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rEN YEARS

UPPER CANADA

IN PEACE AND WAR,

1805-1815

RF.rNO

THE RIDOUT LETTERS

WITH ANNOTATIONS
BY

MATILDA EDGAR.

ALSO

AN APPENDIX

The Narrative of the Captivity

AMONG TirE ShAVVANESE INDIANS, IN

1788, OK Thos. Kidout, afterwards Surveyor-Generai. ok Upper

Canada; and a Vocabulary, Compiled by him, ok

the Shawanese Language.

911

4'^ a 3

TORONTO:
WILLIAM BRIGGS

1890.

1533ia

t ^

->- V-

o Bn

Entered according to the Act of the Parliament of Canada, in the year one thous-
and eight hundred and ninety, by William Briggs, in the office of the
Minister of Agriculture, at Ottawa.

tfmmim

'01

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

Frontispiece, Portrait of Tlios G. Ridout..

CHAPTER I.

A HUNDRED YEARS AGO.

Thomas Ridout — Arrival in America — Adventures there —
Captivity among Indians — Escape to Detroit — Journey
to Montreal — Appointment to office — Removal to
Newark— York in 1800

9-15

CHAPTER II.

»VT"8!Wy TW " ■WW

•, .'1

^ k\j y LI

luc wpper vvaiiacia, taken in March,

1809.

lG-27

CHAPTER III.

LITTLE YORK, MONTREAL AND QUEBEC, 1809-1811.

Voyage to England, 1809 — Fever in York — Public Library —
Mr. Jackson's pamphlet - Joseph Willcocks — Rogers —
'^ "tv balls — D. W. Smitli — Perils of crossing the
o*. an — Mr. Small and Mr. Boulton taken prisoners —
Montreal, 1811— 4l8t Regiment, Colonel Sheaffe— Trip

■ 9

1533ia

O 3/-]

Entered according to the Act of the Parliament of Canada, in the year one thous-
and eight hundred and ninety, by William Briggs, in the office of the
Minister of Agriculture, at Ottawa.

ERRATUM

For the word "September," where it occui's on page 245,
read "October."

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

Frontispikce, Portrait of Thos G. Ridout..

CHAPTER I.

A HUNDRED YEARS AGO.

Thomas Ridout — Arrival in America — Adventures there —
Captivity among Indians — Escape to Detroit — Journey
to Montreal — Appointment to office — Removal to
Newark— York in 1800

9-15

CHAPTER II.

LITTLE YORK, CORNWALL SCHOOL, 180f)-180i).

Society events in York — Major Shank — Queen s Rangers —
Cornwall School, 1806 — Studies and amusements —
Political news from York — An election — Mr. Weekes —
Mr. Thorpe — Cornwall School, 1807 — Dr. Strachan —
Mr. Wyatt — The post — The weather — American
News — European news — Number of inhabitants, Home
District — Province Upper Canada, taken in March,
1809

10-27

CHAPTER III.

LITTLE YORK, MONTREAL AND QUEBEC, 1809-1811,

Voyage to England, 1809 — Fever in York — Public Library —
Mr. Jackson's pamphlet - Joseph Willcocks — Rogers —
Party balls — D. W. Smith — Perils of crossing the
ocean — Mr. Small and Mr. Boulton taken prisoners —
Montreal, 1811— 41st Regiment, Colonel Sheaffe— Trip

Contents.

from Montreal — Quebec, 1811 — Preparations for war
— Fortifications — Shipping — Market— Colonel Shank —

Dr. Macaulay — The Press Gang — Off the Brandy Potts

— The Fleet — York — Attorney-General Firth— Mr.

Miles Jackson — No money in York — School aftairs —

Students-at-Law 28-44

CHAPTER IV.
VOYAGE TO ENGLAND, 1811.

Arrival at Plymouth — Ships of War — Prizes — News from
London — The King— Stage coach to London — Exeter
— Courtenay Castle — Dorsetshire — Liddon Down —
— Fields of wheat — Roman highways — Dorchester —
Wilts — FSagshot Heath — London Town — Letters de-
livered—Stagnation of commerce — St Paul's — George
III. — His treatment — Prince Regent — Lord Grosvenor
— Hanging for Forgery — Mr. Sadler's balloon — Letter
from York — Captain Gore — Duke of Manchester —
Plan of Survey starting on Kempenfeldt Bay — Deaths
in York — Rev. Mr. Stuart — Miles Jackson — Lieutenant-
Governor Gore — Good advice — Attorney-General Firth
— The Indians — No money in Upper Canada — Govern-
ment Bills 45-56

CHAPTER V.
GOSSIP FROM LONDON, 1811.

Description of London — Trade — No coin — Guineas sold to
the French — Pressing seamen — An adventure — Nearly
caught — Lottery office — Mr. Firth — Mr. Jackson —
Non-importation law — Prince Regent — His friends-
Letter from York— Lieutetiant-Governor Gore — No
news of Solicitor-General Boulton — Letter from Mr.
Franklin — Earl of Moira — ^Mr. Strachan — John Mc-
Donell — General Brock — London dinner.? — Mr. Mariott
— Mr. Russell — Bonaparte — His crown — Mr. Prince
— East India Co. auctions — Smuggling — West India
sugar — Tobacco — Bank of England — Woolwich —
Colonel Pilkington— D. W. Smith 57-70

Contents.

CHAPTER VI.

-44

45-56

AMUSEMENTS IN LONDON— NEWS FROM YOHK, 1811-12.

London, 1811 — H. J. Boulton — Alex. McDonell — News
from York — North-West Co. — Attorney-General Firth
— Solicitor-General Boulton — No hope of release — Gov-
ernor Gore — Covent Garden — Kenible — Mrs. Siddons —
Description of Thea. — The Tragedy, "Pizarro" — Mrs.
Siddons' voice— The Lord Mayor's Show — The Proces-
sion — The Pageant on the Thames — The Strand Bridge
— Drury Lane— Extent of London — Letter from York
— Battle on the Wabash — President Brock— His orders
for Surveys — Mr. Strachan — Difficulties in obtaining a
Rector for York — The Prince Regent's proposal —
Writing, New Method — General Brock's intentions —
York, Head-Quarters — Plans for buildings — Governor
Gore — Judge Campbell — Letter from Bristol — Bruton,
1812 — Alex. Selkirk's grave — Sir Richard Hoare's
estate — Silk mills — Longleat — Beckford's Tower —
Shepton Mallet— Cloth weaving — Wells — The Cathe-
dral — Glastonbury — The Abbey — The Miraculous
Thorn Bush — The ruins — French prisoners — Sher-
bourne — Cadbury Camp — The Pen Pitts — Alfred's
Tower — Stowey — Enmore Castle —Taunton — Bristol —
An election meeting 71-88

CHAPTER VIL

57-70

A CANADIAN AT OXFORD, 1812.

Bristol — Jacobs' Glass Manufactory — The Play — Braham —
His songs — King's Staffordshire Ware — Process of
manufacture — Bath — A gay place — London — Price of
Canadian flour — Timber — Rate of freight— Journey to
Oxford— Dr. Jenner's house — Berkeley Castle — The
Dungeon — Curious furnitui'e — Gloucester — The Cathe-
dral — The Oxford coach — General Le ITovre — Oxford- -
Wadham College — Christ College — Radcliff Library —
Magdalen College — -Oriel College — Queen's College —
High Street — Dinner in Hall— Chapel — The Museum.

89-103

Contents.

chapter viii.
london and woolwich.

Covent Garden — Ridsdale Hamilton and Coltman — Lieu-
tenant-Governor Gore — Hi.s London house — News from
York — Mr. Firth — Governor Gore's opinion of Canada
— Riots in England-- The Cause — The Play — Lord
Mayor's ball — Canadian aOairs — H. J. Boulton — Mr.
Firth — The Canadian prisoners in France — News from
York — English politics — Price of Flour — Joseph Will-
cocks — Highgate — Spencer Perceval — Trade news —

Execution of Belliimliam-

-A London rout — Kensing-

ton Gardens — Prospect of war with the States — Wool-
wich—Colonel Pilkingtou 104-124

CHAPTER IX.

FIRST NOTES OF THE WAR, 1812.

Causes of War — Orders in Council — Right of Search —
American .sympathy with France — Population of
Canada and United States — Number of regular troops
— Militia Act — Voltigour.s — Uniform — Letter of Lieu-
tenant Ridout — Preparations for war — York Volun-
teers — An election, 1812 — War declared

CHAPTER X.

125-131

OPENIN(; OF FIRST CAMl'AKiN-MICHILLIMACKINAC

DETROIT, 1S12.

Map showing Baltle-Ground . . opp.

American plan of attack — General IJrock's lirst orders —
Michillimackinac — Surrender of the fort — The Indian
allies — Tecumseh — General Hull — Crossing to Canada
— His proclamation — Colonel Proctor — Skirmishes —
General lluil's withdrawal — Parliam»'!it at York —
General Crock's address — The reply — OtV to the war —
Brock's l(old plan — Fort Detroit — Demand for sur-
render — Hull's reply — Preparations for assault— Fire
from battery— Surrender — Spoils of war — Description

132

Contents.

of Brock's appearance — Impressive scene — General
Brock's return — Arrival at York — Addresses of Wel-
come — The Armistice — Renewal of hostilities.

132-U7

CHAPTER XT.

QUEEENSTON HEIGHTS, OCTOBER, 1812.

Brock's forces — York Volunteers — 13th October, Battle of
Queenston Heights — Letter of a York Volunteer —
General Brock — His last ride — The ambushed Ameri-
cans — Capture of battery— General Brock's rally — His
death — Heroic advance of Volunteers — Repulse —
Colonel McDonell's death — General SheafFe's arrival —
More American troops — SheafFe's attack — Reinforce-
ments for Canadians — Rout of Americans — Dreadful
slaughter — The flag of truce — Surrender of American
army — 900 prisoners — The honour roll — Bombardment
of Fort Niagara — Its evacuation — Letter from Lieuten-
ant Ridout— The Burial of Brock lis 1 GO

)-131

132

CHAPTER XII.

END OF FIRST CAMPAIGN, 1812.

Sheaffe's armistice — Another invasion—General Smythe's
army — Crossing at Black Rock — Battery taken by
Americans — Charge of Volunteers — Recapture of bat
tery — Retreat of enemy — General Smytlie's pusillani-
mity — Invasion abandoned — Army of the Nortii — En-
gagement at Lacolle— The enemy's mistake — Americans
retire to Plattsburg — Results of first campaign — Meet-
ing of Parliament — Letter from York — The lio/jal
George — Great preparations tn* next campaign —

Americal naval force-

-B^'igates building at York.

lGl-171

CHAPTER XUl.

SECOND CAMPAIGN.-FRENCHTOWN, OGDENSBURG, YORK. l.si;».

Position of invading armies — Frenchtown — Captui'o of
General Winchester — Proctor's success — The St. La-./-
rencefrontier — Takingof Ogdensburg — Col. McDouell- -

Contents.

Parliament at York — General SheaflFe's address — Open-
of navigation — Expedition against York — Its defen-
ders — Humber Bay— Landing of Americans — Hot fight
— Sheaffe's retreat — Explosion of Magazine — Death of
General Pike — Americans take possession of town —
Prisoners of war — Letter from Thomas G. Ridout —
York after capitulation 172-186

CHAPTER XIV.

FORT GEORGE, STONEY CREEK, BEAVER DAMS, 1813.

General Dearborn's army — Off to Niagara — American force
—Fort George — Arrival of Chauncey — Bombardment
of Fort George — The attack — The evacuation — The re-
treat — Burlington Heights — Sir James Yeo — General
Prevost— Sackett's Harbour — Failure of attack — The
Niagara Frontier — American pursuit — Arrival at
Stoney Creek — Harvey's plan — The midnight attack —
Charge with the bayonets — Surprise of Americans —
Their defeat — Retreat — Vincent's report — Flight of
Americans — Booty taken — General Dearborn's posi-
tion — Another reverse for him — Beaver Dams — Laura
Secord — Her warning — Fitzgibbon's ruse — Boerstler's
surrender — Attack on Fort Schlosser — Attack on
Black 1 ; ock — Stores captured - Colonel Bishopp's death. 1 87-202

^(i

CHAPTER XV.

CHAUNCEY'S FI,EET-THE CAMP, SUMMER, 1813.

Letters from camp — ,A skirmish at Niagara — Chauncey's
fleet — Unsuccessful attempt on Burlington Heights —
Second capture of York — Burning the barracks — Fire
seen from Niagara — Americans cooped in Fort George —
Mr. Ilidout's diary — Movements of fleet— Two Ameri-
can vessels sink — Two are captured — Another skirmish
at Niagara — Colonel Harvey's exploit — Camp at Four-
Mile Creek— Foraging for supplies — Unwelcome visit-
ors — Sickness of army 203-213

Contents.

CHAPTER XVI.

NAVAL FIGHT, LAKE ERIE, SEPTEMBER, 1813.

General Proctor — The Detroit frontier — Fort Meigs —
Slaughter of American troops — Indian atrocities —
Sandusky — Fleet on Lake Erie — Barclay and Perry —
10th September — Barclay's defeat — Important results
— Gloom and consternation through Canada — -Letters
from camp at Niagara — Sickness and desertion.

214-228

CHAPTER XVII.

TECUMSEH, BATTLE OP' THE THAMES, OCTOBER, 1813.

After Barclay's defeat — General Harrison's advance —
Tecumseh's advice — Proctor's panic — Battle of the
Thames — Proctor's flight — Spoils of Americans — Fall
of Tecumseh — His body not found — His burial-place
not known 229-236

CHAPTER XVIII.
CHATEAU GUAY, CHRYSLER'S FIELD, OCTOBER, NOVEMBER, 1813

Letter from Burlington Heights — Gloomy times — Proctor's
retreat — Proposed attack on Montreal— General Wilkin-
son's plans— The Niagara peninsula in peril — McClure
at Fort George — Raids on inhabitants -Wilkinson's
army — The descent of the St. Lawrence — An Invincible
Armada — Letter from Kingston — Defeat of Hampton
at Chateauguay — Morrison's march — Wilkinson's letter
— Hampton's reply — Letter from Prescott — Battle of
Chrysler's field— Lieutenant-Colonel Harvey's letter —
Defeat of Americans — Letter from Montreal — With-
drawal of American army from Canada '237-2^)7

CBAPTER XL\.

EIRE AND SWORD, DECEMBER, 1813.

General Druramond's arrival— Effect of Wilkinson's defeat
— General McClure abandons Fort George — Burning of
Newark — Colonel Murray's advance — 18th December

Contents.

— Taking of Fort Niagara — Retaliation — Desolation
of frontier — Taking of Buffalo — Its total destruction —
Results of campaign of 1813— Victory for Canadians. 258-264

CHAPTER XX.

THIRD YEAR OF WAR, LACOLLE, OSWEGO, 1814.

The veteran troops — The American Generals — Meeting of
Parliament at York — Congratulatory speech — Review
of campaign by General Drummond — Two renegade
members — Letter from Quebec — Letter from Prescott
— Supplies for army — Cattle from the States — Colonel
Chapin — Letter from York — Letter from Cornwall —
Wilkinson's movements — Sherwood's raid — Letter from
Cornwall — Rations — The fight at Lacolle — Wilkinson's
discomfiture — Letter from York— The (Canadian fleet —
Letter from Cornwall — Movement of troops — Commis-
sariat expenditure — Navigation opened — Attack on
Oswego — Letter from York — Letter from Cornwall —
Prices of Provisions 265-282

CHAPTER XXI.

FORT ERIE, CHIPrEWA, LUNDY'S LANE, 1814.

American plans for c.unpaign — Commands of Secretary of
War — Attack and capture of Fort Erie — Advance on
Chippewa — l^attle there — Defeat of Canadians — Gen-
eral Riair.s retreat — Arrival of Wounded at York —
Letter from York — Desci'iption of battle — Gloomy
prospects — After the battle — Americans advance on
Queenston — Raids on inhabitants — Burning of St.
David's — l>rown's disappointment — Non-arrival of
Chaunoey — Americans retire to Chippewa — General
Riall's troops — Arrival of General , Drummond at Nia-
gara — Disposition of troops — Advance of Generals
Drummond and Uiall — Luiidy's Lane— The struggle for
the hill — A fight in the dark — Fearful carnage — The
Americans retire — Drummond's report — Brown's re-
port — Letter from York, 2nd August

283-301

Contents.

CHAPTER XXII.

FORT ERIE, YORK, MACKINAW, AUGUST, 1814.

After the battle — The Airericausin Fort Erie — Strengthen-
ing the works — Genei i Drumiuond's plans — A night
assault — An entrance effected — Lieutenant-Colonel
Drummond — His heroism — The fatal explosion — Killed
and wounded — Letter from York — The defenceless
town — The enemy's vessels — An attack expected —
News from Mackinaw

302 316

CHAPTER XXIII.

LAKE CHAMPLAIN, PLATTSBURCx, SEPTEMBER, 1814.

Letters from Cornwall — Lake Champlain — Sir George Pre-
vost's plans — Great preparations — His advance on
Plattsburg — His fatal delay — The battle on Lake Cham-
plain— Capture of the British fleet — Retreat of General
Prevost — Failure of expedition 317-326

CHAPTER XXIV.

LAST DAYS OF THE WAR— AUTUMN, 1814, 1815.

After Plattsburg — Americans elated — The Niagara frontier
— Generals Brown, Porter, Ripley — Sortie from Fort
Erie — Attack on Canadian 1 latteries — Repulse of
Americans — The rainy season — Retirement to winter
quarters — December, 1814 — Treaty of Ghent— Peace,
February, 1815 31

Contents.

APPENDIX.

Portrait of Hon. Thomas Ridout opp. 339

Tlioraas Ridout's journey from Annapolis to Fort Pitt, 1787
— Letters of introduction from General Washington,
General Lee, Colonel Marshall — Over the Alleghanies by
Braddock's trail — Arrival rt Fort Pitt — Starts *or Ken-
tucky, March, 1788— The River Ohio— Wheeling— Fort
Harnier — Limestone — On the way to the Falls of Ohio
— The Indians appear — The attack — The capture — The
other captives — Devoted to death — A night of anguish
— The next morning — Mr. Ridout's life spared-- The
march — A friend in need — The great Miami — The en-
campment — Nenessica — On the way again — A painful
march — Arrival at the village — Strange ceremony —
The reception — Kakinathucca — Metsigemewa —
Altowesa — Another journey — A novel dress — Through
the forest — To the Wabash — The Council — Life or
death — To be ransomed — The little books — An Indian
vocabulary—On the march again — The White river —
Another prisoner — ^His fate — Death by torture —
Blood-thirsty Indians — In great danger— To Detroit on
horseback — Enemies in pursuit — Saved by the squaws
— Blue Jacket — Great Snake^Another Council —
Saved again— Arrival at Fort Miami — Kind reception
— (in the Miami river — Arrival at Detroit — Captain
McKee — 53rd Regiment — Fort Erie, 1788 — Arrival at
Montreal — Fate of other prisoners ....... 339-375

Map (1788) showing Routes before and after Capture . opp, 344

Fac-simile of Letter of George Washington ...... 372

Letter from Marquis de Lafayette '>>, . . 373

Letters from General Harry Lee \ . 373-374

A Vocabulary of the Shawanese Language 376-381

Index \: 382

339

INTRODUCTION.

375

344
372
373
[374
381
382

DAETLY to interest the members of a family, and
^ partly for the sake of preserving, for future his-
torians of Canada, some additional records of a memor-
able time, the publication of these letters was taken
in hand. If the explanatory notes have grown to a
modest volume, it is because it is thought that the
reader may, perhaps, share the absorbing interest the
writer felt in tracing the historical bearing of the in-
cidents referred to in the letters. They range over a
period from 1805 to 1815, and give a faithful picture
of an epoch of Canadian History, which, overshadowed
as it was at the time by the great events then passing
in Europe, has now a deeper significance for us Cana-
dians than the contemporary triumphs of Salanumca
and Waterloo.

The earlier letters are simple ones, written by
school-boys to their father, with his replies ; but so
small was society in Upper Canada, that almost all the
names mentioned are, in some way or other, interwo-
ven v/ith its history.

The letters from England in 1811, and 1812 are
placed in the collection because they relate to the state
of affairs there, and bring vividly before us the condi-
tion of both England and Canada, just prior to the de-

^aam

■I

Introduction.

.11

claration of war by the United States. The pictures
these letters give of the times in which they are written
are the impressions of u, youth striving to chronicle for
father and mother, in distant Canada, events of the
great world beyond the sea.

We see London in the days of the Eegency, when
ISapoleon ruled Europe, and Wellington was earning
his first laurels, when Siddons still reigned at Drury
Lane, and Scott and Byron walked through London
streets.

Now and then flit across the pages the names of the
great personages of the day, and Yauxhall is lighted up
at a birthday fete for the Duke of Clarence, and the
little Princess Charlotte drives through Kensington
Gardens on a Sunday afternoon ; and there are a Lord
Mayor's show, and a Mansion House ball, and many
other festivities, which, to a young Canadian whose
life had been spent in " Little York," seemed very
wonderful. We are told, too, of the famine and dis-
tress that then prevailed in England from the stoppage
of the trade of the country, and of the smothered dis-
content of the people at the Ministry of the day, whose
" Orders in Council," they thought, had caused the
trouble.

Then the scene changes, and the next letters are
full of details of battles fought and hardships endured,
when Canada was a battle-lield, and the whole land
from the St. Clair to Quebec was in peril.

There is so much to be proud of in the war of 1812,
that its events cannot be too strongly dwelt upon ; not
in order to stir up old animosities, nor to revive a spirit
of antagonism towards our kin beyond the border, but
to inspire every Canadian with a feeling of pride in

Introduction.

bis country, and of grateful admiration for those who
saved the land in its hour of need.

As we have reached the last decade of our century,
it is well to look back on those footprints stained with
blood, that marked its beginning?. The shores of Lake
Erie, of Huron, and of Ontario, the banks of the
Niagara and the St. Lawrence, are full of associations
for those who have followed the fortunes of the little
band of heroes, that for three years held the frontier
against enormous odds. Every home in the land gave
husband, or brother, or son, to the country's service,
and had it not been for the martial spirit aroused in
the people, the efforts of the small body of regular
soldiers then in Canada, would have been useless.

It is not intended in this chronicle to give a minute
history of the war, which would include many other
gallant fights on land and sea.

The public events, described in the letters, form the
thread of the story, and lead us on from scene to
scene, in the tangled web of the drama ol " The Three
Years' War."

The details given in the letters are the more valu-
able, because, of that time there are but few contem-
porary records preserved. There was no daily paper
then, no local reporter to picture each passing event.
There are but few survivors now of those who bore a
part in the gallant deeds, and bitter trials, that distin-
guished the first years of this century in Canada.

" Here is the land,
Shaggy with wood,
With its old valley,
Mound, and flood,
But the heritors !
Fled like the flood's foam."

; I

Introduction.

It has been a labour of love to collect these memo-
rials of an honoured father. Perhaps their publication
may lead other descendants of the pioneers of this
country to search in dusty boxes, and ancient desks,
for other records of these " days that are no more."

:r:

TEN YEARS OF UPPER CANADA.

CHAPTEE I.

A HUNDRED YEARS AGO.

"The great eventful Present hides the Past; but through the din
Of its loud life, hints and echoes from the life behind ■steal in. "

Thomas Kidout, to or by whom the greater part of
these letters was written, settled w^ith his family in
York, now Toronto, in 1797, and was therefore identi-
Hed with the place from its earliest years. He was an
Englishman by birth, from Sherbourne, Dorsetshire,
where his forefathers had lived peaceful and unevent-
ful lives. An elder brother of his had emigrated to
Maryland in the old colonial days, had acquired a large
property there, and also held an important position
in the Government of that State. To this brother,
Thomas, then twenty years of age, was sent in the year
1774. Of perils by land and perils by sea, during the
stormy days of the Revolution, the young man had
his full share, and a quaint account of bis many adven-
tures is still preserved in his own handwriting.

The obnoxious *' tea duty " was still unrepealed, and
in Boston and other colonial ports, scenes of riot and

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

■

violence occurred whenever a tea cargo arrived. Mr.
Ridout's first danger on landing arose from tlie '* tea
duty," and is told in his diary in the following lan-
guage :—

I took leave of my parents for the last time and
embarked in the Downs, the 4th September, 1774, for
New York, where I arrived after seven weeks' passage.
In this vessel went also, as passenger, the merchant
who had shipped, a few weeks before, some tea to
Annapolis, in Maryland, against the express rules of
the Convention, then sitting at Annapolis. His anxiety
on his arrival was, I perceived, very great, but two days
passing away, and hearing no news of his tea, he
flattered himself that all things were well. The arrival
of the post, however, undeceived him. He learned
that his tea and vessel had been burnt by an enraged
populace, and that in consequence of it his life was in
danger. In an hour's time New York was in quest of
him. He escaped, but I was in danger of feeling the
effects his indiscretion, to say no worse of it; for hav-
ing, since our arrival, been always in his company, and
lodging together, I was by many looked on as an
accomplice, and, as such, was forbidden entrance to
the house where I lodged. A gentleman, Hugh Wal-
lace, who was a member of the King's Council, and an
acquaintance of my brother, hearing of my arrival, pro-
tected me, and by his attentions I was secured from
insult.

His Maryland brother provided him with capital to
engage in trade with the West Indies and France ;
sugar, tobacco and wine were his merchandise, and
Sindbad the Sailor's ventures were scarcely more ex-
citing ; for on the high seas betw^een the years 1775
and 1785, each trading vessel had to run the gauntlet of

A Hundred Years Ago.

privateers bent on capturing prizes, and many a time an
exciting chase helped to break the monotony of a sea
voyage. In the year 1787, he set off from his brother's
house in Annapolis, Maryland, on a journey to the
western settlements of Kentucky. On the way, how-
ever, he and his party were taken prisoners by a party
of Shawanese Indians on the Ohio, and most of his
companions were slain. His life was spared, either on
account of an extraordinary liking with which he in-
spired one of his savage captors, who thenceforward
became his protector, or because he was the bearer of
letters of introduction from General Washington to
General Scott, from Colonel Lee to General St. Clair ; and
to other well-known men in the western settlement.*
These letters, which were examined by the Indian inter-
preters, may have caused the Indians to expect a
ransom.

It is not the place here to describe Mr. liidout's
adventures;! suffice it to say, that, after a captivity of
four months, he was brought to Detroit, then an Eng-
lish garrison. Here the officers of the 53rd regiment
received him as a brother, clothed him, filled his purse,
and as the regiment was about leaving for Montreal,
they invited him to accompany them thither. On the
way they stopped at Fort Erie and Niagara, and at the
latter place were ospitably entertained by Colonel

* The originals of these letters are now in possession of his grandson,
Thomas Ridout, C.E., Ottawa.

"^ See Appendix for his own narrative of his Indian captivity.

.iT^-

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

Hunter, of the 60th, who commanded a battalion
there. This officer was afterwards Lieutenant-Gov-
ernor of Upper Canada and Commander-in-chief of
the forces in both Canadas.

They arrived in Montreal about the middle of July,
1788, and Mr. Ridout was kindly received, as his old
journal relates, by Sir John Johnson, Captain Grant,
and Lord Dorchester, then Governor- General, residing
at Quebec. A hundred years ago Montreal was both
a lively and hospitable place, as witness the cards of
invitations to dinners, hops and assen^\>lies which are
still extant. The '' engaging stranger," as Mr. Ridout
is named in a Montreal Gazette of August 21st, 1788,
soon determined to cast his lot in Canada. On the
26th of May, 1789, he married Mary Campbell, daughter
of Alexander Campbell, a U. E. Loyalist, settled at
the Bay of Quinte. Soon after he received an ap-
pointment in the Commissariat Department and re-
moved to Newark, now Niagara.

As an example of what offices were held by one
person in those early days, the following list is given
of Mr. Ridout's different employments : —

1792 — In the Commissary Department under
Lieutenant-Governor Simcoe.

1793— In the Surveyor-General's Office ; D. W.
Smith then being Surveyor-General.

In 1794— PubHc Notary.

In 1794 — Sergeant-at-Arms to the House of Assem-
bly.

A Hundred Years Ago.

In 1796 — Registrar of County of York.

In 1797 — Removed to York, seat of Government.

In 1799 — Appointed Captain of York Militia.

In 1800 — Clerk of the Peace for Home District,
Clerk of the District Court.

1799 to 1800 — Joint Acting Surveyor-General with
Mr. Chewett.

Again from 180^ to 1805 — Joint Acting Surveyor-
General with Mr. Chewett.

1807 — Joint Acting Surveyor-General, on suspen-
sion of Mr. Wyatt, who had been appointed Surveyor-
General in 1805, and was dismissed by Lieutenant-
Governor Gore.

1810 — Survey or- General of Upper Canada.

1811 — Commissioner on Claims to Land.

1812 — Elected Member of Parliament for West
Riding of York; Member of Corporation for Manage-
ment of Clergy Reserves ; Member of Board for
General Superintendence of Education.

1823 — Member of Board of Claims for Losses
during war.

1824 — Called to seat in Legislative Council, Upper
Canada.

1827 — Member of original Board of King's College,
Upper Canada.

Mr. Ridout was, therefore, closely associated with
the early history of Upper Canada, and his letters
may well take their place among the few records we
have of those primitive days.

The scene opens at York in 1805, when Mr.
Francis Gore was Lieutenant-Governor. Mr.
Strachan's school had just been opened at Corn-

ppn

vmm.

amm

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

wall, and there Mr. Ridout's eldest son, George, was
sent in 1805, and his second son, Thomas Gihhs, in
1806. A father's love placed their boyish letters
carefully away, and in fair round hand each tells its
little tale.

York, at this date, is thus described by a traveller,
showing what strides it had made in the ten years
since Governor Simcoe selected it for the seat of
(xovernment : —

A long and narrow peninsula, distinguished by the
appellation of Gibraltar Point, forms and embraces
the harbor, securing it from the storms of the lake,
and rendering it the safest of any around the coast of
that sea of fresh water. Stores and block-houses are
constructed near the extremity of this point. A spot
called the garrison stands on the bank of the main-
land opposite this point, and consists only of a wooden
block-house and some small cottages of the same
material, little superior to temporary huts. The
house in which the Lieutenant-Governor resides is
likewise formed of ,wood in the figure of a half-square
of one story in height, with galleries in the centre. It
is sufficiently commodious for the present state of the
Province, and is erected upon a bank of the lake near
the mouth of Toronto Bay. The town, according
to the plan, is projected to extend to a mile and a half in
length, from the bottom of the harbor along its banks.
Many houses are already completed, some of which
display a considerable degree of taste. The advance-
ment of this place to its present condition has been
effected within the lapse of six or seven years ; and
persons who have formerly travelled in this part of
the country are impressed with sentiments of wonder
on beholding a town, which may be termed handsome,
reared as if by enchantment in the midst of a wilder-

A Hundred Years Ago.

ness. Two buildings of brick, at the eastern ex-
tremity of the town, which were designed as wings to
a centre, are occupied as Chambers for the Upper
and Lower House of Assembly. The scene from this
part of the basin is agreeable and diversified. A
block-house situated on a wooden bank forms the
nearest object ; part of the town, points of land
clothed with spreading oak-trees gradually receding
from the eye one behind another, until terminated by
the buildings of the garrison and the spot on which
the Governor's residence is placed, compose the
objects on the right. The left side of the view com-
prehends the long peninsula which encloses this sheet
of water, beautiful on account of its placidity and
rotundity of form ; the distant lake, which appears
only bounded by the sky, terminates the whole.*

See Heriot's "Travels through the Canadas, 1807."

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

CHAPTER II.

LITTLE YORK — CORNWALL SCHOOL, 1803-1809.

The first letter, dated Cornwall, 17th September,
1805, is from George Ridout to his brother, and says : —

I have been eight days on my journey from York
and was frightened a little coming down the rapids.
Mr. Strachan has received me, I stay at Mr. Van-
koughnet's.

The next letter is from Thomas G. Ridout to his
brother at Cornwall, and mentions festivities in York
during the winter of 1805-1806.

York, Idth January, 1806.

Dear George, — We received yesterday your letter
of the 8th January. There is to be a ball given by
President Grant on Monday, the 20th. There have
been three balls given this winter, to two of which
papa and mamma have been. Whilst they are gone
Basil stays to take care of the house and amuses the
children with stories until 11 or 12 o'clock. The
reason why papa and mamma did not go to the last
ball was that Basil got drunk, and did not come, so
mamma would not go, because she was afraid of leaving
the house alone. I send this letter to you by a man
named McFee, who is going through to Cornwall, and
sets off the day after to-morrow. I should like to know
how you and Sam. Jarvis and John Macaulay and John
Robinson agree. There has been very little carioling

Little York— Cornwall School, 1805- 1809. 17

hitherto, but I hope there will be, as it is snowing pretty
well to-day.

The word " carioling " seems to have been generally
used, where we in Canada would now speak of
" sleighing."

The "John Kobinson " mentioned became the dis-
tinguished Sir John Beverley Robinson, Chief Justice
of Upper Canada.

It is rather amusing to read now of assemblies and
balls, considering the limited society and sparse popula-
tion of the little town. However, even as far back as
1798, old invitations still remain to testify to the social
qualities of the early inhabitants of York. Official
dinners took place at an earlier hour than nowadays,
as the following card shows : —

Thursday, 28th June, 1798.

The President requests Mr. Ridout's company to
dinner to-morrow (Friday), at 4 o'clock.

" The President " was doubtless Hon. Peter Russell,
on whom devolved the government of Canada on the
recall of General Simcoe in 179G, and who continued
administrator until the arrival of General Hunter, in
1799.

