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 NOTES 
 
 UPON THE 
 
 SO'TTH WSSTERN BOUNDARY 
 
 J'tKB 
 
 or 
 
 THE BRITISH PROVINCES 
 
 OF 
 
 LOWER CANADA AND NEW BRUNSWICK, 
 
 AND 
 
 THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 
 
 » V 
 
 tl{- 
 
 
 :=* '1 'I 
 
 I 
 
 
 PRINTED BY T. CARY & Co. 
 freemasons' hall. 
 
 18307 
 
 ■A I 
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 :it. 
 
NOTES 
 
 UPON THE 
 
 S)OUtf) iSSAeiiitern 3$ount](ai*p %m, 
 
 &c. &c. 
 
 X HE ])eriod of the determination of the great question 
 now pending between Great Britain and the United States 
 of America, concerning tiie Boundary Line, wliich is 
 hereafter to separate tlie Colonial possessions ot tlit- former 
 from the territories of the latter, in the long tract of country 
 stretclnng from the head of the Connecticut River to the 
 Bay of Fundy, is now fast approaching, and mens' minds 
 in this Province begin, at hist, to be awakened to the 
 important effects which the determination, liowever given, 
 must have upon the future fates of tlie country. 
 
 Much that is well worthy of perusal has already been 
 written in support of the right of Great Britain to the 
 territory in dispute. 
 
 There is, however, one part of (he subject which, it 
 wouhl seem, has not been so fully treated as would have 
 been desirable ; — i mean that part which relates to the 
 controversies which, from time to time, arose respecting 
 this Boundarv Line between the Eniflish and French 
 pos-iessions, whilst Canada belonged to the crown of France, 
 and the treaties by which those controversies were settled. 
 
A notion has been adopted by many, otherwise well 
 informed men, that in the present dlscnssions between 
 Great Britain and the United States of America, the 
 positions to be maintained by Great Britain, are the same 
 as those which France heretofore maintained without 
 success. Now, altliough it be true that the present 
 controversy cannot be rightly understood without a know- 
 ledge of the history of the controversies which preceded it, 
 still it differs essentially from the anterior controversies. 
 
 Conflicting titles are produced, and adverse possession 
 set up on the one side and on the other. In investigating 
 these opposite lines of title, we cannot be certain of 
 understanding the last title without first understanding 
 that which immediately precedes it, and so back until we 
 reach the first link of the chain, and with this we ought 
 to begin. The chronological order, always an useful aid 
 to the memory, cannot here be inverted without prejudice 
 to the judgment, nor can a single link of the chain be 
 with safety omitted. 
 
 This dry and humble, but necessary inquiry, can 
 probably be no where conducted with so much advantage 
 as in this country. It is intimately connected with the 
 early history of the Colony, and this must be sought for in 
 ancient travels and original documents, possessing no 
 where else the same interest, and no where else so easily 
 accessible. 
 
 The French settlements upon the North American 
 Continent long preceded those of England. 
 
 In 1506, Jean Denys, of Honfleur,* published a chart 
 of the coast of Newfoundland, and in 1508, a savage was 
 conveyed by a pilot of Dieppe, to France. But the first of 
 all the voyages made to North America with the view of 
 effecting settlements there, was unquestionably that of the 
 Baron de Lery and de St. Just, in 15l8.t He landed 
 cattle upon Sable Island in this voyage, whilst it was more 
 than a hundred years afterwards (A. D. 1621) that cattle 
 were first conveyed to New England. | 
 
 * Pastes thronologiqiiesdu Nonvean Monde, p. 13. 
 . t L'Escaiiot, p. 21. t Salmon, III. 536. 
 
! well 
 tweeii 
 I, the 
 i same 
 ithoiit 
 resent 
 know- 
 ded it, 
 sies. 
 
 session 
 gating 
 ain of 
 mding 
 itil we 
 ought 
 ful aid 
 ?judice 
 ain be 
 
 can 
 antage 
 th the 
 
 for in 
 ing no 
 
 easily 
 
 iencan 
 
 chart 
 |e was 
 
 irst of 
 jew of 
 lot the 
 landed 
 
 more 
 
 cattle 
 
 I 
 
 It is not necessary here to advert to the voyages of Jean 
 Vcrrazan to the southern parts of North Anjcrica, in the 
 years 1523, 1524, and 1525, nor to those in the same 
 direction of Laudonierc, Riband, and of the Chevalier 
 de Gourgues. Nor is it necessary for us to take any notice 
 of the voyage of Jaques Cartier, in J 534, and of his 
 settlement upon the north shore in 1335 ; nor of the first 
 appointment of a Lieutenant General in the countries of 
 " Canada, Hochelaga and iSaguenay, and others in 1540." 
 Our attention will be confined to the River and Gulf of 
 Saint Lawrence, and to the great Peninsula commencing 
 on the southern sljore of the Saint Lawrence, opposite 
 Quebec, and terminating at the mouth of the River St. 
 Croix, in the Bay of Fundy. 
 
 After the failure of an attempt to make a settlement at 
 Tadoussac, by the Sieur Chauvin, a French Protestant, 
 and after his death, about the year 1602, the Sieur de 
 Monts, who had made his first voyage with Chauvin, 
 formed the project of effecting a settlement more to the 
 southward.* The Sieur de Poitrincourt joined in this 
 enterprise. L'Escarbot, whom the Sieur de Poitrincourt 
 took with him to America on his second voyage, in 1606, 
 has given the history of these early settlements, whereof 
 he was, as it were, an eye witness, since Port Royal 
 (Annapolis) was only founded in 1605, and that he was 
 mainly accessary to the earliest advances of that Colony. 
 
 The letters patent nominating the Sieur de Monts Lieu- 
 tenant Geniral pour representer notre personne au Pays, 
 Territoi?'e, Cotes et Confins de V /icadie, a commencer des 
 le guarante-puatriime degrSjusqu an quarantc'sixieme bear 
 date the 8th November, 1603, and may be read in 
 L'Escarbot, p. 417. 
 
 As early as 1604, the Sieur de Monts fitted out two ships, 
 one intended to form a settlement within the limits of his 
 grant, in which he embarked with the Sieurs Champlain 
 
 * RIemoiiesdes Cominissaires du Roi, etdeceuxdeSa Majesty Britan- 
 nique sur les possessions et les droits respectifs des deux Couronnes en Ani^- 
 rique, I. 137— Champlain, part I. p. 42. 
 
I 
 
 and de Poitriiicourt, the other under the command of the 
 Sieur de Pont Gruv^, intended principally for the fur 
 trade.* 
 
 Upon the 6th May, 1604, they reached the coast of 
 Acadie at Port Rossignol, and thence sailini? coastwise, 
 they reached a port which they called Port au Mouton. 
 
 They thence went to Cape Sable and explored a large 
 Bay, which they denominated la Bale Franyoise, and which 
 is now known by the name of the Bay of Fundy. The 
 Port at the entrance of this Bay was from its signal beauty, 
 called Port Royal and the Sieur de Poitrincourt was so well 
 pleased with the situation that he solicited and obtained a 
 grant of land, there to settle with his family.t After going 
 out of Port Royal and exploring the Mines, thoy crossed 
 the Bay and arrived at the River St. John on the 24th of 
 June; leaving then that river, and sailing coastwise, they 
 came to the mouth of a river and settled on a small Island, 
 in it which they called St. Croix, a name which was after- 
 wards transferred to the river itself.J 
 
 The situation of St. Croix not being found advantageous, 
 it was determined to effect a new settlement at Port Royal, 
 and this was carried into effect in 1605. || 
 
 Another settlement was effected about the same time to- 
 wards the River Peiitagoet (Penobscot) by the Sieur de la 
 Sau8saye.il 
 
 The Colony not receiving much sup|)ort from France, 
 was feeble and unprosperous, but retained quiet possession 
 of the country. Against this Colony, in a time of profound 
 peace^ the expedition of Argal was directed. 
 
 He found it totally unprepared for defence. The Inha- 
 bitants who had assiduously and successfully cultivated 
 the friendship of the Indians, being restrained by no fear of 
 hostility from them, were scattered abroad in the woods, 
 engaged in ilieir several pursuits, and a Ship and Bark just 
 
 * Mem. des Comm. I. 137. 
 
 t L'Escarbot, p. 440. || L'Escarbot, 405, 496, Mem. Coins. 188. 
 
 i L'Escarbot, pp. 441et8eq. f Cbamplain, pt. I. p. 104an(lseq. 
 
 
ince. 
 
 Inha- 
 rated 
 lar of 
 >oci&, 
 Ijust 
 
 1S8. 
 leq. 
 
 arrived from France, ladpii with articles necessary for the 
 use of the Colony were surprised in port, and their cargoes 
 taken to u rimes Town. Argal left no garrison to keep pos- 
 session of the place, and after his departure, the French 
 who had only dispersed themselves among the Indians dur- 
 ing the continuance of danger, inunediately resumed their 
 former station. 
 
 The pretext for this predatory expedition was, that the 
 French by settling in Acadie had invaded the rights of the 
 English acquired by the first discovery of the continent.* 
 
 The voyages of discovery, made by the English and 
 French to the Coast of North America, had been nearly 
 contemporaneous, and they set up conflicting claims to 
 the territory, in 1603, Henry W. of France ( as has 
 already been seen ) granted to Do Monts a commission 
 as Lieutenant General over that pai t of America, which 
 lies between the 40th and 4Gth degrees of north lati- 
 tude, with powers to colonize and to rule it, and in 1606, 
 King James granted to the two Virginia Companies all that 
 territory which lie» between the 84th and 45th degrees of 
 north latitude, in consequence of which, in 1614, Captain 
 Argal attacked and dispersed the settlements made hy the 
 French on the Bay of Fundy. In 1620, James granted to 
 the Plymouth Company all that territory which lies between 
 the 40th and 48th degrees of north latitude, ano' in 1621, 
 he, as King of Scotland, granted to Sir William Alexander, 
 under the title of Nova Scoiia, with the consent of the Ply- 
 mouth Company, the country bounded on the North and 
 East and South by the River Saint Lawrence and the Ocean, 
 and on the West'by the River St. Croix. Under these dif- 
 ferent grants, actual settlements had been made by the 
 French as far South and West as the St. Croix, and by the 
 English as far North and East as the Kennebec or Connec- 
 ticut lliver. During the war with France, which broke 
 out in the commencement of the reign of Charles the First, 
 that Monarch granted a commission to Captain Kirk for the 
 conquest of the countries in America, occupied by the 
 French, and under that commission, in 1629, Canada and 
 Acadie were subdued ; but by the treaty concluded at St. 
 
 • Chalmcrs,~Hutchinson,— Masrhall's Life of Washington, vol. I. p. 54, 55. 
 
8 
 
 Ciorinaiii, tliosi' places wvvv restored to Fiance, witiiout any 
 (lesciintion of their limits, und Port Royal, Quebec and 
 Caj)e Breton were s(;verally surrendered by nanic.^ 
 
 The Treaty of St. Germain contained not a cession but a 
 restitution as will be seen on reference to the terms of 
 it. The circumstances accompanying (he negotiation of 
 this Treaty so far as Canada and Acadie are concerned, are 
 to be found as well in Charlevoix, vol. 1, page 173 and seq. 
 as ill the begining of the second book of the Historia Cana- 
 densis Creuxii. The letters Patent to William Alexander, 
 Karl of Stirling, were anterior to the Treaty of St. Germain, 
 his first Patent by James the First, being of the year 1621, 
 and his second by Charles the First, bearing date in J625, 
 whilst the treaty of St. Germain is of 1633. The descrip- 
 tion of Nova Scotia as given in these Letters Patent, is in 
 the following words : — 
 
 ii 
 
 Omnes et singulas terms continentes et insulas situatas 
 et jacentes in America^ intra Caput seu promontorium 
 " Commiiniter Cap de Sable appellatuniy jacens prope 
 " latitudinem quadraginta trium gradtawi aut eo 
 " circa ah equiuoctiali lined versus Septentrionem a quo 
 " promontorio versus littits maris tendens ad Occidentem ad 
 " Stationem navium Sanctce Marice vulgo Saint Mary^s 
 Bay, et deinceps versus Septentrionem per directam line - 
 am, introitum sive ostium magnce illius stationis navium 
 trqjicientem quoe excurrit in tertce Orientalem plagam 
 '^ inter regiones Suriquorum et Hecheminorum vulgo Sevri- 
 quois et Etchemins adjiuvium vulgo nomine Sanctce Cru- 
 cis appellatum, et ad scarturiginem remotissiman sive 
 fontem ex occidentali parte ejusdem, qui se primum 
 prcedicto jiuvio immiscet ; unde per imaginariam direc' 
 tarn lineam qute pergere per terram seu currere versus 
 Sejitentrionem concipietur ad proximam navium statio- 
 " nemfluvium vel scaturiginem in magno Jiuvio de Canada 
 sese exonerantem et ab eo pergendo versus Orientem pet 
 maris oras littor ales ejusdem Jluvii de Canada, ad fiuvi- 
 um^ stationem navium, portum aut littus communiter 
 nomine de Gachepe aut Gaspe notum et appellatum ; et 
 deinceps versus Euronotum ad Insulas Baccalaos vel 
 
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 Chalmers,- Hutchinson,— Marshall's Life of Washington, vol. 1. p. 103.4. 
 
9 
 
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 vel 
 
 103-4. 
 
 " Cape liretoH vocdftiSj refifKjuendo eusdem insulas (I dextrn 
 ** et voraginem dkti Jiuvii de Canada sirr mu^na^ stationiit 
 " naviuni et terras de Newfoundland cum insulis ad ensdem 
 " terras pertinentihus a sinistra et dvinceps ad Caput sivc 
 " proniontorium de Cap Breton prwdictum Jarens propc 
 " latitudineni (juudraginta quinrpie graduum ant eo circUf 
 ** et eL dicto promontorio de Cap Breton versus meridiem et 
 " occidentem ad prasdictum Cap de Sable nbi incepit peram- 
 ** bulatiOf includens et comprehendens intra prwdictas maris 
 eras littorales ac earum circumferentias h mart ad mar By 
 omnes terras continentes rmnjluminibusj torrentibus, si- 
 nibus, littoribus insulis, aut maribus /acentibusprope aut 
 infra sex leucas ad alitjuam earumdem partem, ex Occi- 
 " dentuli, boreali vel Orientali partibus orarum littora^ 
 Hum et prcecinctuum earumdem, et ab FAironoto nbi Jn- 
 ret Cap Breton, et e.r Australi parte ejusdem (nbi est Cap 
 de Sable) omnia Maria ac insulas versus meridiem intra 
 quadraginta leucas dictarum orarum littoralium earum- 
 dem, magnam insulam vulgariter appellatam Isle de 
 *' Sable vel Sablon includendo, jarentem versus Carban 
 " vulgo South South'East, circa triginta leucas a dicto 
 Cap Breton in mart et cxistentem in latitudine quadra- 
 ginta quatuor graduum aut eo circa.''* 
 
 In the Treaty of St. Germain there was a formal surrender 
 of all claim to the land described in the Earl of Stirling's 
 Patent, and it was to have been expected, that nothing more 
 would have been heard of that claim. 
 
