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 1 2 3 
 
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SPEECH 
 
 or 
 
 HON. AMOS TUCK, OP NEW HAMPSHIRE, 
 
 ON THE 
 
 NEW ENGLAND FISHERIES, 
 
 RECIFSOCAL 
 
 TRADE WITH THE BRITISH NORTH AMERICAN PROVINCES, 
 
 AND THE 
 
 FREE NAVIGATION OF THE ST. LAWRENCE, 
 
 DEUTERED 
 
 IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, 
 
 AUGUST 27. 1852. 
 
 WASHINGTON: 
 
 I>RINTED BY LEMUEL TOWERS. 
 1852. 
 
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 » , ' ''Y ^ " • ■ i ■ M A ^ \ -v "I 1 
 
 Mr. Ghaibman: I propose to discusR the topics of the fisher- 
 ies, and of reciprocal free trade with the British Provinces in 
 North America. Were it my purpose to engage in the con- 
 troversies wrhich parties are now waging against each other, 
 I should have many misgivings as to the propriety of occupy- 
 ing any portion of the brief period of the session now remain- 
 ing. The time for action on the matters of interest before 
 Congress is short, and none but important subjects should in- 
 tervene, even for the space of an hour. But I feel that the 
 magnitude of the topics of my remarks, considered in connec- 
 tion with the fact that not a single hour has been devoted to 
 the latter branch ol my subject, during this session, is suffi- 
 cient an apology for occupying the time necessary to present 
 the matter to the consideration of this House and the public. 
 The United States have, in my belief^ the opportunity, by 
 early and judicious action, by legislation, or by treaty, of se- 
 curing such an extension of our fisheries, and such a monopoly 
 of trade and intercourse with the British Provinces at the north 
 of us, as will secure, without any of the evils of annexation, 
 all the benefits which we could realize from the closest union. 
 These benefits may, and are likely to be lost, by neglect and 
 delay in availing ourselves of the benefits that circumstances 
 
 V have induced the Provinces and Great Britain to ofier to us. 
 
 ■ The way is open, not only to esca^pQ from any perplexities 
 that may have arisen in respect to the fisheries, but to enlarge 
 our privileges in that regard, to an extent of great and lasting 
 importance. Besides this, we can obtain the free navigation 
 of the St. Lawrence, the natural outlet of a vast extent of our 
 country, and probably the free use of the St. John's and other 
 important streams of the Provinces. This opportunity of ac- 
 quiring all the benefits, without any of the evils of annexation, 
 
 .and in a manner which, if examined, can furnish no ground 
 of jealousy or complaint in any part of the country, is an oc- 
 cnrrence second in magnitude to but few measures that ever 
 have been considered by Congress. A coincidence of events have 
 
I 
 
 1 
 
 led to propositions for commerce, and consequent emolument 
 therefrom, which a few years ago we could not have obtained 
 at any price. Let me briefly allude to the events which have 
 brought about this result. 
 
 Within a few years a great change has taken place in the 
 colonial policy of Great Britain. Formerly the colonies were 
 compelled, by heavy differential duties, to purchase their sup- 
 plies exclusively of the mother country. The manufactures 
 of Great Britain were admitted into the Proviiices with a 
 lower tariff than was imposed upon the same articles from 
 other countries; while the exports of the Provinces were ad- 
 mitted into the ports of Great Britain with corresponding ad- 
 Vantages over all competitors. The consequence was, that 
 with all our advantages of proximity, v^e had almost no busi- 
 ness or other intercourse with our neighbors in the Provinces. 
 But Great Britain found it expedient to change her commer- 
 cial policy at home ; to admit breadstuffs and lumber, the most 
 important products of the colonies, into ^[11 of her markets free 
 of duty, in order to secure customers from the Baltic and the 
 Black sea, whom 6he most needed. The Provinc^es, ho longer 
 having advantages over others in the matter of their chief ex- 
 ports to the British markets, would have been too ihtolerabiy 
 burdened if they had been compelled to maintain di'fferential 
 duties at home in favor of the mother country. In 1846, the 
 Canadian Legiislature having been authorized by the Imperial 
 Parliament to regulate their own tariff, and being anxious to 
 cultivate a free intercourse with the United States, abolished 
 difieretitial duties And admitted American manufactures and 
 foreign goods purcllased in the American markets, on the 
 Same ternis as thoije frtym Great Britain. The duty on British 
 goods was raised, a^d that on American was diminished, so 
 that they Were made eqdal. There is no doubt that interest dic- 
 tated this itapoHktkt enActrtieilt. Yet it was a measure, if 
 beneficial to the people of CAriada, 'e^tially beneficial to those 
 of tlte United States; and being ^ spontaneous offering on 
 their patt, of what %Vas certain to secure to us an extensive 
 and lucrative trade, they bad a right to ex^et that this gene- 
 lr6sity should, at least, attract our atteiiti6n. Yet it failed to 
 do fett. When, in 1840, Gen. Dix, of New York, stated in the 
 Senate the fact of die abolitrota of differential duties, he was 
 a&lied upon to giVe his authority. PriVke interest, however, 
 
ilumenfi 
 btained 
 ;h have 
 
 e in the 
 
 es were 
 
 leir sup- 
 
 factures 
 with a 
 
 les from 
 
 vere ad- 
 ding ad- 
 
 vas, that 
 no busi- 
 
 rovinces. 
 
 commer- 
 the most 
 
 rkets free 
 
 c and the 
 
 ho longer 
 chief ex- 
 
 itolerabty 
 ffcrential 
 1846, the 
 
 ) Imperial 
 
 .nxions to 
 abolished 
 tures and 
 ts, on the 
 on British 
 inished, so 
 iterest dic- 
 leasare, if 
 al to those 
 iffering on 
 extensive 
 this gene- 
 it failed to 
 ited in the 
 es, he was 
 t, howcvdr, 
 
 h ad already availed itself of the benefits of the measure, and 
 an extensive trade, notwithstanding our heavy tariff on Cana- 
 dian products, had. grown up with the States. The amount 
 of duties on goods from the United States, increased many 
 fold in three or four years, and the duties on goods from Great 
 Britain experienced a corresponding decrease. The port of 
 Toronto will serve as index of the increase of trade secured 
 to us, where the amount of duties paid on imports rose within 
 the short period mentioned, from $30,000 to about $400,000, 
 per annum. .i-if* nl m>*.S\ ,m! hr.^: .'.' 
 