The following is another card of that early period : —

Sunday, 2Uh January.

Major Shank requests the honour of Mr. Ridout's
company to Dinner and the Hop on Thursday next.

(

18 Ten Years of Upper Canada.

A third invitation runs thus : —

The officers of the Queen's Kangers request the
honour of Mr. Ridout's company to a Ball on Friday
evening next, at the Canvas House.

Wei>nesday Morning, 11th December, 1799.

This "Canvas House" once belonged to the cele-
brated Captain Cook, and was bought by Lieutenant-
Governor Simcoe at the sale in England of the un-
fortunate mariner's effects. When Governor Simcoe
selected York as the capital, the canvas tent became
his temporary residence. It is not quite certain
where it was placed, but its site was probably to the
west of the town, near the old Garrison Creek. It
IS thus described by a well-known writer. Colonel
Bouchette : —

Frail as was its substance, it was rendered exceed-
ingly comfortable, and soon became as distinguished
for the social and urbane hospitality of its venerated
and gracious host, as for the peculiarity of its struc-
ture.

From George Ridout to his Parents : —

Cornwall, 27th January, 1806.

We intend to send these letters by Mr. Steele, who
is going to-morrow morning, and who comes down
every winter to see his son Abraham. We have three
or four new scholars, all of them are bigger than Mr.
Strachan. There is one who has come from Kingston,
his name is Wm. Grant. Mr. Steele had promised
all the boys who came from Kingston a ride, but
unfortunately the cariole got broke. We came on

Little York — Cornwall School, 1805-1809.

pretty well in Sallust and we have begun Euclid.
Mr. Strachan has given us books. Washburne and I
have one between us. The Euclid we have is Sim-
son's. Tom comes on well in his ciphering and book-
keeping, and is at the head of his reading class, which
is a large one, consisting of twelve or fourteen boys.
He seems to be a great favourite of Mr. Strachan's, of
which some of the boys are jealous. He always has
his tasks very well and never tries to iind excuses for
any, as some of them do. Mr. Strachan asked us to-
night whether Tom had rather be called Tom than
Tarn, as he generally calls him. Tom told him
which, and Mr. Strachan laughed, and when he laughs
he laughs heartily. It has been very cold lately and
ice has come in great quantities down the river, it has
raised the water eig:ht or ten feet. Mrs. Chewett
was not buried at St. liegis as we thought she was,
but back at the River au Raisin. William and James
stay at Mr. Wilkinson's, who has three or four
boarders.

From George Ridout to his Brother: —

CoiiNWALL, 2Uh February, 1806.

I received your letter of the 18tli January on the
12th of this month, but have had no opportunity to
answer it until this morning, when there is a Scotch-
man going to York, by whom I am writing. We
have had a mild winter here, and the river has not
been stopped with ice. I hear that Mr. Weekes has
been making great work. There has been a report
here that D'Arcy Boulton and Jos. Willcocks were
going to fight a duel, but Mr. Willcocks was afraid.
I would like to hear whether it was true. We have
had church three or four times in our new church, and I
understand that yours is only clap-boarded. The
first pew went for £30, Halifax cy., and the second for
.£24, Halifax cy., and the whole amounts to £500,
Halifax cy.

wmm

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

The next letter is from the father, and mentions an

item of political news.

York, "illh November, 1806.

My Dear Boys, — This is to you both, by an
opportmiity I have just met with of a man going to
the Bay of Quinte and from thence to Kingston, for I
do not apprehend we shall have any more opportuni-
ties for Kingston by water this season. The election
for a member in the place of Mr. Weekes will come
about the Christmas holidays. Mr. Thorpe, Captain
Fulton and young D'Arcy Boulton are the present
known candidates. The Parliament is to meet on the
second of February next.

The new election spoken of in this letter was
occasioned by the death of Mr. Weekes, who was
killed in a duel with Mr. Dickson, of Niagara, in
1806. The East Biding of York, Durham and
Simcoe, was rather unfortunate in the tragical fate of
its members, the one who preceded Mr. Weekes
having gone down with the vessel Speedy, sunk in
Lake Ontario, with all on board, in 1804. The Mr.
Thorpe mentioned as a candidate, was Judge Thorpe,
one of the puisne Judges of Upper Canada. By
becoming a champion of the people he fell under the
displeasure of Lieutenant-Governor Gore and the
Government party. According to their code no
criticism was to be permitted on their acts, however
unjust and tyrannical they might be. The complaints
of the people found expression in memorials from the
grand juries to Judge Thorpe — the "Radical Judge," as

Little York — Cornwall School, 1805- 1809. 21

he was called — to be by him laid before the Governor.
In the election spoken of in the letter Mr. Thorpe was
successful, and with his election came the dawn of
party politics in Upper Canada, and an organized
Opposition. He was not, however, long allowed to
hold his seat. Soon after his election, the Governor
procured his recall to Great Britain, where he sued
Mr. .Gore for libel and obtained a verdict. He, how-
ever, never returned to Canada, and his subsequent
history was a sad one. As a sort of recompense for
his unjust recall, he was appointed Chief Justice of
Sierra Leone. In that unhealthy climate his health
broke down, and he returned to England bearing with
him a petition from the people to the Ministry for the
redress of certain grievances in that colony. For
this second championship of the oppressed, his
appointment as Chief Justice was cancelled, and he
was left to pass the remainder of his days in poverty
and obscurity.

The next letters from Cornwall school shew that
the course of study there was rather a severe one, and
the boys had to sit up very late to prepare their lessons.

Cornwall, 10th January, 1807.

My Dear Parents, — I am afraid you maybe angry
with us for not writing for so long a time, but there
have been no opportunities. I come on middling well,
and am going into book-keeping on Monday. I got a
quire of paper to-day from Mr. Strachan, to make my

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

])Ook. Mr. Strachan has not struck me yet, nor has he
been angry. We have finished our grammar and are
learning it by heart every morning. It is very cold
weather here and excellent sleighing, and very fine
skating for the boys who have skates. It is snowing
very fast now. We had about a week's play at Christ-
mas and now and then half-days, but very seldom.
The boys say that Mr. Strachan is going down to Que-
bec to see the Bishop in June, and that the vacation
will be then. The boys had a frolic upon the ice
yesterday with three pecks of apples which Stanton
bought, and after his apples wore gone they were as
bad as ever teasing him. We stay up every night till
about twelve or one o'clock and we have got so used to
it that we don't mind it. We repeat four problems a
week, and I am two from head. The day after New
Year's Judge Anderson invitedsixteenof the boys down
there, and George and I were of them. He threw about
a bushel of apples to scramble for now and then, and 1
got as many as I could carry, and half a bushel of
hickory nuts; and they had a dance, and all the boys
danced except Kobert Anderson, his grandson, and I.
George danced very well.

I am, my dear parents,

Your affectionate son,

Thomas G. Eidout.

A letter from Cornwall school on the 18th January,
1807, says :—

Since I have been in book-keeping I have had to
stay up until two o'clock in the morning. Sam Jarvis
learns his lessons well, and he and Stanton are almost
always head of their class.

The following letter from Mr. Ridout, York, to his

Little York — Cornwall School, 1805- 1809.

sons continues the story of Mr. Thorpe's election, and
also mentions Mr. Wyatt's return to England. This
Mr. Wyatt had been appointed Surveyor- General in
1806, and had fallen under the displeasure of Lieu-
tenant-Governor Gore about the same time that Mr.
Thorpe did. Some say it was because of his advocacy
of Mr. Thorpe's cause, another reason assigned is that
he disapproved of some irregular purchase of land
from the Indians. However it might be, he was dis-
missed and returned to England.

Mr. Ridout to his son, George: —

York, IHth February, 1807.

I have received by Mr. Sherwood your letters of
the 12th, 18th and 27th January, together with one
from Mr. Strachan, who speaks highly of your and
your brother's good conduct and progress in education,
than which nothing can afford me greater pleasure.
Mr. St. George sets off to-morrow for New Y'ork, and I
have commissioned him to buy a Euclid for you. I
shall not send your book that you left behind. If Mr.
Strachan asks for it, tell him where it is, and if
absolutely necessary, I will send it at the opening of
communication by water. I have the pleasure to in-
form you that I am much in favor with the Governor.
He has given me a new commission of Sergeant-at-
Arms, so that I can execute that office by deputy.
Mr. Wyatt and his wife set out for Ji^ngland about a
fortnight ago by way of New York. There have been
great differences between them, insomuch that he has
frequently tied her hands to the bed-posts, and confined
her in the cellar, with other harsh treatment. Mr.
Thorpe has hitherto retained his seat in the House,
but since Mr. Sherwood's arrival I understand that

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

the right of a judge to sit therein will be again debated.
Mr. Abraham Nelles and his wife, formerly Miss Kitty
Ball, have been at our house these five days. I write
this at the table of the House of Assembly, intending
to send it by the post or a Mr. Koxborough, a mer-
chant of Montreal, who both intended setting out to-
day, but the weather is so exceedingly stormy with
snow, rain and wind that I apprehend neither will
move.

''t

Anitenj of American news now comes:

Mr. Burr, it is said, is gone from Kentucky to New
Orleans, with 5000 or 6000 men. Political disputes in
the States runs very high. You have, no doubt,
heard of Bonaparte's success in Europe. Time is big
with great events, but the mind who takes reason
for its guide and places its dependence on an all-
wise Providence is prepared for all events which the
Creator of the universe is pleased to send.

Aaron Burr, an ex- Vice-President of the United
States, had formed a plan to seize the territory
west of the AUeghanies, and to establish there an in-
dependent empire, of which New Orleans was to be the
capital, and himself the chief. He was arrested in
February, 1807, and tried on a charge of treason.
Though acquitted, his escape was so narrow, and his
fears of renewed prosecution so great, that he sailed
for Europe under an assumed name and remained
there for several years in exile and poverty. As to
Napoleon Bonaparte's successes, he had at the time
(1807), just succeeded in bestowing the crown of Hoi-

Little York — Cornwall School, 1805-1809. '^6

land on his brother Louis, and the crown of Naples on
his brother Joseph. He had won the battle of Jena,
and entered Berlin, whence he had issued his famous
"Decrees" against British commerce, hoping to ruin
England by shutting out her ships from every port.

From Thomas G. Ridout, to his Father : —

Cornwall, IQth Jime, 1807.

Mr. Strachan is building a new school-house, about
40 feet by 30. It is to be arched, and there are
twelve windows in it. In the meantime he keeps
school in the church. I am now in the surveying
class, and Mr. Strachan gives us a figure to work every
night. We have made ourselves quadrants out of
cherry-wood, which cost us two shillings to be made
smooth, and we are now in Euclid, Gth book, which id
the furthest Mr. Strachan teaches his boys. He knows
to the 12th. We are now making preparations for the
examination, wliich will be five weeks from to-day.
Some have to make their own speeches, and I among
the number. The question is. Whether general His-
tory or Biography is the most useful ? Mr. Strachan
has now been married nearly two months, he lives in
great style, and keeps three servants. He is a great
friend to the poor, and spends his money as fast as he
gets it. He is very passionate.

These letters from school at Cornwall recall the
form of Mr. Strachan, afterwards Anglican Bishop of
the Province of Upper Canada, who at that time,
1807, had been about three years installed at Corn-
wall, and who lived to see some of the boys he ruled
over become the foremost men of the Province.

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

Mr. Strachan was born at Aberdeen, on the 12th of
April, 1778, and was educated at the grammar school
and university of that place. In 1797, he commenced
to teach in the little village of King's Kettle. At this
time he received the offer, through Hon. liichard Cart-
wright and Robert Hamilton, to proceed to Canada to
organize and take charge of a college, which Governor
Simcoe had determined to establish at York, the
seat of government in Upper Canada. Unfortunately,
when the young Scotchman arrived in Canada in the
winter of 1799, Governor Simcoe had left the Pro-
vince, and the scheme was, for the time, dropped. Mr.
Strachan, much disappointed, remained in Kingston as
tutor to Mr. Cartwright's cliildren. Here he lived for
three years, and then decided to enter the English
Church, and was ordained priest on the 3rd June, 1804,
by Dr. Mountain, first Bishop of Quebec, and appoint-
ed to the mission of Cornwall. In 1807, he married
Ann, widow of James McGill, a lady of considerable
fortune. Through his long life, and he lived until he
was nearly ninety. Dr. Strachan watched over his boys.
Many of them were married by him ; a kind pat on the
head greeted their children as he passed them on the
street, and every year, at stated times, all of his old
pupils within reach were gathered round his hospitable
board.

Among the papers of Mr, Ridout was the following
census of the Home District, which possesses much
interest : —

Little York — Cornwall School, 1805- 1809. 27

Numbers of Inhabitants returned by the Town
Clerks of the Home District, Province of Upper
Canada, taken in March, 1809 :

ich

TOWNSHIP.

Men.

Women.

Males 1 Females
under IG under IG

Total.

years.

Town of York

Town.ship of York.

Scarborough

Etobicoko

Pickerin""

195
175
34
32
40
03
294
75

123
79
13
10
45
37
55

80
55
26
64

102
126
24
27
35
43
234
60

127
69
12
15
30
26
45

70
52
23

137

167
44
34
51
42

320
99

258
149
29
18
58
05
71

109

83
150
38
44
54
45
203
99

218
128
20
24
42
47
62

70
98
37
58

577
618
140
137
180

Wliitby

Markhani

193
1111

Vaufliaii

333

Wliitechurch and

Uxbridge

East Gwillinibury .
West Gwillinibury.
North Gwillinibury
Kin<r

726

425

175

Toronto

Trafals^ar

185
233

Nelson and East

Flaniboro'

West Flauiboro'

Beverley

205
314
141

Block No. 2, G. R. . .

241

Number in 1809 . . .
Number in 1805 . . .

1501
1080

1228
870

358

1852
985

1590
849

6171

3784

Increase

421

807

741

2387

• ■;

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

CHAPTEK III.

LITTLE YORK, MONTREAL AND QUEBEC, 1809-1811.

h I

In October, 1809, Mr. Ridout obtained leave of
absence, and set out on a visit to his friends in Eng-
land, which country he had left more than thirty-
years before. His two eldest sons, George and
Thomas, had now left school, and were in charge
of their father's office during his absence. George
was then in his nineteenth year, and Thomas just
seventeen.

Frovi Thomas to his Father : —

York, 15th October, 1809.

My Dear Father, — It was with the greatest plea-
sure we received your letter from Kingston by Doctor
Glennon. Your tender charge to me respecting my
little brothers and sisters I will affectionately fulfil,
and the responsible offices you left to my charge will
be my pride to execute with diligence, care and punc-
tuality. The Acts I put on board of Kendrick's, with
a box of the honey peaches for Mr. Markland ; they are
very fine. Winter is coming on very fast, the leaves
begin to fall, and the wild geese fly over the town to
the southward. We begin to gather in our apples and
our other winter store.

I remain, honoured Father,

Your affectionate Son,

Thomas G. Ridout.

bo
id

Little York, Montreal and Quebec, 1809-181 1. 29

A letter dated the 1st November, 1809, announcing
the father's safe arrival in Quebec, reached York on
the 28th of the same month, brought by a " Mr. Gum-
ming," who, it is mentioned, "will travel by land
as all travellers do now." That same November, 1809,
the first steamer was placed on the St Lawrence, viz ;
the steamer Accommodatio?i, built by Mr. John
Molson, of Montreal.

The voyage to England in 1809 is chronicled in a
letter from Portsmouth, and is worthy of notice, as being
a remarkably short passage for those days, just a
month.

Mr. Ridout writes : —

17th December, 1809.

We sailed from Quebec on the 15th November,
under convoy of the Mermaid, Frigate, in com-
pany with twenty other vessels, but the weather
was so severe before we got out of the St. Lawrence
that we separated from the frigate in the Gulf.
We had a snow storm from the north-east, the
wind then shifted to the north-west, and blew very
heavy, which carried us to sea. We have not ex-
perienced the least misfortune or accident. The
Everetia is the best vessel I have seen. We were
becalmed a morning on the Grand Bank of Newfound-
land, and caught sixty-two cod fish. Yesterday we
dined on board on a dish of beef steaks, "Quebec
beef." We have crossed the ocean alone, without a
company.

This is italicized as a great event at a time when
crossing the ocean meant peril both to life and
liberty.

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

From George Ridout to his Father in England : —

York, Gth February, 1810.

A few days ago we received your letters dated the
9th November, from Quebec. The enclosed packet for
the Governor I took up the next day. As he was very
busy at his own house, I gave it to Mr. Stanton, ac-
qainting him of the length of time it had been coming,
he then sent the letter to the Governor with what I
had said. I thought it proper to state this, as you
had mentioned in your letter to me, that you had en-
closed to him one of the same pamphlets you sent us,
copies of which had reached this several weeks before.
For some time, no business but the Governor's was
allowed to be attended to ; different occurrences which
have taken place under the respective Governors and
Presidents, are the subject of these proceedings ; it is
thought that Messrs. Thorpe and Wyatt have had some
hand in this. About two weeks after we wrote our
last letter, Tom and I were taken ill of the same fever,
which you may recollect proved so fatal in Whit-
church, and a day or two afterwards, Sally and Horace
were attacked. We were much reduced. Had it not
been for Dr. Baldwin's skill and attention, good nurs-
ing and pretty good constitutions, I think it would
have gone very liard with us. They have subscribed
.£200 in York towards a library. Bring me, if in your
power, Commyn's Digest.

it i

The pamphlet mentioned in the letter, and of
which we shall hear further, was, no doubt, the one
issued by Mr. J. Mills Jackson, and entitled, " A View
of the Political Situation of the Province," and
considered libellous, as all such criticisms were, by the
Governor and his party.

Little York, Montreal and Quebec, 1809-1811. 31

From Thomas G. Ridout to fus Father in England: —

York, l^th February, 1810.

You must not charge us with neglect in not
writing since the 14th December, as that neglect was
caused by a fever which attacked George and me the
same day, and continued from 30th December till
about 20th January. Under Dr. Baldwin's care, and
my mother's, we recovered, and are now^ heartier than
ever. The House of Assembly met here on the 1st
inst. There does not seem to be so much spirit for
opposition in them as there has been. Jos. Willcocks
is greatly curbed by the watch which is kept over his
publications and speeches. There are no assemblies
here this winter, but now and then a party ball is
given in private houses, for they are divided into
two parties. Nancy and Sam went to the Governor's
ball. Wo were too ill to go.

From George Ridout to his Father in England: —

York, llth March, 1810.

This packet we send by New York. Nothing very
material has occurred since I wrote you last. The
Parliament met the 1st February, and is not yet
prorogued, although expected to be in a few days.
An address of the House of Assembly to the
Governor respecting the pamphlet, signed John
M. Jackson, declaring it to be a scandalous and
libellous publication, pleases the Governor, and is no
doubt a great satisfaction to him. It has had a no
less contrary effect upon Jos. Willcocks. When the
question was put whether it was a libel or not,
Willcocks and Kogers were the only two dissenting
members, but when the ayes and nays were called for,
they thought proper to rise. Tom has been writing
in the Lower House of Assembly from eight in the
morning till ten at night, and Mr. Boulton has
been so good as to allow me to stay at home while the

•V!

[

^ li

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

session lasts, by which means the Kegistry Office has
never been closed. From four o'clock in the after-
noon till ten I write in the House of Assembly.

The Jos. Willcocks, whose name appears in this
letter, was another turbulent spirit, who, when Judge
Thorpe was recalled, succeeded him in the represen-
tation of the East Kiding of York in the House of
Assembly.

Mr. Willcocks had been Sheriff of the Home
District, but had been dismissed from his office for
daring to express his opinions. He was then returned
to the Legislature, but was impeached for breach of
privilege, and was cast into the common jail, the
offence charged being that on September 17tli, 1808,
Willcocks said members had been bribed by twelve
hundred acres of land each in the October previous,
by the Governor. He was accused of saying this in
in his paper, the Guardian, and on the public streets.
After his release from jail, he was returned as
member again, and continued to lead the Opposition.

The Kogers mentioned was D. McGregor Rogers,
who had sat in the House of Assembly since 1799,
and was in 1810 member for Northumberland. He
also was on the people's side, as opposed to the
Government ; but being more moderate in expressing
his views, he did not get into such trouble as his
friends Judge Thorpe and Willcocls.

A little further news of Mr. Willcocks comes in
the next letter.

.1 1 (
1! I

Little York, Montreal and Quebec, 1809-1811. 33

From Thomas G. Eidout to his Father in Enrjland: —

York, Vlth March, 1810.

My Dear Father, — Three months have now
passed since we received any news concerning
you, but your great distance from us authorizes that
time in some measure. The House of Assembly is to
be prorogued to-morrow; it has been a profitable session
for us, as I wrote in the Lower House a month, night
and day, and have earned ninety-two dollars. George
wrote in the evenings and will get forty-five dollars.
There has been a severe stroke given to Mr. Willcocks
and his party this session, as ^Jr. Jackson's pamphlet
was brought before the House of Assembly, by Mr. Mc-
Lean of Kingston, and considered as a gross libel
against this country, government and people, and they
sent an address to the Governor to that purpose, desir-
ing him at the same time to let the Government in
England be acquainted with the same, for the purpose
of doing away any ill impression that it mijjht
occasion there.

'o'

The next letter in the packet is one from Mr. D. W.
Smith to Mr. Eidout. This Mr. Smith, afterwards
Sir D. W. Smith, was the son of Colonel Smith of the
5th regiment, commandant at Fort Niagara in the time
of Governor Simcoe. The son served as ensign and
lieutenant in the same regiment, but left the profes-
sion of arms for the study of the law in Upper Canada.
He was called to the bar there, and with the rapid
promotion usual at that time, was accorded precedence
as Deputy-Judge, was appointed Surveyor-General of
Lands in Upper Canada, a trustee for the Six Nations,
one of the Executive Council, became a member of the
three first Parliaments, and Speaker of the House in

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

two of them. For these services he was created a
baronet in 1821. At the date of the letter he had
been for some years residing in England, but evidently
his ambition was to return to Canada as Lieutenant-
Governor.

The letter is dated, Alnwick, 11th April, 1810, and
after some business details, goes on to say: —

There is a rumour that Governor Gore is coming
home, but it seems rather with a view of returning to
Canada. The Duke has said to me that, if he should
not return, and I wish to go out, he will ask the ap-
pointment as a special favor to himself; but he rather
advises me to wait, as he is not with the present
administration, and might, therefore, meet with a re-
fusal. Dickson left me on Friday night last, and is at
the Turk's Head Coffee House, near Somerset Place.

The "Duke" was probably the Duke of Northumber-
land, whose estates Mr. Smith administered.

Mr. Kidout returned safely from England in 1810,
more fortunate than his fellow-townsmen, Mr. Small
and Mr. D'Arcy Boulton, the Solicitor-General for
Upper Canada, who had sailed in the ship Minerva,
and were taken prisoners by a French privateer, and
carried oft" to France, where they remained prisoners
of war, at Verdun, until 1815.

In June, 1811, Thomas Gibbs Eidout set out for
England, by way of Montreal and Quebec, on a visit
to his father's relatives, and with the intention of re-
maining in thai country if prospects of business were
good. At that time he was not quite nineteen years

Little York, Montreal and Quebec, 1809-181 i. 35

of age, but his letters show an observant mind, and
that the training of Mr. Strachan's school had not
been without good results.

With the usual economy of the time in the matter
of postage, the youth was evidently charged with many
letters, both public and private, to deliver in Quebec,
and also in London, England, which commission he
seems to have faithfully fulfilled. Henry John Boulton,
son of Mr. D'Arcy Boulton, set out from York at the
same time, his intention being to study law in Lincoln's
Inn, and also to endeavour to procure his father's re-
lease from captivity.

The account of the capture of Messrs. Small and
Boulton is given in a letter from Henry John Boulton
to his brother D'Arcy, in Y'ork.

He says that his father writes from Cambray on the
nth of April, 1811 :—

That he is quite recovered from his wounds, and
he is treated with respect proportioned to his rank.
His expenses are about five shilUugs per diem.

On the 15th July, 1811, the prisoner writes from
Verdun, in France, to his son Henry, who, in a letter
to York, gives the following account of the engage-
ment at sea, which cost Mr. Boulton and Mr. Small
their liberty and kept them in durance vile for three
years, until the close of the European war in 1815 : —

Now for the engagement, which was a very
gallant though unsuccessful one. When the privateer

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

first came in sight the Minerva hoisted the EngHsh
colours, but the privateer hoisted none till she came
within close gun shot, when she up with the French
colours, and gave the Minerva a broadside, which was
instantly returned, and carried away their bowsprit,
with a chain shot. The engagement lasted an hour
and a half, during which the Minerva was boarded
three times, but they repulsed them as often ; but the
rigging l)eing much cut, they could not manage the
ship, and the privateer succeeded in getting a grappling
into the Minerva^ and boarded it with such superior
numbers, that they were obliged to give it up, sword in
hand. The Minerva mounted four fbur-pounders, two
six-pounders, with fourteen men, including the pas-
sengers and the cabin boy. The Grand Luke of Bey,
the privateer, fourteen twelve-pounders, and ninety
men, all well armed with musketry. Papa and Woolink
were captains of the two sixes, and, as papa says, gave
them little respite. Mr. Woolink told me that after the
first shot, he felt no more anxiety for his safety than
if he had been playing cards, and that he and papa were
laughing all the time, hmall was a little blue, but
fired away with a musket, and said nothing. The
Grand Duke of Beij has taken fifty-six prizes, and is
the finest privateer in the French service. Papa was
wounded, in boarding, with a sabre, in the forehead,
which was very severe, and Woolink was afraid it had
dished him ; but he has, thank God, lived to tell the
story, and how many French rascals he fixed for it.
He being very active in the engagement, was supposed
to be the captain by the privateer, and was dragged
on board alone. He had the precaution to save his
money, but his box was left in the Minerva. Small
lost all his money ; a sailor coming up, and giving
him his choice of giving it up or having his brains
blown out, he chose the former. Small and Wool-
ink opened papa's box after the hurry of the battle
was over, and threw overboard all his public papers.

Little York, Montreal and Quebec, 1809-1811. 37

id
id
[is

To their great joy, the Minerva, going into Calais,
ran aground, and was lost, cargo and all.

Mr. Henry John Boulton afterwards became Attor-
ney-General for Upper Canada, and also held the
position of Chief Justice of Newfoundland for five
years. He returned to Toronto in 1838, and after-
wards represented Niagara, and also Norfolk, in Par-
liament. His second son, Georgo D'Arcy Boulton,
Q.C., practised law in Toronto, and married the eldest
daughter of Mr. T. G. Kidout.

The first letter from Montreal sounds the first note
of the coming war, and mentions the name of a com-
mander, who was destined soon to take a prominent
part in it.

From, Thomas Gibbs Ridout to his Father at York : —

Montreal, Srd Juli/, 1811.
There is great talk here of war with the Americans.
The British are provisioning Quebec and HaHfax, the
41st regiment are continually out on the parade,
marching, forming, tiling. They are 800 strong. I
went on the parade yesterday afternoon, looking at
them. The men made a very fine appearance, but I
thought the officers almost too young. Colonel
Sheaffe commands. I have been over the whole town,
the streets are full of people. The great bell of the
French church roused me out of bed this morning be-
fore four. I went to both markets, and found hundreds
of people there at that hour, with everything for sale ;
ripe cherries, and currants and beans. On inquiring
my way through the town, not one in ten could sp-^nk
a word of English, and I hear French jabbered in e\ .y
house. Henry Boulton stays at Holmes' tavern, and
will not be ready to go with me.

li. ,

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

From Thomas G. Ridout to his Brother at York : —

Qup:bec, 5th July, 1811.

After a journey of nine days, I arrived at this place,
which far surpassed my opinion of it. There are near
two hundred sail lying in the river, they form a forest
of three or four deep for six miles. I came from Mont-
real for nineteen shillings, including provisions, which
were nothing hut a bit of ham and a loaf of bread.
We were shockingly crowded in the boat, there being
ten passengers with their baggage, the crew, and 12

delivered Mr. Stuart's and
to breakfast and dine with
He inquired a great deal
about you and his friends at York. John is now a
first lieutenant at Cadiz, and expects afte^ that to go
to the East Indies. James is at Annapolis, New
Brunswick. George has been taknig me round part of
the ramp[i';t'^ tliis afternoon. There are great works
round towers and half-moons are build-

barrels of potash. I only
Macaulay's letters. I am
Dr. Macaulay on Sunday.

going on now

fi^l

ing in front of all ti gates, and the double wall is
continued down through the Quebec suburbs. They
are in great expectation here of war with the Yankees,
and the works are accordingly carried on with great
industry. There are two or three additional regiments
expected from England. Montreal is nothing to com-
pare with Quebec in regard to bustle, business or any-
thing else. Consider what the loading and unloading
of two hundred sail must make ! In coming to anchor,
we passed close under the stern of the Everetta. She
is the prettiest vessel here. I saw Captain Patterson
on the deck. The quays and lower streets are com-
pletely covered and crowded with bales and men.
One half of the crews of the ships look to be made up of
boys between nine and fourteen years old, nice, smart
little fellows. I was at tlie market this morning, it
was well supplied with everything, particularly straw-
berries, of which I dare say there were ten or twelve
bushels, nice fresh butter on leaves, gooseberries and

Little York, Montreal and Quebec, 1809-1 o i i. 39

nits

son
om-
len.
p of
art

?) it
aw-
Ive
and

cakes of all kinds. Better mutton and beef than at
Montreal.

From Thomas G. Ridout to his Father at York: —

Qui:«E{', Qth Jubj, 1811.

This morning I set out to find Mr. Gray,* I at last
found him on the street in company with Colonel Mc-
Donell. He asked me if I was going to England, and
said he would get me a passage. After reading the
Governor's letter he seemed pleased, and said that a
friend of his is now here who commands the best ship
in the port, and who shortly sails with his lady for
England, the ship being fitted up and provided in the
best manner, he says, will be just what the Governor
meant for me. I am, however, to go on Monday at
half after eleven to Colonel McDonell, and with him in
his carriage to Mr. Gray's country-seat, and spend the
day. Mr. Gray will then settle how I am to go, as the
fleet does not sail till the 20th. The two letters for
the Commander-in-Chief, I left with General Drum-
moiid's aide-de-ca))!]! at the castle. There is a gentle-
man here from New York who says that New l''ork is
not to compare with this place for active business.
About five hundred men are at work upon the fortifica-
tions every day. Another round tower is building
back of the Quebec suburbs, it is said they are to be
connected by walls and batteries. There are also half-
moons built in front of each land-gate. It is too ex-
travagant to send letters by post, all one would wish.

From Thom,as G. Ridout, Quebec, to his brother at York, dth
July : —

We sail to-night. The transport I go in is a very
fine copper-bottomed ship, carries six guns, and muskets
for the invalids, and passengers and sailors, so that
we are almost as safe as the frigate, or even safer, as

*Mr. Gray was at that time Deputy Quarter- Master-General.

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

i' \

she has orders to take us under particular care so that
we will keep in company during the voyage. Gat papa
to write to Dr. Macaulay for the civilities he has shown
me. Betsy and Mary are very fii:e, lively and sensible
girls. George is a good Greek scholar.

From TJiomas G. liidout to his Fathe'-at York: —

Quebec, 9th July, 1811.

This evening I embark on board a government
transport called, the Sea Nymph, Captain Eobert
Smith, bound for Portsmouth. In the cabin there
are three ladies (one of them widow of Major Andrews,
who died at Niagara).

Yesterday, at the mess, the officers talked as if they
wished and expected war. Colonel Shank has his
regiment under very bad discipline. There was a
press-gjing came up from the frigate last night and
pressed fifteen tine seaman, all English. I saw the
poor fellows marched into the boat by a party of
soldiers.

From Thomas G. liidout to his Father at York: —

Off the Brandy Potts, 15/A Jidy, 1811.

As I informed you in my last, we embarked on the
9th, but owing to an easterly storm, which lasted
from the 9th to the 14th, we did not weigh anchor
until yesterday morning at five o'clock, and have just
now (noon) got to the Brandy Potts, where the Pritn-
rosc lies with about twenty sail of merchantmen, and
twenty-two more are in sight ; so that we'll have a
fieet of near fifty sail. The Sea Nymph is a very
fine ship and has been a transport these nine years,
and is well accommodated for carrying troops. We
have on board forty-two invalids, sixteen seamen, six
soldiers' wives, four ladies, two servant-women, nine
children, captain, mate and boy, and three gentlemen —
total, eighty-four. But we are not in the least

Little York, Montrkal and Quebec, 1809-181 1. 41

the
ited
;lior
just

iin-
land
re a
lexy
lars,
IWe

six

line
\\\ —

;aBt

crowded, and have plenty of provisions for two months,
and fifty-five tons of good water. Every morning the
rations and water are dehvered out. I am allowed a
ration, which consists of pork, beef, peas, oatmeal,
sugar, rum, rice, flour, butter and English cheese.
The cabin stores are also plentiful, which cost us .t'lO
apiece at Quebec. In the morning we liave a dish of
burgee with butter, after that two or three cups of
chocolate, coffee or tea, with biscuit and butter ; at
twelve, some biscuit and cheese ; for dinner, beef,
fowls, potatoes, pease-pudding and plum-pudding,
cheese, porter, Madeira and port, with pickles ; in the
evening, coffee, and cakes and preserves, and at bed-
time, wine and water. There are forty or fifty fowls,
two sheep, three pigs ; therefore, I think, we'll do
very well.