 
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 However, " Colonial Historians (says Chalmers * ) with 
 an inattention or interestedness of which there are few 
 examples, have always insisted that, notwithstanding the 
 absolute restitution before mentioned, certain rights with 
 regard to ihat territory still remained in England ; and 
 her statesmen with a credulity and want of wisdom 
 equally unexampled, have implicitly adopted their senti- 
 *' ments.t But in what consists the justice or policy of 
 *^ preserving latent pretensions which cannot be defended by 
 *' candid discussion ? The law of nations reprobates what- 
 " soever contributes to disturb their repose ; and the present 
 
 • Chalmer's Political Annals of the Colonies, p. 93. 
 
 t This appears to liave been written before the American Revolution. 
 
 B 
 
 I 
 
 II- 
 
 H. 
 
1 
 
 10 
 
 '< generation has abundant cause to deplore that system of 
 " mistaken politics which entailed on this Realm contentions 
 " and debte, that posterity may possibly regret in vain." 
 
 No sooner was Acadie restored to France in 1632, than 
 her Sovereign granted to De Razilly, the lands around the 
 Bay and River of St. Croix. The Company of New France 
 conveyed, in 16.35, the territory on the Banks of the River 
 St. John to St. Etienne De La Tour, the General of that 
 Colony. Massachusetts as well as the other settlements of 
 New England beheld with regret the progress of the French 
 on the adjacent coast, and dreaded their ultimate success ; and 
 Sedgewick who was Commander in Chief of Cromwell's for- 
 ces in New England, was easily persuaded to attack a people, 
 whose religious tenets he detested, and whose country he 
 hated. He acquired Port Royal by Capitulation, in August 
 1654 ; giving to the Inhabitants liberty in their religion, and 
 security for their property, and on these conditions Acadie 
 soon after submitted to his power.* 
 
 After the conquest of the Peninsula of Nova Scotia by the 
 arms of Cromwell he issued his Letters Patent granting to the 
 Sieurs Charles de St. Etienne, Crowne and Temple the country 
 and territory called Acadie by the following description, ( as 
 given in the French translation of it contained in the '^ Memoi' 
 ** res des Commissaires du Roi, et de ceiix de Sa Mqjest4 Bri" 
 '* tannique sur les possessions et les droits respectifs des deux 
 " Couronnes en Ainerique" cited above.) " Le payset terri- 
 *^ toire appelle I'Acadieet partiedu paysnomme la Nouvelle- 
 " Ecosse depuis Merliguesche du cote de I'Est jusqu'au Port 
 etCap de la Heve rangeant les cOles de la mer jusqu'au 
 Cap de Sable, et dela jusqu'a un certain Port appelle le 
 Port la Tour, et a present nomme le Port VEsmeron, et 
 dela rangeant les cotes et Isles jusqu'au Cap et Riviere 
 Sainte Marie, rangeant les cotes de la Mer jusqu'au Port 
 Royal, etdela rangeant les cotes jusqu'au fond de la Baie, 
 et dela rangeant la diie Baie jusqu'au Fort St. Jean, et 
 '* de la rengeant toute la cote jusqu'a Pentagoet et Riviere 
 *^ St. George dans Mescourus, situe sur les confins de la 
 
 t< 
 
 * Chalmer's political Annals of the Colonies, pages 1S6>7. 
 life of Washington. 
 
 Marshall's 
 
 I 
 
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and 
 
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 iiviere 
 a Port 
 Baie, 
 tan, et 
 
 irshall's 
 
 I 
 
 11 
 
 " Nouvelle-Ano-leterre du c6te de TOuest et en dedans les 
 « terres tout le long des dites cdtes jusqu*a cent lieues de 
 ^' profondeur, et plu3 avant, jusqu'a la premiere habitation 
 '^ faite par les Flamans ou Fran9ois, ou par les Anglois de la 
 " Nouvelle-Angleterre." 
 
 In the month of November 1655 a treatywas made between 
 the two nations. France demanded the restitution of the 
 country which had been taken from her. The English Go- 
 vernment set up claims to this country. The decision of this 
 controversy was by the 25th Article of the treaty of West- 
 minster referred to Commissioners, but the question was only 
 ultimately settled by the treaty of Breda. The restitution of 
 Acadie and the other possessions of France in America, which 
 had been conquered by the English, was stipulated for by that 
 treaty made in 1667, and carried into effect in 1670. 
 
 The article of the treaty of Breda relating to the restitution 
 of Acadie is in the following words : — "Le ci-devant nomme 
 " Seigneur le Roi de la Grande-Bretagne restituera aussi et 
 " rendraaii ci-dessusnomm6 Seigneur le Roi Tres-Chretien, 
 ** ou a ceux qui auront charge et mandement de sa part, icelle 
 ** en bonne forme du Grand Sceau de France, le pays ap- 
 " P'elle r Acadie, situe dans TAmerique Sepientrionale, dont 
 *' le Roi Tres-Chretien a autrefois joui, etpour ex^cuter 
 " cette restitution, le sus-nomme Roi de la Grande-Breta- 
 gne incontinent apres la ratification dela presente alliance, 
 fourniraau sus-nomme Roi Tres-Chretien, tous les Actes 
 et Mandemens expedies duement et en bonne forme, ne- 
 cessaires a cet effect, ou les fera fournir a ceux de ses Mi- 
 nistres et Officiers qui seront par lui deldgues.'* 
 
 The Act of restitution of Acadie by the Crown of England 
 bears date the 17lh of February, 1667 — 8, and will be found 
 in the Appendix to this paper under the letter A. 
 
 Here then is a second restitution not cession of Acadie 
 which formed a portion of the territory comprised in the Let- 
 ters Patent of James the First, an.l Charles the First in favor 
 of Sir William Alexander. 
 
 In 1674 the Fort of Pentagoet was attacked by an English- 
 man with the crew of a Flemish shhp, and taken possession 
 
 
12 
 
 I 
 
 of, as well as that of Fort St. John. In 1680 some men 
 from Massachusetts seized upon the same Forts which they 
 abandoned, and the Baron of St. Castin who had repaired 
 thatof Pentagoet was summoned by the Governor of New- 
 England to evacuate it. 
 
 These acts of aggression were made the subject of loud 
 complaints on the part of the French Colonists, and the Bri- 
 tish Colonists on their part complained of similar acts of 
 aggression within their territories by the French Colonists. — 
 The war commenced anew between the two nations in 1 689, 
 and in the month of October, 1690; the English took Port 
 Royal and Chedabucto and summoned Quebec in the month 
 of October in the same year, 1690. The peace which was 
 re-established in 1697, restored tranquillity to America leav- 
 ing the belligerents in possession of the territories they had 
 there before the war. This treaty known by the name of the 
 treaty of Ryswick, like the two preceding treaties of St. Ger- 
 mains and Breda, contains a restitution to France of her 
 North American possessions generally, and under it the great 
 Peninsula of the River and Gulf of Saint Lawrence was res- 
 tored to that power. 
 
 This peace, however, was but of short duration, and the 
 war again commenced between the two nations in 1702. The* 
 treaty of Utrecht put an end to this war in 1713. By the 
 twelfth Article of this treaty His Most Christian Majesty 
 ceded and transferred to the Queen of Great Britain, Novam 
 Scotiam quoque sive Jlcadiam totam limitibus suis antiquis 
 comprehensam ut et Partus Regis urbem, nunc Annapolim 
 regiam diet am ceteraque omnia in istis regionibus, quce ab 
 iisdem terris et insulis pendent, Sfc. 
 
 It is not necessary at present to enter into the details of the 
 controversies which arose between the two States upon the 
 construction of this article of the treaty. 
 
 The original limits of Acadie, as established by the letters 
 patent to the SieurDe Monts, as Lieut. General of that Coun- 
 try and the adjoining countries, bearing date the 8th Novr. 
 1603, embrace the country between the 40th and 46th 
 degrees of latitude. The grant of the company of New- 
 France to Charles De St. Eticnne, SieurDe La Tour, Lieu- 
 
 u 
 oi 
 E 
 n; 
 
13 
 
 i 
 
 '. men 
 I they 
 )aii'e(l 
 
 New- 
 
 ■ loud 
 \e Bri- 
 cts of 
 sts. — 
 
 1689, 
 i Port 
 month 
 ;h was 
 I leav- 
 !y had 
 
 of the 
 t. Ger- 
 of her 
 e great 
 IS res- 
 
 nd the 
 ^. The* 
 By the 
 lajesly 
 Vovam 
 ntiquis 
 'ipolim 
 mce ab 
 
 of the 
 on the 
 
 letters 
 Coun- 
 Novr. 
 46th 
 New- 
 Lieu- 
 
 
 tenant General of Acadie, of the Fort of La Tour, on the 
 River St. John, bears date the II th February, 1638, and 
 contains a grant of Le Fort et habitation de la Tour situi 
 en la Riviere St. Jean en la Nouvelle France entre les 
 guarante-cinq et quarante-six digres de latitude, ensemble 
 les terres prochainement adjacentes it icelui dans I'entendue 
 de cinq lieues audessus, le long de la dite riviere, sur dix 
 lieues de profondeur dans les terres, <5fc, Sfc, tenir le tout en 
 Jief mouvant et relevant de Quebec, 6$c, 
 
 Difficulties having previously existed between M. De St. 
 Etienne and M. leCommandeur De Razilly, Lieut.Generalof 
 New France, who had settled upon, or near, the Bay of 
 Fundy, and held a grant of the River and Bay of St. Croix, 
 of twelve leagues in breadth and twenty leagues in depth, 
 His Most Christian Majesty Louis XIII. by a letter dated the 
 loth February, 1638, and addressed to Mr. De Razilly, de- 
 termines the limits of Mr. De Razilly's government and those 
 of Acadie, which letter was addressed to Mr. De St. Etienne 
 in the following words : — " Monsieur D'Aulnay Charnisay 
 *' — Voulant qu'il y ait bonne intelligence entre vous et le 
 Sieur de la Tour sans que les limites des lieux ou vous 
 avez a commander I'un et Tautre puissent donner sujet 
 de controverse entre vous; j'ai juge a propos de vous 
 faire entendre mon intention, touchant I'etendue des 
 dits lieux, qui est que sous I'autorite que j'ai donne a 
 mon cousin le Cardinal, Due de Kichelieu sur toutes les 
 terres nouvellement decouvertes par le moyen de la 
 navigation, dont il est Su»'intendant, vous soyez mon 
 Lieutenant General en la Cote des Etchemins, a prendre 
 depuis le milieu de la terreferme de la JSaie Francoise, en 
 tirant vers les Virginies, et Gouverneur de Pentagoet 
 et que la charge du Sieur mon Lieutenant G4n4ral en la 
 Cote d' Acadie soil depuis le milieu de la dite Baie Fran- 
 qoise jusqu'au detroit de Canseau, 8^"., Sfc* 
 
 The Sieur De La Tour was, on an accusation of keeping 
 up communications with foreign Protestants, arrested by 
 order of the Court of France and sent home, and the Sieur 
 De Charnisay succeeded in getting annexed to his govern- 
 ment in 1647, under the name of ** I'Acadie & confins," 
 
 * Menif des Codidi. et Pieces justificatives. 
 
 (S 
 
 f( 
 
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 tc 
 
 (C 
 
 (C 
 Cf 
 
 <e 
 
 (S 
 
 (t 
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 14 
 
 the two territories whereof one was known by the name of 
 Etchemins, and the other by that of Acadie. The Sieur De 
 Charnisay did more, for he obtained a grant of the country 
 which extends from Cape Canseau to Cape Rozier, at the 
 entrance of the Gulf of the St. Lawrence, which had never 
 before formed part of the government of the Etchemins nor 
 of that of Acadie ; but the King of France afterwards, in 
 the year 1634, made a grant of this latter tract to the Sieur 
 Denys.* 
 
 M. De Charnisay died in 1650, and the Sieur De St. 
 Etienne having exculpated himself from the charges made 
 against him, obtained letters patent not materially different 
 from those which had been granted to M. De Charnisay 
 in 1647. 
 
 It appears from the foregoing that the country designated 
 in the aforesaid letter to M. De Charnisay, by the name of 
 Acadie ; and the country designated in the commission of 
 1647 to M. De Charnisay, and likewise in the commission 
 to M. De St. Etienne, in 1651, in like manner designated 
 by the name of Acadie ; and the country designated by the 
 same name by Cromwell, in the grant toCrowne and Temple, 
 differed in their metes and bounds from each other, and that 
 they all differed, in their metes and bounds, from the country 
 described in the letters patent of James I. and of Charles I. 
 in favor of Sir Wm. Alexander, and there called Nova Scotia. 
 This ambiguity gave rise to long discussions between the 
 commissioners of the two powers, which could hardly end 
 otherwise than in a war. The English commissioners, on 
 the part of His Majesty, in two memorials presented to the 
 commissioners of His Most Christian Majesty, bearing 
 date the 21st September, 1750, and the 11th of January, 
 1751, claimed the whole country lying to the eastward of a 
 line running due north, from the mouth of the Kennebec, 
 and striking the St. Lawrence nearly opposite Quebec. — 
 On the other hand, the Governor General of Canada 
 encouraged the Acadians and Indians to remove from the 
 new possessions of Great Britain to the neighbouring estab- 
 lishments belonging to France, and furnished both with 
 
 Mem, des comm. 
 
15 
 
 provisions and clothes at an enormous expense id the 
 Government of France.* Great efforts were made, and 
 expenses incurred on both sides, to secure the alliance of 
 the Indians. The crisis was fast approaching, when it was 
 to be determined which of the two nations was to obtain the 
 ascendancy in the vast territory lying between the Gulf of 
 Mexico and the Gulf of St. Lawrence. 
 
 We now come to the war which ended in the conquest of 
 Canada, in 1759, and in its cession, in 1763. As early as 
 1749 the Marquis De La Gallissoniere, then Governor 
 Geueral of New France, began to act openly. He was 
 only relieved in the month of September in that year, and 
 1t)y that time all his orders had been given. 
 
 In the Spring he had sent a Colony to Detroit and had 
 established a garrison there. He had afterwards caused 
 other forts to be built ; those of " Bale des Puans, des 
 Scioux, de Toronto," afterwards called fort Rouille, and 
 that of the River de la Presentation. He had reinforced 
 the forts of Frontenac and Niagara. He had taken mea- 
 sures to transfer the Indian trade from the English fort of 
 Choueguen (now Oswego) to the French posts and forts. — 
 He had ordered all English who should be found trading 
 with the savages within the limits which he prescribed, to 
 be arrested, and several were so. 
 
 But the most important event which occurred in this year 
 was a solemn proclamation made by theMarquis De LaGalis- 
 soniere, in the name of the King of France, of the exclusive 
 rightof his Sovereign to the whole of Canada. He sent a 
 strong detachment, under the Sieur de Celeron, to determine 
 the limits of Canada, which he fixed at the River Ohio, then 
 called La belle riviere. He caused public and authentic 
 possession to be taken of that river in the name of the King 
 of France. He had planted on its banks, posts decorated 
 with his Ring's arms. He had boundaries planted, and 
 had attached to them medals in lead, which represented, 
 orrecalled to mind that event, with inscriptions establishing 
 
 * It is probable that the inhabitants of Madawaska are descended from 
 these Emigrants if not from older Settlers. 
 