 '. But if the .people of Canada buy our productions, they 
 must pay for them with what they have to sell. They 
 cannot get money by selling their products abroad, and bring 
 it here to buy what we have to sell. That would impoverish 
 them and be an unnatural course of business which could not 
 continue. Yet when the Canadian proposes to pay for his 
 purchases of us, by bringing what he has to sell, he is met by 
 a heavy duty, which repels him from us as inevitably as dif- 
 ferential duties formerly debarred us from Canada. Under 
 this state of things, the Canadian Government made applica- 
 tion to Congress, five years ago, for exemption from this bar 
 to trade, by establishing reciprocal free trade in national pro- 
 ducts with tbo United States, having first passed a law on 
 its part, abolishing similar duties against us, to take effect 
 when the United States should have passed a corresponding 
 statute admitting certain articles specified, without duty. 
 This proposition was submitted to Congress in the last part of 
 the Administration of Mr. Polk^ -rd received his favorable con- 
 sideration, also, that of Mr. Buchi nan. Secretary of State, and 
 Mr. Walker, Secretary of the Treasury. The following bill 
 was reported from the Committee of Commerce, by Hon. 
 Joseph Grinnell, the chairman, and subsequently received the 
 sanction of the House, and passed without opposition : jiu/r/' 
 
 Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representativee of the United Statei 
 of America in Congress aaiembkd. That when tife President of the United States 
 shall issue his proclamation that the articles hereinafter enumerated, being of the 
 growth or production of the United States, are adniitted into the province of Can- 
 ada by law free of duty, that on and after that day, the like articles, being the growth 
 or production of said province of Canada, shall be admitted into the United States 
 free of duty, when imported direict from said province, so long as the said enume- 
 rated articles are admitted into said province of Canada from the United States free 
 of duty, unless otherwise directed by Congress, to wit: Grain and breadstuQs of all 
 
kinds, vegelablM, fruitf, raimal*, hidM, wool, Ullow, bornt, •tited rad fretb mealar 
 orcf of «11 kinds of metaif, timbers, staves, wood and lumber of ill kinds. 
 
 - This bill went to the Senate, where Gen. Dix made an able 
 8|>eech in its favor; but it failed to become a law for want of 
 time. Since 1848, our domestic difficulties have absorbed 
 attention, so that no action has been had by this House, though 
 the Committee of Commerce of the last House, through their 
 chairman, Hon. R. M. McLane, on the 16th of May, 1850, in^ 
 troduced a bill in the identical language of that which had 
 passed the House in 1848. 
 
 In the meantime the progress of events in the Provinces 
 has presented the subject of reciprocity to us in a new form, 
 and as a much more important matter. The proposition made 
 to us in 1848, and which passed this House, related only to 
 the Province of Canada. But differential duties having been 
 abolished in all the provinces, and everything tending to show, 
 not only the mutual advantage, but the necessity on the part 
 of the Provinces, of enlarged intercourse with the United 
 States, we have now the general proposition of establish- 
 ing an extensive commerce with all the British possessions at 
 the North, and of opening to the enterprise of our fishermen, 
 invaluable privileges, and putting an end to the annoyances 
 and disputes heretofore existing in regard to our rights. 
 
 The people of the Provinces are exceedingly impatient of 
 what they believe to be our injurious restrictions upon their 
 productions, by which, failing, as they say, to respond to their 
 liberal legislation in odr behalf, we are driving their trade 
 into foreign channels, as much to the detriment of ourselves 
 as to them. No man who has given the subject his attention 
 can fail to see the mutual advantages which must result from 
 adopting some liberal arrangements to secure the trade of the 
 Provinces. It is known that Mr. Clay and Mr. Webster have 
 favored some arrangements not materially unlike that propo- 
 sed, while the people of the Provinces are annoyed at the 
 neglect which their liberal propositions for their own and our 
 benefit, have experienced in Congress. 
 
 The British Government at home, taking the same view of 
 the question, with a large portion of the colonists, and proba- 
 bly judging that reciprocal trade with us will put off, to an 
 indefinite future, all difficulties that may ever arise about an- 
 nexation, have, through the British Minister, taken active 
 
steps La promote the wishes of the friends of reciprocity. 
 Things are now approaching a crisis, inasmuch as the peoplo 
 of the Provinces having become convinced that they can obtain 
 no satisfactory response from the Government of the United 
 States, are seriously meditating a return to differential dutiei 
 in favor of England, ' • " 
 
 With these remarks I will cause to be read the following 
 letter from the British Minister to our Secretary of State, 
 which, although, only one of several communications on the 
 subject, will convey authentic information as to the nature of 
 the propositions made, and the hazards represented to be at- 
 tendant upon delay. 
 
 *'BRiTira LioATiov, June 24, 1851. 
 
 fim: I have already exprenwd to you at different periods, and especially in my 
 note of 22d March last, the disappointment which waa experienced in Canada^ 
 when at the close of last session of Congress it waa known that no progress what- 
 ever had been made in the bill which had been brought forward for three years bu(^ 
 cesaively for reciprocating to the measure which passed the Canadian Legislature ill 
 1847, and which granted to the natural produce of this country an entry free of 
 duty, into Canada whensoever the Federal Legislature of the United States should 
 pass a measure similarly admitting into the United States the natural produce of 
 the Canadas. This disappointment was the greater, inasmuch as the Canadiaa 
 Government has always adopted the most liberal commercial policy with respect ta 
 the United States, as well in regard to the transit through its canals, as in regard 
 to the admission of manufactured goods coming from this countiy. 
 
 I have now the honor to enclose to you the copy of an official communication from 
 which you will perceive, that unless I can hold out some hopes that a policy will 
 be adopted in the United States similar to that which has been adopted in Canada, 
 and which the Canadian authorities would be willing, if met in a correspondftic 
 spirit, to carry out still farther, the Canadian Government and legislatures are likelj 
 forthwith to take certain measures, which, both in themselves and their eonsa- 
 quences, will eflect a considerable change in the commercial intercourse betweaa 
 the Canadas and the United States. 
 
 I should see with great regret the adoption of such measures, and I am induced 
 to hope, from the conversations I have recently had with you, that they will be un- 
 necessary. 
 
 The wish of her Majesty's government indeed would be rather to improve thaa 
 impair all relations of friendship and good neighborhood between her Majesty'* 
 American possessions and the United States ; and I feel myself authorized to repeat 
 to you now, what I have at different times already stated to Mr. Clayton and your- 
 self, viz: that her Majesty's Government could see with pleasure any arrangement^ 
 either by treaty or by legislation, establishing a free interchange of all natural pro* 
 ductions not only between Canada and the United States, but between the United 
 States and all her Majesty's North American provinces; and furthermore, I am 
 willing to say that in the event of such an arrangement, her Majesty's Government 
 would be ready to open to American shipping, the waters of the river St. Law- 
 aencc^ with the canab adjoining, according to the terms of a letter which I addreai- 
 
Hf 
 
 ed to Mr. CUyion, on S7lb Marcb* 1860, for the information of the Committee on 
 Commerco in tlio Houie of KcpreMntetiveH, and to whicti I talio the lil)erly of re« 
 fering you, whilit I may add that her Majeity'a Government would in thia caae be 
 likewiao willing to open to American flihermen, the flaherira along the coaat of 
 Nova Scotia and New Bruniwick, according to the conuttiona apecified in the en- 
 olowd extract from biitructiona with which I am furniahed. 
 