When we left Quebec there were some 2/50 sail
lying in the river. Henry Boulton is in company
with us on board the brig Salufi, Captain Vicker,
bound for Liverpool. The fleet looks beautiful. We
are all at anchor, waiting for those in sight, who are
coming up fast. We carry six eighteen-pounders, and
have about sixty men on board, seventeen of whom
are artillerymen, and can manage the guns ; plenty of
imiskets in good order, and ammunition, therefore it
will not be a common privateer that can take us. The
Primrose has us under her particular care.

T gave Governor (lore's letters to (xeneral (rore, to
(ieueral Drummond's aide-de-cani}). I am so preju-
diced in favour of York, that I tliink it the neatest
and prettiest place I have yet seen, and St. (Jeorge's
lioiise by much the best and liandsomest.

The handsomest house in the York of 1811 is still
to be seen in the Toronto of 1800, on the corner of
King and Frederick Streets. It is now occupied as
the Canada Company's oflice.

M I:

\t t

f i

fi III

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

From Thomas liidout to his son Thomas in England: —

York, Upper Canada, 16th July, 1811.

We have received your letters of the 29th June,
from Kingston ; 3rd July, from Montreal. The
letters came to hand on the evening of the 14th
inst. The Governor sent yesterday a message to
your mother that you had set out from Montreal,
and he informed me that he had hopes you would
get on board the sloop of war that was at Quebec.
It is not likely that this will reach you before you
leave Quebec ; indeed, 1 conclude that you are
now on 3^our way down the river, and with a fair
wind pursuing your voyage. May it, my dear son,
be a fortunate one. The Governor, I am persuaded,
interests himself in your welfare. Make Mr. Watson
and Mr. Oldham vour friends. Consult Mr. Prince
in all things. He, after your uncle, will feel most
interested in your welfare. I shall write to Mr.
Prince, in a day or two, to endeavour to send hither
a gentleman for the school, etc.

There was at that time great difficulty in obtaining
both a schoolmaster and a parson for Little York,
Mr. Stuavt liaving resigned his post in the District
School.

From Thomas Ridout to his son Thomas in England: —

York, Upper Canada, 31,st July, 1«11.

We received on the 27th the letters you wrote at
Quebec on the 9th inst. I shall write immediately
to Mr. Gray and Dr. Macaulay to thank tliem for
their civilities to you. It has blown a heavy gale of
wind from the north-east all the last night, attended
with rain, and the gale continues. John is only
waiting its motions to embark on board the Lady
Oore, for Kingston. Mr. St. George and many others

Little York, Montreal and Quebec, 1809-181 1. 43

,11.

A' at
fitely
11 for
lile of
luded
only

ihers

go in her. Mrs. Allan returned a day or two ago
from Kingston. She speaks of your civilities to her.
John Robinson returned hither with Mrs. Allan.
Whether he remains here or not, I know not.
George is much pleased in his transfer to Mr.
McDonell's office. No accounts from Mr. Boulton
since you left us. Mr. Firth is about to return to
England with his family. He applied to the Governor
for leave of absence, but as he did not obtain it, he
has, it seems, made up his mind to surrender his
appointment, and a sale of all his effects is to
commence on the 12th proximo. We learn that Mr.
Miles Jackson arrived in the Everetta at Quebec, and
is daily expected here. No doubt he will attempt to
sow discontent, if not sedition, but he will do well to
be cautious and circumspect.

During the last week nuich grain has been cut
on Yonge Street, and housed, as the weather was
fine. Tlie harvest promised to be exceedingly abun-
dant. I have written to Mr. Adams, the Colonial
Agent, who lives in St. James' Place, St. James'
Street, near the Palace, with reference to my draft.
Mr. iMlan has not been able to give me the cash
as yet. There is not any in the receiving chest,
so that none of the Government accounts due the
20th June last have been paid, nor any warrants
have issued from the Lieutenant-Governor's office.
My accounts of the department, amounting to
upwards 0^ .£800, for the last year, passed the audit
on Monday last, but I know not when they will be
paid. Mr. Selby, however, says he expects money
irom Quebec. My fee accounts to 80th June only
amount to .£21, owing to Mr. Jarvis being without
parchment for his patents till two days ago, when he
received 1'40 worth. I have, since you left us,
received a very kind letter from Mr. Smith. Pray
send him Mr. Cartwright'a pamphlet, with the two
last Acts of the Legislature. As Mr. Stuart has

•^

: 'ii i

Ten Ykars of Upper Canada.

If;;

resigned the District School, I have informed Mr.
Cameron and Mr. Small, two others of the Trustees,
of my intention to write Mr. Prince for a gentleman
qualified, and 1 have mentioned my intention to the
Governor, and they all approve of it. A young
gentleman who had taken orders, if he could ohtain
the t'5() per jiniium given hy the Society for the
Propagation of the Gospel, with the school, wliich
you know is worth i'lOO per annum, and the good
expectation of a parish here, would I hope, he
induced to come hither. I enclose copy of my
letter to Mr. Adains, which I re(iue8t you will
deliver yourself.

In another lette^- from George Ridout to his
brother, dated York, July 8Ist, 1811, a few familiar
names are mentioned.

Allan McLean has been here almost since you
left us. He is as great a coxscond) as ever. I
almost forgot to tell you that Mr. Firth is going
home, and intends selling off everything here,
consequently he never intends to return. He asked
leave of absence, which wms refused. Archy McLean
does not know what is to become of him. Mr. Firth
for the hundred guineas was to board liim, etc., during
his (derkship. John Robinson returned here two or
three days ago. If they do not all come to Mc-
Donell's otHce, I know not what they will do. I am
the oidy one at present settled among them all.

The " Archy McLean " of this letter was afterwards
Chief Justice of U})per Canada.

Voyage to England, i8ii.

CHAPTER IV.

VOYAGP: to ENGLAND, 181 L

From Thomas G. Kidout to his Father in York: —

Plymouth, 10th August, 1811.

After a very pleasant passage of twenty-seven days,
I arrived here this morning, being only seventeen days
from Cape Ray to the Lizard. The three ladies in the
iivAn did not agree three days together, neither did
the captain and officers; but as I took neither side, I
continued on the best terms with both parties. We
sailed before the wind from Quebec to Plymouth
Sound, and beat in from the Eddystone. We parted
convoy in thick fog on the Banks of Newfoundland
and crossed the ocean alone, being the first sailer in
the fleet. We frequently ran one hundred and fifty
and one hundred and ninety miles a day. The only
ship of war on the seas was the Comet, which
we met on the Banks, and the second I saw was the
Boyne, in Plymouth Sound, of ninety-eight guns.
There are also in the Sound ready for sea four seventy-
fours, fourteen large frigates, and twelve sloops of
war. Admiral Calder comnumds the Boyne. 1 also
saw the grand repeating ship, the 8t. Salvador, of one
hundred and twenty guns, a Spanish prize ; she lies in
the inner basin, with iibout thirty sail of the line and
fifty frigates, being all of them prizes from the French,
Russians, Spaniards, Dutch and Danes. There is also
on the stocks in the dockyard, the Union, of ninety-
eight guns, several seventy-fours, and a great many
frigates. There was a reinforcement of horse and foot
sent to Lisbon from Portsmouth tliree days ago, in two

1 !

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Ten Years of Upper Canada.

hundred sail of transports, to recruit Lord Welling-
ton's army, which now suffers exceedingly in men,
they having taught the French to fight obstinate
battles. The transports carry out British troops and
bring home French prisoners ; tliere are now two hun-
dred and tw^enty thousand in England, about one
hundred thousand in this place and neighbourhood.

I have seen the London papers to the 8th, which say
the King is so deranged that he refuses all nourish-
ment, and say that he'll starve himself to put an end
to his sufferings ; and it is suspected that the physicians
are obliged to use him as all others in his mind are, to
compel him to eat. I am in dread of the war with
America, which is daily expected here, seventeen
Americans being condemned the other day in this port.
The French have taken but one merchantman these
three months. As I have before written, our ship put
in here for convoy, and none sailing before the 13th,
determined me to go ashore and ride to London. The
distance is two hundred and fifteen miles, and I have
taken the outside of the stage, which starts to-morrow
morning at eight o'clock for Exeter. On Monday, the
12th inst., at four in the afternoon, I shall be in Lon-
don. I am full of hope and fear in regard to my own
fortune in that city. I cannot express my feelings
when I saw the native country of my dear father, the
beautiful and enchanting appearance of which descrip-
tion can give but a faint idea of.

Plymouth is a very curious place. The entrance
into the Sound is between the Ram's Head and Moor
Stone, about a mile broad ; you then go round a great
rock or island, on which there are three hundred and
sixty-five guns ; to your right, or east, is the town of
Plymouth ; round a basin, in front is Stonehouse,
where the Governor resides, who is General England,
and where all the public offices are. What a climate
this must be, for the men and women, boys and
girls have universally such a ruddy complexion, which
appears remarkable to an American like me.

Voyage to England, i8ii.

U.7

lid
ch

From Thomas G. Ridout to his brother George in York : —

London, 22nd August, 1811.

My letter from Plymouth, you have, I hope, received
long before this, giving an account of our voyage.
On the 14th July we left Quel)ec, Cape Ray on 23rd,
saw England 9th August, and landed at Plymouth
10th August. I took a place on the stage-coach for
myself and trunk. Plymouth is 220 miles from Lon-
don, therefore I would see a great part of the west of
England. On Sunday morning, at eight o'clock, I
took my seat alongside the coachman, from whom I
got a great deal of information. We then drove out
of Plymouth, and passed Lord Burlington's estate,
and immediately got into the most highly-cultivated
country in the world. The road throughout Devon-
shire is very narrow, except on Brinkdown and Dart-
moor, being only wide enough for two carriages, and
seems to be dug out of the ground, running between
two high hedges of twelve or fourteen feet in height.

In the course of the day we passed several noble-
men's and gentlemen's seats, through tlie large towns
of Ashburton and Chudleigh, and forty other towns,
besides upwards of thirty villages ; passed over the
River Teign, about as large as the Don, and came in
sight of the Channel, and below us, at the distance of
five miles, was the city of Exeter, lying in a most
delightful vale, forty-four miles from Plymouth. I
saw the two towers of its ancient cathedral rising
above the town, besides innumerable spires and turrets
throughout the city. It seemed situate in the midst
of a forest or wood. The hedges hereabouts were
planted with rows of trees. At a small distance on
the right, but on a hill, stood an ancient, once strong,
but now mouldering castle, with ivy growing from its
battlements and towers, called Courtney Castle, sur-
rounded with a deep ditch and wall, covering a great
extent of ground, built in a square form, with two
great towers. The windows were high from the

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

ground and very narrow. There was a large wood or
forest, surrounding the castle, of elms and oak. At
five we got into Exeter, passed the liiver Exe, and
drove up to Phillips' Hotel, opposite the cathedral.

Next morning, being Monday the 12th, at three
o'clock we left Exeter, and breakfasted at a large brick
town or city, called Axminster. We soon alter got
into Dorsetshire and passed over Liddon Down, on
which were 100,000 sheep feeding. We now began to
get into a high, dry, flint and chalk country, as this
part of Dorset has very little meadow or pasture, but
great fields of wheat. 1 saw one field, belonging to
a gentleman, of 5,000 acres of wheat. At noon we
came alongside the Channel, and passed Lyme Regis
and the Isle of Portland ; also crossed the lioman
military highway, running from Lyme Eegis to Bristol.
It was wide enough for two carriages, with a bank of
earth about eight feet high on each side. We passed
a large Danish camp on Liddon Down, and two large
square Roman camps with deep ditches. At four we
dined at the ancient Roman city of Dorchester, which
we entered through a double row of oaks a mile long.
In twenty minutes we left Dorchester, and passed at
six o'clock another Roman military highway, leading
in a straight direction from Poole to London. In the
evening passed the division betweeen Dorset and
Wilts, being the ancient division thrown up by the
Saxons l)etween these two kingdoms. We passed
through Salisbury, and saw that most l)eautiful and
lofty spire.

Tuesday, the IHth, we were passing from seven
to eleven over Bagshot Heath ; to our left was
Windsor Park. We crossed the Thames at Staines.
Saw Windsor Castle, with the royal flag fiying ;
thence over Hounslow Heath, and got within eight
miles of Hyde Park Corner, when, from the number
of people, the carriages going and coming, the close-
ness of the houses and the paved road, I could

Voyage to England, i8ii.

hardly thiuk I was not in London, for it is one long
street, excepting two small breaks. At last, we
entered the city through a great iron gate and frame,
with many lamps upon it. Then to see the height
and regularity of the houses ! The lower stories are
nothing but glass on both sides the street, the houses
being in the front supported by iron posts, and the
windows filled with the most curious cut-glass. The
footways were covered with people ; you see four or
five abreast continually turning the corners of the
streets, without ceasing one moment. I was very
nmch tired, being two days and a night in the coach
without sleeping. You would be surprised at the
nicety with which every one dresses here, therefore,
to appear in the fashion, I have got an entire new suit
of clothes in the London cut (very different from the
York), a pair of boots and London hat.

The next day, Wednesday, I walked througli London
four or five hours, delivering papa's and the Clovernor's
letters. Thursday night John took me to the Court
of Chancery in Lincoln's Inn, where I saw the Lord
Chancellor, who is Speaker of the House of Lords,
and a multitude of lawyers, and heard a great deal
of fine speaking.

Friday, dined with Mr. Watson, who is very civil
to me ; he said that Governor Gore is coming home.
At nine I left his house. No. 5 Saville Row, Bond
Street, and came from there to Paternoster Row,
a distance of two and a half miles, without missing
my way. The lamps in the street and on the bridges
make a most beautiful appearance, and when you are
at the end of a long street it looks like a stream of
fire.

On Saturday, I dined with John and George, at Mr.
Hamilton's country house, at Clapton, near Hackney.
On Sunday, I went to the Prince's chapel, where Mr.
Prince read the lessons most admirably, beyond any-
thing I ever heard, and his son Tom preached a most

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

•i' i!

!«i

excellent sermon. I dined, and spent the evening
with that most friendly family, and was invited b}'^
Mrs. Prince to go with her to Vauxhall, on Wednesday
evening, the 22nd August. Accordingly, on Wednes-
day I dined and drank tea at Mr. Prince's, and at eight
o'clock, in company with Mrs. P. and Betsy, her son
Tom, the clergyman, and Philip, got into a Hackney
coach, and drove to the gardens.

Then follows a description of Vauxhall in 1811.

As you enter you see before you a long arched gallery
open on the right side to the square ; on the left, boxes
for entertainments. The gallery is about fifteen feet
high and twenty wide, and surrounds a very large
square closed on two sides. On the arched ceiling are
hung the lamps upon chains, which cross the roof
backward and forward. They are made of coloured
glass, yellow, blue and red, and are only two or three
inches apart. These little lamps are hung in festoons
of about eight feet sweep. The square is full of large
elm and poplar trees, which are joined together by
festoons of lamps, as close as they can hang, and
coloured. In the midst of the square is the orchestra,
about thirty-live feet in height, and eighteen wide,
which looks like one blaze of tire, from the infinite
number of lamps with which it is entirely covered. It is
made in the form of a temple ; the cupola was sur-
mounted by a crown made of lamps, " Duke of
Clarence " underneath, this being his birthday, with
the anchor, he being an admiral. The front of the or-
chestra was open, and in the second story were about
twenty-five capital performers.

In the intervals, a little boy sang in the most won-
derful manner, also a Mrs. Bland and Miss Ferrer,
both famous singers. We «had also martial music
from the Duke of York's band.

We walked out one side of the square, and came
into a great temple, which glittered witli lamps.

Voyage to England, i8ii.

The walls were surrounded with flags of different
nations. In the middle hung three large lustres ; the
lamps, blue, red and yellow. The temple was sur-
rounded with paintings, and avenues branched from
it with long beads of lamps, terminated by a dark
wood through which you could see some fantastical
fairy lights. We walked along, and preseni^ly came to
three or four large trees in a dark corner, under which
sat a company of gypsies, smoking their pipes, with
two or three children, and a jackass feeding. Before
them was a fire with a pot boiling, and it was only by
the fire-light we could see them. It was a very com-
plete deception.

Going a little farther, we came to a hermitage,
where sat by a table an old hermit reading, his
cat by the fire. Then to the cascade, which is
another deception. We went down a dark avenue
through crowds — it being supposed there were six
thousand in the gardens — and we came to where the
most astonishing fireworks were displayed. At half-
past twelve we left this fairy ground.

From Thomas G. Ridout to his Father in York.

London, 237'cZ August, 1811.
I arrived in this wonderful city on the 18th inst,
after a journey of forty -four days. Next day I deliver-
ed the letters to Mr. Watson, Woldham, Colonel
Derby, Franklin, Hoddinot, Mr. Hamilton, by all of
whom I was well received, and was by Mr. Watson
invited to dinner. I also called on Mr. Selby, of the
South Sea House, and delivered his father's and your
letters. On Friday I went to the Magdalene, and was
received by that real and best friend of yours, Mr.
Prince, like a son who had been long away. Their
son Tom, who is now in orders, is secretary to the
Duke of Brunswick, and tutor to his children. Mr.
Prince treated me on Wednesday night, being the Duke
of Clarence's birthday, to a sight of Vauxhall, which

Ten Years of Upper Can.iDA.

1); '

111

■ r J

I have very imperfectly described to George. Mr.
Amyatt will not be in town this week, so I shall keep
his letter till then.

I am sorry to tell you there is a general stagna-
tion of commerce, all entrance into Europe being
completely shut up ; there never was known a time
to compare to the present, nearly all the foreign
traders becoming bankrupt, or about a tenth of their
former trade. But if a war takes place between
France and Russia, which is very likely, the great
trade formerly carried on with Russia will then
revive, and merchants' counting-houses will not look
as solitary as they do at present. Neither will the
Royal Exchange be as deserted, for there are not
above two or three hundred gentlemen now transact-
ing business there. The West India merchants are
nearly ruined, having no sale on the continent for
their immense quantity of colonial produce, which is
now accumulating in their warehouses.

Mr. Edmundson and I have just come down from St.
Paul's, we were both up into the ball, which is really
frightful to think of, though I did not mind it then.
The ball and cross stand upon eight iron legs about as
thick as my wrist, and before we could get up into the
ball, we had to climb up those legs, by notches cut in
them, so that by slipping through, a person would have
been precipitated four hundred and four feet. From
there I saw the immense cities of London, West-
minster, Southwark — and, indeed, nothing but one mass
of buildings as far as the eye could reach. The deep
ditches of streets with the moving black in them and
the red-tiled houses. We saw Lord Nelson's tomb in
the vaults of St. Paul's. It is immediately under the
dome, and his body is in the tomb or coffin of black
marble, which Wolsey had made for himself. Col-
lingwood lay alongside of him.

I have seen Henry Boulton. I arrived here a week
before him. He seems to be mighty busy with Lord

Voyage to England, i8ii.

reek
iord

Liverpool, Mr. Amyatt, and other great men, about
getting his father from France.

John, the other night, took me to the Lyceum.
I have not yet seen the wild beasts at Exeter
'Change, but frequently hear the lions roar on going
past. The King is very ill, and is expected to die
every day. There are six of Dr. Willis' men who
are appointed to beat him, but they are not allowed
to see any one. He is entirely deranged, and talked
the other day for twenty-two hours without ceasing.
The Prince Regent is in great favor with the people,
and it is expected will keep a splendid court

Sometime ago. Lord Grosvenor, another nobleman
and several gentlemen decamped for the continent.
They were obliged to fly for their lives, being con-
nected with the infamous Vere Street gang.

Three men were hung at Newgate yesterday morn-
ing ; every day two or three robbers or forgers are
taken up. One of the clerks of the Bank of England
was hung the other day for forgery. Henry Boulton
has lost his watch already. To-day (I shall never })e
done writing about what I have seen) I saw from the
top of St. Paul's Mr. Sadler and another gentleman
ascend in a balloon. They went through the clouds
over Hackney.

From Surveyor-General Ridout io kin son Thomai* \n
Kngland : —

York, Upper Canada, Wth September, 1811.

I was at the Governor's this morning, when he
informed me that the Hon. Captain Gore, 100th
regiment, would set out for Quebec to-morrow morn-
ing, and embark in a frigate immediately for England,
and that he would take charge of, and deliver to you,
a letter from me. Captain Gore coming in at the
same time, the Governor introduced me to him, and
he is so obliging as to take charge of this. The
Governor, with whom you appear to be much in

I i

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

favour, spoke very handsomely of you to Captain Gore.
I have ah'eady informed you how much the Governor
was pleased with your letters from Quehec and the
Brandy Potts. The Duke of Manchester returned
hither yesterday from Lake Huron, by way of Lake
Simcoe and Yonge Street. I saw him this morning
at the Governor's. He sets out to-morrow, if the
weather permits, in company with Major Halton, to
Quebec, and probably the Governor will accompany
his Grace thither, whence he (the Duke) embarks for
England.

I have given instructions to Mr. Wilmott to lay off
a road from Kempenfeldt Bay, on Lake Simcoe, to
Lake Huron, into lots, and a village at each extremity
of the road, which I hope will be executed by
Christmas.

Having wrote last week to Markle that George
would be \vith him as to-day, your brother accor-
dingly set out yesterday on Dolphin, intending to
be with Mr. Markle this morning, and from thence
goes to Niagjira, where the Court opens on Monday
next, the Kith instant, and where they expect to
sit for a week. We have had a great deal of hot
weather this summer. Many days, the week before
last, the thermometer was at ninety-two to ninety-
four. It now threatens a storm from the east.

Mrs. Gougb, Hetty Kobinson, and Hugh McLean
died about ten days ago ; the Kev. John Stuart at about
tlie same time, and on the 4th instant Dr. Gamble
was buried. Mr. James Cartwright is extremely ill.
Mr. Wlntlow not yet returned. As the congregation
of Kingston wish that our Mr. Stuart might succeed
his father as their pastor, it is probable he will
remove thither. I have not yet seen Jackson.* He
liad the folly or assurance to pay a visit to the
Governor — surely with no good intent — but His

* This wns Mr. Mills Jackson, who Rfterwards settled uii Lake Simcoe,
and Jackson's Point s'ill bears his name.

Voyage to England, i8ii.

Excellency signified his wish not to see him again.
I have written Dr. IMacaiilay and Mr. Gray, thanking
them for their kind attention to you. Fail not, my dear
boy, to pay your respects occasionally to those gentle-
men for whom the Governor has been so kind as to
give you letters.

His Excellency possesses a warm and generous
heart, and I am well persuaded will not neglect
those whom he has once taken l)y the hand without
very good reason. IMen of his warmth of temper
are of generous minds, they may sometimes be
imposed upon, but never do things by halves. I
am extremely anxious, my dear son, for your
prosperity, and that you should be esteemed and
beloved by the praiseworth}'. I was about to give
you more admonition, and yours is a soil on which
all the virtues will thrive. I shall therefore tran-
scribe from a book of memoranda, written by me
many years ago, " A father's advice to his son
about to travel." I believe they are the words of yo'ir
favourite Shakespeare :

"Give thy thoughts no tongue,
Nor any unproportionod thought Ills act ;
Be thou familiar, l>ut by no means vulgar
The friends thou hast, and their atloption tried.
Grapple them to thy soul witli hooks of steel.
But do not (hill thy palm with entertainment
Of each new-hatch 'd, un(k>d;^f'd comrade. Beware
Of entrance to a quarrel ; but, being in,
Bear it, that th' opposod may beware of thee.
Give every man tliine ear, but few tliy N'oice ;
Take each man's censure, liut reserve thy judgment.
Costly thy hahit as thy purse can buy,
But not expres.sed in fancy ; rich, not <,'audy ;
For th' apparel oft proclaims the man. . .
Neither a borrower nor a lender be.
For loan oft loses l)oth itself and friend.
And borrowing dulls the edge of husbandry.
Tliis above all, to flihw. own self he (nw,
And it musu follow, as tiio night the day.
Thou can'st not then be false to any man."

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

Mr. Firth goes from here in a day or two, and to
his care f intend committing a packet for Quebec,
enclosing one to Mr. Amyatt, etc. Nancy and Mary
intend writing to you by the October fleet. You see,
my dear hoy, tliat I write to you as though you were
arrived in the hind of safety. The pubhc papers will
inform yon of tlie pnblic news. Three parties
of Indians, west of Lake Michigan, have come
hither this summer. The Governor has only seen
one party of them. A party of the St. Regis Indians
are now here respecting their lands, on which subject
I am directed, with Mr. Selby, to see tliem to-morrow.
No money has yet arrived from Quebec, so that we are
distressed for want of it. Government bills are dis-
counted at twenty per cent.

Gossip from London, i8ii.

CHAPTER V.

GOSSIP FROM LONDON, 1811.

From Thomof G .Ridont to hix lirofhr in York: —

I^ONDox, 26//t September, 1811.

J piu)MisKP to tell you how tho poor Canadian felt
when London saw hun. After ridinj^ all the morning
of the I8th nit. over Bagshot Heath, we arrived at the
liiver ^J'hfinies, at a large hrick town called Staines.
Here the river is not larger than the Don. It is
twenty miles from London ; frojri thence we saw
Windsor Cfistle, and the royal Hag flying. Next,
entered upon Honnslow Heath, over which we rattled,
and presently came to a long street, eight miles from
Hyde Park Corner, and drove through a multitude of
waggons, cofiches iind people in crowds. We drove
through Hyde Pjirk gate in high style, with six fine
horses, into Piccadilly.

Th(; houses jire four or five stories high on earh side,
liuilt of a lirown kind of i>rick ; the lower stories of the
houses are jtotliing hut a long glass frairie, from one
street to another, and so throughout the city, on hoth
sides, and of tlu^ iaigest kind of glass, and the houses
are sup))orted hy iron posts. The sides of the streets
are paved with large, scpiare. Mat stones, and posts on
eacii sid(^ to keep the carriages off; the middle with
thick, oblong stones, and rounding, like our stones,
but rather uiuddy. In the middle of the str(M'ts stood
a long line of Hackney coa(dies waiting for employ-
ment ; on ea<di sidcM)! them was a long row of coacdies,
waggons, carts and gigs, one going down a,nd the otlier
coujing up. The footways were crowded with the

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Ti-;n Ykars ok Upi'icr Canada.

London bucks and ladies, dressed in tlie neatest
manner ; chimney sweeps, coalheavers, porters ; fish
and fruit women, with their stalls and wheel- barrows ;
men, women, butcher's trays, dog-carts, and children,
and old blind Hddlers — racket and riot, jostling, inso-
much that I wished myself in the woods again. The
throng was so great that sometimes there was a general
stop. At last, I landed somewhere in Fleet Street. . .

Merchants have either become bankrupt, or retired,
while they could, from business. Their clerks are all
discharged, and gone into the army or country. Those
'nerchants who formerly kept ten or fifteen clerks,
now have but two or three. There are now many
thousands half-starved, discharged clerks, skulking
about London ; in every street you see, " A counting-
house to let."

The foreign trade is almost destroyed, the Custom
House duties are reduced upwards of one half. Of
such dreadful power are JBonaparte's orders or edicts,
which have of late been enforced in the strictest
manner all over the continent, thut it has almost
ruined the commerce of England. The East India
Company liave their great warehouses filled with the
most valuable goods, spoihng and wasting, as England
is the only part of Europe that consumes for them.
Tea and coffee are as cheap here as at York. As for
the West India Company, they are going fast ; for
besid(»s their own immense warehouses, they have
hired additional ones to the cost of £4*2, 000, which
are all hlled with their overplus produce.

The Royal I^jxcliauge is miserably attended ; no for-
eigners, but about a dozen Hamburger.^, very few
Americans. Another thing, there is no coin, or very
little, in circulation ; Jiiost of tlie guineas have been
sold to the French at the rate of 208. sterling apiece.
There is now a law against selling guineas, but as long
as the Government keep the value at 2 Is., while the
real value is 26s., they will continue to be sold, and sent

Gossip from London, i8ii.

and

mi.

for

ave

ich

for-

few

ery

een

Bce.

ong

the

u>nt

out of the country. The silver is no longer the king's
coin, hut is coined by the Bank of England into 5s.,
3s. and eighteen-penny pieces, with these words on,
*' Bank of England token;" 5s. passes for 5s. 6d., of
such value is gold and silver, though it is only a
Spanish dollar stamped over. All payuients are made
in bank notes, these tokens and signs being only for
change. Neither will the bank give you coin for their
own notes, they having a law in their favour to tliat
purpose.

Sucli a time as this was never known in England. It
is the universal murmur. Wliilst the British army in
Portugal are supported at the rate of .t'85,000 per dieui,
which is near thirteen millions a year, this country is
groaning under intolerable taxes, and a debt which it
would take a mountain of gold to pay off. It is now up-
wards of c£ 7 00, 000, 000; but such a spring lias been given
to all public works that it will recpiire something very
extraordinary to make them lie by.

Two or three times a montli either a ship of the line
or a frigate is launched. All His Majesty's shins are
very badly manned, though pressing of seamen was
never carried on in such a tyrannical manner before.

I had a bit of an adventure in that line myself, which
you sliall have. When 1 left Plymouth on board the
coach, I was dressed in my blue coat, blue trousers and
black silk handkerchief. When we came to a town called
Plympton, and were ])assing through a turnpike gate,
we spied a boatswain and his gang l)earing down upon
us. We accordingly stopj)e(l, they demanded if we had
passes. The three Danes presently sliowed theirs —
*' All's well." But l)eing dressed as a sailor, J expected
something. The boatswain then hailed me. " Where
is your pass ? " *' I have none," I answered. " Come
down here." Down I came from the top, and stood
before his tremendous majesty, the boatswain, and about
fifteen of his old weather-beaten courtiers. " What
ship are you from?" "The Sea Nymph/' "Very

'■/. 1

i^ «
«. '*

] t

Tp:n Years of Uppkr Canada.

well ; where did you sail from ?" " Canada." *' Aye,
aye, we knows where Candia is. It is in the East
Indies. You were second mate or boatswain's niate,
I suppose ?'' " Neither." " Then you must l)e before
the mast?" "No." "Come, come, my lad, you
can't sheer off; you must go witli us before the
Admiral, on board the St. Salvador, in Plymouth
Sound (130 guns)." I then opened my trunk, and
showed them the Governor's letters. "Oh, sir, we
are sorry for detaining you." "Yes," said the old
coachman, " you may beg my pardon for detaining
me this half hour."

From Tluynia^ G. Ridoat to hitt Sister : —

IjONDON, 2{ith Hepteniher, 181 J.

1 am now in the land of caps and b(mnets, kings
and queens, dukes, rogues and princes ; but I am
away from mother, father, brothers, sisters, home and
delight, old Towser, Dolphin and all. The sea when
it rolls mountains high, and the gale whistling through
the rigging, seems more at rest tlian the famed city of
London, bustling and rnttling crowds in all directions.
The other day, when the balloon asc-nded, there were
no less than 200,000 people on Hackn6\y (Ireen. One
(5an never stop in the streets to look at anything.

From Thovins G. Hidout to hia lirotiier in York , —

London. 7ih Oclohfr. 1811.

Last month we had a fanuius fair iu West Smith-
field, called Bartholomew fair, which was kept up for
four days and three nights without ceasing, by about
thirty tbousjind of the greatest blackguards in L(mdon.
I squeezed myself through it three or four times. The
people were as close as a bundle of sti( ks. There
were stages erected, [)lays acted, all sorts of wild beast
shows, bands (if music, dancers, and swinging and
riding imichines. Altogether it was a complete tumult.

Gossip from London. i8ir.

s^li

Last Sunday Mr. P^dmundson and I took a walk up
the Thames to see the Royal Gardens of Kew and
liiohmond. 'i'hey are of great extent, laid out in long,
shaded, laurel walks,leading to elegant Chinese, Roman
and Grecian temples. Dark groves of oak, pine and
beech, small plots of grass surrounded by orange and
olive trees, tulips, and every beautiful flower. On one
side of the garden is tiie Royal Palace of Kew, built
by George III., in the style of an ancient castle ; on the
other, in the midst of a wood, rises a lofty Chinese
pagoda of twelve stories, each story having a separate
roof, such as you see on cups and saucers.

After strolling about from temple to temple, and
grove to castle, for two hours, I was very glad to bear
away for dinner to the house of a gentleman of the
name of Manning. We did not leave until late, and
passed through London town at twelve o'clock.

Here's a girl rolling her wheel-barrow along, crying,
*' Who'll buy my nice walnuts, two shillings a hundred
walnuts, very tine wa-alnuts." An old Negro with a
powdered head a!id white waistcoat has just come
through Jjondon yard with a pan of coals and a dish
on top, with sausages, crying, " Hot, hot, hot." Now
oomes the croaking of a string of Jews, '• Clo'es, clo'es,
any old clo'es !" followed by some little sweeps with
their brush, scraper and bag of soot, crying in shrill
voices, ** Sweep, sweep, ho! " I nuist not write any
more nonsense.

h-
br
\\l
u.
lie

From Thoman G. Rulout to It Is Father: —

London, \Ofk October, ISIL
(A^)^ received, vntil 22«(/ June, 1812.)

I had tlievery great pleasure of receiving your letter
of 31st July, on the 7th, also yours of the 11th
August and I4th July. Concerning myself, I have
not much to say at present. I don't think it likely
that I shall get any employment for a while. The
Government offices are filled with clerks and trade is

Tp:n Ykars of Upper Canada.

i ]<

r' \\

at a total stand. In July and August, the merchants
made a desperate effort to get off their goods, and loaded
eight hundred ships, which they sent to the Baltic for
Russia, Sweden and Prussia, under an insurance of
forty per cent. Some were lost on the seas, others
taken hy privateers, and the remainder got into ports,
where they were immediately seized and condemned.
In consequence, most of the insurers at Lloyd's have
failed, along with many ricli and reputable houses.

