-governing Colonies
respectively : —

REVENUE. I'OPULATION.

United Kingdom i^9 1,000,000 ... 38,000,000

Self-governing Colonies ;{;43,ooo,ooo ... 11,000,000
It will thus be seen that though the Colonies contribute
only ONE - NINETIETH part of the cost of the Naval
Defence of the Empire, their population is more than A
QUARTER of that of the United Kingdom, and that their
revenue is NEARLY half that of the United Kingdom.

Revenues and Taxation.

-«••■

"The Canadian Finance Minister has been
"able to show that since 1882 taxation had
"been reduced by 29 millions of dollars, or an
" average of about 2^ million dollars per annum ;
" and meeting Parliament with a sufficient sur-
"plus, the new tariff had further reduced the
"taxation by If million dollars per annum."— 81 r
CHARLES TUPPER, Bart., Q.O.M.Q., High Oommissioner for Canada,
Snd July, 1894.

"I may draw your attention to what the
" Be venue of New South Wales is. The direct
"land revenue in 1892 was £2,206,000— partly
" from rentals and partly from sales ; the revenue
"from the public services was £4,416,000, and
"from taxation £2,206,000; that is to say, of
"the total of ten millions sterling required for
"working the country, three-fourths came from
"public property and one-fourth from the tax-
" payer."— Lord CARRINQTON, Q.C.M.Q., late Governor §f New
South Wales, 10th April, 1894.

"I am bound to say, with reference to the
'financial condition of the country, that, in my
' belief, in the growth of the expenditure of the
'country [the United Kingdom] you have very
'nearly reached the limits of tolerable taxa-
' tion. . . ' . You have reached a point where
'you cannot afford to go on increasing the ex-
'penditure of the country at the rate at which
'you have been going on in recent years: and
'if you do go on, you will find yourself face
'to face with a burden of taxation which the
'country cannot and ought not to bear."— The
CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER, in the House of Commons,
2nd May, 1896.