 The willingneaa to grant to American citizens on auch reasonaliio oonditiona two 
 important privili'ges ao long enjoyed excluaively by the subjects of Great Britain, 
 will teatify clearly to the apirit by which the Britiah Government ia on tbia occaaion 
 animated! and as aiTaira have now arrived at that criaia in which a frank explana- 
 tion of the viewa of either party ia necessary for the interests and right understand- 
 ing of both, I take the liberty of begging you to inform me whether you are die- 
 poaad, on the part of the United States, to enter into such a convention as will 
 place the commercial relatione between the United Statea and her Miyesty's North 
 American colonies on the footing which ( have here proposed; or whether, in the 
 event of there appearing to you any objection to proceed by convention in thia 
 nwtter, you can aasure me that the United Statea Government will take the earliest 
 opportunity of urgently Recommending Congreaa to carry out the object aforesaid 
 by the meana of legislation. 
 
 I avail myself of thia opportunity to renew to you the assurance of my highest 
 consideration. 
 
 v.* .is 
 
 Hon. Damiil WxatTXR, &c., &c., &c. H. L. BULWER. 
 
 It is not necessary to read Lord Elgin's despatch, referred to 
 in this letter, nor the " extract" in regard to the fisheries. I 
 have not the letter of Mr. Webster in reply, but it is under- 
 stood that he is favorably disposed to a commercial arrange^ 
 ment, by the treaty making power, or by Congress, for ac- 
 oomplishiiig the general objects set forth in the above letter. 
 1 will read the following schedule, specifying the articles 
 which are proposed by the British Minister to be reciprocally 
 admitted duty free : 
 
 "Grain, and breadstuffs of all kinds, vegetables, fruits, birds, 
 animals, hides, wool, cheese, tallow, horns, salted and fresh 
 meats, ores of all kinds of metals, plaster of paris, in stone or 
 ground, ashes, timber, staves, wood, and lumber of all kipds, 
 and all Rsh, either cured or fresh." "• • 
 
 The Bill which passed this house in 1848, as before stated, 
 m well as that reported by Mr. McLane in the last Congress, 
 gave the schedule of free articles in the following words: 
 
 "Grain and breadstuffs of all kinds, vegitables, fruits, ani- 
 mals, hides, wool, tallow, horns, salted and fresh meats, ores 
 of all kinds of metals, timber, ste^ves, wood and lumber of all 
 kinds." 
 
 I do not presume to suggest, in what language, or manner, 
 nor with what qualifications and conditions, the propositions 
 
 ♦ 
 
$ 
 
 of the Provinces should be met and aooepted. But I believe 
 the opportunity is now singularly favorable, to achieve a 
 great deal for the fisheries, for the commerce of New Eng- 
 land, and the States upon the lakes, and for the general in- 
 dustry and prosperity of the whole country. Whether this 
 object is within the range of the treaty-making power, or is 
 the appropriate business of the national Legislature, I will not 
 now discuss. I believe, however, that if the present Secretary 
 of State should apply to the subject the powers of his wonder- 
 ful mind, and grasping, as none but he can do, the whole sub- 
 juct of our Northern relations, the fisheries, the free naviga- 
 tion of the St. Lawrence, and reciprocal trade ; should enter 
 into a treaty, settling and defining the whole matter, in a 
 liberal and just manner, the country would experience relief, 
 and willingly acquiesce in what he should do ; and that the 
 whole subject would be settled more justly and prudently, 
 than it could be by any other means. With the liberal spirit 
 manifested by the Provinces and Greai Britain, I cannot doubt 
 that the details, as well as the general principle, of an ar- 
 rangement can be satisfactorily agreed upon ; should the ne- 
 gotiators sit down in earnest to the business. The three 
 great objects to be aimed at are, the extension of our fisher- 
 ies, increase of trade with the Provinces, and the free naviga- 
 tion of their rivers. 
 
 It is evident that on certain terms, and if those proposed are 
 not right, then without doubt on others, that would be sattsfao- 
 tory, the British Government are ready to grant a privilege 
 to the shore fisheries, with the right of landing and occupy- 
 ing such stations on shore as may be necessary for curing 
 and packing fish, and pursuing the business gradually, in a 
 manner most likely to be successful. If this should be ac- 
 quired for our fishermen, I have reason to believe that some 
 of those most deeply interested would regard the loss of the 
 small protection they now enjoy not as an unreasonable con- 
 sideration. But I propose not the details. My object is to 
 call attention to the general subject, and lay before Congress 
 some reasons for believing the opportunity now enjoyed^ for 
 advantageous negotiation or legislation, extremely favorable 
 for good results, and deserving the earliest and most carefUl 
 attention of our Government. 
 
 .!» 
 
 V t; .K< Vi"vil '^.M v-;>"-n or<' 
 
 
 U '! 
 
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 V]}i^ :: 
 
10 
 
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 First let me speak of tbe fisheries. I know the importance 
 of this interest, living in one of the oldest fishing districts of 
 the country, and having many constituents constantly en- 
 gaged in the business. I wrould be exceedingly rejoiced to 
 see their privileges enlarged, and their laborious industry 
 more adequately rewarded ; and I believe that a more favor- 
 able moment now exists for the accomplishment of this ob- 
 ject, than has ever before occurred. Our fishermen need less 
 restriction and more privileges, and now is the time to secure 
 these to them. • 
 
 The recent excitement in regard to supposed trespasses by 
 the British upon our fishing rights, has happened at an unfor- 
 tunate period ; and if it have any unfavorable effect upon any 
 pending negotiations, or upon any action of Congress neces- 
 sary in the premises, it will operate more disasterously to our- 
 selves than to any opposing interests. I think the public 
 mind should be disabused of all erroneous impressions in re- 
 gard to the purpose of other nations to encroach upon us ^ 
 and that, for our own welfare, we should conduct the negotia- 
 tions under consideration with the utmost calmness and con- 
 sideration. It is under this conviction, and without any in- 
 tention of justifying any wrongful act of the British or Colo- 
 nial forces, that I call attention to a few important facts, 
 which I have obtained from perfectly reliable sources. 
 