Mr. Laroche has allowed me to attend liis r()m])ting
house, and learn the nature of l)usiness. I do nothing,
but learn a good deal. 1 have been with one of his
clerks to the Ijondon and West India docks, the ware-
houses of which are tilled with goods, and likely so to
remain. Coffee, which last year sold for one hundred
shillings and one hunch'ed and twenty shillings per
cwt., sells now with ditliculty at thirty-five and forty
shillings.. Whenevei- trade is mentioned, serious
countenances and a shrug of the shoulders follow.
I. & W. Jacobs failed for t'375,()00, and divide about
five shillings in the pound.

Last Saturdtiy, at a dinner, 1 got accpiainted with a
gentleman who is Secretar}' to the lottery office, and
lives in Somers(it House. To-morrow he has promised
to show me how they cut tlio lottery tickets, and on
Tuesday next will let me see thenj diavvn. This week
he'll take me throughout Westminster Abbey, on Sun-
day to Foundling Chapel, aiul then back to his house
to dinner; he is a very respeciable old gentleman.

T think that Mr. Firth will repent leaving Canada,
where, if he had remained a few months longer, the
Governor would have left him without a master. That
Mr. Jackson will endeavor to lie elected a member, I
think is very probaljle, his friends being the blackguards,
and yoms tlie decent farmers. I am very much afraid
(though it is no honor to my country) that he will
carry a great majority.

The present times are more trying to Pjngland than

Gossip from London, i8ii.

you can imagine. The trade with Europe is com-
pletely destroyed ; even smuggling is discontinued,
as Bonaparte punishes that with immediate death.
Brandy is now from forty-five shillings to fifty shillings
per gallon. I attended, with Mr. Laroche, the com-
mercial sale. Not one lot in ten can he disposed
of, and that at a price none hut tliose in the greatest
need would think of, even for damaged goods. The
non- importation law of America will be severely felt
here ; and, in short, poor trade is hobbled and crippled
at all points of the compass.

The proceedings of the Government and armies
you know better than I can tell you. The Prince
Regent is much liked, though it is thought he is
very indolent, which arises from his infirmities, and
they are great. The present ministry, it is thought,
will remain in power, as there are very few of the
Prince's friends who are not much fitter for the bottle
and a pack of hounds than the affairs of a nation.

From the threatening appearances of the Catholics
in Ireland, Government have wisely and quietly
drawn the militia from that country, and supplied
their places by a good breed of English militia.
The French prisoners are also scattered throughout
the inland towns. I am very nnich surprised at Mr.
Firth's coming to England from such an appointment.
Archy McLean and Sam Jarvis must find itdifticult to
get such another place. John Robinson is Hkewise
adrift ; and as if fcn'tunc had a mind to s])ort w ith and
tease Mr. Strachan's fiock sotMed at York, tliere is
not one, excepting iiohort Stanton, wdio has escaped
her sometinje vexatious and unlooked-for turns.

I have seen Henry Bonlton but on(!e or twice, he
seems delighted with England. P'rom tlie present
rigorous state of affairs, tlien^ is not the least likelihood
of Mr. Boulton's release. I beUeve tliat Henry receives
promises in abundance from the great men, but that's
all they are able to give.

Tkn Ykars of Upper Canada.

From George Ridout to his Brother in E7)()land : —

YouK, Vdth October, 1811.

A great many extraordinary circumstances have
taken place since you left this miserable hole, part of
which you will hear before you receive this. Among
other things, Governor Gore has leave of absence for
a year, of which he has availed himself in embarking
for Pjugland with his family. Most probably he is
re->^2,lled, as he lias remained the usual time of five
y He promises to see both you and uncle John,

ath has gone also. This place is therefore want-
ing in a Lieutenant-Governor, Puisne Judge, and
Attorney-General. Three very high and important
places to be vacant at one time very rarely happens.
1 had almost forgotten that of Solicitor-General also.
Poor Boulton has not yet been heard of, at least by
D'Arcy. He received a letter from Mr. Franklin
yesterday, which he showed to papa; it contained noth-
ing satisfactory, Mr. Franklin neither being able to
tell whether he was alive or not, or, if alive, where he
was. D'Arcy is very much distressed about his father.
1 think we ought to be very thankful that our father
should have arrived safe, after encountering so many
dangers and difiiculties.

I do not believe that there are two thousand
dollars in the town. But I have heard that the
Earl of Moira, which sailed from this place to-day,
will return with some, which has come up and is
now at Kingston. Mr. Strachan is appointed rector
of this place, in the stead of Mr. Stuart, who g6es to
Kingston in tlie room of his father. We have reason
to rejoice at the exchange, as thereby we can send
John, Horact^ and Gbarles to school here at less ex-
pense, exclusive, too, of the difference in the characters
of the two men ; one sociable and clieerful, the other
haughty, sullen and austere.

John McDonnell is appointed Attorney-General for
the time being, in the room of Mr. Firth. Old Ken-

\ i

Gossip kkom London, i8ii.

r,5

drick is dead of the dropsy. .Fackson is now here,
en^a«^ed in mercantile pursuits, distillery, etc. John-
son lias made a great many reeruits here ; among ye
rest, Colonel Graham's son, I^ill Crawford, old Mary
Williams' son, etc. General Brock is President, and
commands ye forces of Upper Canada. Ye 41st regi-
ment is now here, ye 100th at Three Rivers.

Frcmi ThoTtias G. liiduut to hi Father in York.

London, Hth November, 181 L

By the ship Orient, which sails to-morrow for New
York, my uncle and I send these letters. Your letters
of the 2Gth August I received 18th October. They
are called flying ones, for never before had they arrived
under three months. You, no doubt, hear that
things are getting worse every day. Trade is now at
the foot of the hill

From Thomas G Ridout to his Mother in York : —

]9th December, 1811.

When I first entered this great city, I was as sad
and melancholy as a fish upon the sand, going through
streets where I thought nothing but confusion, dis-
traction and ignorance governed ; meeting one hun-
dred thousand people I had never seen before, won-
dering how these people lived, and how any regular
business could be carried on in such a tumultuous place.
With all these ideas in my head, I rode on the stage
through London, not knowing a single person in this
great place. Thus was 1 situated when the coach
stopped on Fleet Street — all one to me where, for 1 knew
not the diiference between that and Barbican's Lane.
The coachman then said I could not go until mv fare
from Exeter was paid, as my name was not entered ; I
told him I'd rather stay in the coach a whole day than
pay twice. At last he let me go, though I now believe
it was only a trick to cheat me out of something ; and I
got a porter to carry my trunk to Paternoster Kow,

Tkn Years of Upper Canada.

whom I followed through crowds, step by step, mind-
mg nothing else, to the door.

Now I know London as well as York, and everything
seems to go on with the regularity of (dookwork, and
I begin to know many merchants and others. You
can't think what honourable company I have been in.
On the 19th November uncle and I went in the car-
riage to Sydenham, and dined with Mr. Mariot, a
member of Parliament, a great merchant and agent for
the island of Trinidad. On tlie 27th, we were all
invited to Mr. Evans', another rich merchant, and
American agent in London. Tiierc was a large party of
twenty-two gentlemen, and among them the American
Plenipotentiary to the court of France, just returned
from that court and now American Minister in Lon-
don — Mr. Kussel.

The moment I cast my eyes on him, I told John,
" There's a Yankee, for a dollar." He talked very
highly of Bonaparte, of the splendour of his court, the
regularity and order maintained in France, and many
curious things relating to Bonaparte. What must you
think of the jewellers in London, when Bony'a new
crown about six months ago was made, and the jewels
set by a fanious goldsmitli and jeweller in Ludgate
Hill.

At Mr. Marston's 1 have dined twice with the
Accomptant-General of the Bank of England. The
kindness to me of the Princes is beyond everything.
Tom is a wonderful clever fellow, I believe T told you
that he is secretary to the Duke of Brunswick, and
tutor to his two children, who, after the Princess Char-
lotte, are next heirs to the crown. He preaches alter-
nately at St James' (Jhurch in Piccadilly, and the
Magdalene. At St. James' to a congregation of five
thousand, consisting of most of the nobility and gentry
of that end of the town.

The Duke of Brunswick mentioned is the one who
fell at the battle of Waterloo.

Gossip from London, i8ii.

;he

nS-

From, Thomas G. Riclout to his Father in Yoi'k . —

London, 18^/i December, 1811.

It is now upwards of two months since I heard from
home, whicli has almost worn out my patience, l)ut I
DOW hegin to look for the Governor daily, from whom
I hope to receive your letters. I am chiefly employed
at the London and West India Docks, in shipping,
landing, and warehousing goods, consisting of Brazil
and West India sugars, cottons. East and West India
coffees, hides, tallow, logwood, etc. The East India
Company sell nothing hut at public auction in their
house, where thev have a verv handsome room, with
the statues of the Governor-Generals and great men
standing in niches around the room. At one end sits
a director ; before him, inside a railing, tive clerks ;
at the two outer corners of the table, in pulpits,
stand two auctioneers. Before them, on seats raised
one above the other, almost to the top of the room,
are seated the merchants and brokers. The auction-
eer on the right puts up the lot, upon which the
price is immediately bidden, as quick as thought ; and
the one on the left in a few moments sings out the
buyer and the highest price, so that in the course of
ten minutes they may sell twenty chests of mace, etc.
The Director sits as judge. Should any ditference
arise between the bidders, his decision settles t<^
whom the lot is sold. He is always addresse;] with
great respect, hats in hand, and with a low bow.

I am afraid my stories are too long and minute to
afford you any pleasure, but I know that M. and G.
will be much amused at many things I write, however
well-known to you, and my stock of Loudon nuinners,
shows and wonders is not yet spun out. Almost
every day I see somethiug reujarkable. Previous to
the sale a clerk and I went through the several India
warehouses, to draw samples of the cofifee, cotton,
sugar, etc., and I was astonished to see the immense
quantities of goods stored. This has been a busy day

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

h It

for lis, as we ship to Malta on to-morrow 150,000
pounds West India coffee, and 100,000 pounds Brazil
cotton, from whence it will be smuggled into Italy;
the exj)()rts to Malta lieing now very great, and for no
other purpose than smuggling. The Americans ha\e
the most beautiful ships in the river. The Portuguese,
from Brazil, are the largest traders, excepting India-
men.

On account of the scarcity of wheat, the distilling
of spirits from grain will in a short time be stopped,
which will cause the great quantity of West India
sugar now lying in warehouses to be in part sold to
the distillers, beneliting i)oth the King's custo'ns and
the West India merchants, whose trade before was
almost ruined, and even in this will be vc»ry little bene-
fited. The quantity of tobacco on hand in the city of
London alone, amount- to 30,000, 000 pounds weight,
enough to give a good quid to the whole world.

I have frequently been in the Biink of England,
the clerks of \vhi(di, livery Sunday morning, parade in
Moorfields to the number of nine hundriMl, calling
themselves the Bank Volunteers, They are dressed
in uniform, and seem to know little besides putting
on their (dothes and carrying a gun. The Bank
still continues to issue their notes without bounds,
along with a little silver or base metal for change,
theirs being the only current moiu-y seen in the king-
dom, so tiiat Tiu'eadnecdle rags and bank tokens are
now in the phu^e of good old guineas.

I was at Woolwicli and Depuford the other day, and
went to Colomd Pilkington's hou8(», as he desired .ne,
unluckily, he was in London, but Mrs. P. received me
very politely, and I was invited to dinner, but on
ac(!ount ol" th(^ stage, I could not stop. However, that
I should not go away ilisa])p()inted, siie got a ('aptain
of the Engineers to go about with me. The first
place I went to was the (Irand Arsenal and Foundry,
which is a place of about five or nix acres, surrounded

:^:i

Gossii' FKOM London, i8ii.

and
i .!ie,
(1 ine
t on

that
)tain

first

idry,
indod

hy a lii^'h wall, containing many thousand ship, wall
and (ield-pioces, which entirely cover the whole
ground. They are ranged in long lines according to
their size, in the most (ixact order. The hrasa
pieces in particular were most heautiful. Cannon
halls and homhshells, piled up among the cannons like
small mountains, convicts (diained to the wheel-
i)arrow, prison ships, sheer hulks and tenders in the
river, imide the poor Canjidian think himself out of
his country. 1 saw tiic Artillery and Marine J3arracks.
The artillery hrass fudd-pieces were mounted on
several hun(h'ed line carriages.

1 ghiiu-ed lu'xt at the docks. All secimed in con-
fusion, hut the nohle ships ufion the stocks showed, by
their strength, hejiuty and workmanshif), that there was
orderand regularity in this tuiiudt. One one-hundred-
and-twenty-gun shi}), two eight} -four and three frigates
were grand })roofs of industry and art. The one-hun-
drcd-and-twenty-guii ship is called the Ne/son. Mrs.
Pilkington says Mr. I). W. Smith is nuirried to her
sister. He is in had health, chiefly caused hy grief
for the death of his son havid. who was killed in a
hoat sent to cut out a merchant ship somewhere on
the coast of l-'rance, in May last, fie went against
the will of the captain, to accompany his friend, the
lieutenant who conuminde<l the hoat. David was
killed hy the only shot that stru(d\ them. It passed
through his hody, and took the lieutenant's arm off.

The Quehec tleet is now on the coast of I'jigland,
the Evrrfttd in Torhav, and some at Portsmouth, I
hear that the (lovernor has arrived, hut 1 l<no\v not
where to find him, and I iim all anxiet\ m hear.
Surely, my dear father, you have written hy him. for
the longer 1 am from home, the sweeter and mon*
welcome is news from that dear spot. I shall sei^

Heru'v Houlton to-morrt)W, who is entt^rcnl at (i

ra}-

Inn, and inipiire something ahout. his fathei where
Mr. l*'irth is, and what Henry knows of oc(Mirreuces

rrv

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

at York. I fear that his father cannot be cleared, and
think more and more every day how safe you arrived
in our snug and sheltered corner of the globe. Th»
French privateers now dash by dozens into every fleet,
and make prizes in sight of the farmers in England.
The other day a company of twenty actors who sailed
for Barbadoes, were taken off Scilly, and carried into
France, which afforded a laugh here. This afternoon,
as I passed the Mansion House, a great mob was
collected. My curiosity led me among them. They
were reading two bills posted up, giving an account
of the capture of tlie Batavia and Java, with th»
number of French killed and prisoners.

The Colonel Pilkington of this letter is another
familiar name in the early annals of Upper Canada.
In the Duke de liocshefoucauld's diary, he is men-
tioned as a young officer of the Kngineers, stationed
then (ITDf)) at Fort ^Niagara. The Duke writes, "We
dined in the Fort at Major Seward's, an officer of
elegant, polite and amiable manners. He and Mr.
Pilkington, an officer of the corps of Engineers, are
the military gentlenu n we have most frequently seen
during our residence in this place, and whom th«
Governor most distinguishes from the rest."

Amusements in London, 1811-1812.

(^HAPTEli VI,

AMUSEMENTS IN LONDON — NEWS FROM YOHK, 1811-1812.

From Thoranx G. lildottf to his Brother in York- : —

London, }Sth Derewln-r, 1811.

Yesteri).\y I received yours of the lOtli October. I
called this inorninj,' upon Henry Boulton, in Lincoln's
Inn, where he is entered with Foster, Cooke ct Frere,
three solicitors of great practice. 1 ft)und him busy
at work. He had not yet heard from iiome, and
everything I told him was new. He complains of
the hard work. The ofKce hours are from half-past
nine till four and from sev(>n to nine in the (?\cning.
For five years yet he will have to continue in this
manner. Altered limes for poor Henry I He looks
very well, and is quite a hlood.

I am very glad that you have Mr. Slrachan at York.
I almost forgot to say that Henry and I went to the
Oanada Motel, in the Strand, to see Ale.x. McDonell.
He is very well, and was glad to see me, telling us
iuany things about York, which he left on 1st Septem-
ber. He told us that the North-West ('om))any have
determined to carry their trade through Yonge Street,
of their grant of land, etc. The Attorney-deneral,
Mr. L'iith, is in l^higbind, though Henry has not yet
seen him. In what a foolish manner did he leave you
when his enemy, the (lovernor, whom he wished to
avoid, (deared out about the same time. I fear from
what Henry says, that his father will not be liberated.
The dilliculty is so great. They recu'ive regular letters
from him. He is allowed six miles on eitlier side of
Arras, goes into company, writes in good spirits, and

i !

Tkn Ykars ok Upper Canada.

pays thirty per cent, diseouiit for Euglish l>ilLs.
James McDonell has eoiiie to Loruloii to get a com-
mission in the army. He lodges at some phice in
Bisho})Sgate Street, and wislies to stjc me. Govern(>r
Gore is, of course, arrived in town, as tlie frigate
readied Portsmouth last Friday ; l)ut I have not yet
got my letters which father se.iit hy Halton.

Last Saturday, Mr. E(lnunids(jn and I went for the
first time to Co vent Garden, to see the tragedy of
"Pizarro" acted, Kemble and Mrs. Siddons perfoiniing
the chief eh iracters. On account of seeing tiie grand
saloons in tlu; upper part of Ihe house, we took a box
in the second tier. It is a Ujost curious building. The
pit was crowded. The boxes wt^re lilled with my lords
and ladies. Tiiey are in live tiers, one above the other,
to the gallery, where tln^ gods and goddesses sport.
They run entirely round the hous(\ being supported
by slender iron pillars, fluted and gilt. The boxes are
also highly ornanu^nted, as well as tlie ceiling ; a
gallery runs at the back of each tier, from which doors
connect with every box, wliicli are cushioned and
lined with hai/e. From thcsc^ galleries you go into
saloons, whose walls are marble, and cfMlitigs paintings.
There are also numy statues of great men, made of
beautiful white marble, standing in niches — Shake-
8[)eare, Garrick, etc. Refreshments are sold in these
rooms. Mrs. Siddons, tin- Queen of the Stage, who is
now near seventy years old. nuule her appearaiu^e
amid the clapping of hands. Her voice is so powerful,
at the same time vc;ry grand. N On hear it fairly shout
in the theatr(\ When i*i/arro says, ** Call the guards,
and tak»^ that woman into custody," she said, "Aye,
call the guards, I say, call th(> guards." Tutting (m
a look of the utmost defiance and contempt. Her
nninner of speaking and look sometimes is xcry mu<'h
like mother's. I'm in earnest.

I must give you an a(5count of the Lord Mayor's
show, on tlie Wtb of November, which dav was ushered

!■ :■■

Amusements in London, 1811-1812.

|<»r s
'red

in by the ringing of every bell in the city, and bars
were placed across the great streets to hinder the
coaches from passing. By eleven o'clock the crowd
had ( onipleteiy filled up King Street, Cheapside, St.
Paul's Churchyard, Ludgate Hill, Fleet Street and
lilackfriars. It was with the greatest diflliculty I
squee'/ed myself as far as the New York ('offee
Hous(>, hack of the Jloyal Exchange, to ])ut my
last letters in the Orieiif's hag. In returning, the
mob was rushing down Cheapside, and I perceived
the procession turning round tlie corner of King
Street and bearing away for Blackfriars. The rich
golden banners of tlie city waving over tlie multi-
tude, preceded and followed by the different com-
j)anies of Ijondon. 'iMu>n came a string of coaches,
reaching from King Street to Ludgate Hill, At ten
o'clock they took the water at Blactkfriar's Bridge.
Mr. K. and I then went to Somerset House, and T
obtained tiie key of the terrace from Mr. Pearson.
Presently we saw tlie twelve stately barges, glittering
with gold, having five or six flags made of cloth of
gold, most curiously worked, move past us, followed
by hundreds of small boats. TIhm-c wa« m covering
over eacli boat, supj)()rte(l by gib Corinthiitn pillars,
on to)) of whicli were S(!veral bands of music. The
company sat beneath. They were rowed by twenty-
torn' men dress(>d in white, and so tliey passed on by
tlie sonnd of the trumpet, lire of small cannon, and
martial music, to Westminster Pridge.

At thn-c o'clock tluy retnrned in grand procession
to dine at (inildball, and wishing to s(!e the last of
this parade, Mi Iv got a place in the second story
window of a gentU'iiian's bouse in St. Paul's (!huicli-
\ard. The streets were by this time covered witii
peojile, so that a jierson might have walked on their
lieads. In a little while; we saw the vanguard, con-
sisting of the West London Pegiment, coming nnnid
Ludgate Hill, liaving a ver> line band of music.

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Ten Years of Uitkr Canada.

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f'i

Then came the company of Merchant Tailors, of
which the Lord Mayor is a member, dressed in gowns
trimmed with fur, and six men hearing tlieir colours ;
followed by the Apothecaries, Clotliiers, Stationers,
Goldsmiths, Grocers, and other companies of Lon-
don, with their colours and two hands of nnisic.
Then came the band of the German Legion, mounted
on black horses, next the city colours, and a knight
equipped in Edward the Black I^'ince's armour,
mounted on a black horse, his two esquires on each
side, in half-a'-mour, bearing liis ancient shield, sword
and lance ; a band of music, another knight in shin-
ing brass armour on a white horse, esquires as before ;
immediately after the Lord Mayor, in his coach
burnished with gold, very large, drawn by six horses,
and covered with carvings of the city arms in a most
magnificent manner, having out-riders. The coach-
man was dressed in green and gold. Two footmen
rode behind, and six others walked after the coach,
dressed in gold-laced cocked hats, green coats, with
gold lace four inches broad, scarlet velvet breeches
and white silk stockings. Next came another knight
in steel armour, as the lirst, then my lady Mayoress
in coach and six, with a band of music ; next came
the ex-Lord Mayor in coach and six, and his wife
in coach and four. Next a very tine band of music,
followed by all the aldermen and connnon council,
in their separate coaches. The judges, nobility,
ministry, and foreign ambassadors, gentlemen's car-
riages, a long list of Hackney coaches, and a ijondon
mob, with night coming on, (dosed this iiord Mayor's
show, whi(di was the most splendid that had been for
many years.

The Strand bri'lge forms another great sight in
London. Ft is a curious thing to see the foundations
of such a work. In the beginning, they drive an
oval circle of piles into the river ; about three feet
outside of them, they drive another close together,

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Amusements in London, 1811-1812.

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filling up the space with brick and earth, and throw
some earth on the inside. They then erect a steam
engine, and place two great cast-iron pumps of a foot
in diameter into the enclosed pond, and by that means
draw all the water out. After which, the bed of the
river is levelled, and a frame of oak timber is laid on
the bottom for a foundation, upon which the great
stones are placed by machinery, and so they work dry
l)eneath the level of the river, and the arch rises rapidly.
Outside of the first pile, the next arcli is begun at the
distance of thirty feet, and to every arch they require
a new engine house. About six hundred men are now
employed, and they increase according to the number
of enclosures, of which they have made four.

Drury Lane is also rol)uilding, the walls of which
have made their a})pearance four feet out of ground.
The West India docks are drawing this great city
down to them. Though they are three miles from
the Royal Exchange, yet there are houses and streets
all the way down excepting about ([uarter of a mile ;
so that from seven or eight miles beyond Hyde Park
corner, to the West India docks, which is sixteen
miles, and eight miles from north to south, is the
true extent of this over-grown place. New squares,
and hundreds of new houses are continually building.
I am to write this night another letter, as the ship
Jane, Captain Selkirk, sails to-morrow.

From Surveyor-General liidout to hiN son Thomas in
England: —

York. Uppku Canada, IHth Deremher, ]H\].

1 wrote to you about a month ago, acknowledging
the receipt of your letters of the '22nd and 2iii\\ August
from Loudon. A severe battle has been lately fought
on th(> Wabasli, between the Americans ;ind the In-
dians, chiefly Shawanese, in which the former lost four
lumdred men and latter about sixty — the particulars
are not yet iiiade public. I heard of it three or four

Ten Ykars ok Uhf'kr Canada.

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days ago at President Brock's, who had just received a
letter respecting it from Detroit. I send yon here-
with a copy of a letter wlii{;h I received last post from
Mr. Adams, tlie ('oloiiial Agent, and I send also a copy
of my answer. General 13 rock has icjpiired from me
plans of all the townships in the Province, with the
locations, wlii(di will he very heavy woik. We learn
that the Solicitor-General is prisoner at Verdun,
France. George has gont* tliis evening to spend it
with D'Arcy. Mr. Stracthan has dcciined coming
hither to rei)lace Mr. Stuart, as he coidd not get him-
self to he tlu; Bishop's commissioner. I therefore do
not know how our sc^liool >natters will he settled. 'Tis
said a ne])hew of Bishop Mountains will he our rector.

The Presidcuit informed mc; that the Prince kegent,
upon an application from the Society for the Propaga-
tion of the Gospel, has (hsclai-ed that any gentleman
coming to this Province as a (dergyman, and who shall
remain in it ten yt^ars, upon his return to England, if
so imdined, and producing a certificate oThis good con-
duct whilst h(!re, shall Ixu'ntitled to receive one hundred
pounds sterling per amium for life. I shall write my
good friend Mr. I'rince, on the suhject, and 1 think it
would he woi'thy the attention of a young gcmtleman,
who had just taken orders, to come hither. Were he
here now, the parish and school would he his in all
prohahility. I shall write to the Governor on the suh-
ject and send Mr. Prince a letter of introduction, if lie
will have the goodiu'ss to permit it. .\ writ ing master
has lately come hither who, l)y a new method, teafdies
to write a good hand in fifteen lessons. Mc.Donell,
Horace's nuister, has j)aid this teacher i^'^f) to he
instructed, and having ()l)tained it. has broken up
his own stdiool, and has gone to Yonge Street to
teach his newly-accpiired art.

General Brock intends making th is head-(pnirt(^rs, and
to bring the Navy, Knginc-ers, and all the departments
liere in the spring. He told me a day or two ago that he

Amusemp:nts in London, 1811-1812.

IlKl

its
Ihe

will build an arsenal between the park and the beaoli
on the like ; tlie Government buildings, or rather the
public; olUees, in front of Mr. Elmsley's house ; a re-
gular garrison where the Governniont House now is,
and a Ciovernment llousi; contiguous to the public
buildings. Thesi> intentions seem to show that he
thinks of renuiining with us, for acert.iin time at least,
but you will not, of course, mention tiiem. I own 1 do
not think tiuit (Jovernor Gore will return hither — his
going home will, I dare say, as i\lr. Watson wrote me
on the 22nd August, ol>tain nuiny advantages for this
Province. But if this is not to be a })ermancnt mili-
tary Government, his return hither, 1 should think,
depends upon himself. I should not be surprised if he
be shortly created a baronet; I own I do not like
changes in administration. You will, I presume, see
His Excellency, he was much pleased with your letters
from Quebec. When you write, send me the British
Imperial Calendar, price 4s. (kl., published by Messrs.
Winchester' & Son, 01 Strand. If my name be
not already inserted in it, let it l)e done. I have as yet
seen l)ut little of our new Judge, Mr. Campbell ; he has
rented Mr. Firth's house.

A Diary Letter from Thomas G. R'ldout to his Brother in Y'ork: —

Bristol, Ufh February, 1812.

I begin this letter by saying that I intend giving
you a journal of my country excursion.

I left our friends in London by the Taunton coach,
on the '2()th December, at six in the evening, a cold
frosty night, and in the morning we readied Basing-
stoke, thirty-live miles, and at eleven, we arrived at
Salisbury, distant eighty-four miles, and Wincaston ;
when I left the coa(di at half-past four, and found
waiting at the tavern old John Collis, who nursed
father when a child, with two of Mr. Ward's horses.
Old John lashed my trunk on his horse, and I mounted

I '

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Ten Years of Upper Canada.

a beautiful mare, and bore away for Bruton, distance
five miles. At six I got in, having run one hundred
and nine miles since the last evening. Tlie Wards
were dining out that day, but John came home and
took me to Dr. Goldshoro's, where there was a large
party. Aunt Ward received me witii every mark of
kindness. She is one of the finest old ladies I ever
saw; though now seventy-three, she is as full of humour
and jokes as a young girl, without any foolishness.
Next morning Mr. Ward presented me with his beauti-
ful mare for my use while in the country.

Sunday, Dece)nbcr 29th. — We went to church. In
this church-yard of Bruton lie the bones of the celebrated
liobinson Crusoe, or Alexander Selkirk, round whose
tomb I walked. He was a native of Bruton. This is a
snug little town, containing one thousand five hundred
inhabitants, and is pleasantly situated at the foot of a
number of hills, and has the Brew running through.
On the south side, at the distance of six miles, is a
ridge of hills or high land, the estate of Sir Riciiard
Hoare, on a point of which is erected a tower to
the memory of Alfred the Great, who on this spot de-
feated the Danes in his first great battle. In the
evening, we drank tea witli Mrs. Burgess, where I met
Mr. Stephens, one of the Proctors of Oxford, who was
Mr. Jackson's secretary at the court of Berlin, and
is now soon to be married to Miss Burgess. Mr.
Ward's silk mills are very extensive, and of the most
curious machinery. He is considered the greatest silk
throwster in the west of England. In his different
manufactures he now employs one thousand people,
and as he is putting up new mills at Stowey, he will
have one thousand four hundred people at work. On
the 31st, J. Ward, his son Dan and I rode to Ditcl
ell, about five miles from Bruton, where Mr. Wan
Las an establishment of two hundred reeling silk, and
from thence to a place called Evercreech, another silk
point.

3.;

Amusements in London, i8i 1-1812.

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Janiuirif 1st. — I walked with Mr. Ward to see the
East Somersetshire Vohinteers reviewed, in which he
is a captain. They went through their niarcliin^^ and
manceiivrin^^ very well, but as to tiring, the Yorkers
can beat them.

Januari) 2nd. — We mounted our horses and rode to
Maiden Bradley, thence to the village at Hornisham,
both in Mr. Ward's employ. Adjoining is the seat of
the Duke of Somerset. Thence we rode to Longleat,
in the county of Wilts, the estate of the Marquis of
Bath. This seat is considered the most iiol)le of any
in England. Our ride from Bradley to Longleat was
on a ridge. To the left was a very rich and beautiful
country, studded with towns, villages and seats. Our
view extended to Bath, Wells and (xlastonbiiry. On
the right was Beckford's Priory. We galloped on till
we came to Longleat, which we entered by a grand
gateway. Before us, at a distance of half a mile, was
the mansion, having a grand avenue of trees leading
to it. To the left was the pleasure garden, and on
the right a sloping hill covered with wood, at the
bottom of which runs the river Eroomc. The build-
ing is four hundred feet square, and four stories liigh,
with a pond and a boat on tlie roof. In the park
were about nine hundred deer quietly feeding; some
of them milk-white. The estate is eiglit miles long
and live wide. We came to a small lidve of ninety
acres, dug out, and well stocked with wild ducks, and
a beautiful little sloop upon it. Last year a noble-
man was drowned in it. The house was built three
hundred years ago, of white Bath stone, the top
ornamented with three domes and several towers.
The road wound through several clumps of trees to
the foot of the liill, which we ascended by a winding
way to the top, when we came upon a down, whence
we saw the whole country and Beckford Tower.

This Mr. Beckford is a man of 1*00,000 a year, and
employed Mr. W^yatt to build him a house in the form of

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Ten Years of Upper Canada.

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an ancient abbey. From the centre rises a Gothic
tower three hundred feet high. The grand entrance
is by the west, at a great mahogany door forty feet
high, the liinges of which are made of brass and cost
JS300. His library consists of twenty thousand books.
He has one thousand acres in wood, surrounding his
dweUing, so that only the top can })e seen, and the
whole estate is surrounded by a fence of trees, planted
so close that a child cannot enter. There is not a
gentleman in Englard who will visit this man on
account of his crimes, although he is one of the
cleverest and most learned men in the country.
Neither will he allow a sLninger to see his abbey, and
he amuses himself by driving a coach and six over
his grounds. So nmch for Mr. Beckford. We re-
turned, and dined at Bradley with John, and galloped
to Bruton, eight miles, in three-quarters of an hour.

Friday, January Srd. — Was an idle day. Spent the
evening at Mr. Burgess's and won at speculation 12s.

Saturday. — Went out hunting the hare with Dan
Ward, a pack of forty hounds, and about a dozen gen-
tlemen. Came home at two, and rode to the top of
Creechill.

Sunday, 5th. — Went to church, drank tea with Aunt
Ward at Mr. Sampson's, from thence to a Methodist
meeting.

Monday, January Oth. — Being invited by Mr. Moore,
wholesale dealer at Shepton Mallet, I set out for that
town with him, which we reached at twelve, eight
miles from Bruton. She])ton Mallet is a large clothing
town, and contains about 7,000 inhabitants. It lies at
the foot of the Mendip Hills.

Tuenday, January 1th. — This morning, after break-
fast, Mr. Moore took me to the chief clotli manufactory
in the place. First the wool is well washed, next
cleaned and picked of all particles of dirt. It is then
mixed, and goes through a large carding machine, then

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Amuse:ments in London, 1811-1812.

through another, out of which it comes in long rolls.
These rolls are fastened upon thirty spindles, and a
large franje runs theui out to the thickness of a cord.
Then, by a siniihir machine, it is spun still finer; and
again by another spun and twisted to its proper size,
and given to the weavers. One person can weave
about two yards in a day, for which they get ten
pence a yard. The works are turned l)y a steam
engine, having an iron wheel of twenty-eight feet
diameter. After the cloth is WT)ven it is beaten in
soap and water for six hours, to cleanse it from the
oil ; from that it goes to the dyers ; then it is thrown
over a " horse," and carded with line cards, to give it
a grain, or right and wrong side; then to the shearers,
who shear off all tlie fuz. It is now at last finished
by the pressers and packers. Each fold is pressed
between smooth glazed paper, which gives it a
gloss. Thus are the famous woollens of England
brought to such perfection.