 Mem. pour M, Bigot Intendt. de la Nouv. France. 
 
 I 
 
t.4 
 
 p. 
 
 16 
 
 the taking' possession. He thus declared implicitly that 
 the fort of Choueguen and some other English establish- 
 ments on "this side of the River Ohio were encroachments, 
 from which the English must either withdraw or be 
 expelled. 
 
 An idea may be formed of the astonishing efforts made 
 within the colony at that time, from some facts stated by 
 M. Bigot, then Intendant General of Canada, in his 
 defence upon an accusation of peculation preferred against 
 him after his return to France, on the conquest of this 
 country in 1739. 
 
 According to him, and he could have had no interest in 
 augmenting the amounts, the stores sent to Louisburg and 
 the Island of St. John, in 1750, amounted to 333,600 livres 
 15 sols and 8 deniers, and the expense for the posts at 
 the River St, John and Chediak for the same year was 
 297,389 livres 19 sols and 4 deniers. It appears in the 
 same memorial that there was sent to the River St. John, 
 in 1751, 800 barrels of flour and 100 barrels of pork by the 
 French Government. 
 
 The estimate by M. Bigot, for the expenses of the frontier 
 posts of Acadie, for the year 1751, amounts to 826,503 
 livres 9 deniers. The expense in that year at the post of 
 the point of Beau Sejour alone, for provisions distributed, 
 amounts to 60,000 livres. The expenses of 17.52 exceeded 
 those of 1751. 
 
 In 1753 the Marquis Du Quesne attempted to take anew, 
 possession of the River Ohio, and built several forts there. 
 The Sieur Marin, whom he sent thither with a numerous 
 body of men, built several forts in that country, and among 
 the rest, a fort to which the name of the Governor in Chie^ 
 was given. 
 
 M. Bigot states the expenses incurred for that expedition, 
 up to the 1st of October, 1753, at 2,658,230 livres 9 sols 
 and 4 deniers. He stated in his despatch of that month to 
 the French Minister, that he had informed the Marquis 
 Du Quesne that from the manner in which the expedition 
 was carried on, it would cost at least 3,000,000, to which 
 

 y that 
 ablish- 
 ments, 
 or be 
 
 s made 
 ted by 
 in his 
 Eigainst 
 of this 
 
 3rest in 
 irg and 
 livres 
 posts at 
 ar was 
 in the 
 t. John, 
 L by the 
 
 rontier 
 
 526,503 
 
 )ost of 
 
 buted, 
 
 ceeded 
 
 anew, 
 
 there. 
 
 Inerous 
 
 among 
 
 Chief, 
 
 ;dition, 
 9 sols 
 ►nth to 
 [arquis 
 idition 
 which 
 
 1 
 
 
 17 
 
 the General had answered. " que c'dtoit le sahit du Canada, 
 " et qu'on ne pouvoit s'en departir.'' Upon the operations 
 ending on the 1st of October, 17^3, and stated by M. 
 Bigot to have been paid, is not included the expense of a 
 detachment of 1040 men, who were to proceed under the 
 command of the confidential friend of M. Bigot, M. Pean, 
 to the Belle Riviere, nor tlie wages of the workmen in 
 digging the foundations of, and in building the forts, nor 
 tlie expenses of the transport of 18 or 20,000 quintals of 
 merchandize from Presqu'ile to the River aux Boeufs, a 
 distance of eight leagues, which was i;ffected on men's 
 backs. 
 
 In 1753 the same efforts were continued, and besides a 
 large issue of paper currency which was depreciated 30 
 per cent, M. Bigot drew Bills of Exchange on the French 
 Treasury, to the amount of three millions and a half. 
 
 The expenses in the years 1754 and 1755 of the French 
 Government, in carrying on their project of aggrandize- 
 ment in North America, were enormous. The Intcndant's 
 estimate for the French posts upon the Ohio alone, in the 
 year 1756, amounted to between two and three millions of 
 iivres. The estimate of the same officer, transmitted from 
 Canada to France on the 29th of August, 1758, for the 
 following year of 1759, amounted to from thirty-one to 
 thirty- three millions of livres. It appears that twenty-four 
 millions were actually drawn for before the taking of 
 Quebec, in September, 1759.* 
 
 The foregoing circumstances are adverted to for the 
 purpose of showing the character of the war which was 
 terminated by the treaty of 1763, containing a cession of 
 all the North American possessions of France 'o Great 
 Britain. It was a war of conquest on both sides, and one 
 wherein each party felt that the question of British or 
 French ascendancy in the North American continent would 
 be finally and irrevocably settled. The efforts made by 
 the British nation, and by the colonists of Great Britain, 
 corresponded with the magnitude of the object at stake, — 
 The detail of these need not here be entered into, contained 
 
 * Mem. pourM. Bigot, Intendt. de laNouv. France. 
 
! 
 
 IF 
 
 It 1 
 
 18 
 
 as they are in historical works in tlie possession of all. 
 There is one document however, of such great intrinsic 
 merit, and disclosing so fully and distinctly the views 
 entertained by the leading men in the English North 
 American Colonies of that day, respecting the controversy 
 which was just about to be settled by the ultima ratio regum, 
 that I cannot forbear to advert to it. 
 
 It is entitled " A memorial, stating the nature of the 
 " service in North America, and proposing a general 
 plan of operations as founded thereon," and is to be 
 found in the appendix to a work of Governor Pownal, 
 entitled " The Administration of the British Colonies." 
 This document is the more important when it is recollected 
 that the map, commonly called M itchelPs map, was com- 
 piled by the direction of, and from materials furnished by 
 the author of this paper, and published about the same time 
 that this paper was written. — It was, in fact, a war map. 
 
 
 
 The treaty of 1763 left Great Britain sole and undisputed 
 master of all the territory on this side of the Mississippi.— 
 The French division lines came to be obliterated. They 
 were, in the language of the civilians, destroyed per 
 confusionetn. 
 
 It became, then, necessary to establish new provincial 
 lines of division of the conquered territories. 
 
 By the proclamation of 1763, " The government of Que- 
 bec is bounded on the Labrador coast by the River Saint 
 John, and from thence by a line drawn from the head 
 of that river, through the lake Saint John, to the south 
 end of the lake Nipissim ; from whence the said line, 
 crossing the River Saint Lawrence, and the lake Cham- 
 plain in forty-five degrees of north latitude, passes along 
 the high lands which divide the rivers that empty them- 
 '^ selves into the said River Saint Lawrence from those 
 '* which fall into the sea ; and also along the north coast of 
 " the Bay des Chaleurs, and the coast of the Gulf of Saint 
 *' Lawrence to Cape Rosier, and from thence crossing the 
 " mouth of the River Saint Lawrence, by the west end of 
 *^ the Island of Anticosti, terminates at the aforesaid River 
 
 a 
 a 
 
 i 
 
 <( 
 
 Saint John. 
 
19 
 
 all. 
 
 Que- 
 Saint 
 head 
 outh 
 line, 
 
 Biain- 
 long 
 
 ■lem- 
 hose 
 St of 
 aint 
 the 
 dof 
 Liver 
 
 \ 
 
 There can be no doubt as well i'rom the tenor of this 
 proclamation as from other evidence, tiiat the intention of 
 His Majesty's Government, at that time, was to assimilate 
 the new acquisitions on this continent, in religion, laws, 
 and government, to the other dominions of Great Britain 
 in North America. 
 
 It has so often been asserted that Great Britain was 
 restricted by the terms of the capitulation, from changing 
 the old laws of the country, that many believe such to be 
 the case. But this is an error ; as may be seen upon 
 referring to the capitulation itself. 
 
 It was expected that the conquest of Canada would secure 
 the tranquillity of the North American possessions of England. 
 The very contrary of this happened, and the prediction of 
 the Due de Choiseul, and of Burke was verified. France, no 
 longer skirting our old colonies with her well ordered line 
 of posts, and the warlike Indian tribes of this continent, 
 over which she possessed unlimited control, the internal 
 discontents of the colonies, ceasing to be compressed by a 
 powerful external enemy, burst forth with encreased 
 violence. — Great Britain had incurred an enormous 
 expense during the war of 1739, and was desirous of being 
 refunded some portion of it by the colonies. But the 
 colonies themselves had also made immense sacrifices both 
 in men and money. — " When Mr. Grenville began to form 
 his system of American revenue, he stated in the House of 
 Commons, that the colonies were then in debt two million 
 six hundred thousand pounds sterling money ; and was of 
 opinion they would discharge that debt in four years. In 
 this state, those untaxed people were actually subject to 
 the payment of taxes to the amount of six hundred and 
 fifty thousand pounds a year. In fact, however, Mr. 
 Grenville was mistaken. The funds given for sinking the 
 debt did not prove quite so ample as both the colonies and 
 he expected. The calculation was too sanguine; — the 
 reduction was not completed till some years after, and at 
 different times in different colonies." 
 
 The plan of taxing the Colonies for a revenue to be levied 
 under the authority of the Imperial Parliament and to be ap- 
 
 Burke. 
 
 u 
 
I» 
 
 
 
 i^ 
 
 I 
 
 !|: 
 if 
 
 lii)? 
 
 ao 
 
 plied to imperial purposes by it, was first attempted to be 
 carried into etfect by Mr. Grenville*8 Act of 1767. The dis- 
 contents produced by this measure and the general fermen- 
 tation in the old Colonies seem to have induced a change in 
 the views of England relative to the new acquisitions on this 
 continent. In the rupture which it was easy now to see 
 must take place, the probability was, that these latter would 
 remain faithful to Great Britain. To assimilate the new 
 acquisitions to the old ones would facilitate their union with 
 the old Colonies. To secure to the new subjects their laws 
 and religion was calculated at once to alienate them from 
 the other colonies and to attach them to Great Britain. — 
 Such seems to have been the motive of the provisions of 
 the 14th of the King, relative to the old laws and religion 
 of the mass of the inhabitants of the then Province of 
 Quebec. 
 
 The first public document in which we can trace the 
 operation of these new views of policy is in a Report made 
 in 1769 by His Excellency Brigadier General Carleton, the 
 Governor in Chief of the said Province to His Majesty in 
 Council, concerning the administration of the laws and the 
 state of justice in the said Province, which suggests to His 
 Majesty the reviving of the whole of the French laws in 
 civil matters. 
 
 The French settlements could not be considered as ex- 
 tending below the Bay des Chaleurs. There was no reason 
 then of Policy or Justice to extend the French laws in that 
 direction beyond that Bay ; leaving all beyond it towards 
 the Gulf to the Province of Nova Scotia. The boundaries 
 of the Province of Quebec as given in the 14th of the King 
 are as follows : 
 
 (( 
 
 (C 
 
 te 
 
 ec 
 
 te 
 <i 
 i( 
 
 All the territories, islands and countries in North 
 America, belonging to the Crown of Great Britain, 
 bounded on the south by a line from the Bay of Chaleurs 
 along the high lands which divide the rivers that empty 
 themselves into the River Saint Lawrence, from those 
 which fall into the sea, to a point in forty-five degrees 
 of northern latitude, on the eastern Bank of the River 
 Connecticut, keeping the said latitude directly w«st 
 
SI 
 
 (( 
 (( 
 
 (< 
 
 (. 
 
 " through the lake Chainplain, until in the same lati- 
 tude, it meets the River Saint Lawrence ; from thence 
 up the eastern bank of the said river to the Lake 
 Ontario, thence through the Lake Ontario, and the 
 river commonly called Niagara, and thence along by 
 " the eastern and south-eastern bank of Lake Erie, fol- 
 *^ lowing the said bank, until the same shall be intersected 
 '^ by the northern boundary, granted by the Charter of the 
 " province of Pensylvania, in case the same shall be so 
 " intersected, and from thence along the said northern and 
 " western boundaries of the said province, until the said 
 '^ western boundary strikes the Ohio ; But in case the said 
 ^' bank of the said Lake shall not be found to be so inter* 
 *' sected, then following the said bank until it shall arrive 
 •* at that point of the said bank which shall be nearest to 
 " the north-western angle of the said Province of Pensyl- 
 vania, and thence by a right line to the said north- 
 western angle of the said province, and thence along the 
 western boundary of the said province, until it strikes 
 the River Ohio, and along the bank of the said river, 
 westward, to the banks of the Mississippi, and 
 ** northward to the southern boundary of the territory 
 *^ granted to the merchants ac/venturers of England, trad- 
 *^ ing to Hudson's Bay, and also all such territories, islands 
 *' and countries which have, since the tenth of February, 
 " one thousand seven hundred and sixty-three, been made 
 part of the Government of Newfoundland, be, and they 
 are hereby, during His Majesty's pleasure, annexed to, 
 and made part and parcel of the Province of Quebec, as 
 created and established by the said Royal Proclamation 
 *^ of the seventh of October, one thousand seven hundred 
 *' and sixty-three." 
 
 The Royal Commission which was about the same time 
 granted to Montague Wilmot, Esq. appointing him Captain 
 General and Governor in Chief over the Province of Nova 
 Scotia, thus describes the limits of that Province, namely : 
 
 « 
 cc 
 
 cc 
 
 cc 
 
 cc 
 cc 
 cc 
 
 m 
 
 cc 
 cc 
 
 cc 
 
 " To the northward, our said province shall be bounded 
 by the southern boundary of our province of Quebec, as 
 far as the western extremity of the Bay des Chaleurs ; 
 to the eastward by the said bay and the Gulf of Saint 
 
!l 
 
 ■, ii 
 
 22 
 
 Luwrf'ncc, &c. and to tlie westward, altlunji»li our said 
 province liatli anciently extended, and dotli of right 
 extend, as far as the River Fenia^oet, or Penobscot ; it 
 shall be bounded by a line drawn troni Cape Sable across 
 the entrance of the Bay of Fundy to the mouth of the 
 River St. Croix, by the said river to its source, and by a 
 line drawn due north from thence to the southern 
 boundary of our Colony of Quebec." 
 
 But as well the line running from Cape Rosier to the 
 height of land, as the line running from the Bay des 
 Chaleurs to the height of land, are partition lines, only as 
 between the Province of Nova Scotia and the Province of 
 Quebec. 
 
 it 
 
 t( 
 tt 
 
 (( 
 
 I proceed now with the main subject. The unfortunate 
 war of the revolution is known to us all : and I pass over to 
 the next great epoch in this inquiry, which is the treaty of 
 peace between Ureat Britain and her old colonies, con- 
 cluded at Paris in the year 1783. 
 