 The British Government have sent out no stronger forces to 
 protect their fishing privileges, the present year, than heretofore. 
 They have promulgated no new construction of the convention 
 of 1818 ; they have given no orders for the seizing of vessels^ 
 unless they were trespassing within the" three miles," where we 
 admit that our vessels have no right to take fish ; and, finally, 
 no more seizures have been made the present year than have 
 been made each year since 1835. It is not improbable that the 
 orders given may have been carried out by some over-zealous 
 colonial officers, irritated, perhaps, by a sense of wrong 
 on our part, in an unjustifiable manner. But that the British 
 Government have intended to encroach upon American rights, 
 or to vindicate their own by extraordinrry means, or, least of 
 all, to frighten us into the acceptance of terms, which we 
 would not receive unless overawed by an application of force, 
 is a supposition without foundation, and to be forthwith dis- 
 carded. I think it an act of justice to avow the facts on this 
 
 t^ 
 
 %f 
 
 ■« 
 
>y 
 
 K? 
 
 11 
 
 subject, because it is right that the truth should be known, 
 and because miapprehension will have a tendency to prevent 
 that mutually beneficial arrangement in respect to the fish- 
 eries and commerce with the Provinces, which is now happily 
 within reasonable hope of accomplishment. 
 
 The treaty of 1818, so far as relates to taking fish, reads as 
 follows: 
 
 ** Whereas differences have arisen respecting the Uberty claimed by the United 
 States for the inhabitants thereof to take, dry, and cure fish on certain coasts, bays, 
 harbors, and creeks of His Britannic Majesty's dominions in America, it is agreed 
 between the high contracting parties that the inhabitants of the said United States 
 shall have, forever, in common with the subjects of His Britannic Majesty, the lib- 
 erty to take fish of every kind on that part of the southern coast of Newfoundland 
 which extends from Cape Ray to the Rameau Islands, on the western and northern 
 coast of said Newfounland, from the said Cape Ray to the Quirpon Islands, on the 
 shores of the Magdalen Islands; and also on the coasts, bays, harbors, and creeks 
 from Mount Joly, on the southern coouit of Labrador, to and through the Straits of 
 Belle Isle, and thence northwardly indefinitely along the coast, without prejudice, 
 however, to any of the exclusive rights of the Hudson's Bay Company. And the 
 United Stala hereby renounce forever any liberty heretofore enjoyed or claimed 
 by the inhabitants thereof to take, dry, or cure Jiah on or within three marine 
 miles of any of the coasts, bays, creeks, or harbors of His Britannic Majesty's do- 
 minions in America, not included within the above mentioned limits t Provided, 
 however. That the American fishermen shall be admitted to enter such bays or har- 
 bors for the purpose of shelter, and of repairing damages therein, of purchanng 
 wood, and of obtaining water, and for no other purpose whatever. But they shall 
 be under such restrictions as may be necessary to prevent their taking, drying, or 
 coring fish therein, or in any other manner whatever abusing the privileges hereby 
 reserved to them." 
 
 Th^t portion of the above claim which I shall print in ital- 
 ics, contains the source of the whole difficulty. Our Commis- 
 sioners in 1818, specially renounced the shore fishery, three 
 miles in width, over a vast extent of coast. This renunciation 
 began at the boundary of the State of Maine, continued in 
 and around the Bay of Fundy, (but in this bay we now have 
 larger privileges,) along the coast of New Brunswick, all 
 around Nova Scotia, Cape Breton, Prince Edward's Island, 
 the remaining coast of New Brunswick, and so along to Mt. 
 Joly, in Labrador. This coast where we lay no claim to take 
 fish within three miles of the shore, is at least 2,500 miles in 
 extent. This shore fishery which we hav» renounced, is 
 of great value, and extremely important to American fisher- 
 men. It is important to us in this respect. The cod fishery 
 which is pursued for a portion of every year, by a large fleet 
 
If 
 
 from New England, is carried on at considerable distances, 
 sometimes hundreds of miles from the shore. Large qaanti- 
 ties are taken ; but as a general thing, to make the business of 
 fishing profitable, it is necessary that our fishermen 6nish out 
 the season, by employment for a time after the cod fishery has 
 ended, in the fall, in the mackerel fishery, or in some uncer- 
 tain jobs in the coasting trade. Without something of this 
 kind, the expenses of well built vessels and costly outfits, is so 
 poorly remunerated, as to make fishing a losing business. 
 From the first of September to the close of the season, the 
 mackerel run near the shore, and it is next to impossible for 
 our vessels to obtain fares, without taking fish within the pro- 
 hibited limits. We differ with England in regard to the 
 measurement of these ** limits f they claiming to run from 
 ''headland to headland,'^ and we to follow the indentations of 
 the coast. But the real difiiculty is not here. The British 
 have never taken a vessel as a trespasser, when not within 
 the limits which we acknowledge we have renounced. They 
 have given particular directions to the ofiicers of their vessels 
 not to do so, and the reason is plain. They know that if they 
 exact a strict observance of our renunciation, on our own con- 
 struction, they break up our mackerel fishery. Hence it would 
 be folly in either to raise an issue on the "headland" dec- 
 line on which most people, I think, would hold our con- 
 struction to be the true one. I do not think it generally known 
 that the whole difficulty about the fisheries is about our right 
 to take mackerel. The cod fishing privileges are adequate 
 already ; and no vessel in that business has ever been seized 
 or interfered with. I think it is proper to go still further and 
 to state frankly, what, after a patient investigation of every 
 source of authentic information within my reach, I believe to 
 be the real difficulty. i sx. 
 
 The truth is, our fishermen need absolutely, and must have, 
 the thousands of miles of sjiore fishery which have been re- 
 nounced, or they must always do an uncertain business. If 
 our mackerel men are prohibited from going within three 
 miles of the shore, ftnd are forcibly kept away, (and nothing 
 but force will do it,) then they may as well give up their 
 business first as last. It was always uncertain, and generally 
 unsuccessful, however well pursued. v.-iAi -u i\ .xv^tm. 
 
 Perhaps I shall be thought to charge the commissioners of 
 
 t 
 
 A 
 
 i^ 
 
 k 
 
.t 
 
 1 1 
 
 i;^ 
 
 1818, with overloc^ing our interests. They did so, in the im- 
 portant renunciation which I have quoted ; but tiiey are ob- 
 noxious to no complaints for so doing. In 1818, we took no 
 mackerel on the coasts of the British possessions, and there 
 was no reason to anticipate that we should ever have occa- 
 sion to do so. Mackerel were then found as abundantly on 
 the coast of New England, as any where in the world, and 
 it was not till years after that this beautiful Ush, in a great 
 degree, left our waters. The mackerel fishery on the Pro- 
 vincial coasts has principally grown up since 1838, and no 
 vessel was ever licensed for that business in the United 
 States till 1828. The commissioners in 1818 had no other 
 business but to protect the cod fishery, and this they did in a 
 maner generally satisfactory to those most interested. 
 