At eleven w^e left Sliepton for the city of Wells, six
miles distant. This city lies most l)eautifully upon
the slope of a hill. At th(^ east end, on a rising
ground, stands the ancient cathedral. It is con-
sidered as next to York Minster for the lightness and
beauty of its aisles. The building was founded in
1150, and was two hundred years finishing ; length,
four hundred and fifteen feet, breadth at the cross,
one luindred and twenty-one feet; having two western
towers one hundred and twenty feet liigh, and a
middle tower one hundred and eighty-two feet,
supported by four grand arches. The western part
has two large painted windows. Tlie outside front is
ornamented by statues of kings, bisliops, abbots, etc.
On entering, you see tin-ce grand ranges of arclu^s of
a yellow colour, and made of stone. The middle one
is eighty-three feet high. In the cross aisle is a
clock, made four hundred years ago by a monk of
Glastonbury, called Lightfoot. In the library are

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

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five thousand old books, among the rest, one
on vellum, written in 588, by a monk.

At one I left. Kode on alone to Glastonbury,
distant live miles, and went to the White Hart Inn.
An old blind man took me to the ruins of the abbey.
We first went to St. Joseph's Chapel, which joins the
abbey, and is dedicated to St. Joseph of Arimathea,
who, in walking up to Glastonbury Tor, in rear of the
abbey, stuck his staff into the ground, which there
grew and became a thorn bush, and blossomed every
year on Christmas eve. The old thorn is now de-
stroyed, but a tree from it grows in the ruins, and was
then (on the 8th January) in full bloom. The roof of
the chapel has fallen in, leaving nothing but the
walls, on which are carved the sun, moon and stars,
kings, abbots, etc. There is another chapel beneath
this. The arches of the windows are not pointed,
but round, and curiously ornamented. This is (tailed
Saxon, and is more ancient than the Gothic. The
ruins of this great abbey are some side walls and four
tottering arches, which seem to wait with impatience
for old Time to level them. They are covered with
ivy, built of freestone, and appear as if bending with
the weight of years. The abbot's kitchen is the most
entire, being the same now as when first made. It
stands about two hundred feet from the abbey, inside
of a great gateway, at which formerly entered pilgrims
from the Holy Laud, and out of which issued daily
provisions for five hundred peo|)le. This kitchen is
an octagon of forty feet in diameter, with perpen-
dicular walls twenty- two feet high, then finishing in a
cone at the height of seventy feet. Th(> walls are
nine feet in thickness. No wonder the abbot said to
the king, " that he would build a kitchen which all
the wood in tlie king's forests could not burn down."
In the inside are four fire-places and a large oven.

I dined at Glaston, and returned through Wells to
Shepton. On the road I passed five liundred French

Amusements in London, 1811-1812.

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prisoners, under an escort of horse and foot, inarching
to Stapleton prison, near Bristol. They were mostly
young men, and very much like the Canadians. As I
rode through them they spoke French to me, and said
I had a good horse. Some Poles and Italians were
the finest men of the whole.

Next day Mr. Ward and I went to Sherbourne,
twelve miles. We passed through Pilcombe and
Castle Carey, when we parted company, I taking
the road for Cadbury Camp, a Koman station. The
little village of North Cadbury lies at the foot of a
hill. There I left my horse and walked by the old
fosse or road. This camp was formed upon a large
circular hill with a flat surface of live hundred yards
in diameter, and rises in the midst of a great plain
country. It looks like the Tower of Babel, from
having four to six tiers of breast-works surrounding
it. On the top is a wall of stone and earth, with four
gateways, leading by winding and entrenched roads to
the fort. The ground is very nnich turned up for
curiosities. I stayed an hour on this Roman ground,
and then continued my journey to Sherbourne, where
I arrived at two. Passed the " Antelope," then went
down Cheap Street, and round the Market Place to
the " King's Arms," where I left my horse, and went
on to Mr. Willmott's, of Westbury, at whose house we
stayed.

Monday, Januarif \Sth, 1812. — Returned to Bruton.
Next day rode to Stourton, the seat of Sir Richard
Hoare, six miles oif, and the Pen Pitts. We passed
through a low, poor country, to the foot of the high-
lands; then turned to the right for three miles,
and came to the Pen Pitts, a large ])iece of ground of
four hundred acres, lying on botli sides of a vale, dug
up into great and small pits, ten or fifteen feet now in
depth, and so close together that a man can just walk
between them. They are twenty thousand in number,
and for what, by whom, and in what time they were

Ten Years or Upper Canada.

made, neither history, tradition, nor conjecture can
give any true or reasonahle account. Some say it
was a city built underground by the Britons in which
to hide from the liotnans. However, in the adjoining
fields, have been fought some of the greatest battles
in England, by the Romans, Saxons and Danes, and
it was on this spot that the Saxons gave the Britons
their last and most bloody overthrow, which drove
the latter out of England.

We then rode into the park, and through beautiful
rows of trees, along a terrace two miles in length,
among hundreds of deer, till we came to Alfred's
tower — triangular, built of brick and fine stone, erected
in the year 1760, by Sir liichard Hoare, to the
memory of Alfred the Great, who, on this summit, in
878, planted his standard, and three days after, in the
same spot, fought and gained his first great battle
over the Danes. Then we went to the pleasure
grounds — a large garden or shubbery, having several
temples in romantic situations. First, the temple of
the muses ; next, the grotto, in a cave of which
sleeps a nymph on a couch, out of which issues a
stream of water. In another cave sat the water god,
with an urn and a paddle in his hand. Thence to
the Pantheon, a round temple, with niches inside, in
which were statues. Amongst the rest, one of
Hercules, worth two thousand guineas, and one of
Lira Augustus, dug up at Herculaneum, and valued
at three thousand guineas.

I<ext day rode to Stowey, thirty-five miles.

Friday. — Rode to Enmore (3astle, six miles from
Stowey, a large square castle, built of red stone,
surrounded by a broad, deep moat, with drawbridge.
The ground all around the castle is upon anOies,
under which are stables for tiu'ee hundred horses.

Saturday, January ^Bfh, 1812. — This morning
was appointed for my seeing Taunton, the county
town of that part of Somerset, distant twelve miles.

Amusements in London, 1811-1812.

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At twelve we arrived, and pnt our horses up at the
"Castle Inn," in the middle of the town, opposite the
market, so called from its being built on the site
of an ancient castle. Two noble gateways and part
of the walls still remain. This being^market-day,
we saw the town quite in a bustle. It-^j^ijjj^ains about
ten thousand inhabitants, carries on a great inland
trade, and is the most flourishing inland town in
the kingdom. The people are remarked for their
foppery and dress. It lies on the Panet, which
comes from Sherbourne, passes through this town
and Bridgewatej', and empties itself into ihe sea eight
miles below the last town. In its course through this
last place it sets fifty manufactories of silk, cloth, etc.,
to woik. Crossing the street, 1 met Lieutenant
O'Keefe, of the 41st. He seemed glad to see me,
asked nniny questions about the girls at York ; is
here recruiting, and goes to Portugal in the spring.
He says that Wyatt is in London.

Monda//, 21th. — Left Stowey and returned to
IBruton, where \ arrived at five o'clock.

Tuc.sda//, 'ISih. — Rode to Dr. Mitchell's, where I
spent the day. He showed nje his threshing machine,
which does th(^ work of twelve men; his mustard
mills, where he makes two thousand bushels of
iinistard in a year; oil mills, annate mills cider
press, and grist mills, all going by one overshot water
wheel, of twenty-Hve feet diameter. Having but a
small stream of water, he l)uilt a windmill, which
works a great jjUMip placed in th(> basin below the
mill and pumps ah the water which feeds it back into
the mill race. Mustard is worth frt)m fourteen to
twenty-four shillings per Imsliel. Mr. Ward, C. and
K. came to dinner, .\fter drinking six bottles of wine
and some tea, the comj)any broke up, and we rode
back to Bruton. On our return, found a party of
young ladies, and the children made me fullil my
])romise of dancing Indian. So I got down my red

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

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and black paints, and painted Mr. Ward like an old
chief, then Dan, Bet, Susan, Kate and myself like
Ottawas. Then we had an Indian dance, which
mightily pleased the whole company.

Saturday^: February 1st, 1812. — Dan and I left
Brnton in aT'^ost chaise for Bristol, and drove up to
Bellevue, in Clifton, the residence of Mr. Burgess,
who is married to my cousin.

Sunday, 2nd. — Went to St. James' Church twice.
Called upon Charles Kidout at the fort.

Monday, 3rd. — Went to the Guildhall, Bristol,
where there was a very tumultuous meeting assembled,
to consider who should be their representative in
Parliament. I squeezed myself in. At twelve Mr.
Elden opened the meeting, and said that in consequence
of the death of their late member they were this day
called upon to consider who should represent them.
Mr. Protheroe then, amid acclamation, made a fine
speech, and offered himself ; which was answered by
one Mills, a printer, jumping upon the table and
speaking, but the noise was so great that not one
word in fifty could be heard. A gentleman then read
an address from Sir Samuel Romill}', soliciting their
support. A lawyer of the name of Coats, a Jacobin,
seconded him, and began a long invective against
Protheroe, who wished to pass for a Whig, but was a
real Tory at heart ; and began praising Mr. Fox, when
by a manoeuvre of the Protherites, just at the time of
his highest pitch, a cry of " The gallery is falling,"
was set up, and in a moment the crowd rushed
forward and overturned everything, me along with
the rest, when I found myself alongside Mr. Protheroe.
So the meeting broke up in confusion. I dined at
the fort with liidout.

Bristol, Wednesday, 5th February, 1812.

This being the day appointed for a general fast, we
got up and ate a hearty breakfast ; then went to St.

Amusements in London, 1811-1812.

James', where Mr. Biddulph preached. Mr. Burgess
then took me to the Commercial Coffee Room,
opposite the Exchang-e and Post Office. It is a
large room, about sixty feet in length and forty
broad, having a beautiful dome supported by twelve
female figures. The room is lighted with five elegant
lustres. There are four fire-places, with three tables
round each. At one end of the room is a clock ; at
the other, an instrument telling the wind, a barometer
and a thermometer. This building was built, and is
frequented by most of the comnjercial characters in
Bristol, — it forms a kind of second Exchange. On
the tables are newspapers from Ireland, London and
Scotland, with different magazines and reviews.

Sunday, dth. — Went to St. Mary's, Eedcliffe, con-
sidered to be the first parish church in the kingdom.
It was built in the year 1276, in the true Gothic style;
length, two hundred and twenty feet ; height of
middle arch, thirty-four feet ; has eighty windows ;
the whole church stands upon arches. The chancel
is paved with white marble. Above the Communion
table are three famous paintings by Hogarth, illustrat-
ing the Resurrection. The paintings cost, with frames
and putting up, £750. Admiral Penn is buried in
this church. He has a very handsome monument
erected to him, over which is placed his armour and
son^e of the colours of the Dutch ships which he
captured during the famous Dutch war. We were
also shown the rib of the Hun cow, an enormous rib-
bone about eight feet long. Some stone coffins were
shown, and the musical pillars, which sound like
metal on being struck with the hand.

On my visit to Sherbourne, I went to see my old
grandfather's house. I found it in ruins, the hedges
are out of repair, and the avenue of trees leading to
the house have their tops cut off. I also went to see
the grammar school, which now consists of twenty
boys, kept by Rev. J. Cutler. It was Christmas holi-

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

! ,

days. A girl came out and civill}' unlocked the door.
I walked up and down the room, saw the oaken
henches, desks and wainscoting (uit up and carved
with 3,000 names; saw, John Gihhs Kidout carved upon
one. I went to Sherbourne (;hurch on Sunday, sat
just below the line old organ, and luid a full view of the
grandeur of this Gothic pile, which has stood unmoved
in war and })eace, through the storms and tempests
of 700 years, its clustered pillars forming a lofty, deep
ar(di. The massy walls seem to defy time, and I
think that seven centuries may again roll away, and
this building will remain in a perfect state. After
church, James Hidout showed me grandfather's seat,
near the pulpit, which I entered -the place beyond
Lord Digby's. There, on that spot. Jifty years ago,
sat my father, in the other corner, grandfather. Here
in this church, for generations, had the family been
christened and buried ; but I found myself more a
stranger in Sherbourne than any other town I had
been in, James Kidout, being churchwarden, showed
me the ])arish hooks froju 1540. In 1680 I saw the
name of John Hidout in the vestry.

In after years, Mr. Kidout gave to a street in To-
ronto the name of Sherbourne, in remembrance of
the old English town, the home of his ancestors.

: ■ ,1

4i|

;

- 3

"—■ rf

! .

I' i

|,,, i

!-■ 1

llj

A Canadian in Oxford, 1812.

CHAPTEli VII.

A CANADIAN IN OXFOKD, 1812.

From Thomas G. RUIoutto h in father in York: —

Bristol, \Oth February, 1M2.

I WENT to Jacobs' glass manufactory, supposed to
be the iirst in the world. We were conducted into a
large dark place, in the middle of which was a circu-
lar furnace containing five ovens of glass metal like
melted barley sugar. They put in a long hollow
piece of iron, then take it out and blow and turn it,
giving, at the same time, the shape with the hand,
and the size, by a pair of compasses ; adding, now, for
a wine glass, first the shank and then the bottom.

At five we went to the play. The theatre is built
in King Street, and is a very beautiful building within.
It was crowded beyond anything on account of l)eing
Braham's benefit night, and we g(,»t our places by
mere chance in the side boxes. He is the finest
singer in the kingdom. His principal songs that
night were, " Though Time has from your Ijordship's
Face," "The Bewildered Maid," "Said a Smile to a
Tear," "All's Well," and "The Death of Abercrombie."
You would have been astonished to hear such
singing. His benefit amounted to ii'iOO. The farce
was " High Life Below Stairs," and was conducted
with the greatest humour. The manager then came
forward and announced that Mr. Betty, the young
Roscius, had been prevailed upon by friends to em-
brace the stage again and act two nights in Bristol.
Braham belongs to Co vent Garden.

1.1 *

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

Wednesday, 12fh February. — I went to see King's
Staffordshire ware manufactory. There are fifty people
employed, and every piece goes through the liands of
twenty- three people. Most of the ware is made by
turning, excepting plates, dishes, etc., which are made
by moulds. After turning, it is smoothed and cut into
shape by chisels, then baked in earthen boxes for fifty
hours, and then taken to the dyers, who stamp the
pattern upon a paper. This is then washed off, leaving
a brown print, and the ware is a second time baked, to
bake out the oil and bake in the color. From that it
is brought to the glazer, who dips the cup into a tub
of glazing stuff of a bluisli color. It is then for the
third and last time baked. The glazing turns white and
transparent, through which is seen the blue print.
Cups of different colors are painted with a pencil.
Every stage is a different trade, to which is an appren-
ticeship of seven years.

I called upon Dr. Small, in Portland Square. He
said his brother did very wrong in signing an acknow-
ledgment of Governor Gore's just government of the
Province. He said Gore will never return, and ]\Ir.
D. W. Smith will never go out again. Dr. Small is
much like his brother, speaks almost with the same
voice. He says there is no likelihood of getting John
out of France. He and Boulton are at Yerdun. John
can't live for less than £100 a year, learns French,
sees a good deal of company, and writes his uncle
doleful letters.

lAtli February, 1812. — I am just returned from
Batt . to which place I went on Friday last, on Mr.
Kidout's horse. I rode up to the "Castle and Ball,"
put my horse there, and then took a letter of intro-
duction which Mr. K. gave me to Matterson, a gentle-
man living under the Piazza to the right of the Pump-
room, who very politely took me to all parts of the city,
through crowds of ladies and gentlemen, who were
lounging through the streets. Some were invalids,

A Canadian in Oxford, 1812.

. He

know-
of the
d lyir.
nail is
same
John
John
ench,
uncle

from

1 Mr.

Ball,"

intro-

entle-

"['ump-

city,

were

^alids,

rolled upon little waggons ; some flying in sedan
chairs, up and down, to and fro. The gentlemen
dressed in breeches, stockings and cocked hats ; the
ladies in the most superb manner — pelisses laced with
gold cords and Hussar's hats, having three circles of
gold cord round them, with two great tassels of gold
upon the left side. What is called a reticule, which con-
tains their socket handkerchief and work, is lianging
])y a gold cL.iin to the arm, and is fringed with gold.
I went to the Pump-room, which is very large and
grand. On one side is the pump, where a woman
stands and distributes old King Blatlud's waters to
old and young, sick and well. An old duchess of
eighty and a child of four were both drinking the
waters while I was the ve. I had a glass ; it is very
hot and tastes very mineral. At one end of the room
is an orchestra, where bands of music are continually
playing. The company at the same time walking up
and down in crowds, not minding the nnisic, but
buzzing like merchants on 'change. At the end of
each tune they clap their hands and kick up a riot,
for what they don't know.

From Thomas G. Ridout to his Brother in York : —

London, Vlth March, 1812.

I wrote to you from Bristol a long letter by the
Medford, for New York, w^hich sailed 20th February.
I remained eighteen days altogether there, anuising
myself riding about the country, going with the girls
to the play, hearing young Betty and the famous
Braham perform to crowded houses, seeing the amaz-
ing manufactories, etc. I was at Dr. Small's two
days, and saw his church, gardens, etc. When I
left Bristol he gave me a letter of introduction to the
Vice-Chancellor of Oxford, which I took advantage of;
and another to John Lewis Esq., of St. James' Palace.
I am quite ashamed of not answering your letter in

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

! ;1

])articiilar, and you may think I have entirely forgotten
Toronto, An American war was much looked for in
England, and I was quite distracted about you all, but
the Yankees seem to have thought better of it. I have
seen Alex. McDonell, who says that York is much im-
proved, and that the North-West Company trade will
pass through Yonge Street. He spoke of the general
prosperity of the Province.

Flour will at all times sell well in England, though
the merchants here limit their correspondents at
Quebec to give only 6s. 6d. per bushel, allowing the
(current exchange. Staves sell low. Potash is flat,
and American oak out of repute, by mere prejudice of
these Phiglish, who think their " heart of oak " supe-
rior to an\' in the world. Yellow pine, thirty feet by
fourteen inches square is higli. England is destitute
of tinjber, therefore nuist always get supplies for her
immense consumption from Canada or the Baltic,
which I am glad to hear is shut, so our timber will, ot"
course, rise in proportion to the Northern restrictions.
In all probability, one thousand sail of [rime merchant-
men will enter the port of Quebec this summer, as the
merchants here know not wliere to send their shipping.
Freight out, which very few^ but regular traders can get,
is from forty-live shillings to MS per ton ; home at the
rate of t'60 per one thousand staves, which are cal-
culated to take u[) ten tons of ship room, which just
agrees with what Kendrick carries. The reason of
potash being so low is the great decrease in the manu-
factures of this country in some branches, for wliicli
pot or pearl ashes were much used. The markets of
Quebec and Montreal will be again overstocked, and
British goods nearly as clieaj) there as in London.

Trade has revived very much within these two
months, though not to compare with former times.
The taxes are enormous, and land rents at about X'-")
per acre, and sells for t'lOO per acre and upwards.
John Ward gave .I'lOO per acre for some land in Glas-
tonburv Vale, it is roited at t'T an acre.

A Canadian in Oxford, 1812.

two

billies.

[lit .t")

iii'ils.

KHas-

I must commence this second sheet with my
journey from Bristol to Oxford. Accordingly, on
Tuesday, the 26th of February, I left Bristol, liaving,
the preceding day sent my trunk by the stage to
Oxford, to be left at Cox & liichardson's, in High
Street. It was a fine day, and the girls got up at six,
and made me take a hearty breakfast, and at parting
each gave me a present — Susan, an elegant silk purse;
Betsy, a watch ribbon, and Jane a fine gold ring. I
took a place on the outside for Newport, distant
eighteen miles, for four shillings and sixpence, which
place we reached at eleven, and drove to the " Black
Lion." The road led through a delightful country.
On the right, we w^ere bounded by a range of fertile
hills, and to the left, at the distance 01 ^wo miles, lay
the Bristol Channel, which is here but three miles
wide and runs through a very rich country. On the
opposite side is the county of Monmouth. There are
two ferries here over into Wales — one nine, and the
other twelve miles above Bristol, and you can go over
for sixpence. At Newport I left the stage, and took
the left-hand road, which I followed for two miles,
till I came to the village of Berkeley, famous for its
ancient castle, which is now the most entire remains
of ancient baronial power and grandeur in the king-
dom. It is now the residence of Colonel Berkeley,
Mr. Small's friend.* The castle is surrounded by a
great moat. The walls are of innnense thickness of
stone, and look black and venerable with age. On
going to the castle I passed through Dr. Jenner's
yard. He lives in this village, where he has a very
elegant house, and a great eagle hopping about
before the door. Btu'keley C'astle was built in the
year 1100, and is famous for the death of Edward II.,
who was so cruelly murdered here. The hall was
fitted up in the ancient style, with armour, etc.,
around it, with a great oaken table and handsome

* Berkeley Street, Toronto, is ntinied after thi» place.

< 9

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

seats on the sides ; the floor paved with chequered
marble, and the banner of Cromwell's wars waving
over the chimney ; the roof supported by elegant
Gothic rafters like those in Westminster Hall.
Altogether it reminded me of —

"The feast was o'er in Branksome Hall."

I was shown the dungeon, in the form of a D, where-
in King Edward was confined, and the old iron bed
on which he slept. In this gloomy place was a trap-
door, which let down into the dungeon of death,
twenty-six feet in depth, surrounded by thick walls
and three feet deep in water; a horrid place, where
the light of day has never entered in for these 700
years, and whence the groans of the condemned wretch
were never heard. In an adjoining room, which was
only different from the dungeon by having a small
window, that poor unfortunate king was put to a cruel
death. The instrument by which he suffered is j'et
there, and looks only fit for such acts. From these
dismal chambers I went to the gay apartments , which
are fitted up in princely style ; tables and chairs
covered witli gold, paintings by great men, and a
lot of fine things. I must not forget the royal bed-
stead of liichard II., who stayed some time at this
castle. It was put up in 188'2, but is now an o 1
crazy thing, and only kept as a curiosity. I saw
Queen Elizabeth's dressing-room, gold ta])le and look-
ing-glass, and her state bed, and a curious cabinet
made of ebony, ivory and gold, 600 years old. The
rooms of James I., hung with Gobelin tapestry
on cloth of gold, Vandyke's paintings, etc. The
Prince of Wales' rooms, gold candlesticks, plate, ink-
stands, etc. ; all the tables are covered with gold-leaf.
I also saw the bedstead which Sir Francis Brake took
with him round the world, made of ebony and ivory,
with his four cabin chairs. The walls of the castle
form the dwelling part, and a stone building divides it

I
I

A Canadian in Oxford, 1812.

1 was
small
cruel
is 3^et
these
hicli
hairs
lid a
bed-
this
1
saw
Dok-
inet
The
stry
The
ink-
leaf,
itook

Lstle
)S it

into two courts, one of which formed the gran^^ parade
and the other raised about twenty feet above it, and
surrounded by a high wall, was the keep where the
prisoners w^ho were conliued in the adjoining dun-
geons had the liberty of walking. The roof of the
castle is covered with lead. In the centre rises a fine
look-out tower, where the warlike flag once waved,
and from whence they could spy their enemies at a
distiince.

At one, I left Berkeley, returned to the main road,
and dined at a little country inn. As no coach would
pass till seven, I determined, therefore, on walking to
Gloucester, distant eighteen miles, and accordingly,
left the "King's Head" at three, and reached Glouces-
ter at nine. After taking a glance at three or four
taverns, I suited myself at last at a very good one,
where I slept soundly until seven next morning ;
breakfasted, and went to see the cathedral, wliich is
very old, and first built by Osric, King of Northum-
berland, in 650, afterwards partly rebuilt in the year
900, and the west end and south side in 1400, so that
it contains three orders of architecture. It is 444 feet
in length, 100 wide, and the height of the middle
aisle, eighty-six feet. The painted window at the
east end is the largest in England, being eighty-three
feet in height and thirty-six wide. The pillars are
what is called Saxon, twenty-one feet in circumfer-
ance. Here lies interi-ed, under a most magnificent
chapel, the body of Edward II. ; Kobert, Duke of
Normandy; and Osric, King of Northumberland.
The cloisters were built by Henry VII., and are es-
teemed the finest of the kind, forming a quadrangle
of trees with the branches, all of stone. The great
tower was built by Cardinal Wolsey, and is l230 feet
high.

Gloucester contains about 7,000 inhabitants and is
an ill-built city, having only one good street in it. I
paid my bill at the " White Lion," took a place in the

i: I

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

'' Prince Regent," for Oxford, distant forty-eight
miles, for thirteen shillings, and taking mj^ seat along-
side the coachman, at ten a.m. we drove out of Glouces-
ter. Outside was my honour, an Irish captain in
the 11th Dragoons, of the name of McMahon ; a
Welshman, from Caermarthenshire, called Owen
Jones ; a lieutenant in the navy ; an Oxford tailor,
and a London cheesemonger ; a Sherbourne man for
a guard, and a jolly Hampshire coachman.

We passed at two through Cheltenham, a large
town of 5,000 mhabitants, and famous for its mineral
springs. It is a second Bath with regard to its
waters, but not in buildings, which are of brick. It
was full of quality, though, and is one of the fashion-
able rendezvous. A mile from the west end we passed
the house of General Le Fevre, Bonaparte's favourite,
and presently after met the man himself. He is a
tall, handsome, active and well-made fellow, about
thirty ; he has the countenance of a veteran, a quick
and piercing eye, and walks as if he now commanded
armies. He burns to return to France, and feels his
situation very galling to his ambition.

We changed horses at Frog Mills, eighteen miles
from Gloucester, and again at Long Neat, eighteen
miles faitJier. At nine in the evening, passed the
Bur;brd, seven miles from Oxford, when the mail
coach passed us in tine style, though it left Gloucester
two hours after us, and was to be in London at seven
next morning.

It was a beautiful moonlight night. Three miles
from Oxford we walked up a hill a mile long, and pre-
sently after rattled down into the low grounds, which
were covered with water. I could see as we approached
the towers and turrrets of an ancient city, and the
effect was indescribable. In the course of a mile we
passed over seven stone bridges — over the Isis, Tamar,
and several other streams. Oxford is situated in the
midst of a great meadow or flat, three miles in

A Canadian in Oxford, 1812.

iles

pre-

lich

;hed

the

■inar,

the

8 in

breadth. At eleven, we drove under the ruins of the
old castle, now the county gaol, on our right, and
Magdalen College on the left, through Broad Street into
High Street, then turned to the right a hundred yards,
and broug] ^ to at the " New Inn," opposite tlie Town
Hall, where I left my companions. The dragoon and
lieutenant continued on their journey — one for Portu-
gal and the other for the Adriatic station. I slept till
seven next morning, when I got my trunk from Cox's,
dressed myself gay, and inquired the way to Wadham
College, where lived my friend, Robert Stevens. I went
up High Street, turned to the left, passed All Souls'
College on one side, and St. Mary's Church and schools
on the other, and continued straight on to Wadham.
I went through a gateway into the quadrangle — ^for
there are no doors on the outside of the Colleges — and
found Mr. Stevens in his room giving a Greek lecture.
He received me with the utmost politeness, and asked
me to wait until he had finished his lecture. The
rooms in this college are very commodious, consisting
of a good sized parlour, furnished in good style, well
painted and papered, a sofa, glasses and a bedroom,
dressing-room and study, for which all but fellows pay
i^lO a year rent, finding their own furniture. Mr.
Stevens then put on his robe of ofiice, which is a silk
gown with rich velvet sleeves, and a cap the same as
students wear. He has always two men with maces
walking before him. The first thing we did was to see
Wadham College, which is the most uniform building
in Oxford, as it has never been altered since it was
built in 1613, by Nicholas Wadham, whose statue,
with Dorothy, his wife, stand in niches over the hall
portico. The chapel is very handsome, having seven
large windows of painted glass. The hall is one of the
largest in Oxford, about one hundred feet in length,
and very high and wide, wainscoted and ceiled with
oak, carved in a most curious manner, and the walls
hung with paintings. On either side is a long range

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

' ■ f M

llfl .'

of oaken tables, and oak benches where three hundred
people can dme.

We then went to Christ College, the largest m the
city, and built after the vast plan of Cardinal Wolsey.
It consists of four courts or squares. The stately west
front of the great quadrangle is a magnificent Cothio
budding, 882 feet in length, terminating at each end
with two corresponding turrets. The great gate is in
the middle of this front, and over it an ancient tower,
in which hangs the great bell, called "Tom," wiiich
weighs eight and a half tons, on the sound of which
the scholars of ihe university are to retire to their
respective colleges. The great (prndrangle is 264 by
261 feet. On the south side of the quadrangle is the
hall, to which you ascend by an elegant staircase of
stone. This hall is by far the handsomest in Oxford,
being 150 feet in length, and of great height. The
roof is framed of timber, curiously wrought, and the
cornice has 300 coats of arms carved and painted in
their proper colours. At the upper end is an ascent
of three steps w^hich runs the whole breadth, where the
noblemen dine, above the masters, who dine at a
double row of tables on each side. They were then
laid, as the college dines at two. All the plates and
dishes were of pewter, with silver tankards. The
chapel w^as built for a cathedral before the year 1200.

We then went to the theatre, where all public
speeches and debates are said. On the ceiling the
Arts and Sciences are painted. We then crossed the
court to the Eadcliff library, which is a fine building
surrounded by pillars, and has a dome 180 feet high.
From the top I had a complete view of Oxford. The
library contains 40,000 volumes ; it was built by a
private gentleman and cuts a very great appearance
in Oxford among the ancient towers and turrets.
Thence we went to University College. This library
contains 450,000 volumes — ancient, modern, and in all
languages. Among the Arabic and Oriental manu-

A Canadian in Oxford, 1812.

|)y a
nee
ets.
rary
all
,11 u-

scripts, in which they are very rich, Mr. Stevens
showed me the Alkoran of Tippoo kSahib, presented
by the East Inaia Company, with gold cover and
clasps, very much ornamented. The paper is vellum,
of the finest kind, every character written in gold,
illustrated with the same. This college stands on the
south side of High Street, opposite the Queen's, and
is 260 feet in front, three stories, and has two noble
towers in front and another over the chapel. We visited
in this, and the course of the two following days,
Baliol College, All Souls', Brazen-nose (so-called from
having a brazen nose over the gate, it is opposite
All Souls'), Magdalen College (called Maudlin), the
richest in the University, which supports 1'20 com-
moners and ftjUows. It lies upon the Charwell, at the
east end of ths city, and has the finest groves of trees
in England. I knew one of the Fellows of this
college, Dr. Goldsboro.

New College, which lies east of the schools and
theatre, was built in 1379, and is a building 200
feet square. The chapel is remarkable for its beau-
tiful painted windows, which are as old as the col-
lege. The garden is laid out in an elegant manner.
They have a bowling green here. The gardens are
partly enclosed by the ancient city wall, which, with
its battlements and bastions, may be traced along the
north and south sides. Oriel College contains 140
students, and is a building 280 feet square. It is near
St. Mary's Church, in High Street. On the north side
of High Street, opposite University College, is Queen's.
It is an oblong square, 300 feet by 220 feet, divided
into two courts by the hall and chapel, the latter 100
feet long and 30 feet wide. It maintains 200
students, masters, etc., who are all called to dinner
by the sound of a trumpet. I have said a great deal
about High Street, and I must tell you it is the
grandest street I have seen in England. It winds from
east to west like a river through the city, every wind

100

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

i "i

\ I

I:' ''

of which opens to the view some grand and state y
college. Magdalen College Hall, Un>:ersity and
Queen's, St. Mary's Church and Hall, New College,
the schools and Brazen-nose, all stretch along this
street.

I must now tell you how I passed my time there.
Dressed myself smart in breeches, shoes and stockings
— for boots are not allowed to be worn — and as the
clock struck four, Mr. Stevens took me into the great
hall to dinner. On each side was a long oak table, with
benches, pewter plates, silver forks and spoons, and a
silver tankard of ale to each plate. We were, by right,
the first to enter, and accordingly marched up to the
farther end near the fire-place, to the master's table,
which runs across, and is raised two steps higher than
the common hall. Dr. Swaine sat at the head, I upon
the right hand, Dean Gardiner upon his left ; Mr.
Stevens next to me, and eight others, of whom I knew
Drs. Wyndham and Templar. Our dinner consisted
of soup, served in a silver tureen, roast veal, pudding
and pies, cheese, etc., and a silver tankard of ale.
This College is very rich in plate. Our table was
further distinguished from the long ones by having
whole joints. The students have what is called com-
mons. I was surprised to see the upper end of each
table occupied first, and so on by degrees to the foot;
all the students having on gowns, shoes and stockings,
for boots are not allowed. I was going to tell you
what they call commons. To each college is a large
kitchen, with cooks in abundance, who, upon their
own account, find the mess; and each student, accord-
ing to his degree, goes first into the kitchen, imme-
diately before dinner, and looks at the bill of fare, and
orders a plateful of beef or mutton, etc., and, if he
likes, a slice of pudding, for which he is charged by
the clerk, who sits at a desk in one corner, and a
waiter follows him into the hall with it. That is the
reason 1 saw the heads of the tables filled first,

A Canadian in Oxford, 1812.