 The main end and object of that treaty, was the 
 recognition by Great Britain of the independence of 
 her old colonies as a separate nation, with all the 
 powers and rights incident to sovereignty. The sub- 
 ordinate provisions of the treaty must, then, be looked 
 at in relation to this, its great end and object. To recog- 
 nize the old colonists as sovereigns of their own possessions, 
 was one thing; to surrender the new acquisitions of Eng- 
 land to the newly erected State, would have been another. 
 The war, so far as the colonies were concerned, had never 
 been a war of conquest; it was a war of principle. And if 
 it could by any means be looked upon as a war of conquest, 
 it had in that view entirely failed, for the American arms 
 had been repelled from the new possessions of England. — 
 These new possessions had remained faithful to their 
 Sovereign. A demand made to Great Britain, of a surren- 
 der of a portion of her undoubted territories and an 
 abandonment of her faithful subjects in these colonies, 
 was one which if made, would have been instantly reject- 
 ed as an indignity. 
 
23 
 
 the 
 e of 
 the 
 sub- 
 oked 
 icog- 
 ions, 
 ng- 
 her. 
 ever 
 ndif 
 uest, 
 arms 
 d.— 
 heir 
 ren- 
 ati 
 nies^ 
 
 The most rosti'icf/^d claim of Grent Uritain emhrnced 
 tlieSt. Croix. The French, wlioin they now represented, 
 for n long time claimed to the Kennebec. The Penobscot, 
 or IVntagoc't, as it is called by the Frencli, was also long in 
 controversy between the two nations, and it is believed that 
 it will be found that the French settlements upon the 
 Penobscot are anterior to the English. This is probably 
 the reason why we find ihe Penobscot in discussion^ as a 
 boundary botwccn the two countries, both at the treaty of 
 1783, and at the treaty of Ghent. The American negoci- 
 ators of the trcaly of i783, themselves, felt the force of 
 these obvious reasons. Mr. Adams, one of the negociators 
 of that treaty, in his examination before the commisBioners, 
 under the fifth article of the treaty of 1794, for determining 
 the true St. Croix, produced in evidence on this occasion 
 by the American agent, states as follows: — " The British 
 commissioners first claimed to Piscata(;[ua River, then to 
 Kennebec, then to Penobscot, and at length to St. Croix, 
 as marked on MitchelTs map. One of the American 
 Ministers at first proposed the River St. John, as marked 
 on MitchelTs map, but his colleagues observing that as 
 the River St. Croix was the river mentioned in the 
 charter of Massachusett's Bay, they could not justify 
 insisting on the St. John as an ultimatum, he agreed with 
 them to adhere to the charter of Massachusett's Bay." 
 
 tt 
 
 « 
 
 t( 
 if 
 t{ 
 
 Again in the secret journals of the old Congress, most 
 opportunely published in Boston, in August J 821 ; we find 
 the instructions of Congress to their Commissioners for re- 
 gulating the treaty of 17S3, including an original project 
 of the article respecting boundaries from which the follow- 
 ing are extracts :— " these States are bounded north by a 
 " line to be drawn from the north-west angle of Nova 
 *' Scotia, along the highlands which divide those rivers, 
 " that empty themselves into the River Saint Lawrence, 
 " from those which fall into the Atlantic Ocean to the north- 
 " westermost head of Connecticut River. " The southern 
 boundary is made to terminate as in the definitive treaty by 
 a line " drawn along the middle of St. Mary's River to the 
 ♦* Atlantic Ocean." 
 
 I 
 
 
 
Ili 
 
 i^ 
 
 >■ \i- 
 
 <l 
 
 24 
 
 The description continues " east by a line to be drawn 
 ** along the middle of St. John's River from its source to 
 *' its mouth, in the Bay of Fundy, comprehending all 
 " Islands, &c, " as in the definitive treaty describing 
 the points where the boundaries " respectively touch the 
 " Bay of Fundy and the Atlantic Ocean." 
 
 The object of Great Britain, as well in the treaty of 
 Utrecht as in the treaty of J 783, so far as regards this 
 territory seems to have been to secure the Fisheries 
 upon its coasts, and this object was fully attained by taking 
 the St. Croix as the boundary. The Marquis De La Galis- 
 soniere, than whom no man was better acquainted with the 
 public affairs of this continent, in his diy informs us, that 
 such was the object of the treaty of Utrecht, in the twentieth 
 article of the memorial of the Commissioners of His Most 
 Christian Majesty, upon the limits of Acadie, signed by him- 
 self and Mr. De Silhouette, and bearing date the 4th Octr. 
 1751, says: — " II est ais^ de reconnoitre que I'objet 
 principal des Anglois au traits d'Utrecht ^toit de s*assu- 
 rer de la p^che ; c'est dans cet esprit que TAngielerre 
 se fit ceder I'Jble de Terre-Neuve, c'est aussi dans le 
 m^me esprit qu'elle se fit c^der TAcadie ; et que pour 
 donner plus de faveur surtout aux p^ches de la Nouvelle 
 Angleterre, ellestipulala jouissance exclusive des Bancs 
 qui sont situes vis-a-vis les cotes d'Acadie, et qui sont 
 extremement abondans en poisson. Ce dernier objet se 
 trouvoit rempli par la cession de I'Acadie, telle qu'elle 
 a et^ ddsign^e dans le cours de ce mdmoire, a qui puisse 
 convenir cette p^che exclusive ; ni la c6te des Etchemins, 
 ni aucune de celles du Golfe Saint Laurent, n'ont des 
 Bancs a leur sud-est, sur lesquels on puisse p^cher." 
 
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 The point of departure once settled, the next subject of 
 discussion would be the direction of the line. The first 
 mention, which I find made of this line is again in the 
 Marquis De La Galissoni^re's memorial 5 it is in the fol- 
 lowing words : 
 
 (( 
 
 L'objection d'incertitude sur ces limites, ne peut done 
 '^ tombcr que sur celles de I'inte'rieur des terres ; et cette 
 " decision est une preuve de Texactitude et la bonne foi 
 
II 
 
 >y 
 
 25 
 
 " que les Commissaires du Roi se sont proposd d*apporter 
 " an r^glement des limites^ puis que ce qu'ils auroient pu 
 " marquer h. cet ^gard, auroit ^t^ arbitraires, n'y ayant 
 " jamais eu dans le fait aucuues liinites etablies dans cette 
 " partie^ et c'est Ik pr^cisement Tobjet de ce quiestk re« 
 " gler entre les Commissaires respectifs. 
 
 " Dans de pareils cas, la r^gle la plus usit^e et la plus 
 '^ convenable, est d'^tendre les limites dans Tinterieui* des 
 " terres, jusqu'a la source des rivieres qui sedechargent k 
 '* la cote, c'est-a-dire ; que chaque nation a de son c6t6 
 " les eaux pendantes ; c'est ainsi qu'on en a use a la paix 
 " des Pyrenees, pour fixer les limites entre la France et 
 '* TEspagne ; et si les Commissaires du Roi connoissoient 
 '* une r^gle plus equitable, ils la proposeroient aux Com- 
 ** missaires de Sa Majeste Britannique/' 
 
 The article of the treaty of 1783 which relates to this line 
 of boundary U the 2nd article, and it provides as follows : 
 '* That all disputes which might arise in future on the 
 subject of the boundaries of the United States maybe 
 prevented ; it is agreed and declared, that the following 
 are and shall be their boundaries, viz : from the north- 
 *' west angle of Nova Scotia, viz : that angle which is form- 
 ed by a line drawn due north from the source of the St. 
 Croix River to the highlands, along the said highlands 
 " which divide those rivers, that empty themselves into 
 *^ the River Saint Lawrence from those which fall into the 
 '' Atlantic Ocean to the north-westernmost head of Connec- 
 *' ticut River, thence down along the middle of that river, 
 ^' to the 45th degree of north latitude, from thence by a line 
 ^* due west on said latitude, until it strikes the River Iro- 
 puois or Cataraquy." 
 
 The southern boundary is terminated " by a line down 
 along the middle of St. Mary's River to the Atlantic 
 " Ocean." The boundary is continued " east by a line to 
 '* be drawn along the middle of the River St Croix from its 
 " mouth in the Bay of Fundy to its source, and from its source 
 " directly north to the aforesaid highlands which divide 
 *• the rivers that fall into the Atlantic Ocean from those 
 '^ which fall into the River Saint Lawrence, eomjjfvehefkd' 
 
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 ing all islands within twenty leagues of any part of the 
 '* shores of the United States, and lying between lines to 
 be drawn due east from the points where the aforesaid 
 boundaries between Nova Scotia on the one part, and 
 *' East Florida on the other, shall respectively touch the 
 " Bay of Fundy, and the Atlantic Ocean, excepting such 
 ^* islands as now are, or heretofore have been within the 
 " limits of the said Province of Nova Scotia." 
 
 The next public document to be looked at is the treaty 
 between Great Britain and the United States of America, 
 made on the 19th of November, 1794. The fifth article of 
 that treaty is to the following effect : — " Whereas, doubts 
 have arisen, what river was truly intended under the 
 name of the River St. Croix, mentioned in the said 
 treaty of peace, and forming a part of the boundary 
 therein described, that question shall be referred to the 
 final decision of commissioners to be appointed in the 
 following manner, viz. : — 
 
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 " One commissioner shall be named by His Majesty, 
 and one by the President of the United States, by and 
 with the advice and consent of the Senate thereof, and 
 the said two commissioners shall agree on the choice of 
 a third ; or if they cannot so agree, they shall each 
 propose one person, and of the tw^o names so proposed, 
 one shall be drawn by lot in the presence of the two 
 original commissioners; and the three commissioners so 
 appointed, shall be sworn, impartially to examine and 
 " decide the said question according to such evidence as 
 " shall respectively be laid before them, on the part of the 
 " British Government and of the United States. The said 
 " commissioners shall meet at Halifax, and shall have power 
 " to adjourn to such other place or placesasthey shall think 
 " fit. They shall have power to appoint a secretary, and 
 '^ to employ such surveyors or other persons as they shall 
 " judge necessary. The said commissioners shall, by a 
 " declaration under their hands and seals, decide what 
 " river is the River St. Croix, intended by the treaty. — 
 '* The said declaration shall contain a description of the 
 '* said river, and shall particularize the latitude and 
 <* longitude of its mouth and of its source. Duplicates of 
 
)()wer 
 
 think 
 
 , and 
 
 shall 
 
 by a 
 
 what 
 
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 27 
 
 " this declaration, and of the statements of their accounts, 
 •* and the journals of their proceedings, shall be delivered 
 ** by them to the agent of His Majesty, and to the agent 
 " of the United States, who may be respectively appointed 
 " and authorized to manage the business on behalf of the 
 *' respective governments ; and both parties agree to con- 
 " sider such decision as final and conclusive, so as that 
 " the same shall never thereafter be called into question, 
 " or made the subject of dispute or difference between 
 " them/' 
 
 Soon after the making of this treaty, Thomas Bar- 
 clay, Esquire, on the part of His Majesty, and David 
 Howell, Esquire, on the part of the United States, 
 were named commissioners to carry the above clause into 
 effect. In 1796 Egbert Benson, Esquire, a Judge of the 
 Supreme Court of the State of New York, was appointed 
 as an umpire by the mutual agreement of both commis- 
 sioners to settle a question which it seems had arisen whether 
 the Iliver St. Croix, mentioned in the foregoing treaties, 
 was the river now known by the name of the Magaguada- 
 vie as was contended on the part of the United States, or 
 the river now known by the name of the River Schoodic as 
 was urged on our part. The umpire determined, that the 
 River Schoodic was the true St. Croix. 
 
 A new difficulty arose, after ascending the St. Croix for 
 about five and twenty miles ; at that distance two streams are 
 met with, the one from the westward, taking its source in 
 the Crooked Lake and running through a succession of 
 large lakes, commonly called the Schoodic Lakes ; the other 
 taking its source in a lake called Grand Lake, and empty- 
 ing itself at the same point, as the waters proceeding from 
 the Schoodic Lakes at a distance as was mentioned before 
 of about 25 miles from the mouth of the St. Croix. The 
 American commissioner contended, that the latter branch 
 of the St. Croix was that branch at whose head waters the 
 point of departure was to be taken, whilst on the other hand 
 the commissioner named by Great Britain, urged, that the 
 point of departure could not be any other than the highest 
 waters of the westernmost source of the St. Croix. 
 
 It is somewhat surprisingf^ that such a claim should have 
 
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 been at all set up by the American commissioner. The St. 
 Croix being the westernmost boundary of Nova Scotia, it's 
 westernmost waters were alone to be looked at. Again, in 
 the original letters patent to Sir William Alexander, the 
 western branch of the St. Croix is expressly named as the 
 boundary of the Province of Nova Scotia. The words in 
 this patent it will be recollected are " ad fluvium vulgo no- 
 " mine Santae Crucis appellatum, et ad scaturiginem re- 
 " motissimam sive fontem ex Occidentali parte, ejusdem 
 *• qui se primum praedicto fluvio immiscet." Other reasons 
 might be added, but it is sufficient to say, that at the expi- 
 ration of two years from the time when the difficulty was 
 first started, ( A. P. 1798, ) a decision was made by the 
 umpire^ rejecting, as might have been expected, the Ame- 
 rican pretensions upon this score. 
 
 For this we have the authority of a writer who has 
 published a pamphlet on this subject under the signature of 
 Verax, who evidently had access to the original documents of 
 the commission, and could not have been mistaken upon a 
 point of such vital importance. His words in his first letter 
 are as follows : 
 
 " The next year after this treaty was concluded, viz. in 
 " the year 1784, a part of the ancient Province of Nova 
 " Scotia, bordering on the United States, was erected into 
 " the Province of New Brunswick, and settlements were 
 *' made by the King's subjects, at St. Andrews, and on the 
 River Schoodic, as being the St. Croix, and the boun- 
 dary of the treaty. The Americans soon set up a claim 
 to the River Magaguadavic, as the St. Croix ; and the 
 treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation, made in the 
 year 17^4, commonly called in the United States, Jay's 
 treaty, provided for settling this question by a board of 
 three commissioners. By the provisions of this treaty, 
 one commissioner was to be appointed by each govern- 
 ment, and the two commissioners so appointed, were to 
 agree in the choice of a third ; or if they could not agree, 
 each was to propose one person, and of the two names so 
 proposed, one was to be drawn by lot, in the presence of 
 the two original commissioners. In this instance, the 
 two Qi%i^T cofnj9xssM)iȣrs did Bgve^ m ih^ choice of a 
 
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 7 
 
 *' third. A Judge of the Supreme Court of the State of 
 New York, and a man whose character stood high for 
 talent and integrity ; it being probably thought more 
 adviseable by the Britisli commissioner, to select, by mu- 
 " tual choice, an individual whose character was known to 
 " him although a citizen of the United States, than to trust to 
 *' the nomination of a third commissioner, and thus, in all 
 " probability, the decision of the controversy entirely to 
 " chance.— This was in the year 1796. The discussions 
 ** before three commissioners were continued until the 
 " Autumn of J798 ; the Magaguadavic being throughout, 
 " most strenuously insisted upon as the true Hiver St. 
 " Croix, on the part of the United States. The result in 
 ^' the first instance was, at the time, well understood to be, 
 " that the third commissioner, who was, in fact, the 
 ** umpire, expressed himself satisfied that the British claim 
 " was fullif established to the River Schoodic, as the River 
 ^' St, Croix, truly intended hy that name in the treaty of 
 " 1783, and to the western branch op that river, as 
 <« THE TRUNK AND MAIN RIVER ; the Original commissioner 
 ** expressing himself to be of a different opinion." 
 