 I have thus stated the real difficulty in regard to the fish- 
 eries, because it needs to be understood, in order to draw forth 
 an expression of public opinion in favor of availing ourselves 
 of the opportuny presented of extending our privileges, and 
 obtaining what we want. No method is now offered, nor in 
 my belief will ever occur, whereby we can satisfy the claims 
 of our fishermen, except by entering into commercial arrange- 
 ments with the Provinces, on some national basis of recipro- 
 cal free trade, as we are now solicited to do. They cannot 
 well do without reciprocity, (equally beneficial, though not 
 equally indispensable to us,) and we cannot well do without 
 better fishing privileges. Both may be, and ought to be, im- 
 mediately adjusted. The amount of the fishing interests 
 which demands th6 attention of Government, is as follows : 
 
 The average tonnage in the mackerel fishery, for five years, 
 
 preceding 1861, was 51,503 tons. 
 
 Average number of men employed 8,879 
 
 Average annual product. 283,266 barrels. 
 
 Average aggregate annual value $1,657,963 
 
 Average tonnage employed in the cod fishery for ten years 
 
 prior to 1851 vras 79,251 tons. 
 
 Tonnage in 1851 95,616 
 
 Average number of men employed 11,331 
 
 Average product 713,256 quintals. 
 
 Average annual value $1,554,473 
 
 I wi'1 not specify the claims of this interest to the fostering 
 care of Government, as nurseries of American seamen ; that 
 subject, as well as others, having been ably attended to, in 
 the excellent speech of my friend from* Massachusetts, (Mr. 
 ScuDDBR.) The amount of mon^y invested, and the number 
 
14 
 
 of men employed, vindicate the right to attention from the 
 Government. With all the discussion that has taken place 
 and with the liberal proposition made at the outset by the 
 British Minister, our fishermen will not be satisfied without 
 progress. They believe, and truly, that their privileges can 
 be extended. They want the shore fisheries, they want a 
 right to erect and maintain structures on shore to cure cod 
 fish, as soon as taken, thus saving cost and making better 
 fish for market ; and believing their wishes to be easy of ac- 
 complishment, they will not consent to the endurance of 
 former restrictions, the annoyances and troubles of which 
 they have so long felt. 
 
 Ih this connection, I must refer to the views of our late 
 brother on this floor, whose sudden death has so recently cast 
 a gloom over this House. Mr. Rantoul was a faithful rep- 
 resentative of a district deeply interested in the fisheries. 
 On account of the alleged encroachments of the British upon 
 our rights, he undertook an examination of the subject, in 
 connection with the proposed commercial arrangements be- 
 tween the Provinces and the United States, and devoted to 
 it the last days of his health and life. In common with all, 
 I deplore his loss to this House and the country ; and I will 
 add that I particularly regret that he did not live to deliver 
 the speech he was preparing on the subjects I am now under- 
 taking to discuss. I have the more confidence in the views 
 , I present, because I know, that in the main, they were sanc- 
 tioned by his superior judgment. 
 
 But I come to the remaining topic of my remarks, which, 
 if it had not been by the circumstances inseparably connected 
 with the fisheries, I might have discussed alone, as being of 
 «qual if not greater importance. The proposition for the 
 closest commercial relations with the North American Pro- 
 vinces of Great Britain, embracing the fair use of their rivers 
 and canals, is a subject of very great magnitude. It involves 
 all the commercial, political, and moral benefits arising from 
 intimate relations with a great nation. The Provinces now 
 contain a population of more than two-third^ that of the 
 United States at the time of the Revolution. Having gene- 
 rally a good soil, an invigorating climate, and a population 
 with habits which pfomise great good, there can be no doubt 
 that there is a future of prosperity and greatness before them, 
 
 ri 
 
 i) 
 
 %) 
 
^' 
 
 15 
 
 ^ 
 
 ♦? 
 
 second to no nation on the Continent except the United States, 
 They border upon as, on a line of many thousand miles in 
 extent, and thus have all the advantages of situation to bene* 
 fit us, and be benefitted by us, which they could have if they 
 were integral parts of the Union. We now treat with them 
 in their weakness ; we shall hereafter know them in their 
 greatness. They come to us in a liberal spirit, and entertain- 
 ing no jealousy of the more rapid advancement of our coun- 
 try, provided they can follow, even at an humble distance, in 
 the path of progress and improvement, they make explicit and 
 earnest appeals for an honorable and mutually beneficial re- 
 ciprocity. Their appeals have been unheeded for a long 
 time, and it is both becoming and necessary that we should 
 make our decision at an early period. They have not made 
 any proposition of the measure of reciprocal free trade which 
 they request us to consider as their ultimatum ; and, of course, 
 I do not undertake to define any. But they have come with 
 liberal propositions, as a basis, and my earnest appeal is in 
 favor of meeting them in the same spirit. ■''' 
 
 Commerce is the great pioneer of human progress and im- 
 provement. Two civilized nations cannot have trade with 
 one another without mutual advantage to both. They can' 
 not refrain from trade and intercourse, especially if contermi- 
 nous, without disadvantage to both. The mutual accumula- 
 tion of wealth, and means of improvement and happiness, is 
 the natural result of abundant commerce. A fair exchange 
 of such products as each can provide for the other, with less 
 labor than that other can provide for himself, lessens the 
 amount of human labor necessary, and leaves more time and 
 means for improvement and happiness. Men invent engines, 
 steamboats, railroads, and telegraphs, for the purposes of com- 
 merce, in the hope of gain. They are used to enlighten the 
 dark places of the earth, to spread information and religion 
 throughout the world, to equalize prices, transport commodi- 
 ties, prevent panics, and annihilate the evil of local deaths 
 and famines. We live in a wonderful age of commercial 
 activity and improvement. We are continually seeking for 
 new fields of enterprise, and stretching our efibrts to the end 
 of the earth to find new customers for our products and our 
 wares. Shall we overlook the best customers we can any- 
 where find, (because they are our neighbors, and the cost of 
 
II ! 
 
 transportation is thereby chiefly saved,) and go to China and 
 Japan, with cannon and gun powder, to open by force of arms 
 the distant nations who repeal all our advances ? No man 
 is unaw^are of the benefits of unrestricted commerce between 
 the States of this Union. It has contributed more than any- 
 thing else to our growth and our forces as a nation ; in fact 
 all else would have been insufHcient without it. It is the 
 great bond of our Union at the present time, and does more 
 to hold us together than ten standing armies. It is our invisi- 
 ble, omnipresent, and all but omnipotent resisting force against 
 dissolution. By its noiseless power it vindicates Republican 
 institutions, promotes the general prosperity, and will hold us 
 together, when physical force would only produce anarchy or 
 tyranny. Let us extend this bond of interest with proper 
 limitations, or none at all, as may be thought best, to the 
 Provinces of Great Britain laying upoii our borders. It may 
 be done with general benefit to the whole country. It is no 
 scheme which may not be safely carried ou*. in a Southern as 
 well as a Northern direction. Reciprocity may be assumed 
 as the basis of our relations with all adjoining nations. If 
 adopted, it will open the way for the abolition of tonnage 
 duty on Spanish vessels engaged in trade between Cuba and 
 Porto Rico and the United States, now so earnestly sought 
 by a portion of the Soutb. I would vo^e for such abolition 
 at any time. We can adopt reciprocity for this Continent 
 and the adjoining islands as an American system, desei'ving 
 the name it would bear. Annexation and "filibustering" expe- 
 ditions would then be little talked of, because there would be 
 no commercial restrictions, whose removal makes conquests 
 and closer combinations necessary for human progress. 
 