101

because the elder fellows had the prime run of the
kitchen, across which a bar is put to prevent the young
chaps from disturbing cookey. We were waited on
by the butler and steward. As we were eating cheese,
a man came round the table with a slate, asking every
perpon how many pieces of bread they had taken.
For each pioce he charges one halfpenny. As soon
as we had dined, Dr. Gardiner gave a sign, and every
person in the hall rose and stood outside their seats,
and ail undergraduate came up to our table, made a
bow, and repeated a long thanksgiving in Latin, and
a prayer for the prosperity of the King, kingdom and
college, and a prayer for and thanks to old Nic, and
Dorothy Wadham, which Dr. Gardiner answered in a
few Latin words. Then we took our hats and left the
hall, all standing until we were out.

We then went into a handsome wainscoted-room,
with a good fire and plenty of wine-glasses and arm-
chairs. This is called the Common Hoom. Presently
old Mrs. Ford, who has served the college for the last
forty years, came limping her ancient form into the
room with oranges, apples, cakes, and nuts ; each
man drank a pint of wine, for which they paid the
butler on the spot, at the rate of 4s. 6d. per bottle.
Every week he pays that money into Dr. Wyndham's
hands. At seven we broke up, and Mr. Stevens took
me to a lady's house in Oxford, where there was a
large party. At nine Mr. Stevens left to go his nightly
rounds as proctor, with two men as attendants. His
business is to clear the streets of vagabonds, to see
that every student is snug within the colleges. After
that hour his authority is supreme over Oxford, and
its environs to the distance of two miles, and he can
imprison any person he chooses. At half-past ten he
called for me, and we went home to Wadham, where
he had provided a good bed for me. Next morning,
29th February, at eight o'clock, I went to St. Mary's
Church, next the schools and Brazen-nose, where

102

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

^1:1^

r •'■

Latin service was performed. The Vice-Chancellor
entered in state, followed by the two proctors, doctors,
deans, etc, These prayers, every student who intends
taking degrees in the ensuing term, is obliged to
attend. Their names were called over. There were
about 500 there. We breakfasted in Dr. Swain's
rooms — for in Oxford it is a rule that several breakfast
together at each other's rooms in turn ; and the
Oxonians are famous for good breakfasts. They vie
with one another in that respect. Mr. Stevens had
the Greek lectures to attend to, so he committed me
to the care and guidance of Dean Gardiner, who
promised to show me the remainder of the lions.
Accordingly, we went to the schools to see the cere-
mony of a master taking his degree, ])efore the Vice-
Chancellor, who sat in state, with the proctors below
him, and doctors and masters on either side. The
ceremony was long and curious. Everything that was
said was in Latin.

We then went to the rest of the colleges I had not
seen, and to the museum, where I saw the skull of
Oliver Cromwell, Guy Fawkes' lanthorn, and the
sword the Pope gave Henry VIIL, when Defender of the
Faith ; a loadstone that attracted 145 pounds of iron ;
lioman and Carthaginian swords and curiosities. We
then went to hear Sir Christopher Pegg deliver an
anatomical lecture. Then dressed for dinner, at which
I did my duty, and drank wine till seven. The con-
versation was first on books and the manuscripts found
in Herculaneum. Then very politely turned, to please
me, on America. I was in my element, and we all
seemed well entertained. Three of the students were
invited to tea, and we played whist. A barrel of
London oysters was brought in at ten, and we made a
glorious supper.

Sunday I was invited to breakfast by Mr. Hall, a
young blood of Oxford, where I made a most sump-
tuous meal. We went to St. Mary's Church, and heard

A Canadian in Oxford, 1812.

103

a Bampton lecture, which is a sermon against the
Mahometan reHgion. I had the honour of sitting
with Mr. Wyndham, in the Masters' seat. The ser-
mon was said first, and the prayers after. Mr. Stevens
and I took a walk to a certain oak on the top of a
hi]l. whence we had a delightful view of Oxford, which
is umike any other city. Dined as usual. One of the
students, Colonel Lethridge's son, appeared in hall in
boots, and was ordered out.

Monday, I bade good-bye to my good friends, left
Oxford in the "Alfred" coach at eight, and reached
Tyburn, in Oxford Street, at three, having gone at the
rate of eight miles an hour. The day was beautiful,
and we passed through many fine and populous towns.
London was in a cloud of smoke.

104

Ten Years of Upfer Canada.

CHAPTEK VIII.

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1 1

LONDON AND WOOLWICH.

From Thus. G. R'ulout to his fufher in York : —

London, \7th March, 181 '2.

On ^[onday, the first of March, I arrived in Patei'-
iioster Row I'roin Oxford, where I had been for three
days, living at Wadham College. By the kind atten-
tion of Mr. Stevens, J was enabled to see more of
that famous place than niost strangers. I was at
preachings, prayings, lectures and dinners, convoca-
tions and suppers, and saw all the lions and whelps of
the town. On Tuesday, the third, I went about visit-
ing my friends, and took a letter up to Montague
Square, to Miss Stevens, Mr. S.'s sister, who lives with
(reneral Stevens in that most gay and fashionable spot.

The Quebec convoy sails from Portsmouth on the
twentieth, by which these letters go. I saw the Erer-
tftta the other day down by the tower. There are now
about 5, ()()() sail of merchantmen in the river, which
form a most interesting sight. I w'as sent the other
day down to the London Docks, about two miles below
the bridge. They are building a beautiful seventy-four
and two more ships in Blac-kwall Docks, near the East
India Docks. At Deptford, another seventy-four, with
three frigates, are on the stocks ; and at Woolwich,
a most magnificent ship, of 120 guns, will be launched
this simmier. You will think it very singular that I
have not yet seen Governor Gore, who has been up-
wards of two months in England. I missed him by
going into the country. Yesterday he attended the
Prince Regent's levee.

Ill'

London and Woolwich.

105

Ips of
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The French and linssians are goin<( to war a^^^ain,
therefore, the Baltie will be open this sunnner to the
British, which will take oiT ^n-eat quantities of the
niaiuifactures of En<jjland, and lower the price of bread,
which at present is very hi^di.

It is now thought the Amerir-ans have given up all
thoughts of war. TIow foolishly I Hy from one subject
to another, but I nnist tell you everything. Mr. Pear-
son, Secretary to the Lottery Office, in Somerset
House, very coolly, last January, took a pistol and shot
himself through the heart. The cause of it was that
he had embezzled the public money to the amount of
l'10,()()0. Government innnediately seized everything,
(leorge Eidout is down at Bristol, where he is to be
ordained by the Bishop of Gloucester. His father has
purchased him a living near Bruton for ^3,000.

On Friday last, went to Co vent Garden with John.
The play was the "Virgin of the Sun," a most superb
thing. On Sunday, went with uncle in the carriage to
Hampstead and dined at Mr. Watt's, a great stock-
In'oker. On Monday, I am going to the annual dinner
given by the Governor and Stewards of Bartholomew's
Hospital, to have a sight of one of these great
English feasts. When at Bristol, uncle sent me
a letter saying that he had just received a note from
Mr. Hamilton, who wishes me to come to town, as this
was their busy season, and I might, by being in his
counting house, get well acquainted with the trade of
Canada, and thus fitted for a good situation in Mr.
C!oltman's house, whose business is of the most exten-
sive kind. The firm was Ridsdale, Hamilton & Colt-
mans ; but finding the business too much scattered,
by a branch being in America, another in Leeds, and
a third in London, they determined on dissolving,
giving th Quebec business entirely to the Coltmans.
Mr. Coltman is accordingly expected every day. I
shall sail soon in one of his ships. If by industry and
assiduity in learning to measure timber, keep books

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If; M;fta ||IH|

106

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

and fit out ships I can qualify myself to super-
intend their works at Portneuf, he will obtain
that situation for me. We are busy in fitting
out three ships, one for New Brunswick, another for
Newfoundland and a third for Jamacia. They have
cut out work enough for the Newfoundland ship, as
she goes there with goods, then loads with fish for
Jamaica, and gets a cargo of rum there for Quebec, and
returns thence to England, laden with timber. Yester-
day I went to the Paymaster-General's office for .1^4,200,
and have just returned from the Bank of England, where
I discounted j£9,000 more. My business is chiefly
making invoices and settling insurances. Mr. Hamilton
and I are good friends. I am acquiring knowledge in
business and quickness, wh' -h I never had before.
This London is a curious place. We are now shipping
for New Brunswick i,'30,000 worth of goods by our own
ship The True Briton. I must now make haste and
run to the " New York Coffee House," and put this
into the Ocean's bags.

From Thomas G. Ridout to his father in York: —

London, 17th April, 1812.

The outside of the letter is thus marked : — Ship
Akeroyde, received 28th August, 1812, through the
United States, opened.

I met Alexander McDonell in Fleet Street, on the
12th inst., and ^vent to call upon Major Halton, in
Beaumont Street. Very fortunately I met Governor
Gore in Portland S(|uare. He turned round at the same
instant I did, and seemed glad to see me. He ask<'d
me which way was I going. I told him to call on Major
Halton, to get his address, which he inunediately gave
me, and told me to call on him. Accordingly, on the
14th, I went to his house. No. 25 Upper Grosvenor

1)11 the

m, in

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same

I asked

Vlajoi"

gave

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Iveiior

London and Woolwich.

107

Street, a corner honse looking into Hyde Park. I
was shown into the library, and in a few niiniites the
Governor came in and received me most cordially.
He told me he had seen you a day or two before he
left York. We had a long confab of an hour and
upwards, in which time the Governor told me every-
thing concerning Upper Canada. That Mr. Firth was
completely dismissed from all employment under
Government — entirely from his own representation of
the Governor's conduct, in which he called the Gov-
ernor villain, tyrant, rascal, hound, etc. — without the
Governor interfering in the least.

He told me he was pleased at my intention of re-
turning to Canada, which he said was now the best
country in the world to advance in, and that he would
not give up the governorship of that Province for any-
thing the Government here could give him, and that
he was going out again this summer.

He said, " I prefer it far to any other appointment,
though there are so :nany scoundrels out there: yet
they cannot injure the country or lower it in my
opinion." He went on to say, " This voyage to Eng-
land has been of great service to me. Don't you
think I am much thinner than when in Canada ? "
buttoning his co;it at the same time.

He asked me how I liked England, was 1 happy ?
I answered I was as happy as a person away from
his native country could be.

"I know," he said, "how you feel — surely the frosts
and snows of Canada are far pref(^ral)le to the fogs and
mists of this country." Then continued, " The town
of Penetaiiguishene is coming on ra])idly, that is, the
North-West Company intend carrying the trade througli
it, and in a few years it will be of some conse(iuence."

I told him of my being pressed at Plymouth, and
only escaping by having his letters, at which he
laughed heartily. He said he was going down to
Devonshire shortly, where he had spent many hapi)y
years.

108

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

mi •

I ■

M.'i .

it:

I went in the afternoon to see Tom Prince, at the
])nke of Brunswick's, and was gratified by a sight of
the Duke's sons, Princes Charles and Wilhani. They
are two very line htth' German ft^llows, and have a
great resembhmce to the royal family. The house is
a little beyond Vauxhall, u})()n the river.

Before this reaches York, you will have heard of the
riots in England. Nottingham, ^lanchester, Leeds,
Birmingham and Shefheld have been scenes of the
utmost confusi(m within these few weeks past. In
consequence of the scarcity of provisions and an
almost total failure in the manufactories and flatness
of trade, the workmen are thrown out of einploy, and
iill the poor-houses. Some say it is an artificial scar-
city, and that speculators have bought u}) all the
grain, so as to compel the people to pay them their
extortionate prices. Government has posted tn ops
in every large town to keep the people down. By the
machinery, now generally used in the manufactories,
nine-tenths of the people are thrown out of em])loy-
ment.

London continues in a ([uiet state. Its markets are
well supplied, though at a high rate; and as long as
there is any trade in the kingdom this city will always
have the preference. In France, and over most parts
of Europe, there is the like scarcity, and even worse,
but you do not hear of their rising in this numner.
From the Baltic and America they look for great
supplies, which 1 hope they will receive before things
get nnich worse. The loss of the American trade is
considered a very severe stroke; a renewal of the
commerce is anxiously looked for. The army in
Portugal draw all their provisions from Irehmd and
England, which must be an expense and drain nevei'
before known. Thank God, I have not felt yet any-
thing like starvation, and therefore should not be a
crcdker; but the present state of things deserves to be
mentioned. There are 1 ,200 ship carpenters in London

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and

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London and Woolwich.

109

out of employment, and you see many common people
in the streets with hills in their hats, " I want work,
and can have a j^ood. character." Written in chalk
on the houses I see, " More Taxes " and " liebellion."
How happy ought all Canadians to be to live contented
in their own country, where they enjoy plenty and
peace.

Mrs. Woolani has invited me to 8t. Alban's, where
I intend going shortly. Next week I shall go and see
"Macbeth" performed at Covent Garden. On Monday
night I go with the Princes to Astley's Theatre.

The other day I called in to see Polito's wild beasts
at Exeter 'Change; saw a lion and lioness, tiger and
tigress, a hyena, two panthers, two leopards, two sloths,
a wild cat, a camel and a Canada bear. In the second
room was an elephant and rhinoceros. In the third
room was an ostrich from Nubia, ten feet high ; two
ostriches from New Holland, a pelican, a dodo, storks,
parrots, Brazil birds, kangaroos, opossums, casimir
goats, monkeys, baboons and many other animals.

Monddi/ 20^^.— Dined at G. Ward's at half-past five.
We went in two coaches to the play, which was one of
Shakespeare's, "Julius Ca'sar," in which are those
speeches we used to say at school. What a sight
Covent Garden is of a full night ! It contains four
thousand live hundred people. The pit looks like a
black sw^irm of bees all in motion ; and when the cur-
tain is down a buzz, like the Koyal Exchange at four
o'clock, tills the house. Kend)le has got liis plays up
with the most magnificent scenery. Th(^ lioman
Senate House with Ca'sar, Brutus, Cassius, Marc Antony,
Casca, was very line. The meeting of the conspirators
while it thundered and lightened, seemed like reahty.
Kendile's helmet and shield are of silver, burnished
with gold. Standard-l)earers, with the Roman eagle,
attended CiPsar wherever he went. The afterpiece
was " Timour the Tartar," of which I cannot now give
you a description. Golden chariots, troops of cavalry,

I •^>

110

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

liii

m ■>

.-i-i -

fierce engagements, bloodless battles, castles on fire,
thunder and lightning, a tempestuous sea and a stormy
night, form this nuich-famed piece.

At half-past twelve it broke up. Then for confusion,
nujn and boys running about with torches, crying for
coaches — " Lady Gamble," " Lord Yarmouth," "Lord
Radnor," " No 984," etc, etc.

Saturda/f 25th. — Philip Prince and I went to Astley's
Theatre. He went above to see Mr. Astley, while I
stayed in the hall. Down came Mrs. Astley and in-
vited me up, and I drank a glass of wine with them.
It was odd to see Mrs. Astley come on the stage, just
after I had been speaking to her.

Mofidaij, 21th. — Admiral Taylor and his nephew
breakfasted with us on their way with George to Ox-
ford. John and I promised to accompany them to
High Wycombe, twenty five miles, so we got on board
the "Black Lion," Water Lane, at half-past eight, and
drove off. When we reached Uxbridge — a large town,
fifteen miles from Tyburn and eighteen from St. Paul's —
it came on to rain, so we left poor G., and walked to
town, though twenty stages, seventy waggons and
carts, forty gentlemen's carriages and thirty-five
horsemen passed us in two and a half hours.

London, 29th April, 1812.

This day being Easter Monday, the Lord Mayor
gave a grand dinner and ball, at which all the foreign
ambassadors, princes and noblemen, etc., were present.
In the course of the day John procured a ticket for me
to go to the ball. No. 2850. You may suppose I was
not a little pleased with it. Mr. Hamilton had
obtained a ticket for two of his sons, so we made an
agreement to go together at half-past ten. Already
was Cheapside, the Poultry and Cornhill filled with
carriages, lighted torches, and confusion. We walked
and got in very well through the crowd. Some
of the carriages were three or four hours getting

'11

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London and Woolwich.

Ill

through Cheapside. The first rooiii we entered
was the Egyptian Hall, lighted by great glass chan-
deliers and festoons of lamps. A row of pillars on each
side of the room, which supported the roof, were
entwined with beautiful lamps made of cut-glass. At
one end was a military band playing " God save the
King."' The other end had great folding doors, open-
ing into the dining-room, laid out in four rows of tables
extending the whole length. The dinner, itself, was
the only thing moved, every ornament remained.
Down the middle of each table there was a row of the
most curious oriiiiments in frame work, about three or
four feet high, made of wood and gilded — men, horses,
castles, abbeys and battles. The room was lighted
with cut-glass chandeliers, suspended from the roof,
with fifty or sixty lights in each ; figures of men and
women holding lustres in their hands. The pillars
here were fluted, and down every second groove was a
string of lamps. These two lower rooms were crowded
with gentlemen and ladies. We then went up stairs
into the ball-room. At the east end, under a canopy
of gold, seated on a throne of the same, sat the Ijady
Mayoress. On her right hand was seated the Duke
of Cambridge, next to him the Duke of Brunswick,
and the Spanish Ambassador; on her left, some lords.
Immediately behind her were twelve young ladies in
waiting, dressed in state like old Queen Bess's picture,
with wliite feathers and diamonds. The Lady Mayor-
ess, a pretty woman about twenty-eight, was dressed
in a gown spangled with gold, I su})pose, with great
hoops. Her belt was studded with precious stones,
and clasped by the same. Her hair sparkled with
diamonds ; she wore a gold comb set with jewels.
The Duke of Cambridge was dressed like a general,
with a great star upon his left breast — of diamonds I
suppose — and two diamond rings on his fingers, and a
red sash over his shoulder. The other noblemen had
blue sashes. There were some Spanish and Portuguese

t?irvm\

112

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

§■■■»

■ ,1

officers there. At twelve, the Duke of Cambridge left
the ball. There was very little dancing. John and
Frank H. danced, and as Frank was going down
merrily, his foot slipped on some wax that had dropped
down, and he fell on his face, to the great anmsement
of the company. I got some ice cream and cakes with
great difficulty. Frank came down to get a drink, but
to no purpose. He mistook an Alderman, in his scar-
let robes, for one of the servants, and said to him,
" Go, like a good fellow, and get me a drink, I'll give
you sixpence to go, and bring me a pot of porter. The
xVlderman, turning round, fiercely said, " Do you know
who you are speaking to?" Very unexpectedly I
met Henry Boulton there, walking with some ladies,
and we had a great chat, and we thought what would
Joel, Jim Campbell or McDonell say to us strut-
ting about a Lord Mayor's ball-room with our opera
hats under our arms, among 5,000 gay Londoners.
At half-past three I left the Mansion House, well
pleased at my night's amusement.

If'i'i :

From Thom'ts G. Hidout to hU Brother at York: —

London, ^th May, 1812.

Yesterday I received with heartfelt satisfaction
your letters of the 15th and ^Oth January. Though I
am in the midst of pleasurss, of which I freely par-
take, yet would I exchange all and every scene of this
wonderful metropolis, for old Ontario's northern shore.
I almost envy you your deep snows and frozen lakes
during the last winter, and am glad to hear that balls and
regular assemblies were again the order of the day at
York, whicli must have proved a great addition to the
confined pleasures of our poor sisters. How willingly
would I give up going to hear Catalini at the Opera
to-morrow evening, or Mrs. Siddons, in " The Game-
ster," on Saturday, that mot' er and sisters might take
my place.

II T:

London and Woolwich.

113

Should our country be visited by an American war
(which I fear is too probaljle), what a dreadful situa-
tion will you all be in I Do you think, if that is the
case, I could bear to remain quiet in England ? No,
never ! Though I don't l)oast of my untried courage,
or of being a son of Mars, yet would it be my greatest
pleasure to share the fate of my family. So that the
little ones were secure, we would keep our rifles
cocked and primed, mount guard together, share
every fatigue, and play Brother Jonathan a few Cana-
dian tricks. Now, 1 hear you say, " Oh, dear ; how
brave Tom speaks, what a warlike humour he is in,
since he is four thousand miles away." Well, never
mind. Time brings about all things, and we shall yet
"live upon the maskinonge and fatten on the mus-
quash." I am very glad that General Brock has a
notion of making York head-quarters for the grand
army.

Yesterday morning I roused Henry Boulton out of
bed, and breakfasted with him on rolls and radishes;
he never drinks tea. You know he is a second time
articled, and will not be out of his time until he is
twenty-seven years of age. Think how old he will be
when he commences business. Here he has to do
more work in one day then he did in three at home.
I dare say he will be a good chancery lawyer, a thing
of little consequence in Canada until a court of that
kind is established. The other day he paid .ill2 fees
for being entered at Westminster and Lincoln's Inn.
Mr. Firth is now practising in his native town o
Norwich. The mayor and corporation nnist have been
delighted at the return of so amiable a num. Mr.
Boulton is still a prisoner at Verdun with poor John
Small. They live together. Henry has seen a lady
who met sometime ago his father, who was very well ;
but Small fretted much, and looked wan and thin. 1
pity the poor fellow. The number of English gentle-
men at Verdun has caused the living there to be very

114

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

•J

expensive. They have balls, feasts, horse-racing and
hunting within their limits, building villas and laying
out gardens, to the admiration of the French, who
respect John Bull, above all other prisoners. Boulton
is their English lawyer — gives advice and transacts
business. I shall write again by the Indian Queen.

s :>}

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From Thomas G. Ridout to his Father in York : —

London, May 2nrd, 1812.

After seeing Mr. Adams, I called upon the Governor,
who received me in his usual friendly manner. He
had just received three letters from York, up to the
16th March— from Mr. Selby, Colonel Claus and Mr.
Stanton — wherein they mention all were well, of course,
including you ; that Parliament had been dissolved
after a very disorderly meeting, in which the Opposi-
tion had carried everything before them, imprisoned
Nicoll and memorialized the Prince Eegent against
the Chief. A few days before, the Governor had given
me the York paper of the r2th February, containing
General Brock's very warlike speech, and the answers
of both Houses; in consequence whereof, and the
threatening posture of the Americans, they had granted
c£5,000 towards training the militia of the Province.
The Governor remarked they did not play the deuce
so when he was with them. I also learn that the
Indians are all on our side. He hinted that if there
were war, George and I should have commissions — in
the militia, I suppose. How dreadful, my dear Father,
would your situation be, if our peaceful and delightful
country should be visited bj^ wal* rendered more cruel
by the Indians engaged on both sides. If you, mother
and the children were at Quebec, I should not mind
the Yankees.

Never has the British Government been in the situa-
tion it now is. Mr. Perceval dead, and all public offices
in confusion, and the great men caballing one against

lis,--'

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London and Woolwich.

115

the other. If they repeal the Orders in Conncil, the
American trade will flourish beyond all former periods.
They will then have the whole commerce of the conti-
nent in their hands, and the British, though blockading
with powerful armaments the hostile ports of Europe,
will behold fleets of American merchantmen enter in
safety the harbours of the enemy, and carry on a brisk
and lucrative trade, whilst the English, who conniiand
the ocean, and are sole masters of the deep, must quietly
suffer two-thirds of their shipping to be dismantled
and to lie snug and useless in little rivers or alongside
huge, but empty warehouses. Their sailors, in order
to earn a little salt junk and flinty biscuit, nuist spread
themselves like vagabonds over the face of the earth,
and enter the service of any nation. If, on the con-
trary, they continue to enforce their orders — trade will
still remain in its present deplorable state. An
American war will follow, and poor Canada will be
obliged to bear the whole brunt of American vengeance.
The Governor says that if that time should come,
England will not forsake us. The veterans who fought
at Talavera, Barossa and Badajos, will show the sons
of Kentucky, the long-shanks of Connecticut and
Genesee pumpkin-eaters, that it would be better for
them to stay at home and eat mush and milk, than
meet British troops of the present day.

I begin to think all this noise is nothing but a squall
from the westward. If the present embargo continues
any length of time, it will be of great benefit to Ca-
nada; not only by causing a large carrying and smug-
gling trade in the Provinces, and an outlet for the
heavy stock of British manufacturers, which the Cana-
dian merchants have on hand, but by raising to a very
considerable price the produce of Canada in England
and the West Indies.

The sales of potash, pearlash, timber, and peltry
are now rather flat ; but a brisk sale and great advance

116

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

a;,

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E..

is shortly expected. Tobacco is upon the rise, there
not being above 40,000 hogsheads now in London
market. Flour sells almost at the price of life in
J^jngland. Manchester, Birmingham, Nottingham,
Sheflield, and several other places, have the appear-
anc3 of garrisoned towns. When I was at St. Alban's,
I saw two regiments of horse pass through that town
on their way to quell the insurrections. The rioters
are almost as daring as the Whiteboys of Ireland were.
I do not wonder at the manufacturers becoming so
desperate ; most of them having been out of employ-
ment for the last six months. The introduction of
machinery into the manufactories have caused many
hands to be dismissed ; against this they wreak their
vengeance.

The Governor asked me to walk with him down to
the Haymarket and conversed all the way. Among
other things he said : "What do you think ? That black-
guard Joe Willcocks dined with General Brock and
turned Government man for awhile, and then joined
his own party again."

On Saturday morning, the 7th May, I set out for
St. Alban's, accompanied by George as far as High-
gate, where we saw the famous tunnel through the
hill that had fallen in when the work was nearly
completed.

The sun was hot, the roads very dusty, and what
added to my discomfort were the trotters of many
thousand sheep that I met coming from the north for
the London market. On Monday, at seven, passed
through Barnet and over Barnet Heath, where the
great battle was fought between the houses of York
and Lancaster, in which the Earl of Warwick lost
his life.

I met with a most hearty welcome at St. Alban's ;
after breakfast we walked upon the Roman ramparts of
ancient Verulam.

1 i

London and Woolwich.

117

On Sunday, went to the A])bey church. How
<^mnd and venerable does that building' appear.

Went on Monday, with Betsy, to Miss Kindar's
house, and to see the beautiful Mrs. Storey. She
took me like a show to the different families in St.
Alban's, and introduced me to the old Countess Dow-
a^^er Spencer, j4Tanddau<^diter of the ^reat J^uke of
Marlborough, and mother to Lord Spencer, formerly
First Lord of the Admiralty. The old lady spoke
to me very politely of America, and asked if I knew
Captain Vigareaux, of the engineers.*

1 returned to London on Thursday.

No doubt Mr. Perceval's death will make some noise
in America. 1 saw the assassin, Bellingham, executed
at Newgate, on the morning of the 18th inst., and his
body afterwards at the dissecting room, Bartholo-
mew's Hospital. I am going with my uncle and G.
to a grand rout this evening, at G. Ward's, known
and described as Ann W^ard's fashionable drum.

1 am still at Hamilton's, getting brushed up in Lon-
don business. I don't doubt but we shall have 1,000
sail at Quebec this year.

The cotton, woollen and iron trade never were so
ffat and dull as at present. Sugar rather brisk —
Martinique, Guadaloupe and Trinidad sugars have lately
been included and rated as British plantation, which,
instead of paying thirty per cent, port duty, amount-
ing to a prohibition, now pay twenty per cent. No-
thing has been exported to the United States for this
year past. Flour now would bring fifteen dollars per
barrel, which could be sent from Lake Ontario to Lon-
don for eleven dollars.

I am invited to Sir John Seabright's grand ball, to
be given at St. Alban's. He is a member for Here-
ford.

* Afterwards distinguished in the war of 1812.

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118

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

From T. 0. Ridout to his Brother in Yoi'k : —

LOiNDON, ls< June, 1812.
Diary Letter.

It is now the sixth month since you wrote me last
by the William and Indian Queen. I hope you received
the letters I wrote by them in April or May.

Trade has received a dreadful shock here from Bona-
parte's edicts and the Non-Importation Act. How-
ever, the merchants have in part recovered, and begin
again to look about them. The crash of ruin among
the first traders in January, 1811, is passed by, and
the great probability of a free trade in the Baltic this
sunnner with Russia and Sweden, has occasioned some
speculation in Colonial produce, and a briskness in the
East India sales, with a slight rise of the stocks which
are at present low.

I think we shall have a con)f()itable voyage out.
As for b^ ing taken, there is little danger, so that we
clear the chops of the channel, which now and then in
foggy weather, is much infested by French privateers.

Monday^ 18th May, 1812, — This morning Belling-
ham was executed at the debtor's door, Newgate.*
From the leads of St. Sepulchre's, H. and I saw the
execution nuich better than if we had been in the mob.
He was a great, tall, raw-boned fellow, and dressed like
a gentleman. He walked with a quick and firm step
upon the platform. On his appearance, the immense
mob, which extended from Fleet Street into Smith-
field and the streets leading thereto, took their hats
off and gave a great shout, crying out, " God bless
you." Every precaution had been taken against a
rescue. A circle of constables, six deep, was formed
around the platform, within which the City Marshal
and other officers rode. Two troops of horse were

* Spencer Perceval, Prime Minister of England, was assassinated on the
11th May, 1812. The people evidently attributed the distress in England
to his administration, and therefore looked upon his assassin, Bellingham,
as somewhat of a martyr.

London and Woolwich.

119

stationed beyond Blackfriar's, and a squadron in Smith-
field, so as to be in readiness in case of a disturbance.
He (Bellinghani) looked (quickly round him, when two
men pulled a muslin cap over his face, and tied his eyes
round with his n^^ckcloth. He prayed about a minute,
and as St. Sepukhre's tolled eight, he sank down in
the midst of the shouts of thousands and tens of thou-
sands, who cried, " God bless you." Every man had
his hat off. E. and I saw his body the next day
in the dissecting room, Bartholomew's Hospital,
stretched on a slab. We viewe^l him an instant with
horror, then turned away.

TJmrfidaij, 21st. — The day of Ann Ward's rout.
Everything was in the most fashionable and elegant
style. x\t these routs one can walk, sit or stand, as he
pleases ; play cards or look on. There were ices, iced
lemon and cream, and delicacies in abundance, handed
about upon large silver salvers. The whole finishc^d
with a supper and some dances.

I am tired of these fashionable entertainments. I
had rather be out spearing and hunting than partaking
of Cockney amusements.

Sii?ida]/, 24:th Ma//. — Henry Boulton dined with us,
and we all walked in Kensington Gardens till five. I
can tell you Henry is quite a buck.

You are now preparing I suppose, for the 4th of June,
which day is hardly thought of in London. How
beautiful nuist the woods begin to be with you ! As
for these English trees, I hardly look on them as wood.
They are so small and stunted, but the hedges and
smooth fields make the country look very fine at this
season.

Last night I went to the Lyceum theatre in the
Strand. The play was " The Duenna," lecture upon
heads by Palmer, and the " Honest Thieves," with
which we were much entertained.

On Sunday last we went in a coach to Kensington
Gardens. The day was fine, and the whole face of the

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120

Ten Y?:ars of Uppkr Canada.

^airdens was covered with people, dressed in the most
elegant manner. I never saw anything to e([nal it.
They walked in crowds throngh the numerous lawns
and avenues. I had old Mrs. Ward under my arm,
and would not have exchang(>d her for any on the turf.
People must have thought 1 was grap{)led with a
Duchess. Her renuirks on the different peo))k> were
capital. It was what may be called a genteel mob,
which extended for some miles round the park and
gardens. The fineness of the day had induced London
to send out all her gay sons and daughters to the pro-
menade. I had the good luck to see the Princess
Charlotte driving on the l\oyal course in an open
chariot with one old lady. She is not inrndsome, nor
tall, but looks a good deal like her father, and the old
King, Her mother, the Princess of Wales, drove past
a little while after in a coach and four. She is a great
fat Dutchwonum,

From Tlionias G. Ridont to his Jlrothcr in Yi)rly : —

London, 6fh June, 1S12.

I take this ()p])ortunity of answering your letter of
the 9th March, whicb 1 recei\'ed this morning, I am
sure you will be glad at my retui'n to America, If
you are involved in a war witb the Yankees (of which
I now fear there are too many sad prospects), my r<'asons
for returning will be tenfold increased, I think, at any
rate, we shall have commissions in the (,'anadian corps
now raising in the country. The pr(>])arations for war
on both sid(^s of the lakes must be very interesting to
you, as well from the novelty of the thing, as from tln^
active part we shall take in the contest. In what ruin
and distress will our dear country be involved ! In Eng-
land they consider (!anada as one of their tiiu^st colonies,
and will defend it to the last. There will be pl(>ntiful
supplies of troops and money sent out, and having the
Indians as our allies, they think the Americans will
not be able to hold the country. Two packets of

London and Woolwich,

121

letters, which 1 sent by the way of New York, 1 am
afraid will never reach yon. Governor Hull being at
Detroit with eight thousand luen ready to tall on
our devoted country, alarms me, and we hear that
thirteen thousand iiave been drafted from the militia,
and ten thousand ordevd to the back frontiers ; that
magazines ai'c forming at Albany and up the Hudson.
This forebodes war upon Canada. People here think
the Americans n.rv. l)ent upon it, and that their de-
mands will be so extravagant that the p]nglish w^ould
rather fight it out. I suppose our militia are by this
time well trained, and Allan's* coinpany one of thel)est
in the Province.

To give you some idea of the great scale on whiv
the English prepare for war, I wish you had been
with me yesterday at Woolwich. On Saturday I
received a note from Colonel Pilkington inviting me
down, and offering to convey these letters and any
packages to U})per Canada by a friend of his now
going out to that Province.