 It would seem, that after so giving his opinion, the 
 commissioners and umpire were all fundi officio, and 
 that it remained only to place the boundary stone, indicat- 
 ing the point of departure at the head waters of the western- 
 most source of the Schoodic Iliver. This was not done. 
 
 It is certain, that the boundary mark of the point of 
 departure was fixed at the highest waters of the northernmost 
 source of the Schoodic River. It is from this fata) source, that 
 all the difficulties, which for the last 35 years have embarrass- 
 ed the settlement of this most important question have risen. 
 It is this, and not any ambiguity in the treaty of 1783 which 
 has protracted for so many years and still keeps nnsettle<l a 
 negociatioji, which if the point of departure had been pro- 
 perly placed at the highest head waters of the westernmost 
 source of the Schoodic, either would not have been at all 
 nacessary, or must have been settled in six months ; and 
 this is the next part of the enquiry to which I shall proceed. 
 
 But before doing so I would beg leave to state this occur- 
 rence in the words of the author of Verax, and also in those 
 
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 11 
 

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 30 
 
 of the author of a pamphlet published in London, in 1826, 
 entitled, " Considerations of the Claims and Conduct of 
 «' the United States respecting the North Eastern Boundary, 
 " and of the the value of the British Colonies in North 
 " America.— London, 1826." 
 
 Theformer of those writers goes on to say : " The third 
 commissioner however, placed the source of the river, 
 " which the treaty required to be particularized, at the 
 " mouth of the easternmost of the Schoodic Lakes, where 
 he seems to have considered it as losing the form 
 of a river. This point is situate about five or six miles 
 above the confluence of the Cheputnaiicook with the 
 main river, and on a meridian several miles to the east- 
 ward of the source of the Cheputnaticook. In this state 
 of things, it was proposed by the American agent, b^ 
 way of accommodutiony to adopt the extreme northern 
 source of the Cheputnaticook, or northern branch of the 
 Schoodic, as the source of the St. Croix. The induce- 
 ment to this proposal, on his part, was said to be to save 
 to the state of Massachusetts, certain grants of land that 
 had been made by that state between the western and 
 '^ northern branches of the Schoodic ; and as this proposal 
 ^* placed the source of the St. Croix on a meridian consi- 
 *^ derably to the westward of the point named as the source 
 ^^ of the river by the third commissioner, it was acceded 
 to on the part of His Majesty, and brought about what 
 was evidently a very desirable object — an unanimous 
 *' decision of the three commissioners, who accordingly, by 
 " their declaration, established the River Schoodic, and the 
 '^ northern branch of that river to its source, as the River 
 St. Croix, truly intended in the treaty of 1783. The 
 declaration of these commissioners, is thus spoken of by 
 the President of the United States, in his speech to 
 Congress, December 8th, 1798. This decision, it is 
 understood, will preclude all contention among indi- 
 vidual claimants, as it seems that the Schoodic, and its 
 northern branch, bound the grants of lands which have 
 " been made by the respective adjoining governmeBts. 
 
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 " I have been thus particular in the history of the 
 decision with regard to the River St. Croi? , which was 
 a matter of notoriety at the time, and it is reasonable to 
 
1826, 
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 suppose may be substantiated by documents in the hands 
 of those officially connected with the transaction, because 
 the writers in the State of Maine, in a spirit by no means 
 liberal or magnanimous, speak of it, as one in which an 
 advantage was obtained over the United States, and 
 made a merit of the State of Maine and Massachusetts 
 having quietly submitted to it ; whereas, if national 
 controversies are to be weighed in the same narrow 
 scale as the disputes of obstinate litigants, in a municipal 
 court, the advantage may be fairly said to lie on the part 
 of the United States, for it appears to me that the course 
 pursued by the comvDnssione rs urulev the treaty of 1794, 
 with regard to the source of the St. Croix, is clearly 
 erroneous, upon the principle which established the 
 river itself to be the true St. Croix. 
 
 " That principle is shortly this ; the River St. Croix, 
 intended in the treaty of 1783, is a river, a due north 
 " line from the source of which, forms one side of the 
 " north-west angle of Nova Scotia, and therefore was a 
 part of the western boundary of that province. The 
 river which was a part of the western boundary of Nova 
 Scotia, is the river intended by the name of the St. Croix, 
 in the original erection of that province, by the grant of 
 " King James I. to Sir William Alexander, in the year 
 " 1621, and in that grant described thus: 'The river 
 *' commonly called by the name of St. Croix, and to the 
 " most remote spring or fountain from the western part of 
 ^* the same, which first mingles itself with the aforesaid 
 
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 river.' The river thus described in this grant to Sir 
 
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 *' William Alexander, is the river called St. Croix, by the 
 first French voyagers there, in the year 1604. The par- 
 ticular and minute description given by these voyagers 
 of the river which they called St. Croix, and especially 
 " of a small island in the mouth of that river, on which 
 *' they wintered, correspond exactly with the river Schoo- 
 " die ; and a small island in the mouth of that river, a 
 " short distance above St. Andrews, called by the French 
 " Isle St. Croix, since called Bone, or Docea's Island, on 
 " which island were found, in the year 1799, and probably 
 " exist to the present day, indubitable traces of the habit- 
 '^ ations described with such minute particularity by the 
 
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 *' French historians of the voyage of 1604 ; and tlie des- 
 " cription of these historians will correspond with no other 
 " river or island in that neighbourhood. The Kivcr 
 " Schoodic is therefore the rivef intended in the grant to 
 *' Sir William Alexander, as a western boundary of Nova 
 Scotia; and if so, by tlie description in the grant, should 
 be followed as a boundary to its most western source, or 
 spring, which, according to the principle, would be the 
 true boundary of the treaty of J 783. But as a measure 
 of accommodation suggested by the person to whom the 
 management of this matter was entrusted by the United 
 *' States, and acquiesced in by all the parties, the source 
 *' of the St. Croix was fixed at a point on a meridian several 
 *^ miles to the eastward of the source designated in the 
 *' original declaration of the western boundary of Nova 
 *' Scotia ; and is, therefore, in so far, an advantage to the 
 " United States." 
 
 " Now 1 cannot Ihink that this designation of the source 
 " of the River St. Croix, by the commissioners, under the 
 5th article of the treaty of i794, can be defended upon 
 the principles which must demonstrably have governed 
 their decision. And His Majesty's subjects in this 
 quarter would be well justified in complaining of it, if it 
 had not been yielded to, for the purpose of preventing a 
 more unfavourable result, according to the original 
 decision of the umpire in the selection of a point lying 
 on a meridian line several miles further to the eastward, 
 as the source of the river, and if its effect on the interior 
 boundary were of material moment. But the fact is, 
 " that if the most western source of the Schoodic had been 
 " decided to be the source of the St. Croix, under the 
 *' treaty, it would have carried the line, running due north 
 *' from that point, only about ten miles further to the 
 ** westward ; and if the river St. John is to be crossed by 
 ^' this due north line, according to the claim set up by the 
 " Americans, in the controversy now subsisting, such line, 
 " from the most western source of the Schoodic, would 
 *^ have crossed the St. John about fourteen miles above the 
 " Great Falls ; and as to its |)ernicious operation as a boun^ 
 '* dary, would not vary substantially from a north line run 
 ** from die uoaument at the source of the Ch^utaatieook. 
 
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 " But, say tlie American writers, the St. Croix intended 
 by the treaty of 1783, is not the St. Croix of Sir William 
 *' Alexander's grant, in 1621, nor the St. Croix, so named 
 " by the Sieur De Monts, in 1604; but the river marked 
 by the name, on Mitchell's map, which map was before 
 the commissioners who negociated the treaty of peace, in 
 1783, and the river marked on that map, as the St. 
 Croix, is the next great river westward of the St, John, 
 and is clearly the Magaguadavic. 
 
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 This map of Mitchell was published in the year 17,55, 
 prior to the erection of the province of Quebec, and tlie 
 
 " introduction of highlands, as a northern boundary of 
 
 " these sea-board provinces, in the year 1763. This map, 
 as it regards the Bay of Passamaquoddy, and the rivers 
 issuing into it, is evidently erroneous and imperfect ; so 
 much so, that I will confidently assert that not one of the 
 rivers, or the islands of this bay, would be known with 
 certainty, from a comparison of the delineation of them 
 on the map, with the natural objects as they exist. But 
 
 *' there is a characteristic of the river, which the compiler 
 of this map calls the St. Croix, not to be mistaken, and 
 that is, a line of boundary traced along the western side 
 of the river, and the lake at the source of the river, and 
 along the northerly side of the lake, to the most northern 
 part of it ; and thence in a north course to a small river, 
 the St. Barnabas, emptying into the St. Lawrence ; on 
 one side of each line the country is called New England, 
 
 '^ and on the other Nova Scotia. Now, in the grant of 
 1621, to Sir William Alexander, the boundary of Nova 
 Scotia is continued from the source of the St. Croix, as 
 before quoted, by an imaginary direct line which may 
 be conceived to go over the land, or run towards tlie 
 north to the nearest bay, river, or spring, discharging 
 itself into the great river of Canada. There can be no 
 doubt then, that the boundary line thus traced on 
 Mitchell's map, indicates what was at that time esteemed 
 to be the boundary of Nova Scotia, from the mouth of 
 the St. Croix to the St. Lawrence ; and this boundary is 
 the boundary described in Sir William Alexander*s 
 grant. If then, the river called St. Croix, in Sir Wm. 
 
 ** Alexander's grant, is the river so called by the French, 
 
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 '^ in IG04, and this river is demonstrably, unless tlie face 
 '' of nature be changed, the Sclioodic; tlie proof is perfect 
 ** that the Schoodic is the i iver intended by tiie name of 
 St. Croix, in Mitchell's map. 
 
 ** It is worthy of remark also, that there is a river marked 
 on this map on the eastern side of Passamaquoddy Bay, 
 probably intended for the M agaguadavic, which it is also 
 
 Erobable, in consequence of the falls so near it's mouth, 
 ad not then been explored, and so its size and extent 
 were not then known. 
 
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 '' Similar considerations might be applied to prove that 
 ^' in all the authentic maps published from the time of the 
 " original erection of the Province of Nova Scotia, in 
 " 1621, to the peace of 1783, the river called St. Croix, is 
 *' intended to be the river originally designated as the 
 " western boundary of that province, under that name.'* 
 
 The author of the pamphlet entitled " Considera- 
 tion, &c." gives a somewhat different accc/ant of the 
 matter. He says — " It is said by the treaty of 1794, this 
 difference (as to boundary) was referred to commission- 
 ers. — They disagreed. In that case they were to nomi- 
 " nate an umpire. A most unequal compromise was 
 *' suggested and adopted. The British commissioner was 
 *^ to have the nomination, but the umpire was to be a 
 " citizen of the United States. A person so chosen could 
 *^ hardly have been expected to decide otherwise than that 
 " the Schoodic was the River St. Croix, and its most 
 " easteim source the source; though if the ancient boun- 
 ** claries of Nova Scotia deserved any consideration, its 
 charter had, in express and very forcible terms, appointed 
 the most western fountam and spring." 
 
 It is proper here to point out several material errors of 
 fact, in the foregoing statement of Verax. 
 
 I pass over the extraordinary error of the American 
 umpire, in taking the Cheputnaticook, and the lakes and 
 sources of the Cheputnaticook, for the main stream of the 
 Schoodic, and the lakes and sources of the Schoodic. I 
 pass over the still more extraordinary error of the umpire 
 
 (( 
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 35 
 
 in taking the lowest expanse of water a tW^ riv r, as its 
 source. 
 
 The whole course of the Cheputnaticook Rivri from ^ 
 source to its confluence, is from sixty to seventy inileii 
 It takes its rise there, in springs or marshes, and not ^ a 
 lake, and runs in the form of a small river for a distance >f 
 about ten miles, at which point it spreads out into a lung 
 irregularly formed expanse of water, which from its 
 resemblance to a lake, is popularly, but improperly 
 denominated Grand Lake, of twelve or fifteen miles in 
 length. It thence proceeds a distance of seven or eight 
 miles with its usual river breadth, and there again expands 
 into two or three smaller and irregular sheets of water, 
 which might, in like manner, be improperly called lakes, 
 the lowest of which is not, as stated by Verax, at the 
 distance of six miles above the confluence of the Cheput- 
 naticook, or eastern branch of the Schoodic, but is at a 
 distance of from twenty-five to thirty miles from the point 
 of confluence. 
 
 Another highly material error of fact to be found in this 
 statement, is, " that if the most western source of the 
 " Schoodic had hepn derided to be the source of the St. 
 " Croix, under the treaty, it would have carried the line 
 '"' running due north from that points only about ten miles 
 " further to the westward," 
 
 Now so far from this being the case, the interval between 
 the meridians of longitude of these two points is twenty 
 statute miles. — ^The interval between the two points, in a 
 straight line, is fifty statute miles. 
 
 This mislocation of the point of departure was altogether 
 unknown in this province, until soon after the publication 
 of the before- mentioned pamphlets. 
 
 It is not now many years since rumours first began to be 
 whispered, implying that the American line intersected the 
 route from Halifax to Quebec* 
 
 The belief that such might be the case, acquired such a 
 degree of consistency, that upon the close of the last 
 
 * 
 
 h. 
 
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36 
 
 M, 
 
 American war, the following article was inserted in the 
 treaty of peace between Great Britain and the United States 
 of America, at (ihent. 
 
 " Whereas, neither that point of the highlands lying 
 due north iVoni the source of the River St. Croix, and 
 designated in the former treaty of peace between the 
 two powers, as the north-ivest atiele of Nova Scotia^ nor 
 the north'tvestvrnmost head of Connevticut Hiver, has 
 yet been ascertained; and whereas that part of the 
 boundary line between the dominions of the two powers, 
 which extends from the source of the iiiver St. Croix, 
 directly north to the above-mentioned north-west angle 
 of Nova Scotia, thence along the said highlands which 
 divide those rivers that empty themselves into the River 
 St. Lawrence, from those which fall into the Atlantic 
 Ocean, to the north-westernmost head of Connecticut 
 River, thence down along the middle of that river to the 
 forty-fifth degree of north latitude, thence by a line due 
 west on said latitude, until it strikes the Iiiver IroquoiSy 
 or Caiaraqwj, has not yet been surveyed,^ 
 
 »> 
 
 The article goes on to provide for the appointment of 
 commissioners, and that " they shall have power to ascer- 
 tain and determine the points above-mentioned, in 
 conformity with the provisions of the said treaty of peace, 
 of\7S3; and shall cause the boundary aforesaid, from 
 tiie source of the River St. Croix to the Iroquois, or 
 Cataraquy, to be surveyed, and marked according to the 
 said provisions.' 
 