 But let me confine myself to some specific benefits to be 
 derived from making the colonial propositions for trade in 
 the liberal spirit in which they are made. The proposition > 
 of Sir Henry L. Bulwer particularly mentions the free navi- 
 gation of the St. Lawrence. It is well known that by the 
 Weliand Canal, which connects Lake Erie and Lake Ontario, 
 the Canadians can now transport all their shipping at plea- 
 sure from the Lakes to the river St. Lawrence, and thence 
 into the Atlantic ocean. In connexion with their proposi- 
 tions of reciprocity, and settlement of the fisheries, they now 
 offer to our western commerce this great privilege. Let us 
 
 ■^ 
 
 i 
 
 i 
 
^ 
 
 17 
 
 •) 
 
 look at its value. The river St. Lawrence and Lake Ontario 
 at the Northern border of New York ; Western New York, 
 Northern Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, and Michigan, are con- 
 tiguous to Lake Erie ; Michigan, Wisconsin, Minnesota, and 
 Illinois, are aOjacent to Lakes Huron, Michigan, and Superior. 
 The St. Lawrence is the natural outlet to all this immense 
 country, and with the exception of Lake SupeVior, (and that 
 will not be an exception many years longer,) large as well as 
 small vessels, may lie, and of tea are taken from all these 
 Lakes through the Canadian canals and the St. Lawrence to 
 the ocean. We know how to prize the free navigation of the 
 Mississippi, and we shall not cease to extol the foresight of the 
 statesman who was mainly instrumental in the purchase of 
 Louisiana, by which this was obtained. The St. Lawrence, 
 with the Lakes, is the natural outlet of an extent of country 
 nearly equal to that drained by the Mississippi^ and the course 
 of that river is more favorably directed towards good markets, 
 than the Mississippi. It is not far from the line of a great 
 circle on the earth's surface, from the lake country to Eng- 
 land, and is, therefore, on the line of the shortest distance, al- 
 though such does not appear to be the case, on the common 
 maps of Mercator's projection, h is on the line of the great- 
 est wheat producing region in the world. There is now cal- 
 culated to be Hot less than $8,000,000 worth of shipping upon 
 our Lakes, owned by citizens of the United States. Our citi- 
 zens have often felt the advantage of transporting their ves- 
 sels, and have been frequently asking the Canadian Gevern- 
 ment for leave to do so. Permission has generally been re- 
 fused, though granted in some instances. Within two years 
 one of our vessels laden with copper ore, bound to Swamsea, 
 in Wales, and another with emigrants for California, were 
 allowed to pass out of the Lakes through the St. Lawrence 
 to the ocean. Two war steamers of the United States were 
 not long ago allowed the same privilege. For five months of 
 the year all shipping on the Lakes lies idle, on account of ice. 
 It is estimated that one fourth part of it, say two millions of 
 dollars worth, is adapted to ocean navigation, and might be 
 profitably employed, if it could be got out, in foreign commerce, 
 or in the coasting trade of the Atlantic States, at timefe so un- 
 necessarily expensive. The free navigation of the St. Law- 
 rence is only necessary to show us in the fall of every year, 
 
18 
 
 long lines of vessels seeking the Atlantic, through Can- 
 ada, laden with western produce, and in the spring, making 
 their way back with foreign wares, and with the avails of 
 profitable labor for nearly half a year. Let no one imagine 
 that freights of breadstuflfs may not, in this manner, be trans- 
 ported by our own vessels to foreign markets. Our wheat 
 competes in British markets with wheat from the Black Sea; 
 yet Odessa, the chief place of export on that sea, is a thou- 
 sand miles more distant, by water communication, from Liver- 
 pool, than is Cleveland in our State of Ohio. The St. Law- 
 rence is important to the great west now, but when we at- 
 tempt to calculate what the west is destined to be, in wealth, 
 population, varied interest, and varied necessity, we can ap- 
 prehend something of the importance of securing its great 
 outlet now when we have the opportunity. If I could be 
 permitted to make one suggestion to the representatives of 
 the watchful of her interests, and faithfully laboring to promote 
 them, it would be to take care that the present golden op- 
 portunity of securing the free navigation of the St. Lawrence 
 be not lost. 
 
 I have heard it suggested, that we might accept of limited 
 reciprocal trade with the Provinces in such a manner, as that 
 the commercial transactions between them and us, would be 
 injurious to our manufactures. If I believed that any prac- 
 ticable arrangement with our neighbors, would involve such 
 a result, there is no one who would be more anxious to pre- 
 vent it than myself. But I believe arrangements that prevent 
 trade, are alone injurious to the parties ; not those which fa- 
 cilitate it. If a basis is agreed upon, which shall open the 
 way for the people of the Provinces to come and trade with 
 us, I have no fears that it will not be profitable to both parties. 
 To keep them away, by tariffs on their products, so that they 
 cannot be brought here, to pay for our fabrics, will thereby in- 
 jure our manufacturers, who desire to sell to them their goods. 
 
 It is now universally admitted, by sound economists and 
 statesmen, says an able writer in the North American Review, 
 " that no commercial arrangement can be permanently advan- 
 tageous to one party without being so to both ; that the basis 
 of virtual, when not of literal reciprocity, is the only solid 
 ground of international relations, and that the increased pros- 
 perity of one of the family of nations, only offers an enlarged 
 
 1 
 
♦'; 
 
 19 
 
 market for the industry, and an expanded field for the com- 
 merce of every other. The recognition of these principles is 
 fast girdling the earth with a zone of comn^on interest, mutu- 
 al good will, and reciprocal helpfulness." / 
 
 The author of these sentiments is not an advocate of gene- 
 ral free trade, without regard to circumstances. On the con- 
 trary, he believes a tariff to be indispensable to develope 
 American manufactures, in competition with the productions 
 of Europe, where labor is cheaper, and money is cheaper than 
 we ever hope they will be here. It is with similar sentiments 
 that I have quoted his remarks just given. 
 