Yesterday I went down in the stage, and was
received hi tlie most polite manner by the (^olonel
and his lady. H(> himself took me to the brass
foundry, and there I saw the brass cannon run in
(day moulds solid, then bored by boring machines.
The outside^ turned and ornamented by chisels and
lintdy polished. The trunnions are also done in a
very curious manner, and lastly the King's arms and
the year are engraved, when the piece is proved. If
bad, it is melted down again. They save all the
shavings.

The Warren, as this j)lace is called, is enclosed by a
wall a mil(> and a half in circuit, and is on what formerly
was a marsh, now Idled up and levelled with gravel,
extending along the bank of the river. There are
great storehouses and workshops dispersed along
the wall, and the whole internuMliate space between

>->

*Hun. Will. Alkn.

;

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122

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

that and the river (except where they are buildin<]j a
large square of storehouses) is one immense field of
cannon, placed close to the ground, without their
carriages, upon iron railw.'iys, and arranged in long
rows side hv side in the most beautiful order and
exactness. There, at one view, you behold sixteen
thousand pieces of iron ordnance. Some are of the
most heavy metal, besides an immense number of
brass pieces, which are kept separate, and are so bright
you can see your face in them.

At the west end there are several hundred brass
guns captured from enemies. Amongst them some
beautiful Turkisb ones, having the crescent marked
upon them. They are very highly ornamented.
Some are octagon on the outside ; of seventeen or
eighteen feet in length.

I saw the boys making cartridges — done in an
instant. There is a machine by which they plane
blocks of wood for the gun carriages of ships by
means of a large horizontal wheel. Another place
they turn iron axle-trees, like wood, making iron
shavings.

There is also an immense number of howitzers and
mortars, with their iron beds, to the left of the
cannon, and four great pyramids of shells as large as
iron pots. Dispersed among the guns are a great
many pyramids of cannon l)all, of ditferent weight.
They were loading some ships with guns, auimunition
and ball. A cargo of copper had just arrived from
Malta. Three hundred and fifty convicts were at
work getting gravel out of the l)ed of the Tluimes, by
a steam engine, and wheeling it al)out to fill up the
marsh, and in building a beautiful stone (^uay the
whole length of the arsenal upon the river. They
were all chained by the leg and dressed in gray
clothes. The buildings are of fine yellow brick and
look very handsome. At twelve o'clock I saw several
thousand workmen march out of the gate to dinner.
At one they returned all in a body.

London and Woolwich.

123

id
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as
at
it.
on
01 n
at

the

ray
ind
ral
ler.

Colonel Pilkington wishes to go out to Canada. He
says it is the finest country he ever saw.

At three the Colonel and I went to the grand artil-
lery barracks, fronting a large conmion, at the upper
part of which is the lioyal Academy of Woolwich,
situate under arising ground. It is built in the form of
a castle, with piazzas or cloisters between the wings
and centre. The artillery barracks are 2,500 feet in
length. Behind are three large squares, enclosed by
the horse barracks and stables. There are 2,000
horses here. In front of the barracks is a double range
of mounted brass guns ; before the grand entrance,
two beautiful pieces taken at Copenhagen. To the
west was a great park, full of brass guns and am-
munition and waggons, ready for sc^rvice. In our walk
we made tlie whole circuit of Woolwicii and returned to
dinner, after which we rode in a coacli to Blackheatli,
and returned to the artillery parade, between the
barracks and academy. Here I saw the finest set of
men in England, consisting of 5,000 artilku-ymen and
two bands of music. I saw the church at Blackheath
where Mr. Perceval is buried, and the house of the
Princess of Wales, in Grreenwich Park.

I rejoice to hear that, in York, you keep up to old
times in price of living and that Hour is so cheap.
Plere, wheat is 18 shillings a bushel. I dare say no
more supplies will be sent out of Canada, as Govern-
ment will buy all it can to form magazines in case of
a war. On Monday, the 15th, I suppose the election
takes place, we have here drank success to Sipiire
Kidout.

Fro)n, Thomaa G. R'ldout to his Father in York : —

London, 10th June. 1812.

Your letters ([uite surprise us at the ra])idity of tlieir
journey. Tliat of the 24th iNhircli, containing your
address, was received on the 0th iust. On Sunday, 1

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1'24

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

Wits in Kensington Gardens from two till seven, and
was annised beyond anything at the immense crowds.
I saw the Princess Charlotte again. The Duchess of
Sussex and Kent live at Kensington Palace. On the
evening of the 4th Jane, the public offices, places of
amusement, and the houses of the King's tradesmen,
were illuminated with glass lamps.

The stocks are low. Insurance to Quebec, 8 guineas
out, 10 home ; if there is war will rise to 20 guineas.
Freight out, from i'2 10s. to 4!3 per ton ; home, Ml to
.t8. Not one ship in seven can get any freight, so
that they run in ballast. Potash and timber begin to
rise. Canada white oak staves are considered better
than American or Biiltic, upon which last there is an
enormous duty laid in favor of Canada. The smug-
gling between Heligoland and the continent is put an
end to.

People are afraid that Canada will fall to the Ame-
ricans. I am not quite of that opinion. The Prince
Regent is considered half a fool. The great men of
England are divided into many parties, and after Per-
ceval's death, everything was in confusion, and the
country was left without a government for a month.

York is yet, I hope, to be my place of residence.
In the course of a few years it will be nearly as large
as Montreal. I am glad that General Brock and you
are such good friends. Governor Gore says it is a piece
of folly to fortify the garrison, as it is no place of
defence.

F'iRST Notes of the War, 1812.

125

^011

3ce

CHAPTER IX.

FIRST NOTES OF THE WAR, 1812.

Among the causes assigned by the American Govern-
ment for declaring war against Great Britain were
the " Orders in Council," and the " Right of Search."
While the European war was raging, England's arch-
enemy, Napoleon, had declared in his Berlin decree of

1806, all vessels liable to seizure that had touched at
a British port. The English " Orders in Council,"

1807, retaliated by declaring tiiat only ships, which
had touched at a British port should be permitted to
enter a French port. Napoleon then declared the
British Islands in a state of blockade, and interdicted
all neutrals from trading with them. Great Britain
retaliated by placing the French Empire in a state of
blockade, and cut off from it the commerce of neutral
nations.

This state of affairs pressed heavily on American
connnerce, as American merchantmen had, during tlie
war in Europe, almost monopolized the carrying trade
of the world. The orders were unpopular in England,
as much distress had been caused by them. They
were rescinded on the 28rd June, 1812, but their
repeal had not the slightest effect in restoring tran-

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126

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

quility. The Americans maintained that they had
been repealed, not to render justice to the United
States, but to rescue a large portion of the British
population from starvation.

As to the other grievance, the "right of search,"
claimed and practised by Great Britain upon Ameri-
can vessels navigating the high seas, it was stated
that England had impressed no less than 6,000 mari-
ners who claimed to be citizens of the United States,
and that 1,000 American vessels had been seized and
confiscated.

England had experienced great difficulty in man-
ning her immense navy, and claimed that these men
were British subjects and deserters.

Whatever may have been the ostensibh^ reasons of
the Americans for declaring war, there is no doubt " a
deadly hatred to England and a deadly love to
France " was a potent one.

The Prince Regent in his address to Parliament,
said that the real origin of the contest was the avowed
sympathy of the Americans with the aggressive tyr-
anny of France.

So war was declared against England by Congress,
on the 18th June, 1812, by a vote of seventy-nine to
forty-nine. Canada became the battle-field.

The population of Lower Canada was at that time
226,000 ; of Upper Canada, 75,000. The population
of the United States was about 8,000,000.

Yet, with a frontier of more than a thousand miles to

I I

First Notes of the War, 1812.

127

I j

defend, a gallant little band of regulars and militia held
the enemy at bay for nearly three years.

At the opening of the war in July, 1812, the regular
force in the Canadas consisted of seven regiments of
infantry, one of veterans and invalids, and a detach-
ment of artillery, amounting in all to about 4,500 men.

The enemy relied on the impossibility of Canada
receiving aid from England, also on the supposed dis-
affection of the inhabitants.

How erroneous this latter supposition was, time
soon proved.

A veteran soldier. Sir George Prevost, was now
Governor-General of British North America, and
Connnander-in-Chief.

In Upper Canada, General Brock was acting Lieu-
tenant-Governor, or President of the Council, during
the absence in England of Mr. Francis Gore.

What he was to Canada at this crisis history has
written in letters of gold. He believed in his Cana-
dian citizen soldiers, and they did not show them-
selves unworthy of his trust.

In Upper Canada, the Militia Act provided that
all from the age of eighteen to forty-five should
turn out six days in each month for drill. It also
provided that two tiank companies should be formed
from every battalion, which companies should be the
first employed in actual service, and might be marched
to any part of the Province, where the President
of the Council thought their services would be most
required.

IN"

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128

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

In Lower Canada, it was enacted that every
man between sixteen and tifty years of age was
to be a militiaman, also the Government was author-
ized to call out " by ballot, or command, 2,000 bache-
lors between the ages of eighteen and thirty, and
them to keep during ninety days under the command
of such officers as they should appoint, and to march,
train, and otherwise exercise them."

In case of war in the Province, they were to be kept
in service during two years.

The embodied militia, as well as the volunteers,
were to have the same pay and allowances as His
Majesty's regular troops. No substitutes were allowed.

In a quaintly translated extract from the papers of
that date, we read of the formation of the corps known
as " The Voltigeurs," so celebrated during the war.

This corps, now under the command of Major de
Salaberry, is completing with despatch worthy of the
ancient warlike spirit of the country.

Captain Perrault's company was filled up in forty-
eight hours, and the companies of Captains Duchesney,
Panet and Ecuyer, have very near their complement.

The young men moved in solid columns towards the
enlisting officers, with an expression of countenance
not to be mistaken.

The Canadians are awakening from the repose of an
age, secured to them by good government and virtu-
ous habits.

Their anger is fresh, the object of their preparation
simp' > and distinct.

They are to defend their king, known to them only
by acts of kinchiess, and a native country long since
made sacred by the exploits of their forefathers.

First Notes of the War, 1812.

129

' ■;

As to uniform, a letter from Ji^neas Shaw, Adjutant-
General of Militia, dated York, 29th April, 1812,
says : —

As it is not ascertained whether Government
will provide clothing for the militia, His Honour the
President (General Brock) reconimends in the event of
any portion of them being in the meantime called out
into the field, that for their own convenience, as well
as the benefit the service, each man, as far as his cir-
cumstances and situation allow, will provide himself
with a short coat of some dark-colored cloth, made to
button well round the body, and pantaloons suited to
the season, with the addition of a round hat. It is
also recommended to the officers, on every occasion
when in the field, to dress in conformity to the men, in
order to avoid the bad consequences of a conspicuous
dress.

On the eve of the war this letter is written : —

From George R'ulout to his brother Thomas in England : —

YouK, 2oth June, 1812.

The pleasant news of your appointment, together
with your entertaining account of your journey to
Oxford, has made our house joyful ; however, mixed
with some allov, when we consider the hazardous and
immense voyage you have before you, and the risk
you run of being made a prisoner by the French.
The papers here are filled with accounts of daily
captures.

As to the Americans disturbing us, we understand
that the question f(U- war has passed the Congress by
a majority of sixteen. Preparations are making here
to receive them. Tbe Hank companies are paraded
every week, a fort is building here, preparations are
made at Niagara, and some new vessels are on the

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130

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

lakes. All this will avail little unless we are supported
by a regular force of ten thousand men, which number
I am afraid it is impossible for the English to spare.
I have the honor to be an ensign in a battalion
company, viz.: the Town one. Colonel Chewett has
given me to understand that in a short time I am
to be promoted to a lieutenancy in the Grenadier
company, which company is nearly of a size, tolerably
well disciplined. Duncan Cameron is the captain.

There was an express sent to General Brock in-
forming him that a body consisting of four thousand
Indians are ready at a moment's warning to offer their
services to the British.

The Americans have twelve hundred Kentucky men
now at Detroit ; a body of six hundred at Niagara ;
and indeed, both lakes on the south side are lined with
them.

I know not whether father has told you that John
is a midshipman on board the Uoyal George, on this
lake.

Little John Radenhurst is here with a large detach-
ment of the Newfoundland regiment, who are dis-
tributed on board the several vessels on the lakes
as marines.

Among other news, I must not omit letting you
know, that father is a Member of Parliament for the
West Riding of the County of York and Simcoe. He
was returned by a majority of a hundred and forty-
two, against Sheppard, the only candidate who
opposed him ; as Hamilton, the morning of the elec-
tion, resigned his interest in favor of Sheppard. His
heart failed him when he saw father's friends to the
number of one hundred a?id fifty turning Leach's
corner, huzzaing, with flags flying. Only six of the
old members are returned, consequently the remainder
of the twenty-six are new. They will compose a very
respectable House. John McDonell is one of them.
He was returned for Glengarry. Our election here

"il

First Notes of the War, 1812.

131

lis-

lasted three days. General Brock is much pleased
with father's success. We had a famous electioneer-
ing dinner after the polls closed, consisting of most of
the gentlemen in York.

The two last packets we have received from you
appear to have been opened. I expect it has excited
the curiosity of the American postmaster to see such
large packets constantly passing in the same hand and
addressed to one person.

June 27th, 1812. — Since I wrote, an express has
come here announcing that war is declared. Every
one is in motion. General Brock went off to Niagara
last night, with despatches to the Indians, who are all
in readiness. I do not know what we will do wdth our
large family. The militia are ordered out. I must
now go. Adieu !

The John McDonell mentioned in this letter, as the
member returned for Glengarry, is the McDonell,
General Brock's aide-de-camp, who so soon after this
date was off to the war, and who met a hero's death
on the Heights of Queenston.

The news of the declaration of war came to General
Brock, we are told, by special express from New York,
sent by John Jacob Astor to Thomas Clark, of Niagara
Falls.

;he

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132

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

CHAPTER X.

OPENING OF FIKST CAMPAIGN, 1812— DETROIT.

M^) •

The American plan of attack was to invade Canada
with three armies. The army of the West on the
Detroit frontier, the army of the Centre on the Niagara,
and the army of the North on Lake Champlain. The
latter was under the immediate command of General
Dearborn, Commander-in-Chief of the American forces.

At that time, as we have seen, Sir George
Prevost was vvOmmander-in-Chief of the British forces
in Canada, with head-quarters at Montreal; and Major-
General Brock was in command of the Upper Pro-
vince, head-quarters at York, now Toronto.

The British Generals found themselves on the de-
claration of war, with but a few battalions of regular
troops (less than five thousand men) at their com-
mand, with which to occupy and defend all the posts
from Quebec to St. Joseph on Lake Huron. A part
of a company was stationed at the latt er place ; two
companies of the 41st regiment were at Fort Maiden,
near Amherstburg, and a battalion was divided between
Fort Erie,' Fort George and Burlington Heights — just
sufficient to guard these places in times of peace.

When the storm of war broke on Canada, it was in

Ofkning of First Campai(,n, 1812 — Detroit. 133

Canada
on the
[iagara,
I. The
Greneral
1 forces.
George
1 forces
Major-
r Pro-
he de-
regular
com-
posts
A. part
; two
lalden,
etween
-just

Bvas in

Upper Canada that tlie shock was first felt, and on
General Brock was laid the responsibility of conduct-
ing the opening operationt, of tlie campaign. His first
orders {26th June, 1812), were sent to Captain Koherts,
then commanding the small detachment of regulars at
St. Joseph, a military post, or rather block-house, on
an island of that nauie in Lake Huron, forty miles
north-east of Mackinaw. These orders were, to gather
what nien he could for the attack of Michillimackinac*
an important island outpost of the Americans, com-
manding the entrance to Lake Michigan. This post,
also known as Mackinaw, was then the centre of the
fur trade with the Lidians, and was guarded by a force
of seventy-five men under Lieutenant Hancks, U. S.
artillery. Captain Roberts enlisted in his service about
one hundred and fifty voyageurs, armed with nmskets
and fowling pieces, and set out with these volunteers
and his own small detachment of forty-six men, for the
capture of the fort. They embarked on the 16th July %
in batteaux and canoes, and, under cover of the night
silently approached the white cliffs of Mackinaw.
The Americans were completely taken by surprise, and
the officer in charge, not having received any instruc-
tions from head-quarters, thought his wisest course was
to surrender. This event took place on the 17th July,
1812, and apparently unimportant as was the achieve-
ment, it had the effect of establishing confidence

* Old Fort Michillimackinac, bo celebrated in Pontiac's wars as the scenea
of dreadful massacres, was on the mainland near by.

•Url

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134

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

throng-hout Canada, and of confirming the Indian
tribes of the North-West in their allegiance to Great
Britain.

Very shortly afterwards, two American vessels laden
with furs, came into the harbour, ignorant of the cap-
ture of the fort, and were taken possession of, though
subsequently restored to their owners by Major-
General de Rottenberg.

There is no doubt that the alliance wi^h the Indians
was an important factor in the struggle with the
Americans. They fought in this war of 1812, not for
love of King George, but because they hoped to receive
from his hands the justice they had sought in vain
from the Americans. It was the last throb of national
life in their now degenerate race.

One leader they had, Tecumseh, who recalled to
their memories their famous chief of fifty years before,
Pontiac, whose name had been a terror in the West.
Tecumseh was, at this time, forty-three years of age.
He was considered by the Indians, as was also his
twin brotlier — the Prophet — to be of supernatural
birth. His iniiuoice was enormous, not only among
his own people, the Shawanese, but throughout the
tribes of the West. His mission was to bring into a
confederation or league, all the tribes of Nortli
America, in order to regain, if possible, their old bound-
aries, and to resist the further encroachments of the
white race.

Opening of First Campaign, 1812 — Detroit. 135

lis
•al

m<i;

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•til
id-

The personal appearance of Tecuiiiseh is thus de-
scribed : —

His height was aliout five feet nine inches, his
face oval, his nose handsome and straight, his mouth
beautifully formed, like that of Napoleon 1. Plis
eyes clear, trans})arent hazel, with a mild, pleasant
expression wlien in repose, but when excited, they
appeared like halls of tire. His complexion more of a
light brown or tan, than red ; (his whole tribe, as well
as their kindred, the Ottaways, had light complexions).
His limbs were straight, he always stood very erect,
and walked with a brisk, elastic, vigorous step. He
invariably dressed in Indian tanned buckskin. A per-
fectly well-fitting liuntiiig frock, descending to the
knee, was over underclothes of the same material ;
the usual cape and finish of leather fringe about the
neck, edges of the front and bottom of the frock ; a
belt of the same material, in which were his side-arms
(a silver mounted tomahawk and a knife in a strong
leather case), short pantaloons, connected with neatly
fitting leggings and moccasins, with a mantle also of
buckskin, thrown over his left shoulder, used as a
blanket in camp and a protection in storms. Such
was his dress when I last saw iiim on the 17th August,
ISri, in Detroit. (See Colonel Hatch's Chapter of the
War.)

It is stated that, though Tecumseh could speak
Enghsh sufliciently well to hold conversation on
ordinary topics, he never spoke any language but his
own at any council, nor wlien in presence of any officer
or agent of a government. He always avoided
speaking to any official, except through an interpre-
ter, as his ideas of the honour of his people and race
precluded official intercourse in any but the Shawanese

^il

136

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

(

tongue. This, then, was the powerful ally destined to
take such an important part in the coining war with
the Americans.

On the 12th July, 1812, General Hull crossed to
Canada from Detroit, and issued hishoastful ])roclama-
tion to the people of Canada, olfering the alternative of
peace, liberty aud security ; or war, slavery and de-
struction. From Fort George, General Brock issued
a counter-proclamation, and despatched Colonel Proc-
tor, of the 41st regiment, with a small body of troops
to reinforce Fort Maiden, near Amhertsherg. Here

Proctor was joined by Tecumseh and his Indians.
General Hull made his head-quarters at Sandwich,
eighteen miles from Amhertsherg, in an unfinished
house belonging to Colonel Baby, and remained there
with his army for about four weeks. Predatory ex-
cursions were made by his troops in the neighbouring
country; but in spite of his proclamation, the people
did not show the slightest desire to be annexed.
Numerous skirmishes took place with Proctor's forces
at the river Canard, and with the Indians under
Tecumseh. On the .5th August, the latter, with a
few regulars, (irossed the Detroit Kiver, and succeeded
in capturing a convoy of provisions from Ohio, also a
detatchment on their way from Detroit with General
Hull's despatches.

At the time of the war of 1812, only the Eastern
and Southern parts of Ohio were settled. With the
exception of a few old French posts, it was an un-

:he
Un-

Opening of First Campaign, 1812— Detroit. 137

broken wilderness, an untouched forest, occupied by
powerful Indian tribes.

A succession of reverses seemed to have disheart-
ened General Hull, who had a wholesome dread of
Indian warfare, and he decided to recross the river to
Detroit. This he did on the 8th of August, and once
more took up his abode in the citadel. This citadel
was an enclosure of jibout two acres, surrounded by
sixteen-foot pickets of squared cedar, within which
were the officers' quarters, public stores, and other
buildings.

The intelligence of the capture of Fort Michilli-
mackinac was the means of largely augmenting
Tecumseh's forces, for, as soon as he heard of its
downfall, he despatched runners to all his associate
tribes, bidding them assemble at Maiden immediately^
and telling them that the Americans, by not marching
on Maiden, and by the easy discomhture of several
detachments, had shown they would not fight ; that
the braves should come forward with all speed, so as
to participate in the capture of the army and share in
the plunder, which would be gn^at.

His c'lppeal was promptly responded to, and by the
15th August, 700 warriors had joined him.

While these events were happening on the western
frontier, an extra session of the Legislature had been
called at York on the 29th July, by General Brock,
whose speech rang out in these clear and earnest
words : —
10

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Ten Years of Upper Canada.

Gentlemen of the House of Assembly, — We are
engaged in an awful and eventful contest. By unani-
mity and despatch in our councils, and vigour in our
operations, we may teach the enemy this lesson, that
a country defended by freemen enthusiastically
devoted to the cause of their King and constitution,
can never be conquered.

The answer by the Legislature, signed Thos. Scott,
Speaker, 29th July, 1812, was as follows : —

When invaded by an enemy whose avowed object
is the entire conquest of this Province, we, laying aside
all inferior considerations, do most willingly obey your
Honour's commands, by appearing in our Legislative
capacity, for the purpose of using our utmost efforts
for the protection and defence of everything that is
dear to us as subjects and as men.

The Assembly was prorogued as soon as it had passed
the necessary Supply Bill, and most of the members
took the field for active service.

General Brock now determined to strike a decisive
blow, and formed the daring plan of proceeding at
once, with what troops he could raise, to the western
frontier.

He knew that the Fort of Detroit was a most im-
portant position from which to control Upper Canada,
and determined to wrest it, if possible, from the
Americans. He had about forty men of the 41st regi-
ment with him, detached from the little garrison at
Fort George, and 250 militia. Among these were
many of the young men of York, who had volunteered
for the expedition.

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Opening of First Campaign, 1812 — Detroit. 139

One of General Brock's aides-de-camp was John
McDonell, the newly-elected member for Glengarry,
and Acting Attorney-General for the Province. He
was then in his twenty-fifth year. The other aide was
Major Glegg, of the 41st regiment.

Among the volunteers is found a name well known
afterwards in Canada — John Beverley Robinson, then a
student in McDonell's office.

It was a hazardous enterprise which this little army
undertook ; but Brock was a leader whom they were
all willing to follow, and the courage and confidence
with which he inspired his men, lived long after his
brave spirit had passed away.

On the 5th of August, 1812, the expedition set out
by way of Lake Ontario to Burlington. They then
marched by cross-roads to Long Point, where they
arrived on the 8th, and then continued their journey
in open boats along the rough and dangerous coast of
Lake Erie. After four days' and nights' hard rowing,
they reached]their destination at Amherstburg, on the
12th August, 1812. Here Brock and Tecumseh, the
most picturesque figures of the war, met; and a halo of
romance still lingers over the meeting of these two
men, whose names were destined to be handed down
in song and story. In some respects, the soldier and
the savage were kindred spirits. Both were bold in
purpose, ready in resource, trusted by their followers.
Over each hung the shadow of an early heroic death.

Brock now found himself at the head of an army of

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140

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

one thousand four hundred men, half of whom were
Indians. After a brief consultation with Tecuraseh,
who, we are told, sketched a plan of Detroit on a
piece of birch bark for his guidance, he determined,
in spite of the disparity of numbers between his forces
and those of the Americans, to demand a surrender.
He had by this time, 15th August, established himself
at Sandwich, opposite Detroit, in the quarters at the
Baby mansion, so lately vacated by General PIull.

From there he wrote his demand for surrender, and
sent this missive to General Hull by Major Glegg,
and Lieutenant-Colonel McDonell.

Head-quarters, Sandwich,

August 15th, 1812.

Sir, — The forces at my disposal authorize me to
require of you the immediate surrender of Fort De-
troit. It is far from my inclination to join in a war of
extermination ; but you must be aware that the
numerous body of Indians, who have attached them-
selves to my troops, will be beyond my control the
moment the contest commences.

Isaac Brock,

Major-General.
His Excellency Brig. -Gen. Hull.
Commanding at Fort Detroit.

General Hull's answer was : —

I have no other reply to make, than to inform you
that I am prepared to meet any force which may be
at your disposal, and any consequences which may
result from any exertion of it you may think proper
to make.

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Opening ov First Campaign, 1812 — Detroit. 141

General Brock, on receiving this reply, determined
to attempt the capture of the fort by assault. His
force consisted of thirty Koyal Artillery, two hundred
and fifty of the 41st regiment, fifty lioyal Newfound-
land, four hundred militia, and about seven hundred
Indians. For artillery, he had three six-pounders and
two three-pounders. Two Pjnglish gunboats were on
the Detroit river. One, the Qvecn Charlotte, Captain
Finnis, a sloop of war, armed with eighteen twenty-
four-pounders ; the other, the brig Hunter.

On the Canadian side of the river was a battery,
under the command of Captain Dixon. This opened
fire on the evening of the 15th August, and continued
the cannonade on the morning of the 16th, when one
of the balls struck and killed Lieutenant Hancks,
who had been in command at Mackinac, and was then
a prisoner of war on parole in Fort Detroit. The
same ball passed on and mortally wounded Surgeon
Reynolds, of the Ohio Volunteers.

Early on the morning of the IGth August, General
Brock crossed the lliver Detroit, at Sandwich, where
it is about three-quarters of a mile wide, and landed
at Spring Wells, about two miles below the fort ;
formed in column, and marched up to within a mile
of the fort and halted. His Indian allies, led by
Tecumseh, had landed two miles below on the previous
evening, and moved up to the edge of the woods,
keeping a mile and a half distant, to the west of the
main body.

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142

Ten Years of UrPER Canada.

[1 ; • I
i.i ' II"

With his small force and only five guns, it certainly
looked a very daring deed for Brock to attack a strong
fort defended by twenty-six pieces of ordnance of large
calibre, with one thousand nine hundred and forty
men posted in and around the fort, and three hundred
and sixty men of another detachment, who had left a
day or two previous on a short expedition, and were
now on their way back.

The following description of Fort Detroit, in 1812,
is given by Colonel Hatch, American Quarter-master
at the time of its capture :

It is a parallelogram, with strong bastions at each
angle, surrounded by a moat or ditch twelve feet wide
at the surface, eight feet deep ; a palisade or abattis
of hardwood stakes, ten feet high out of the ground,
sharpened at the top, and firmly set in the escarp
at the base of the rampart, with an inclination of
about forty-five degrees ; the rampart rising perpen-
dicularly twenty-two feet, pierced with embrasures
for cannon; strong double entrance gate, with port-
cullis well ironed, on the east front, protected by a
projecting frame-work of hewed logs extending over
the moat, pierced for small arms, and a drawbridge ;
sally ports near the south-west and north-west
bastions ; a parapet, banquette and terreplein, around
the entire of the inside, in the bastions as well
as the body, on the latter of which are mounted
twelve-pound and nine-pound guns, besides those of
smaller calibre and also the howitzers, each bastion
having guns raking the moat and counterscarp.
Standing on the banquette near the fiag-stafi" at the
south-eastern angle of the body of the work, and
looking southward, no house or building intervenes.
All to the south lor two miles, and all to the west for
one to one and a half miles, is a level common.

Opening of First Campaign, 1812 — Detroit. 143

•

I I

lor

The road from Spring Wells passes up across the
ground hetween the fort and the river. A few village
dwellings are on the river side of this road, and a few
farm-houses on the west side. Fronting this road are
posted the twenty-four-pound field guns, two twelve-
pound iron, and two six-pound hrass guns. In front of
the southern curtain, fifty feet in advance of the coun-
terscarp, is one six-pounder ; at the south-west angle
is one nine-pounder and one six-pounder ; in front of
the western or rear curtain is one six-pounder ; at the
north-west angle, one nine-pounder and one four-
pounder, with arrangements to rapidly concentrate at
any point at which the enemy might show itself. In
May's orchard on the west is posted the 1st regi-
ment Ohio Volunteers ; next to them, extending to
the centre of the west curtain, is the 2nd regiment ;
and tlien the 3rd regiment, which covers the north-
west bastion and waggon train ; while, in the fort, is
the entire of the 4th United States regiment and a
part of the artillery companies. All these guns were
loaded with ball and grape. All these troops were
well armed.

Scarcely had the assault begun by the firing of the
battery on the Canadian side, when, to the surprise,
as much, it is said, of the Americans, as of the Cana-
dians, a flag of truce was displayed, and a messenger
was seen approaching.

General Hull had decided to capitulate.

By the terms of capitulation, signed IGth August,
1812, the whole territory of Michigan was ceded to the
British, two thousand five hundred American troops
became prisoners of war ; thirty-seven pieces of brass
and iron ordnance, four hundred rounds of twenty-four-
pound shot, one hundred thousand cartridges and two

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144

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

thousand five hundred stand of arnjs fell into General
Brock's hands. — (Colonel Cass's report to the American
Secretary of War.)

This was indeed a sorry ending for the army of the
West, whose General, but a few weeks before, had boast-
fully declared his intention of annexing Canada to
the United States.

On the morning of the 17th, the victory was cele-
brated by firing a salute from the Esplanade, in front
of the fort. General Brock, with his suite, appearing
in full dress to receive the spoils they had so bravely
won.

The cannon :;sed on this occasion was one of the
brass six-pounders taken by the Americans at the
battle of Saratoga on the 16th October, 1777, which
fact was recorded on the cannon in raised letters of
brass.

The salute was returned from the guns of the Queen
Charlotte,*

Colonel Hatch, in his quaint little hook, gives a de-
scription of Brock as he saw him that day: —

His personal appearance was commanding. Ho
must luive been six feet three in height, very massive
and large-boned, and apparently of immense muscular

I, i

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;if'

*The luuch-reuretteil brass fiekl-pieco came again under the folds of the
stars and stripes at the battle of the Thames, and the Queen Charlotte,
which looked like a thinsf of life as she sailed up the stream with her flags
and streamers flaunting, fell from her high estate of that day of triumph,
and ended her ctireer of honour in that great struggle on Lake Erie, on tho
10th September, 18l.'J, when her flag descended upon a bloody wave.
(Hatch.)

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Opening of First Campaign, 1812 — Detroit. 145

strengtli. His aides, MoDonell and Glogg, were ele-
gant young men, nearly, if not quite six feet in height,
and in their splendid uniform, all three presented a
brilliant appearanee.

We can well helieve the scene was an impressive
one, as the vietoiious commaudcJ stood with his troops
in theblazeof the August sunshine, while the conquered
foes laid their arms down in sullen silence at his feet.*

Beside him stood Tceumseh with his swarthy band
of braves, who probably were a little disappointed at the
bloodless nature of the victory.

General Brock lost no time in niaking preparations
to return. He dismissed the militia of Michigan to
their homes, placed the volunteers on parole, and sent
General Hullf with a thousand of his regular troops

*C(>j»y of ifturns iiiiule hy one nf (Ii-iier.il Hull's aiilea and the British
Qimrter-iiiaster.

Ono tliDiisiiiid nint; h'nuhvd muskets hmiI accoiitrenients stai^kod by tlio
effective men of the 4th I. nited StateH lej^imeni. and tho Ohio Volunteers
upon the Es))lanade, as they nmrohed from their positions in and around the
fort ; seven hundred muskets and aceoutrcnients brought by the militia of
Michigan, and stacked upon the E8i)iiinade; four hundred and fifty muskets
and ac'Coutremei\ts broULjht in by the <letachmeiitand tho corps of teamstt;ra,
and stacked in front of the citadel.

+ One cannot but have a feeling of pity fur the oontiucred <4in«'ral, vvlio
was a veteran of the Tievolutionary war. On his arrival at Mcjntreal ho
was treated with great consideration by Sir (Ji orgo Prevo.st, and released
at once on parole, only, however, to find a more cruel leoeptionat tho hands
of his own countrymen. He was tried l)y court-martial, for tho shameful
capitulation, as it was called, found guilty, and sentenced to death Hia
reasons for surrender, he .said in liis defence, were, that he had not
provsiiins enough to maintain the siege, the expected reinforcements of tlio
enemy, and tho .savago ferocity of the Indians. His sentence of death was
remitt d (m account of past services, but his name was struck oil' tho
army list, and the Uei)ublican hero was left in his old ago a disgraced and
broken-hearted man.

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146

Ten Years of Upp/.r Canada.

in boats to Fort Erie, thence to Montreal, as prisoners
of war.

Leaving Colonel Proctor in com in and at Detroit,
General Brock set out on his homeward journey on
the 18th August, and sailed down the lake to Fort
Erie in the Queen Charlotte.

He arrived at York on the 2'2nd August, where, we
read, he was received in triumph. Addresses of wel-
come were heaped upon him, to which he replied with
characteristic simplicity. Quebec was illuminated in
his honour.