 <( 
 
 a 
 
 (( 
 
 (( 
 
 
 ), 
 
 The article further directs that " the commissioners 
 " shall make a map of the boundary, particularly the 
 *^ latitude and kmgitude of the north-west angle or Nova 
 " Scotia, the north-ivesternmost head of Connecticut River, 
 " and such other points as they may deem proper.'* 
 
 The motives assigned by Verax, for the procedure of the 
 commissioners and umpire, in thus substituting, for the 
 true point of departure, one which, from his statement, it 
 appears that all parties knew to be otherwise, seem to be 
 entirely inadequate. 
 
I 
 
 t, It 
 to be 
 
 37 
 
 ;rc is reason to believe tliat subsequent to tlie treaty 
 of 17h3, to wit, about tiic year 1787, settlements were 
 ina(i( under the authority ot the State of Mas^iachusetts 
 within the Britisli lines. The circumstanees atteniling this 
 settlement, are not sufliciently well known, to enable one 
 to jiKlge whether it was made in good faith or not. 
 
 But supposing the utmost good faith to have obtained 
 with the settlers, the greatest extent to which their claim, 
 J wiM not say upon the justice, but upon the magnanimity 
 ol His Majesty's government could have been carriecl, 
 would have been for a conHrmation of their titles to the 
 lands in their actual possession, upon their taking the oath 
 of allegiance, and becoming the King's subjects ; or if this 
 last condition was not agreeable to them, then to have been 
 allowed to sell the lands in their actual possession, and to 
 remove from the country with their effects, having a reason- 
 able time allowed them for effecting the sale of their lands. 
 But it is clear that it should have been given as a boon, 
 and should have been strictly confined to the lands in the 
 actual possession of settlers under grants from the State of 
 Massachusetts. 
 
 Unanimity was in itself a thing highly desirable ; but the 
 price which seems here to have been paid for it, — the 
 surrender of a small province, without any other equivalent, 
 may, perhaps, be thought too high. 
 
 Verax, it is apprehended, is also in an error, in con- 
 sidering the erroneous location of the point cf departure, 
 in 1798, as conclusive and irremediable. 
 
 The power conferred upon the commissioners of the two 
 countries, under the treaty of 179*, was a limited power — 
 limited as to the subject of it, and limited as to the form 
 and manner in which it was to be executed. 
 
 The matter referred to the commissioners was, to deter- 
 mine, " what river was truly intended under the name 
 " of the River St. Croix, mentioned in the said treaty of 
 '« J 783, and forming a part of the boundary therein 
 " described."—- Art. 5. 
 
38 
 
 1 
 
 (( 
 
 If the commissioners named should not agree^ then the 
 treaty provides that " the two commissioners shall agree 
 
 on the choice of a third, or if they cannot so agree, they 
 '^ shall each propose one person, and of the two names so 
 *' proposed) one shall be drawn by lot, in the presence of 
 '^ the two original commissioners/' 
 
 It has been seen above that another, and very difTerent 
 mode of selection was adopted by the commissioners, and 
 the important point, that the umpire should be an American 
 citizen, surrendered. 
 
 The umpire and the commissioners were next to be 
 sworn, " to examine and decide the said question, accord- 
 *' ing to such evidence as should respectively be laid 
 *' before them, on the part of the British government, and 
 " of the United States/' 
 
 They were then, by a " declaration under their hands 
 '* and seals,*' to " decide what river is the River St. Croix, 
 " intended by the treaty ; " and this declaration was "to 
 *' contain a description of the said river." and was to 
 " particularize the latitude and longitude of its mouth, and 
 '' of its source." 
 
 " Duplicates of this declaration, and of the statements of 
 ** their accounts, and of the journals of their proceedings," 
 were to be delivered by them, "to ihe agent of His Majesty, 
 " and to the agent of the United States, who may be 
 *' respectively appointed and authorized to manage' the 
 '^ business on behalf of the respective governments; " and 
 then, and then only, both parties agreed " to consider 
 '* such decision as final and conclusive, so as that the same 
 " shall never thereafter be called into question, or made 
 ** the subject of dispute or difference between them.* 
 
 It appears from the foregoing, that the power'of the 
 commissioners was confined to the determining of the 
 question of what river was the River St. Croix, intended 
 by the treaty of 1783. That point determined, they were 
 instructed to cause it to be surveyed, What should be 
 considered its source was not referred to them ; and their 
 finding, therefore upon this question would, even if 
 regular, have been a mere and absolute nullity, 
 
39 
 
 len the 
 II agree 
 e, they 
 imes so 
 jnce of 
 
 ifferent 
 rs, and 
 lericaii 
 
 ; to be 
 iccord- 
 je laid 
 it, and 
 
 hands 
 Croix, 
 
 LS 
 
 « 
 
 to 
 
 kvas to 
 h, and 
 
 ;nts of 
 ings," 
 ijesty, 
 lay be 
 :e' the 
 ' and 
 nsider 
 I same 
 made 
 
 But there were irregularities in the proceedings (as 
 stated by Verax) which, if the treaty had gfven^ hem 
 Sdetr'Sr: '»'^«<l-tionwonlLtill ifave ^itfatTd 
 
 thl!"^ T^'Kl '?' "°* "^""^^ '" ^^e manner prescribed by 
 
 tVT^'yA^u 1^"' r' ^PP^^' '^^' ^« ^^^ sworn, nor 
 ndeed could he have been ; otherwise how, after acknow- 
 
 lyT^.^r ' ''^^^'^"?'?ost waters of the St. Croix, to be 
 the bt. Croix, could he have placed the point of departure 
 upon the tributary stream of the Cheputnaticock ? It does 
 not appear that the declaration, under the hand and seal of 
 the commissioners, required by the treaty, was ever made. 
 
 ♦i.^.^i'^'^y ^"^ ^^""i^f ' '""^^'^ ^'® '^^ve 't stated by Verax, 
 that the point of departure was settled by compromise.— 
 Where is there to be found any power to compound or 
 compromise, conferred upon the commissioners. And is 
 not such compromise again a mere and absolute nullity P 
 
 Nor can this nullity be covered by the silence of Great 
 Britain unless full knowledge of the mislocation of the 
 point of departure be brought home to His Maie^stv's 
 government. "^ ^ - 
 
 It is exceedingly improbable that it was known to the 
 King s Ministers ; when we consider how subversive it is in 
 Its consequences, to the great ends had in view bv the 
 framers of the treaty of 1783, and how ruinous those con- 
 sequences are to the just rights of England. 
 
 I 
 
 )f the 
 r the 
 mded 
 were 
 Id be 
 their 
 ?n if 
 
40 
 
 This brings me to the last branch of the subject, which 
 is, the consideration of those consequences, and to it I 
 shall strictly confine myself— for it is not my intention to 
 enter into the general arguments upon the claims of the 
 two governments, lest the weakness of the advocate might 
 impair the strength of the cause. 
 
 To understand the effects which this most unfortunate 
 error has produced, it is necessary to bear in mind that 
 there are in the southern peninsula, washed by the waters 
 of the St Lawrence and the Gulf, three distinct great 
 levels. 
 
 Any ordinary map will show the sources and the 
 courses of the rivers in this Peninsula, and having them, 
 we have the relative elevation of the lands, and the line of 
 these their several levels plainly marked out. 
 
 The first consists of a range of high lands, extending 
 from the head of the Connecticut River to the head of the 
 St. Croix ; and the waters which descend are poured into 
 the St. Lawrence on the one side, and the Atlantic Ocean 
 on the other. % 
 
 The second consists of a range of highlands, running 
 north-easterly around the sources of the St. John, thence 
 in an easterly direction along the head waters which empty 
 themselves into the St. Lawrence, between Quebec and 
 Cape Hosiers, the extreme limit of that river to the east- 
 ward. V 
 
 The third is a subordinate range, running north and 
 south, from the River St. John, along the head waters 
 that empty themselves into the Gulf, and probably touching 
 at its extremity, the last mentioned highlands, and to the 
 eastward to Cape Hosiers. 
 
 Each of these ranges has probably spurs, — in which of 
 them Mars-hill is^ does not appear. 
 
 
41 
 
 I 
 
 If the point of departure had been taken at the source of 
 the St. Croix or Schoodic River, there is reason to believe 
 that the height of land first above described, would have 
 been struck at a distance of about twenty miles from that 
 point ; and the highlands might have been followed in a 
 sinuous, but distinctly marked course to the head of the 
 Connecticut River. And if the secondly above described 
 level be taken to be the highlands referred to by the treaty 
 of 1783, as contended by the American government, then 
 those highlands would have been struck at a point, on 
 the south shore a few leagues below the mouth of the 
 Saguenay. Whereas, by taking the source of the tribut- 
 ary stream of the Cheputnaticook, as the point of departure 
 the River St. John came to be intersected at a low point 
 of its course, and in the immediate proximity of the third 
 range of highlands above described, and brought us to 
 Mars-hill, whence it is highly improbable that we can 
 proceed to any other than the range of highlands, secondly 
 or thirdly described. 
 
 The loss of territory incurred by this mislocation of the 
 point of departure is very great. Some idea may be 
 formed of its extent, by considering the loss of territory 
 incurred before we reach Mars-hill. 
 
 There was lost by it — First, The triangular piece of 
 ground lying between the two branches of the Schoodic, 
 having its apex at the confluence of the two branches, and 
 for its base, the line running from the westernmost source 
 of the Schoodic, to the easternmost source of the Schoodic, 
 being a distance of fifty miles ; for one of its sides, the 
 whole length of the eastern branch of the Schoodic, above 
 the point of confluence, being about sixty miles; and, for 
 its remaining side, the whole westernmost branch of the 
 Schoodic, above the point of confluence, being about forty 
 miles, and containing an area, as those rivers run, of about 
 628,480 acres. 
 
 Secondly, A territory in the form of a trapezium, having 
 for one of its sides twenty miles (from the westernmost 
 gource of the Schoodic to the commencement of the height 
 of land) ; for another of its sides, fifty miles (the distance 
 
 F 
 
 ■ii 
 
42 
 
 in a straight line from the westernmost source of the 
 SchoodiCj to the easternmost source of that river), being 
 the base line of the before-mentioned triangle ; having for 
 its third side the line extending from the easternmost 
 source of the Schoodic to Mars-hill ; and for its fourth side, 
 the line which connects the point of termination at Mars- 
 hill, with the point of termination of the first mentioned 
 line, running from the westernmost source of the St, Croix, 
 to the extremity of the height of land. 
 
 These two tracts will be found to embrace, probably 
 one million and a half acres of land ; and this, whether the 
 hypothesis of the British or of the American government^ 
 be thought to be the true one. 
 
 The territory thus surrendered between Mars-hill and 
 the River and Gulf of St. Lawrence, is immense ; but it will 
 be lesser or greater as the one or the other of these two hypo- 
 theses is adopted. 
 
 The mischief, however, does not end here. Proceeding 
 from a point so far to the eastward and northward, not only 
 is the second range of highlands struck much lower down 
 than it would otherwise have been, and thus a great extent 
 of territory sacrificed ; but we here come to intersect the St. 
 John at a low point, where its waters are navigabJe, 
 instead of either not intersecting it at all (if the British hy- 
 pothesis be the true one) or intersecting it only towards its 
 source, as would be the case if the American hypothesis 
 were admitted. So, too, all the waters emptying theraselvse 
 into the Gulf, would, even under the American hypothesis, 
 belong to Great Britain, as being to the eastward of the 
 Kiver St. John. 
 
 It will be recollected that the American commissioners, 
 in 1783, declined even proposing a surrender of the navi- 
 gable waters of the St. John, to the future republic. 
 
 It is thus seen (contrary to what is asserted by Verax) 
 that this change in the point of departure, had almost 
 material effect upon the interior boundary. 
 
 The inquiry is thus brought down from the earliest 
 periods of this and of the adjoining countries, to the treaty 
 of Ghent, in J815. 
 
 . 
 
43 
 
 I have not access to the documents which would be 
 requisite to carry it down to the present day, and without 
 which it would not be possible to form any judgment upon 
 the present state of the controversy. 
 
 To do this, it would be necessary to be in possession of 
 all the documents relating to, and the circumstances accom- 
 panying the alleged compromise, under which the point of 
 departure is stated to have been fixed at the eastermnost, 
 instead of the westernmost source of the Schoodic river. 
 
 Quebec, 22dJanuary, 1830. 
 
 ANDREW STUART. 
 
i^ 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 I 
 
 Charles, &c. — To all persons to whom these presents 
 shall come, greeting : — 
 
 ce 
 
 Whereas, by the treaty of peace concluded at Breda, 
 the 3Jst of July last past, between our Ambassador and 
 those of our good Brother, the Most Christian King, it 
 is among other things agreed, that we shall restore to 
 the said King, or unto such as shall receive for that 
 purpose, his commission, duly passed under the Great 
 Seal of France, the country which is called Acadie, 
 lying in North America, which the said Most Christian 
 King did formerly enjoy, and to that end, that we should 
 immediately, upon the ratification of the agreement, 
 deliver, or cause to be delivered unto the said Most 
 Christian King, or such Ministers of his as should be 
 thereunto appointed, all instruments and orders duly 
 dispatched, which should be necessary to the said rati- 
 fication ; as also in like manner, that we should restoie 
 unto the said Most Christian King, all islands, countries, 
 forts, and colonies any where situated, which miglit 
 have been gotten by our arms, before or after the 
 subscription of the said treaty, and which the said Most 
 Christian King, possessed before the First of January, 
 in the year 1665, on condition that he the said Most 
 Christian King should, with all speed, or at the farthest, 
 within six months, to be reckoned from the day of sub- 
 scribing that agreement, restore unto us, or unto such 
 as for that purpose should receive our commands, duly 
 
 fassed under our Great Seal of England, that part of the 
 sland of St. Christophers, which the English possessed 
 the First of January, 1665, before the declaration of the 
 
 '.I 
 
 \ 
 % 
 
 If 
 
46 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 I 
 
 " late war ; and should to that end, immediately upon the 
 *' ratification of the said agreement, deliver, or cause to 
 " be delivered unto us, or such of our Minislers as should 
 ** be thereunto appointed, all necessary instruments and 
 ** orders ; as also that he, the said Most Christian King, 
 '* should in like manner restore unto us, the Islands called 
 ** Antigoa, and Montserrat, if they were in his power ; and 
 *' all other islands, countries, forts, and colonies, which 
 '' might have been gotten by the arms of the said Most 
 *' Christian King, before or after the subscription of the 
 " said treaty, and which we possessed before we entered 
 " into the war with the States General, (to which war that 
 " treaty puts end) as appears by the several articles of 
 '' the said treaty, which are as follows: — Articles, VII. 
 " VIII. IX. X. XI. XII. XIII. XIV. and XV. And we 
 *^ desiring on our part, sincerely and truly, without all 
 " delay or difficulty, under what pretence or colour soever, 
 ** to accomplish and observe the said treaty, and every 
 " article, clause, and part thereof, and more particularly 
 *' what concerns the restitution and delivery of the said 
 " islands, countries, castles, and colonies, which our 
 " meaning and intention is, they shall be forthwith deliv- 
 " ered to our said good Brother as aforesaid, or such as 
 " shall be thereto, by him sufficiently empowered and 
 " appointed ; know ye that we for these, and several good 
 " considerations, us thereunto especially moving, have 
 " given, granted, quitted, transferred, surrendered, and 
 " delivered, and by these presents signed with our Royal 
 *^ Signature, do for us, our heirs and successors, for ever, 
 grant, quit, transfer, surrender, and deliver all that 
 country, called Acadie, lying in North America, which 
 the said Most Christian King did formerly enjoy, as 
 " namely, the forts and habitations of Pentagoet, St. John, 
 " Port Royal, la Have, and Cap de Sable, which his 
 " subjects enjoyed under his authority, till the English 
 " possessed themselves of them, in the years 1654 and 1655, 
 '^ and since ; or also the countrie of Cayenne, in America, 
 -^ with all and singular, the forts and places thereto and 
 " to them, or any of them belonging ; and all and every 
 " the islands, countries, castles, forts, and colonies which 
 '^ were in the possession of our said good Brother, before 
 " the declaration of the war with the United Provinces of 
 