 Let us now look to the extent of country and the estimated 
 population, with whom we are now seeking better commer- 
 cial arrangements. The Provinces are five in number, with 
 distinct, independent governments, of the following popula- 
 tion and extent : H! ;i: 
 
 Population. Area — acres. 
 
 Canada (East and West) contains a population of. 1.500,000 163,500,000 
 
 New Brunswick 200,000 19,000,000 
 
 Nova Scotia (including Cape Breton) 280.000 11,500.000 
 
 Newfoundland : 102,000 23,000,000 
 
 Prince Edward's Island 63,000 1,360,000 
 
 Total 2.155.000 218,360,000 
 
 The tables of commerce and navigation, published annually 
 by Congress, show that the commerce Latween the United 
 States and these colonies is by no means' of the same char- 
 acter with all. The principal exports from Canada to the 
 United States, are lumber, grain, flour, ashes, and wool, and 
 amount to about seven million of dollars. The principal 
 articles exported from New Brunswick, are lumber, coal, gyp- 
 sum, and fish, fish oil and grind-stones ; from Nova Scotia, 
 sawed lumber, fish, gypsum, grind-stones, lime, coal, potatoes, 
 and cord-wood. Prince Edward's is a small colony, chiefly 
 engaged in the fisheries, and agricultural employments, and 
 building annually a large number of small vessels for sale. 
 The exports of Newfoundland consist of dry and pickled fish, 
 fish oil, seal skins, seal oil, &c., and amounted in 1845, to 
 $3,519,000. The out- fit for the seal-fishery in 1847, consisted 
 of 321 vessels, with a tonnage of 29,800 tons, and employing 
 9,750 men. A large number of vessels for sale, are annually 
 built in each of the Provinces, which business gives employ- 
 ment to a large number c f people. 
 
so. 
 
 It will be seen from the above, that no one of tlie colonies, 
 except Canada, exports grain or flour. This fact shoulcj 
 be noticed, because of the suggestion sometimes made that 
 the admission of flour and grain, duty free, would intro- 
 duce competition injurious to Western farmers. The other 
 colonies are large consumers of foreign breadstuff's, and have 
 received their supplies for some years past from the United 
 States, notwithstanding there is imposed a duty of from 25 to 
 75 cents per barrel on our flour. Nova Scotia and New 
 Brunswick have been among our best customers for flour, and 
 have, also, with the other eastern Provinces, bought their chief 
 supplies of all foreign articles in our markets. To show what 
 amount of trade with her own colonies, we have been gradu- 
 ally taking from England, I will state that the whole amount 
 of exports from the United States to all the Provinces, twenty 
 years ago, was a little over 03,000,000. It is now consider- 
 ably over four times that sum. The total exports from Great 
 Britain to the colonies in 1840, was about $15,400,000; in 
 1849, it was not much above $11,000,000, showing a com- 
 parative loss of 30 per cent, in nine years, / i ^: ;, ■ 
 
 I know the discouragements which manufacturers have had 
 to encounter ; the actual loss which they have experienced, of 
 more than half their limited capital ; the long years of depres- 
 sions, during which they have been without dividends or other 
 returns. I know, too, that when they have made profits, it 
 has been by rising early, sitting up late, and eating the bread 
 of carefulness. Since I have been in Congress, it has been 
 one of my chief anxieties to be serviceable in procuring a na- 
 tional modification of the tariff", by which, at least, the evils 
 of ad valorem duties might be removed. But we have had so 
 much of politics always uppermost, so many topics of excite- 
 ment ever on hand, so much jealousy of the effect of a change 
 in the tariff*, upon the prospect of parties, and individual aspi- 
 rations for the Presidency, that though I have seen a Whig 
 majority as well as a Democratic majority here, and though 
 the general conviction of fair men of all parties has sanctioned 
 a modification, nothing has been done, and I expect nothing 
 to be done during this Congress. The question of the tariff' 
 has become hopelessly involved with party, and I advise 
 manufacturers hereafter to expect no protection from Govern- 
 ment, and never to invest a dollar on the presumption that 
 
 ♦ 
 
 .n 
 
x*^ 
 
 21 
 
 Congress will do any thing to render it profitable. It must be 
 acknowledged, too, that we have needed customers as well as 
 protection. The market has been overstocked. We must 
 now try to hunt up other markets. Protection under our 
 Government may last long enough to put a vast amount of 
 capital at hazard, but is sure to be abrogated before it can be 
 safely dispensed with. " A fluctuating tariff is more to be 
 dreaded than one which defies every law of political economy." 
 The energy of our people can surmount any obstacles that 
 can be calculated and provided against, but will be broken 
 when their industry is made the dice by which political tac- 
 ticians seek to rob each other of power. 
 
 The subject of reciprocity is not a party question ; it is not 
 a Canadian question ; it is an American question. It has re* 
 ceived the sanction, though not the efRcient attention of the 
 most prominent men of both the great parties of the country ; 
 and I believe it not only will not injure the manufacturers, 
 but is of great consequence to their future prosperity. It will 
 provide new markets for their fabrics, of a value and extent 
 of which few now have any conception. By opening the way 
 for our neighbors to bring to our markets what they have, and 
 we want, we shall be able to sell them what we have, and 
 they want. It is much rtiore for the interest and convenience 
 of the people of the Provinces to trade with us than with any 
 other country, and nothing can prevent their doing this, ex- 
 cept a narrow-minded, short-sighted policy of restriction, un- 
 worthy of us in our dealings with a neighboring nation, where 
 the price of labor is as high as it is here, and whose situation 
 renders our trade with them as natural as it is between the 
 States. They are yearly opening new communications to our 
 seacoast and large cities, and are yearly visiting us in quad- 
 rupled numbers. They have no manufactures, and they want, 
 provided we let them bring their produce to our markets, our 
 cotton, iron, and other manufactures. They have the same 
 wants which our manufactures were established to supply ; 
 they have the same tastes, fashions, and customs. As they ad- 
 mit our manufactures on the same terms as those of Great 
 Britain, we can manufacture for them every thing which we 
 can profitably manufacture for ourselves. The proposition 
 before us is that of adding more than two millions of people, 
 soon to become double that number, to the consumers of cur 
 