 (C 
 
 a 
 
 (C 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 47 
 
 ever. 
 
 as 
 
 *' the lower countries, and wliicli have been taken from 
 '* him, or his subjects, by our forces, before or since the 
 " signing of the said treaty, with all the rights, powers, 
 " privileges, sovereignty, jurisdiction, preeminence, and 
 " authority, that doth or might belong to us, within the 
 " same and every of them, to be and remain to him, the 
 " said Most Christian King, his heirs and successors for 
 " ever, with the same and like power, authority, and 
 " sovereignty as they would or miglit have done to us, our 
 '' heirs and successors. Whereas, we therefore have, and 
 " by these presents do, from this time forward, and for 
 " ever, disseize and dispossess ourself in favour of our said 
 *' good Brother, his heirs and successors ; and accordingly 
 " him and them have, by these presents do seize, and 
 " possess, all the same, and of every part and parcel 
 '' thereof, in pursuance of our said treaty, and of the 
 " respective articles thereof, without exemption, limitation, 
 " or exception whatsoever, and for tlie full and effectual 
 *' execution thereof, our will and pleasure is, and wedo 
 " hereby strictly charge and require, as well our Ca|)tain 
 " General and Governor in Chief of our Caribbee Islands, 
 *' our Governor of our Country of Nova Scotia, for the 
 " time being, as the several Governors, Captains, Com- 
 " manders in Chief of the said Country of Acadie,la Cayenne, 
 " and of others, the said islands, countries, castles, forts, 
 " and colonies respectively, that forthwith and by virtue 
 " hereof, without all difficulty or delay, they surrender 
 " and give up into the hands of our said good Brother, or 
 to such as he shall thereto appoint, as aforesaid, the 
 the said countries, islands, castles, forts, and colonies, 
 and every of them ; withdrawing such of our garrisons 
 and forces as shall have been placed there for our 
 and for this end, we have freed, acquitted, and 
 
 <i 
 
 a 
 
 service 
 
 (( 
 
 discharged, and by these presents, do for us, our heirs 
 and successors, free, acquit, and discharge our said 
 " Captain General, the several Governors, Captains, and 
 " Commanders of all and singular, islands respectively, of 
 ^' and from the charge, command, and government of the 
 *' same ; and all such as are employed by them therein, or 
 ** in any of them, so as not to be at any time hereafter 
 " chargeable, answerable, or accountable to us, ourheirs 
 " or successors, for or concerning the same, or for or 
 
48 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 t( 
 
 i( 
 
 ts 
 
 <( 
 II 
 
 il 
 ii 
 
 it 
 
 ts 
 
 it 
 
 it 
 
 <( 
 
 concerning any matter or thing they shall do by virtue 
 of these presents. Whereas, we will that all and singular, 
 our inferior officers, civil and military, our soldiers, 
 people, and subjects, of our said islands, countries, 
 castles, and forts, whom it may concern, and every of 
 them, do take due notice and be obedient, accordingly, 
 to such orders and directions as shall be given to every 
 of them, by our said Captain General, our Governors, 
 Captains, and Commanders respectively, in the due and 
 punctual execution of these presents, without delay or 
 difficulty, or obstruction whatsoever ; for which this 
 shall be' to them and every of them, and to all others 
 whom it may concern, against us, our heirs and succes- 
 sors, a full and sufficient warrant and discharge in this 
 behalf. In witness whereof we have caused our Seal of 
 England, to be put to these presents. — Given, &c. 
 
 *< \7th February, 1667-8," 
 
APPENDIX, 
 
 49 
 
 MITCHKLL S MAI'. 
 
 Tni<: rxprossion so frequently used in the American State 
 Papers upon the Boundary question, respecting MitchelTs 
 Map, to wit, that " it was before the commissioiiers who 
 framed the treaty of IJSi^," is one which appears to be 
 calculated to convey very erroneous notions. 
 
 It is true that Mitchell's Map was before the commis- 
 sioners, but this is not the whole truth, — So also were 
 various other maps. 
 
 The matter in negociation at the treaty of 1783, involved 
 the question what was the extent of territory acquired in 
 til is quarter, by the Cession of Canada, contained in the 
 treaty of 1/63. 
 
 Mitchell's map, if I i*ecollect rightly, was compiled 
 from repoits made to the Colonial Office, by the Governors 
 of the different colonies concerning the limits of their 
 several governments, under the superintendance of Gover- 
 nor Pownal, whose signature will be found to it. It was 
 published about the year 1757, and of course at a time when 
 views of territorial aggrandizement were, as stated in the 
 text, rife upon this continent. 
 
 Not only the map, called Mitchell's Map, but also the 
 various maps and charts which had been adverted to in the 
 controversy between the English and French Commission- 
 ers in 1751-2, must have been before tlie Commissioners 
 who framed the treaty of 1783. 
 
 The negociatiors of that treaty on both sides, well knew 
 the character of Mitchell's map, and if Franklin could raise 
 his head from the grave, he would smile at the importance 
 which the American commissioner and government now 
 affect to give to it. 
 
 But, after all, the words of the treaty are to be looked 
 at, — from these alone can we know the mind of the framers 
 of it. What elFect Mitchell's map may have had upon their 
 minds, it is impossible to conjecture j and, if it could be 
 known, it would be entirely useless. 
 
 G 
 
50 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 
 liAKI.Y riTIKS TO LANDS ON THK lUVfcll ST. JOHN, FROM 
 THE FlUiNCIl GOVKllNMENT. 
 
 It will be seen, from the followiiiijp documents, that 
 the possession of the Iliver St. Jolin by the Crown of 
 France (in whose phice Great Britain now stands), is of 
 very old date. 
 
 ** La Compagnie de la Nouvelle France : A tons ceiix 
 qui CCS prt'scntes lettres verront ; Salut : Le desir que 
 nous avons d'apporter toute dilii,^ence possible h I'eta- 
 
 ** blissement de la colonie de la Nouvelle France, nous 
 faisant rechercher ceux (pii out la volonte d'y contribuer 
 de leur part, et Tobligation que nour^ avons de recom- 
 penser, par toutes voies, les travaux de ceux qui nous 
 assistent, et d'embrasser les occasions de leur t(?moigner 
 par eftets, etant bien informes des bonnes inclinations 
 que M. le Commandeur de Razilly, Lieutenant-General 
 pour le Roi en la Nouvelle France, a toujours cues pour 
 iaire reussir cette entre[)rise, et desirant Ten reconnoitre 
 par les gratifications a nous possibles ; A ces causes, 
 avons an ditsieur de Razilly donne et octroye, donnons 
 et octroyons par ces presentcs, retendue des terres et 
 pays qui ensuivent ; a savoir la riviere et baie Suinte' 
 Croix, isles y i.untennes, et terres adjacentes tVime part et 
 
 *^ (V autre en la Nouvelle France , de I'etendue de douze 
 lieucs de large, a prendre le point milieu en iMsle Sainte- 
 Croix, oCi le sieur de Mons a hiverne, et vingt lieues de 
 profondeur depuis le port aux Coquilles, qui est en I'une 
 des isles de I'entree de la riviere et baie Sainte-Croix, 
 chaque lieue de quatre niille toises de long. Pour jouir 
 desdits lieux par le dit sieur de Razilly, ses successeurs 
 etayans cause, en toute propriete, justice et seigneurie a 
 perpetuite, tout et ainsi, et a pareils droits qu'il a plu au 
 Roi donner le pays de la Nouvelle France £i la Conipa- 
 gnie ; a la reserve de la foi et homniage que le dit sieur 
 Commandeur, ses successeurs et ayans cause, seront tenus 
 porter au fort Saint-Louis a Quebec, ou autre lieu qui 
 sera destine pir la dite Compagnie, par un seul hommage 
 
 *' lige a chaque mutation de possesseur des dits Ueux^ avec 
 
 
 i( 
 
 ii 
 
 (( 
 (( 
 <c 
 a 
 t( 
 
 (( 
 
 61 
 i( 
 it 
 ii 
 ii 
 ii 
 ii 
 i( 
 ii 
 (C 
 
 ii 
 
AFI'ENDIX. 
 
 61 
 
 i 
 
 I 
 
 " line maillc d'oi' dii poids (rime once, et lo revenii dune 
 " uiiiicedc ce (iiie lodit sii;ur CoinniaiKkMirse sera rcservt^ 
 " apres avoir doum' vi\ tiuf ou a ecus vt rente, tout ou partie 
 " des dits lieiix ; (pieles appelationsdujuge <iui sera etabli 
 ** esdits lieux par le dit sieiir dc Itazilly, ressorr-'uiii nue- 
 ** inent li la eoiir et justice souveraine cpii sera ci apros 
 *^ etablie au Sault Saint-Louis ou ailleurs ; (pic les liominos 
 ** (pie ie dit sieur Commandeur fera passer en la Notivc/fe 
 ** France tourneront \\ la dechari^e et diminution du 
 iioinbre dc ceux (pje la Compat?nie doit faire passer, sans 
 (|ue le dit sieur Commandeur ou les situs puissent trailer 
 des peaux et pelleteries (pi'aux conditions portues par 
 I'iidit de retablissement de la Conipagnie de la Nouvelle 
 *' France ; et en cas que le dit sieur Commandeur desire 
 faire porterii cette etendue de terre (piehjue nom et titrc 
 plus honorable, se retirera vers le Roi et Monseir,neur le 
 Cardinal dc Richelieu, Grand-Maltre, Chef et Surinten- 
 dant gt^neral de la navigation et commerce de France, 
 pour iui etrc pourvA conformcment aux articles accordes 
 k la dite Compagnie. En temoins de (juoi nous avons 
 signe ces presentes. A Paris, au Bureau de la Nouvelic 
 France, le dix-neuvitime Mai, mil six cent trenle-deux. 
 Slgn^ Lami avcc paraphe, Secretaire. 
 
 a 
 
 IS 
 
 ti 
 ti 
 
 it 
 (( 
 « 
 tt 
 (( 
 
 ti 
 
 avec 
 
 Louis de Buade, Comte de Frontenac, Conseillcr du 
 ** Roi en ses Conseils, Gouverneur et Lieutenant-gi'ncral 
 " pour Sa Majeste en Canada, Acadie, Isle de Terre-neuve 
 *^ et autres pays de la France septentrionale : A tousceux 
 '^ qui ces presentes lettres verront ; Salut. Savolr fai- 
 " sons que vA la requite a nous presentee par le sieur 
 ** Pierre de Joibert, Ecuyer, sieur de Soulangeet de Mar- 
 ^' son, Major de Pentagoet, et Commandant des forts de 
 " Gemisik et de la riviere de Saint Jean, a ce qu'il nous 
 ** plut Iui accorder en litre de fief, seigneurie, haute, 
 moyenne et basse justice, le lieu appel(j Ahtclionac, et (jue 
 Ton appellera h. I'avenir Soiilange, sur la dite riviere dc 
 Saint Jean, a quinze lieiies du dit Gemisik, contenunt 
 deux lieues de front de chaque cote sur la dite riviere, et 
 deux lieues dc j)rofondeur dans les terres, aussi de cha- 
 cun cotd, ensemble les isles et islets qui sont dans la dite 
 '* riviere au devant des dites lieues de front ; requerant 
 **' cctte (piantit<^, attendu le pen de bonnes terres labou- 
 
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52 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
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 *^ nibles qui s'y trouvent. Nous, en vcrtu du pouvoir a 
 nous (lonne par Sa Majestd, conjoin tement avec M. Du- 
 chesneau, Conseiller du Roi enses Conseils, et Intendant 
 de la justice, police et finance de ce pays, et en considt^- 
 ration des services que le dit sieur de Marson y a rendus, 
 '' et desirant I'engager li les y continuer, avons au dit sieur 
 de Marson accorde, donnd et concede, donnons, accor- 
 dons et concedons par ces presentes, le dit lieu appele 
 Nachonac, que Ton appellera a I'avenir Soula7ige, sur la 
 dite riviere de Saint Je.in, contenant deux lieues de front 
 de chaque cote de la dite riviere, et deux lieues de pro- 
 fondeur dans les terres, aussi de chaque cote, ensemble 
 les isles et islets qui sont dans la dite riviere au devant 
 des dites deux lieues de front, pour, du tout, jouir par 
 lui, ses hoirs et ayans cause, en lief, seigneurie, liaute, 
 nioyenne et basse justice, avec le droit de chasse et de 
 p6che dans I'etendue des dits lieux, a la charge de lafoi 
 et hommagey que le dit sieur de Marson, ses dits hoirs et 
 ayans cause, serout tenus de porter au Chateau Saint- 
 " Louis de cette ville de Quebec, du quel il relevera aux 
 *' droits et redevanccs accoCitiunes, et au d^sir de la coii- 
 " tume de la Prevote et Vicointe de Paris, qui sera suivie 
 " pour cet egard par provision, et en attendant qu'il en 
 '* soit autrenient ordonne par Sa Majeste ; et que les ap- 
 '^ pellations du juge qui pourra fetre ^tabli au dit lieu, res- 
 '^ sortiront par devart . • . t • • . • 
 
 " Et i\ la charge qu'il tiendra et fera tenir feu et lieu par 
 " ses tenanciers, sur les concessions qu'il leur accordera ; 
 et ii faute de ce faire, qu'il rentrera de plein droit en 
 p(>ssession de la ditte terre ; et conservera le dit sieur de 
 Marson, et fera conserver par ses tenanciers, les hois de 
 ch^ne qui se trouveront propres pour la construction des 
 vaisi^caux, dans I'etendue des dits lieux ; et qu'il donnera 
 incessamnient avis au Roi et a nous, des mines, minieres 
 ct mint'raux, si ancuns se trouvent, et y laissera et fera 
 *' laisscr tons chemins et passages necessaires : le tout sous 
 le bon plaisir de Sa Majeste, de laquelle il sera tcnu de 
 jireiidre la confirmation des prcsentes dans v.n an. En 
 tc'moins de quo! nous avons signi ces prt^sentes, a icelles 
 fait ajjposer le seeau de nos amies, et contiesigner par 
 " Tmi (le no< Secrc'faire. Don^k' a Quebec, le douzienie 
 
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AFPENIDX. 
 