22 
 
 fabrics. They are at our doors, asking the privilege to bene- 
 fit thi-mNelves by benefitting us. Let us attend to so import- 
 ant a mHtter without delay. Let gentlemen judgn of the 
 magnitude of the trad" under consideration, and of its rapid 
 increase the abolition of dillerential duties in 1843, by the 
 fact that in 1840, our whole export of manufactured articles 
 to Ciinuda amounted to only $100,000. In 1845 it reached 
 the amount of $1,700,000. In the last fii^cal year the total 
 amount of manufactured articles exported to all foreign coun- 
 tries WHS less than $20,000,000, while the amount sent to the 
 British Provinces was over $5,500,000. One-fourlh part of 
 our exported domestic cotton manufactures, and nearly one- 
 fuurth part of our iron, and manufactures of iron, Hnd their 
 consumrrs in the British Provinces. I believe the country is 
 not aware of the value of these markets to us. If the people 
 were awake to the matter, I should have no fears that the lu- 
 crative trade we now enjoy, and that which we may easily 
 obtain, will be turned needlessly away to find other channels 
 and other markets. • 
 
 Again, the advantage of bringing the Provincial trade to 
 our markets, by making it for their profit to buy and sell, 
 like our own citizens, in our large cities, is seen in the im- 
 portant benefit which it would be certain to confer upon our 
 railroads, steamboats, and canals. How important a matter 
 it would be to monopolise the carrying trade of two millions 
 of people is readily seen. The profit arising from the em- 
 ployment of men and capital, and the impulse it would give 
 to all other interests in a country, should not be overlooked 
 by any. But inasmuch as the most populous portion of the 
 Provinces are separated from our maritime cities, where they 
 desire and propose to transact most of their business, by a 
 wide strip of our own country, we must transport their ex- 
 ports and imports, mainly, over our railroads, on our steam- 
 boats, and through our canals. The travel and the trade 
 would be immense, and I could readily mention several rail- 
 roads in my own State, as well as elsewhere, to which the 
 enactment of this measure is of very great importance. 
 
 I have already alluded to the objection that the admission 
 of Canadian wheat, would open an injurious competition 
 with the wheat ground of the West. This country annually 
 r^peives a foreign emigration of 300,000 people, a larger 
 
to bene- 
 > im port- 
 al) of the 
 its rapid 
 J, by the 
 1 articles 
 reached 
 the total 
 ign coun- 
 itit to the 
 1 part of 
 larly one- 
 tind their 
 jouiitry is 
 be people 
 at the lu- 
 lay easily 
 channels 
 
 I trade tQ 
 
 and sell, 
 
 the im- 
 
 iipon our 
 
 a matter 
 
 millions 
 
 the em- 
 
 )uld give 
 
 ,'erlooked 
 
 n of the 
 
 ere they 
 
 ess, by a 
 
 their ex- 
 
 r steam- 
 
 |he trade 
 
 ral rail- 
 
 hich the 
 
 ce. 
 
 mission 
 
 petition 
 
 nnually 
 
 larger 
 
 portion of whom immediately become producers of wheat, 
 than Hi NufHcient to raise all the supplies that the British 
 Provinces ever export. Yet our farmers are not sensibly 
 injured. Competition fairly exercised only developes the en- 
 ergies of the people. But those who raise this objection do 
 not pl')inly considor the whole case. The growth of our 
 cities, the inceased business of the population engaged on 
 our internal channels of communication, would divert a por- 
 tion of the people from the business of production, and would 
 increase consumption, more than enough, it is believed, to 
 counterbalance this increase in quantity of flour. It must be 
 remembered too that we have latterly exported nearly as 
 much fluur and other bread-stuflT to the eastern Provinces, 
 as had been imported from Canada. 
 
 In the year 1850 the amount of imports of flour and wheat 
 from Canada into the United States is reckoned at a little 
 more than 82,000,000. During the same year we exported 
 bread-stuff to the lower Provinces valued at over $180,000. 
 Thus it appears that the whole surplus of the British Pro- 
 vinces might be absorbed in our commerce without lessening 
 the prices of our products at all. Take off the duty on 
 their natural products, and a stimulus will soon be given 
 to their business, which will increase their population, and 
 make them much larger consumers of our (articles than they 
 now are, as well as greatly promote the prosperity of both 
 countries. 
 
 There is one other article of Western commerce that would 
 be enhanced in value by opening the Canada markets, and 
 that is pork. A multitude of men are engaged in the lum- 
 ber business of Canaia whose most important article of food 
 is pork. This staple product of the West, where corn is 
 raised so easily, and in such abundance, can nowhere else be 
 afforded so cheap, and therefore our Western farmers w^ill as- 
 suredly provide supplies for the lumber men. Great advantage 
 will also accrue from an increased supply of all kinds of 
 lumber at somewhat lower prices than is now paid. Lumber 
 is a necessity of life in every civilized society. Measures 
 should be as readily taken to facilitate its acquisition as that 
 of bread-stufis and clothing. It is well known that the supply 
 is rapidly decreasing in New England, and any scheme that 
 shall be adopted to give us free access to the boundless 
 
24 
 
 pineries of Canada and New Brunswick, will greatly promote 
 the general good, '•'•-k; ■■v"^ "- " -' =i'- u»'».-.;ii:'.' • -t'; .:«!,; 
 
 This measure of reciprocal trade, connected with the pro- 
 tection and extension of our fishing privileges and the free 
 navigation of the St. Lawrence, has received the favorable 
 consideration of many of our distinguished statesmen, and all 
 whom I have known ever to have considered the subject. I 
 believe it to be in accordance with the general sentiments 
 of the American people, and I hope it will no longer be ne- 
 glected. •'- ' 
 
 A few words more and I will close. The history of the 
 world shows that those nations which first arrived to a high 
 stage of Improvement, and from which has proceeded the 
 civilization that now covers so large a portion of the globe, 
 have all inhabited coasts and tracts of country indented by 
 bays, gulfs, friths, and other bodies of water, favoring exten- 
 sive commercial intercourse. The situation of Arabia, Pales- 
 tine, Greece and Italy, and the history of their influence in 
 colonizing, civilizing, and christianizing the world, are illus- 
 trations of the truth of my remark in ancient history ; while 
 the situation of England, France, Germanj', and the nations 
 about the Baltic, illustrate its truth in modern times. On the 
 other hand, the condition of the people of Asia and Africa, 
 proves how slow is the march of improvement in countries 
 not favored by natural channels of internal communication. 
 Our own continent was wonderfully provided by the Creator 
 with every means of greatness. There is no element in the 
 heavens above, nor in the earth beneath, nor in the waters 
 of the earth, necessary for man's prosperity, which he 
 does not find here in abundance. Every needed necessity in 
 the animal, vegetable, and mineral kingdom is here, ready 
 for the subjecting hand of man ; while an exuburant fruitful- 
 ness of soil, and a wonderful healthfulness of climate, indicate 
 the great multitude of people whom God has destined to in- 
 habit this land. His finger has traced the channels of our 
 rivers, located our broad and mighty lakes, and opened navi- 
 gation half way across the continent. Let us not fail of doing 
 every thing on our part to keep forever open and free, these 
 gre?^. natural channels of commerce, fellowship, and good 
 will.