 53 
 
 ** Octobre, mil six cent soixante-seize ; aimi sign6 a Vori- 
 " ginal, Frontenac, scelle a c6te du sceau des amies du 
 
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 (lit Seigneur, et cnntre-signe plus has, par Moiiseigneur. 
 Lk Chasseur, avec paraphe. Et ensuite est tcrit. 
 " Le litre de concession ei-dessus, a ele confirme par 
 arr^t du Conseil d'Etat du Koi, du 29 Mai 1680, et re- 
 gistieau grett'e du Conseil souverain a Quebec, suivant 
 ** le (lit arret du Conseil d'Etat, et celui du dit Conseil 
 souverain, du 24 Octobre au dit an, parmoi, Greffier en 
 chef audit Conseil, soussign^, Aitisi siguS Peuvret, 
 avec paraphe". 
 
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 Louis de Buade, ConUe de Frontenac, Conseiller du 
 Roi en ses Conseils, Gouverneur et Lieutenant-general 
 pour Sa Majeste en Canada, Acadie, Islede Terre-neuve 
 et autres pays de la France septentrionale ; A tous ceux 
 qui ces presentes lettres verront ; Salut. Savoir faisons 
 que sur la requ(^te a nous presentee par Pierre de Joibert 
 Ecuyer, sieur de Soulange et de Marson, Major de Pen- 
 tagoet, et Commandant des forts de Gemisik et de la 
 riviere de Saint Jean, contenant que depuis quatre annees 
 qu'il a I'honneurde commander sous nos ordres dans les 
 dits forts, il a fait diverses reparations et augmentations 
 a celui de Gemisik, afin de le rendre logeable et de de- 
 fense, n'y ayant auparavant qu'un petit logement de bois 
 tout ruine, entoure seulement de quelques palissades a 
 demi-tombees par terre ; en sorte que pour re-edifier le 
 tout, il lui auroit coute beaucoup, et se verroit encore 
 contraint d'y faire de grandes depenses pour le remettre 
 en etat, a cause de la ruine entiere qu'en out fait les 
 Hollandoit en le falsant prisonnier dans le dit fort, il y a 
 deux ans, et lui enlevant generalement tout ce qu'il y 
 " avoit ; ce qui ne seioit pas juste, s'il n'etoit assiire d'ob- 
 " tenir I'efFet des promesses de M. Talon, ci-devant Inten- 
 " dantde la justice, police et finance de ce pays, lequel 
 ^' lui en avoit fait esperer la propridte ; c'est pourquoi il 
 requeroit qu'il nous plut lui accorder pour son rembour- 
 sement la propriete du fort ou maison de Gemisik, avec 
 une lieue de chacpie cote du dit, fort, faisant deux lieues 
 de front, la devanture de la riviere, et les isles et islets 
 qui y sont, etdeux lieues de profondeur dans les terres, 
 avec le droit de chassc ct do peche dans retenduc des 
 
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 APPiENDlX. 
 
 " (lits lieux : le tout en fief, Seigneurie, haute, moyenne et 
 " basse justice ; duquel fort M. Talon, lors Intendant de 
 " la justice, police et finance de ce pays, lui auroit proniis 
 " la propriete, attendu les depenses et voyages qu'il avoit 
 " faits dans le pays pour le service de Sa Majesty, peu 
 f' auparavant notre arrivee dans ce gouvernement. Nous, 
 *^ en vertu du pouvoir a nous donn^ par Sa Majeste, con- 
 ** jointement avec M. Duchesneau, Conseiller du Roi en 
 " sesConseils, et Intendant de justice, police et finance 
 <^ de ce pays, et en consideration des services que le dit 
 " sieur de Marson y a rendus, et de la depense qu'il a faite 
 ** pour I'entretien et augmentation du dit fort de Gemisik, 
 de la perte qu'il asoufferte, il y a deux ans, lorsqu'il fut 
 pris et pill^ par les Hollandois ; et pour aucunement le 
 dedommager et Tcngager de continuer ses services, avons, 
 *^ au dit sieur de Marson, donne, octroye, conced^, don- 
 nons, octroyons et concedons par ces presentes, le dit 
 fort de Gemisik, avec une lieue de chaque cote du dit 
 fort, faisant deux lieues de front, la devanture de la ri- 
 viviere, et les isles et islets qui y sont, et deux lieues de 
 profondeur dans les terres, avec le droit de chasse et de 
 p6che dans I'^tendue des dits lieux ; pour, du tout, jouir 
 par lui en pleine propriete, ses hoirs et ayans cause, en 
 " fief et seigneurie, haute, moyenne et basse justice ; a la 
 *' charge de lafoiet hommage que le dit sieur de Marson, 
 '^ ses dits hoirs et ayans cause seront tenus de porter au 
 '' Chateau Saint Louis de cette ville de Quebec, duquel il 
 *' relevera aux droits et redevances accoiitumds, et au desir 
 '* de la coutume de la Prevote et Vicomte de Paris, qui sera 
 suivie pour cet egard par provision, et en attendant qu'il 
 en soit autrement ordonn^ par Sa Majesty ; et que les ap-- 
 pellations du juge qui pourra etre etabli au dit lieu, res- 
 ** sortiront par devant. •••••• .A la charge qu'il tiendra 
 
 " et fera tenir feu et lieu par ses tenanciers, sur les conces- 
 ** sions qu'il leur accordera; et a faute de ce faire, qu'il 
 rentrera de plein droit en possession de la dite terre : et 
 conservera le dit sieur de Marson, et fera conserver par 
 ses tenanciers, les bois de ch6ne qui se trouveront propres 
 pour la construction des vaisseaux, dans F^tendue des 
 dits lieux ; et qu'il donnera incessamment avis au Roi on 
 a nous, des mines, minieres ou mineraux, si aucuns s'y 
 trouvent, et qu'il laissera et fara laisser tons chemins et 
 
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APPENDIX. 
 
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 " passages necesF.aires : le tout sous Iv. bon plaisrr de Sa 
 " Majeste, de laquelle il sera tenu de prendre laconfirma- 
 " lion des presentes dans un an. En t^moins de quoi nous 
 " avons signe ces presentes, k icelles fait apposer le sceau 
 
 apposer 
 de nos amies, et contre-signer par Tun de nos Secre- 
 taires. Donne a Quebec, le seizieme Octobre mil six 
 " cent soixante-seize ; ainsi .signi a ^original en parche- 
 " mam, FiiONTENAc, et contre- signe plus has, par Monsei- 
 " gneur, Lk Chasseur, avec paraphe. Et au dos du dit 
 *' titre est ecrit. 
 
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 '* Le titre de concession de I'autre part, a 6te confirme 
 " par arr^t du Conseil d'Etat du Roi, du 29 Mai JG80, et 
 " registre au greffe du Conseil souverain a Quebec, suivant 
 " ledit arr^t du Conseil d'Etat et celuidu dit Conseil sou- 
 verain, du vingt-quatvieme Octobre au dit an, par nioi, 
 Greffier en Chefau dit Conseil, Soussigne. Ainsi signe 
 Feuvret, avec paraphe.*' 
 
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 ^* Les sieurs le Febvre de la Barre, Seigneur du dit lieu 
 " Conseiller du Roi en ses Conseils, Gouverneur et son 
 " Lieutenant General dans toutes les terres de la Nouvelle- 
 " France ; et de Meules, Chevalier, Seigneur de la Source, 
 Conseiller du Roi en ses Conseils, Intendant de justi- 
 ' ce, police et finance en Canada, et pays de la dite France 
 " Septentrionale : A tons ceux qui ces presentes lettres 
 *' verront; Salut. Savoir, faisons que sur la requite a 
 '^ nous presente par Rene d'Aniours, Ecuyer, sieur de 
 Clignancourt, ace qui nous pldt lui vouloir accorderen 
 titre de fief, seigneurie, et justice, haute, moyenne et 
 basse, ce qui se rencontre de terre non conced^e le long 
 de la Riviere de Saint Jean, depuis le lieu de Medoctet, 
 icelui compris, jusqu'au long sault qui se trouve en re- 
 montant la dite riviere de Saint- Jean, icelle comprise, 
 avec les isles et islets qui se trouveroni dans cet espace, 
 et deux lieues de profondeur de chaque cote de la dite 
 *^ riviere de Saint-Jean. Nous, en vertu du pouvoira nous 
 '•^ conjointement donne par Sa Majeste, avons donne, accor- 
 " de, concede, donnons, accordons et concedons par ces 
 *' presentes au dit Sieur de Clignancourt, ce (jui se rencontre 
 " de terre non concedee ni habituee le long de la dite ri- 
 '^ viere de Saint-Jean, depuis ledit licude Madoctet^ icelui 
 
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 56 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 " conipriSj jusqii'aii longsault qui se ti'oiive en remontant 
 ** la (lite riviere de Saint Jean, icelle comprise avec les isles 
 " et islets qui se rencontreront dans cet espace, et deux 
 " lieues de profondeur de chaque cotd de la dite riviere de 
 ^* Saint-Jean ; pour jouir de la dite etendue de terre et de 
 " tout ce qui s'y pourra rencontrer, par le dit sieur de 
 " Clignanoourt, ses hoirs et a vans cause, k perpetuite en 
 '' litre de fief, seigneurie, haute, moyenae et basse justice, 
 *'* en faire et disposer comme de chose a lui appartenante ; 
 *"' lequel fief et seigneurie portera le non de Clignancourt, a 
 '' la charge de la foi et hommage que le dit sieur de Clig- 
 <* nancourt, ses dits hoirs et ayans cause, seront tenus d'ap- 
 *^ porter k Sa Majesty au chateau de Saint-Louis de cette 
 " ville, duquel il relevera aux droits et redevances ordi- 
 <^ naires, suivant la cotUume de la Prevote et Vicomte de 
 <^ Paris suivie en ce Pays ; qu'il tiendra ou fera tenir feu et 
 '* lieu, et y obligera les particuliers a qui il accordera des 
 *^ terres, et qu'a faute de ce faire par eux, il rentrera de plein 
 *' droit en la possession d'icel les; qu'il ne souffrira la dite 
 " rivifere de Saint- Jean 6tre embarassee, afin que la naviga- 
 " lion y soit libre, qu'il conserveraet fera conserver les bois 
 '' de chene qui s'y trouveront propres pour la construction 
 " des vaisseaux ; donnera avis a Sa Majeste et a nous, des 
 mines, mini^res et mineraux, si aucuns s'y trouvent, lais- 
 sera et fera laisser et tenir en bon etat les chemins et 
 passages necessaires, et qu'il fera defricher et habituer 
 les dits lieux, et les garnira de b^timens et de bestiaux 
 dans deux ans de ce jour, autrement la presente conces- 
 " sion demeurera nulle et de nul effet : le tout sous le bon 
 " plaisir de Sa Majeste, de laquelle il sera tenu de prendre 
 " confirmation d'icelle dans deux ans. En foi de quoi nous 
 avons signe ces pfesentes, a icelles fait apposer le sceau 
 de nos armes et contre -signer par le Secretaire de nous 
 dit Intendant. Donne' a Quebec, le vingt Septembre 
 mil six cent quatre-vingt-quatre. Signe Lk Febvre db 
 LA Barre et de Meules. Et plus has, par Monseigneur 
 Peuvret. Et scelld. 
 
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 " Collalionnd a Toriginal en parchemin k moi reprdsent«5 
 ** et a I'instant rendu, par moi Conseiller, Secretaire du 
 " Roi et Greffier en chef du Conseil souverain de la Nou- 
 " velle France. A Quebec le vingt-troisieme Septembre 
 *' mil six cent quatre-vingt-quatre. Sig/ie Pklvkkt." 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 57 
 
 fsente 
 re (111 
 Nou- 
 jmbre 
 
 " A tous ceux qui ces presentes lettres verront ; Salut. 
 *^ Savoir faisous que sur la requtte a nous presentee par 
 '^ Pierre Chesnet, Ecuyer, sieur du Breuil, teiuhinte a ce 
 *' quMI nous plut lui accorder en propriete deux lieues de 
 *' front le long de la Riviere de Saint-Jean, dans le lieu ap- 
 " pele par les Sauvages Canibecachiche, et petit Nachouac 
 *^ faisant le milieu de sa concession, avec les isles et islets 
 " qui se trouveront au devant, et trois lieues de profondeur, 
 *^ ensemble le droit de traite avec les Sauvages, de cliasse, 
 '^ de pecbe dans la dite etendue, et le tout tenir en fief, 
 '^ seigneurie, haute, basse et moyenne justice. Nous, en 
 '^ consequence du pouvoir a nous donne par Sa Majesty, 
 *^ avons au dit sieur du Breuil accorde et concede, accor- 
 '^ dons et concedons a perpetuite, deux lieues de front le 
 *^ longde la riviere de Saint-Jean, dans le lieu appele par 
 *' les Sauvages Canibecachiche et petit Nachouac, savoir, 
 *' une lieue d'un cote, et une de I'autre, le dit petit Na- 
 " chouac, faisant le milieu de la dite concession, avec les 
 '^ isles et islets qui se trouveront au devant, et trois lieues 
 *' de profondeur, ensemble le droit de traite avec les Sau- 
 " vages, de chasse et de peche dans la dite etendue ; ))our, 
 *^ par lui, ses hoirs et ayans cause, en jouir a perpetuiti?., a 
 " titre de fief et seigneurie, avec haute, moyenne et basse 
 *« justice, et droit de chasse et de peche dans toute I'eten- 
 '' due de la dite concession ; a la charge de rendre \i\foi et 
 *' hommage au Chateau de Saint Louis de Quebec^ et de 
 *^ payer les droits ordinaires a chaque mutation : le tout 
 " '^uivant la coutume de Paris ; de conserver et faire con- 
 ** server par ses tenanciers, les bois de chene qui se trou- 
 " verontdans toute I'etendue dela dite concession, propres 
 *' pour la construction des vaisseaux ; et de donner avis des 
 " mines, minieres et mineraux, ii Sa Majeste on au Gou- 
 '' verneur du pays, si aucuns se trouvent ; de faire inserer 
 " pareille condition dans les concessions qu'il lui sera per- 
 " mis d'accorder sur la dite terre, et de commencer dans 
 *' trois ans de ce jour, a travailler pour habiter la dite terre, 
 " a peine d'etre decM de la possession d'icelle. En te- 
 " moin de quoi nous avons signe ces presentes, a icelles 
 " fait apposer le sceau de nos amies, et contre-signer par 
 *^ Tun de nos Secretaires. Fait a Quebec, ce septieme 
 *^ Janvier, mil six cent quatre-vingt-neuf, Signe J. li. De 
 
 H 
 
58 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 'f Brisay db Denonville, J.Bochart Champigny. Et 
 « plus bas, par Monseigneur, Djs Fredin. 
 
 <' Collationnd a Toriginal en papier, par moi Notaire 
 " Soussign^, ce vingt-huiti^me Septembre mil six cent 
 « quatre-vingt-dix-neuf, et a I'instant rendu. &ign^ 
 
 " HOPPINOT.'' 
 
 lil 
 
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 Jotaire 
 
 K cent 
 
 Sign6