He gave full credit to the conduct of his ''home-
spun warriors," as the following answer to the address
presented to him at Kingston shows : —

4>th September, 1812.

Nothing but the confidence which the admirable
conduct of the York and Lincoln regiments of militia
excited, could have induced me to undertake an expe-
dition such as lately terminated so much to the
advantage of the country.

I have reason, from the reports made to me by the
officers stationed at Kingston, to rely with equal con-
fidence on the discipline and gallantry of the militia
in this district. It is with the highest satisfaction I
understand that, in the midst of unavoidable privations
and fatigue, they bear in mind that tlie cause in which
they are engaged involves their dearest interests, and
the happiness of their families.

Fetes and congratulations were not, however, suited
to Brock's vigorous spirit, and he chafed under the
delay occasioned by the unfortunate armistice, con-

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Opening of First Campaign, 1812 — Detkoit. 147

eluded by General Prevost, on the 4th August, where-
by hostilities were stopped for a time on the Niagara
and Champlain frontiers. The effect of this armistice
was to give the Americans time to reinforce their
armies, and to strengthen themselves on the lakes.

A naval success on the Atlantic on the 19th August,
when H.M.S. Giierriere was taken by the CotiHtitution,
had gone far to console the Americans for their dis-
comfiture at Detroit, and they were now hopefully
preparing for another invasion 0:1 the Niagara frontier,
where Major-General Van liensselaer had assembled
an army of about six thousand men, and had
established a camp at Lewiston.

On the 30th August, General Dearborn's aide-de-
camp arrived at Montreal, with despatches to Sir
George Prevost, announcing that the President of the
United States had not thought proper to authorize a
continuance of the provisional measure entered into
by His Excellency and General Dearborn through the
Adjutant-General, Colonel Baynes ; consequently the
armistice was to cease in four days from t e time of
the communication reaching Montreal, and the ports
of Kingston and Fort George.

The following significant paragraph appears in an
extract from a Kingston paper : —

This morning (5th September, 1812), at one o'clock,
His Honour the President (Brock) left town, it is
supposed for Niagara, in consequence of hostilities
being renewed.

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Ten Years of Upper Canada.

CHAPTER XL

QURENSTOX HEIC.IiTS, 1812.

One disastrous clTc^ct of tlio armistice that had just
ended, was, that while it lasted the Americans bad
secured the unrestricted navigation of Lake Ontario;
and this was of the utmost importance to them, as tlie
supplies for tluMr army, ordnance, etc., collected at
Oswego, could only be taken to Niagara by water, the
roads being in such a wretched condition.

On the 26th September, General Dearborn wrote to
General Van Rensselaer, "At all events we must
calculate on possessing Upper Canada before the
winter sets in."

General Brock had only at his disposal for the
defence of the Niagara frontier a force of about fifteen
hundred men, of which a large proportion were militia
and Indians.

The Indians were under John Brant, a son of the
celebrated chief Tiiayendanegea. Small garrisons held
Forts Erie and Chippewa, coniposed of some of the
41st, and the Hank companies of the 2nd Lincoln
militia. A considerable number of militia were at
Queenston, and })osted along the line of the river
to watch the movements of the enemy.

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QuEKNSTON Heights, 1812.

149

i •-

From Fort George, the head-quarters of General
Brock, to Queenstoii, at every mile batteries were
thrown up, the principal ones being a redan battery on
Queenston Heights, and a strongly mounted battery
on Vrooman's Point, which commanded the Lewiston
and Queenston landings.

Among the militia posted in and near Fort George,
were the flank companies of the 1st regiment of Lin-
coln militia, under Captains Crooks and McEwen ;
the flank companies of the 4th Lincoln militia, under
Captains Nelles and W. Crooks; Captainr, Hall's, Dur-
and's and Appl(!gartli's companies of the 5th Lincoln
militia ; Major Merritt's yeomanry corps, and a body
of Swayzes' militia artillery, under Captains Powell
and Cameron.

One corps of York militia was specially favoured by
General Brock. It was composed of young men,
sons of the earliest residents of York; and the names
on its honour roll are still familiar in many a house-
hold of the good city of Toronto. The right flank
Grenadier company was oflicered by Captain Duncan
Cameron; senior lieutenant, William Jarvis; Junior
lieutenant, Archie McLean ; third lieutenant, Cieorgo
Ridout. The light compjiny was commanded by Cap-
tain Stephen Howard. His three lieutenants were
John Beverley Robinson, 8. P. Jarvis, Robert Stan-
ton. Most of them were school-fellows, brought up
under the rule of Dr. Strachan at Cornwall.

It was early in the morning of the 13th October,

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Ten Yeaks of Upper Canada.

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1812, that the American Army began crossing the
river below the Queenston Heights. The story of
that eventful day is told so well by one who took part
in the fight, that his letter is given in full. One more
glimpse we have in it of the heroic Brock, as he rides
to his death on that gray October morning, waving
his hand in passing by to his gallant lads from York,
and bidding them press on.

Letter from one of the Y^ork militia present at the battle of
Qaeennton, f/iving an accowut of the day: —

Bp.own's Point, October litlt, 1812.

About half an hour before daylight yesterday morn-
ing, Tuesday, the 1/Uh October, being stationed at
one of the batteries between J^'ort George and Queen-
ston, I heard a heavy cannonading from Fort Grey,
situate on the height of the Mountain, on the Ameri-
can side, and commanding the town of Queenston.

The lines had been watched with all the care and
attention whi(di the extent of our force rendered pos-
sible, and such was the fatigue which our men under-
went from want of rest and exposure to the inclement
weather whicli had just preceded, that they welcomed
with joy the prospect of a field whi(di they tliought
would be decisive. Their spirits were high, and their
confidence in tlie Gcuieral unbounded.

From our battery at Brown's Point, about two miles
from Queenston, we had the wliole scene most com-
pletely in our view.

Day was just glimmering.

The cannon from both sides of the river roared
incessantly.

Queenston was illuminated by the continual dis-
charge of small arms.

This last circumstance convinced us that some of

QuEENSTON Heights, 1812.

151

the enemy had landed, and in a few moments, as the
day advanced and objects became more visible, we
saw a number of Americans in boats attempting to land
upon our shore, amidst a tremendous shower of shot
of all description, whic-h was skilfully and incessantly
levelled at them.

No orders had been given to Captain Cameron, who
commanded our detachment of York MiHtia, what
conduct to pursue in case of an attack at Queenston;
and as it had been suggested to him that in the event
of a landing being attempted there, the enemy would
probably endeavour, by various attacks, to distract
our force, he hesitated at lirst as to the propriety
of withdrawing his men from the station assigned
them to defend.

He soon saw, however, that every exertion was
requi'-ed in aid of tbe troops engaged above us, and
without further delay, marched us to the scene of
action. On our road, General Brock })assed us. He
had galloped from Niagara, unaccompanied by his
aide-de-camp, or a single attendant.

He waved his hand to us, desired us to follow with
expedition, and proceeded with all speed to tlie Moun-
tain. Lieutenant-Colonel McDonell and Captain
Glegg passed immediately after. At the time the
enemy began to cross, there were but two companies
of the 49th regiment, the (IreiuidierL, and the Light
Comj)any, and I believe three small companies of
militia, to oppose them.

Their reception was such iis did honour to the cour-
age and numagement of our troops.

The grape shot and musket balls poured upon them
at close tpuirters, as they approached the shore, and
made incredible Inivoc.

A single discharge of grape from a brass six-pounder,
directed by (Captain Dennis, of the 49th Grenadiers,
destroyed fifteen in a boat.

Three of the bateaux landed at the hollow below

il^,'

162

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

Mr. Hamilton's garden, in QuGenston, and were met
by a party of militia and a few regulars, who slaughtered
almost llie whole of them, taking the rest prisoners.

Several other boats were so sliattered and disabled
that the mev in them threw down their arms and
came on shore, merely to deliver themselves up
prisoners of war.

Thus far things had proceeded successfully, and the
General on his approach to tlie Mountain was greeted
with the intelligence that all our villainous aggressors
were destroyed or taken.

As we advanced with our company we met troops of
Americans on their way to Fort George, under guard,
and the road was lined with miserable wretches suffer-
ing under wounds of all descriptions, and crawling to
our houses for protection and comfort. The spectacle
struck us, who wcm unused to such scenes, with
hoiror ; but we hurried to the Mountain, impressed
with the idea that the enemy's attempt was already
frustrated, and the brsiness of the day nearly com-
pleted.

Another brigade of four boats was Just then crossing,
and the 4\)i\\ Light Company, who had been stationed
on the Mountiiin, were ordered down to assist in pre-
venting their landing. No sooner had they descended
than the enemy appeared in force above them. They
had probably landed before the rest, while it was yei)
dark, and remained concealed by the rough crags of
the Mountahi.

They possessed themselves of our battery on the
height.

General Brock rushed up the Mountain on foot,
with some troops, to dislodge them, but they were so
advantageously posted and kept up so tremendous a
fire that the small number ascending were driven back.

The General tiien rallied, and was proceeding up the
right of the Mountain to attack them in flank, when
he received a ball in his breast. Several of the 49th

■;

QuEENSTON Heights, 1812.

153

assembled round liim. One poor fellow was severely
wounded by a cannon ball and fell across the General.

They succeeded, however, in conveying his body to
Quoenston.

We were halted a few moments in Mr. Hamilton's
garden, where we were exposed to the shot from the
American battery at Fort Grey, and from several
field-pieces directly opposite to us, besides an inces-
sant and disorderly fire of musketry from the sides of
the Mountain.

In a few ininntc^s, we were ordered to advance on
the Mountain. The nature of the ground and the
galling fire prevented any kind of order in asc(Miding.
We soon scrambled to the top, at the right of the
battery, which they had gained, and were in some
measure covered by the woods. There we stood and
gathered the men as they advanced, and formed them
in ii line.

The fire was too hot to admit of delay. Scarcely
more tban fifty collected, about thirty of whom were
of our company, headed by Captain Cameron, and the
remainder of the 49th Light Company, commnnded by
Captain Williams.

Lieutenant-Colonel McJ)()nell was there mounted,
and aninuiting the men to cliarge. He was secoiuled
with great spirit and valour by ('aptain Williams, who
exclaimed, ** Feel firmly to the right, my lads, advance
steadily, charge them home, and they cannot stand
you."

But the attempt was unsuccessful.

The enemy were just in front covered by bushes
and logs. They were in no kind of order, and were
three or four hundred in number. Th(;y perc<'ived ua
forming, and, at about thirty yards distance, fired.
Lieutenant-Colonel McDonell who was on the left of
our party, most heroically calling upon us to advance,
received a shot in his body and fell. Ilia horse waa
at the same instant killed.
u

154

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

'lit

Captain Williams, who was at the other extremity
of our little hand, fell the next moment apparently
dead.

The remainder of our men advanced a few paces,
discharged their pieces, and retired down the Moun-
tain.

Lieutenant McLean was wounded in the thigh, and
Captain (Jameron, in his attempt to save Colonel
McDonell, exposed himself to a shower of masketry,
which he most miraculously escaped.

He succeeded in hearing off his friend, and Captain
Williams recovered from the monientary effect of the
wound in his head, in time to escape down the
mountain. This happened, I think, ahout 10 a.m.

Our forces rallied about a mile below.

General Sheaffe, with the 41st from Fort George,
nearly three hundred in iunnl)er, came up soon after
with the field-pieces of the Car Brigade.*

All the force that could be collected was now
mustered, and marched through the lields back of
Queenston, ascended the Mountain on the right, and
remamed in the woods in rear of the enemy till intelli-
gence was gained of their position. During this time,
the Americans were landing fresh troops unmolested,
and carrying back their dead and wouuded in their
return boats.

About three o'clock p.m. General Sheaffe advanced
through the woods, towards the battery on the Moun-
tain, with the main body, composed of the 41st and
the Niagara militia Hank companies (with field-pieces)
on the right. The Mohawk Indians, under Captain
Norton, and a Niagara company of JMacks, proceeded
along the brow of the mountain on the left, and the
Light company of the 49th, with our company of

■'• The " Car Briyntlo " referred to wns a volunteer company of farnicra'
sons, wlio liail oUured their services to Brock, together with their drauyht
horses, free of expeiiHO, on the eve of tlio war. Ho had accepted tlieir
patriotic proposal, and, by '.hd July, 1H12, this brigade wan conii)ieted, and
fully eipiippud, under Captain liolcroft, of the lluyal Artillery.

QuEENSTON Heights, 1812.

155

;ain
ded
the
of

iiicrB
uyhb
their
, and

militia broke through the centre. In this manner we
rushed through the woods to the encamping ground
on the Mountain which the enemy then occupied, and
which had been the scene of their morning's success.
The Indians were first in advance. As soon as they
perceived the enemy tliey uttered their terrific war-
whoop, and rushing rapidly upon them, commenced a
most destructive fire. Our troops instantly sprung for-
ward from all quarters, joining in the shout. The
Americans gave a volley, then retreated tumultuously,
and lied by hundreds down the Mountain. At that
moment Captain Bullock and one hundred and fifty of
the 41st, and two flank companies of militia appeared
advancing on the road from Chippewa. Tlie consterna-
tion of the enemy was complete. Though double in
number, they stopped not to withstand their pursuers,
but tied with the utmost precipitation. Never were
men more miserably situated. They had no place to
retreat to, and were driven by a furious and avenging
enemy, from whom they had little mercy to expect, to
the brink of the Mountain which overhangs the river.
They fell in numbers — the river presented a shocking
spectacle, filled with poor wretches, who plunged into
the stream from the impulse of fear, with scarcely the
prospect of bfc>ing saved. Many leaped down the side
of the Mountain to avoid the horrors which pressed on
them, and were dashed to pieces by the fall. The fire
from the American batteries ceased.

Two otlicers were now seen conjing up the hill with a
white Hag, and with some difliculty the slaugliter was
suspended. They were conducted up the Mountain
to General Sheatie. A cessation of hostilities for three
days was asked for, and assented to. Thus, about
four p.m., ended the business of this day, so impor-
tant to the inhabitants of this Provin(;e. The invasion
of our peaceful shores by its unprinci))led neighbours,
has terminated in the entire loa^ of their army, with
everything brought over, not excepting their standarda.

■'4

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IS* If.

IV'; :

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166

Ten Years of Upper Canada,

with tho very modest device of the Eagle perched upon
the erlobe.

We liave taken over nine hundred prisoners, with
sixty of their officers. Except the wounded men, who
were carried over in tlieir boats, while they retained pos-
session of the Mountain, scarcely a man has strag'ji'led
back to relate to his country the disastrous event of an
expedition planned by their unrighteous government.

The view of dead bodies which strewed the ground,
and the mangled carcases of poor sufi'ering mortals,
who filled every room in the village, filled us with
compassion.

Still have we much to sorrow for, we have a loss to
deplore which the most brilliant success cannot atone
for. That general, who led our army to victory, whose
soul was wiapped up in our prosperity, is now
shrouded in death.

Lieutenant-Colonel McDonell, too! This heroic
young man, tlie constant attendant of the General,
after liis fall, strove to support to the last a cause
never to bo despaired of, because it involved the very
salvation of his country.

But he was not destined to witness its triumph.
His career was short but honourable; his end was pre-
mature, but full of glory.

He will be buried at the same time with the General.

It was, indeed, a baptism of blood for our young
soldiers, though all too soon they became accustomed
to the horrors of war.

Archie McLean, who was wounded in this battle,
and to whom McDonell's last pathetic cry of ''Archie,
help me! " had been addressed, was afterwards taken
prisoner at Lundy's Lane, but lived to become Chief
Justice of Upper Canada.

QuEENSTON Heights, 1812.

157

Among the officers of the militia mentioned in Gen-
eral ShealTe's report as having signalized themselves
for the gallant and steady manner in which they led the
troops under their command, were Lieutenant-Colo-
nels Butler and Clark; Captains Hatt, Durand, Howe,
Applegarth, James Crooks, Cooper, U. Hamilton,
McEwen and Duncan Cameron ; Lieutenant Butler,
Lincoln militia, and Lieutenant Kichardson, York
militia.

While the action at Queenston was going on, the
guns at Fort George had been bombarding Niagara,
and had silenced that Fort. The firing was ably
directed by Colonel Claus and Brigade-Major Evans,
and the guns were under the immediate direction of
Captains Powell and Cameron, of the Militia Artillery.

It is difficult to understand how the Americans dare
to claim even a partial victory at Queenston, in the
face of the following despatch sent from Major-Gene-
ral Van Rensselaer to Major-General Dearborn, the
American Commander-in-Chief :

" Uth October, 1812.

" Wadsworth surrendered with all his forces, nine
hundred men."

General Sheaffe's prisoners amounted to more than
his army, not counting the Indians engaged.

The following letter gives a short account of what
followed the battle, and of the burial of General
Brock.

in '

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168

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

From Lieutenant G. Ridout to his Hrothe.r in York : —

Brown's Point, 2\st October, 1812.

As I have already given father a short account of
the transactions of the 13th inst., I think it unneces-
sary to repeat it, as you have, of course, heen made
acquainted with the contents of my letter of that
date. Were it not for the death of General Brock and
McDonell, our victory would have heen glorious, and
really a matter of triumph ; hut losing in one man, not
only the President of the Province, hut our ablest
general, is an irreparable loss under the existing cir-
cumstances at a time when his moderation and im-
partiality had united all parties in pronouncing him
the only man worthy of being at the head of affairs.
One field-piece, one stand of colours, one annnunition
waggon, 1,200 stand of arms, besides those seized by
the Indians and militia, amounting to at least 400
more, together with 1,000 prisoners, were the fruits of
that day's success.

As Congress meets in November, no doubt that
Van liensselaer, the American general, bad been urged
to make an attack by Madison, so that the latter
might make a favourable report of the game at Wash-
ington. General Smyth, the Democrat, has now the
chief command. He asserts that he is determined to
conquer Canada, even if he loses a hundred thousand
men. Such gasconading is not to frighten us, as it is
well known that the American Government is not able
to feed, clothe and equip so great a force. About an
hour since, two men marched down to Niagara, under
a guard. They crossed the river above Fort Erie.
So they say. They state that the American force is
about 12,000, that the greater part of that army is
stationed at Lewiston, a village opposite Queenston,
that the Americans intend making three attacks at
different places, tiiat they are determined to have the
command of the lakes, and for that purpose have nearly

QuEKNSTON Heights, 1812.

159

400 men on the two lakes, constructiH«,' ^Miu-boats, and
refitting merchant vessels. All this may l)e a trick of
the Yankees to engage our attention to the fortifying
of Qiieenston, while in reality they may be concerting
measures for crossing at Chippewa, or above that place.
The latter, I think, is the case, as huge bodies of the
enemy have been seen moving up from Niagara in that
direction.

I do not thii.A the time is far distant when another
attack is to be made. With another regiment, I have
no doubt that the country would be perfectly safe
from all attempts they might make to subdue us.
General Brock and McDonell were buried on the 17th,
in one of the batteries of the garrison, called the York
battery, as our men were employed in constructing it.
It was his desire to be buried in it, showing even to
the last a preference to everything belonging to the
name of York.

The burial was the grandest and most solemn I ever
witnessed, or that has been seen in Upper Canada. I
was one of poor McDonell's pall bearers. The coffins
were preceded th'st by a company of regulars, then a
band of music, then the corpses, followed by another
body of regulars and militia. The whole distance
between the Government House and (larrison, where
they were interred, was lined by a double row of
militia and Indians, resting on their arms reversed.
Minute guns fired during the whole procession.* Mr.
Addison read the service in a very impressive manner.

The American prisoners, officers and men, are the
most savage looking fellows I ever saw. To strike a
greater terror in their enemies they had allowed their
beards on their upper lips to grow. This, however,
had no other effect upon us tlian to raise sensations of
disgust. I was over yesterday with a fiag to the

* Minute guns were also tired by the Americans at Fort Niagara and at
liCwiston, as a mark of respect to a bravo enemy, by command of Major-
General Van Rensselaer. (Losaing).

Cii

'■I '■'.

i f

111!;:
ill'

ill

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Ten Years of Upper Canada.

American garrison, and witnessed the destruction
made by our cannon. Every building is completely
riddled, but owing to the want ot" furnaces on our side,
we were unable to tire their garrison.

This is a letter of military occurrences.

That the day is not far distant wben peace may
be restored, and the roar of cannon and whizzing o:.
balls may be no longer heard, is the sincere wish
of your affectionate brother.

I:'r^

r-t-'-l-

End oi" First Campaign, 1812.

161

ion
;ely
ide,

lav

ish

CHAPTEU XII.

END OK FlUST CAMPAIGN, 1812.

Aftku tliB battle of Quoeiiston, an armistice was
agreed upon by General Sliealfe. This armistice,
which was not approved of by Sir Georpfe Prevost, was
confined to the frontier between Erie and Ontario, to
be terminated at forty-eight hours' notice. It is not
likely the fiery ]^rock would have consented to this
debiy, which was of no advantage to the Canadians,
and only afforded the Americans time to reorganize
iheir demoralized forces, and prepare for a second
descent on the Niagara frontier. General Smythe
had succeeded Van Hensselaer in the (-onunand of the
army of the Centre, and had assenjbled at Buffalo
about 5,000 men, to wliom he boastfully promised
that in a few days he woidd plant the American
standard in Canada. Their watchword was to Ix? •' Tlie
€annons lost at Detroit or death." So contith^nt was
he of conquest, that he told the connnandant at Fort
Niagara to save the buildings of Fort George and
Newark, for winter quarters for his army.

No reinforcements had arrived for General Sheafl'e.
The militia, who, after Queenston, had returned to
their homes to gather in the remains of the ha*" s\',

! i

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162

Tkn Ykars of UrPER Canada.

DOW Oil me back to their posts, determined to defend
every iiicli of the ground. By tlie Ameri(3an account^
the force collected at Black Kock, near Buffalo, was
4,500 men. On the morning of the 28th November,
they were to embark from the Navy-yard, near Buffalo^
for tlu; conquest of Canada. There were seventy
boats, calculated to hold forty men each, lying ready
for the expedition, also five scows to hold 100 men
each, and ten scows for the artillery.

Before daylight on the 2Hth November, part of this
force, about 4/50 men, under Major Boerstler and Cap-
tain King, crossed the river, and landed about two
miles below Foil Erie. At this point there was a
battery, and a detachment of the 49th regiment,
under Lieutenants Bartley and Lamont. This detach-
ment made a gallant defenc-e, but was almost cut to
pieces. Lamont was wounded severely ; Bartley
retreated to the edge of the woods, and joined ('aptain
Whelan of the Newfoundland Fencibles, and three
companies of the Tjinc-oln militia, who were coming
to the relief of the battery. The enemy had taken
the works, but the Canadians charged and re-took
them at the point of the bayonet.

Captain King, General Smythe's aide-de-camp, ana
forty men were taken prisoners. Colonel Cecil Bishopp,
then at Chippewa, hoard the firing, and ordered Lieu-
tenant-Coloni'l Clark of the Lincoln tnilitia, and Major
Hatt with a detacliment of the 40tli regiment, to the
scene of action, '''he guns, which had been displaced

>'■ If r

End of First Campaign-, 1812.

163

by the enemy, were rernonnted by Captain Kirby of the
militia and Botnl)ardier Jackson, and brought to bear
on the retreating boats. The American account of
this affair says, that the main body of the Americans
was so tardy in eml)arking, that their small force on
the Canadian side under B.jerstler and King were
taken prisoners, and about five hundred British were
drawn up in line on the shore, sounding their trumpets
and bugles, prepared to receive the others. General
Smytlie, although '2,000 men were embarked, ready
to proceed, ordered a postponement of the expedition.
Sunday, 29th of November, another order for embarka-
tion, and another postponement came. Then General
Smythe, bethinking himself no doubt, of General
Brock's method at Detroit, sent a flag of truce, and a
summons to Colonel Bishopj), commandant of Fort
Erie, to surrender the fort, and so avoid further l)l()od-
shed. Colonel Bishopp sarcastically replied, " Let
your general (!ome and take it." This, however, the
doughty American did not consider prudent to attempt,
but thought it his duty, as he says in his despatch, " to
follow the cautious counsels of experience, and not
precipitation."

On the 1st December, his troops were embarked,
only waiting the word of (iomm.ciMi to proceed, when
he gave orders instead, to disembark, as the invasion
of (Janada was abandoned for the season. It is but
justi(!e to tlie Americans to say that they were dis-
gusted with their cowardly commander. Goncn-al

104

Ti:n Years ok Uppkr Canada.

iii

ii'

I't ■

U I :

■ 1 ■

Porter's aooount (American) says, 4,000 men dis-
banded, firing tlioir niuskots in every direction.
General Siiiythe's excuse for his conduct was, tiiat ho
had not enou^di men, and could not d(^pend on those
he had. He also ac(!used (leneral Porter, the eon-
tractin<^ .•i<.;ent tor the army, of interested motives in
wisliin<,' the army to hv. in ('jinada, na he would not
then he obli'^ed to supply it ; as his present contract
was a losing one. However, that might l)e, the fates
were not proj)iti()us to the army of the Centre in the
year 1812.

Nor was the (Irand Army of the North much moro
fortunate. General Dearborn had 10,000 men under
his comnuind on the Lower Canadian frontier. He,
however, attempted nothing but a few unimi)ortynt and
unsuccessful skirmishes. Late in November, he deter-
nn'ned on a more ambitious enterprise. Major de
Salaberry connnanding the Canadian Voltigeurs, who
were guarding t!ie advanced posts on the line, received
intelligence that the Americans, 10,000 strong, were
advancing upon Odelltown. Tiiere was no time to ho
lost, and Major de Salaberry set a:>out strengthening
his position. The French-Canadians rallied on all
sides, to repulse the invaders ; the roads were barri-
caded with felled trees, and every post was guarded.
On the 20th November, at three in the morning, the
enemy, about 1,400 strong, were noticed fording the
Uiver Lacolle, ncr House's Point. Here there was a
log guard-house, which was set on lire by the Canadian

End of First Campaign, 1812.

1(55

guard, who, ke(3piiig up a brisk firing, vvitlidrcw. Tlie
Americans became confused in the (birkness, and iiied
on each other, maintaining tlieir siiicndiil contest tor
half an hour, whcni, tlie moon rising, their mistiiko
was revealed to them, and tli(\y retired in confusion to
Champhiin. Tlie whole Montrc^il district was now
roused. Sir George; Prevost called out all the militia
for active service, and so bold a front was displayed
that (Jeneral Dearborn, despairing of a successful
attack on Afontreal, retired with the Grand Army of
the North, to safe wint(n* (puirters at Plattsburg.

'I'hus closed the cainj)aign of 1H12.

The discomfiture of Generals Hull, Wadsworth,
Van Jlensscdaer and Smythe, had been complete.

Dearborn bad remain(!d inactive. Not a foot of
Canadian territory had becMi lost. T'ho invadcns had
not only been repulstul in cnery quarter, i)ut had lost,
for the time, a considerable portion of their own terri-
tory. Colonel Proctor still lu^ld Port Detroit and
the State of Michigan, aud the guns of Port Niagara
were sihuuuHl.

On December 291 h, tln^ I'arliament of Lower Canada
met, and tlu; Governor-tieneral in tlu; o[)eniiig Speech
expressed his satisfaction at the termination of the
iirst campaign, "in the complctif discomlitino of
the plans of the enemy for the c()n(pu'st of Uj)per
Canada, by the capture of Michillimackiua(; and De-
troit, and the surrender of the invading army with its
general ; the brilliant achievement at Queenston, and

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Ten Years of Uiter Canada.

other recent advantages gained over the enemy, both
in Lower and Upper Canada." In England, on the
last day of November, 1812, the Prince liegent, in
his Address to Parhament, congratulated the country
on the brave stand made in Canada,

The following letter gives an interesting description
of allairs in lJp})er Canada at the close of the year
1812. It is dated Toronto, not York, showing that
even then there was a clinging to the old name, wliicli
was destined to be the })ermanent one.

The letter gives an account of the affair at Black
Rock, on the 28th November, and also tells of the
preparations for the coming camj)aign that were
being made at York and elsewhere.

Volunteering was going on with vigour and patriotic
zeal.

To show the alacrity with which the youth of the
country Hew to arms, it may be mentioned that three
of the liidoiit boys had enlisted, the eldest only
twenty-one years old; what was done in this house-
hold was done in many a home tbroughout C/anada.

Letter from Tjicnirndnt TIiodkih (t. Rldoiif, (ifterivanh Deputy
Am'i»ilaitt-('o)tnnlHttarif-Cn'nt7'al, <liirhi(j the War. to fiia
Cuusln in ICtii/laud: —

ToiioNTo, Uri'KH Canada, Jananry hth, ISl,'}.

My Dear Betsey,- Five tedious months have
passed away since 1 bid you and all my young English
friends a long farewell. Our ('anadian wintcM- has set
in very severe, and here 1 am on the north shore of
Jjake Ontario, whose; great surface is frozen as far as

End of First Camfafgn, 1812.

1G7

the eye can reaoli, and appears like an immense desert
of snow. On the land side we are surronnded by a
forest of pines, IHO or 11)0 feet in lieiglit. The Five
Nation Indians, who have come down to the war, are
encamped on the skirts of the woods back of the town.
They keep us alive with their war dances, and make
the dark cedar woods echo with sava<^e yells.

The excellent nnisket your father presented mo
with has not seen any actual service fintlier than an
affair between the Roi/nl (Iconjc, and American tleet,
in which I hap))ened to be present, by ^'oing on board
to see my brother John, who is a midshipman, and
behaved himself very well on that day. I continued
in her, cruising on the lake, ten days, when we re-
turned to ))ort, and [ was obliged to tinisli my journey
by a march of 288 miles, along the banks of the lake,
with a knapsack aiul nuisket on my slioulder, and a
young Mississauga Indian for a companion.

My brother George and myself have the honour to
be Lieutenants in the 'J'oronto volunteers, and w(^ have
just returned from Niagara (where I joined them about a
month ago) to this places where we sjiend our winter.
"Wide awake" is the word for the spring. Great
preparations are making on both sides for an active
campaign next summer. The Americans, in order to
secuie the command of our great inland seas, have
upon this lake a naval forc(» of two frigates of thirty-
six guns, a brig of war and corvette, of eighteen guns
each, and sixteen Ikmivv armed schooners, besidc^s
two frigates on liake Erie and another on Lake
Huron, which will all begin to act upon us about
the Ist of May next, when the winter brcjiks and
navigation opens. On our part, we have two largo
frigates on the stocks in this town, at which KH)
workmen are employcHl. They will be rigged and
finished, notwithstanding th(^ cold weather, in twelve
weeks, and are to be manmul by 500 olhcers and
seamen from Halifax, who are now on their way

:) H

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Tkn Years ok Uppkr Canada.

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throu^di the woods to this country. At Kiiij^ston, the
eastern end of Ontario, wo have two corvettes of
twenty j,'uns each and are biiihhn^^ a third. Upon
Lake Erie we have anotlier frigate on the stocks.

The Americans have 2,000 seaman u})on the lakes
of Canada, one-tliird of wlujm are J3ritish. Tlie
transportation of heavy guns, rigging, anchors and
otlier naval stores for these new ships, is very expen-
sive to (jovernmc^nt, as they are drawn by horses over
the snow from Qliebec, a distance of 7(J0 or 800
miles, a greater ])art of wliicii is through the woods.
Messages and deputies have been sent to all the
Indian tribes within 1,000 miles, to come down to the
war by tlie montii of A])ril next.

In a proclamation, which (ieneral Smythe lately
Hjade to his Yankee army at Niagara, he oilers forty
dollars reward for every Indian scalp, and orders death
to every Canadi'in found lighting beside a savage warrior;
but his threats are laughed at, and will only be re-
taliated on his (nvn men. On the 2Hth November last
he sent 400 men across the river, about thirty-two
miles above Niagara, (Newark), who sur[)i'ised
and killed all our sohliers at two batteries and spiked
the guns. This was three hours before daylight, when
Captain McAntire formed some men of the 4Uth and a
few militia, and immediately charged through th'-m
when they broke an<l lied to the river and were made
prisoners. At daylighl, 1,000 more in thirteen
large boats came over. Not a shot was lired until they
came within one hundred yards, when our nieno[Hmed
six lield-pieces and a stream of musketry upon them,
which suidv three boats in a minute. The icmaining
ten, terribly cut up, rowed witlun forty feet of our
shore, and cried for (piarter wliich was refuscul ; and
they were forced to r(!turn untler a seven; tire, that
killed and wounded upwards of liv(^ hundred of their
number and struck such a paiii(! in the great General
Smythe, that he disembarked (3,000 troops, out of

End of First Campaign, 1812.

169

Mil,

)iir
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loir
iral
of

113 large boats and scows, who in a few minutes
were about to follow their forlorn hope. The
reason he gave was, that the militia could not be
trusted, which was no sooner known than 3,000
men marched oflf by companies to their respec-
tive homes, firing every round in the air, and threaten-
ing to put their general to death for the insult offered
their courage. Since that time his camp is l)roken up,
and the regulars gone into winter quarters. The
American Cxovcrnment pay their private soldiers ten
dollars per month, besides allowances. As an induce-
ment for men to enlist, they each receive a grant of
two hundred acres of land in Upper (lanada, and the
whole country is to l)o given up for plunder or booty,
as they term it. 'V\w British troops receive but three
and one (puirter dollars per montii, with which they
are more comfortaijle. Last night a poor sentinel
froze to death at his i)ost in three ([uarters of an hour.
One of our frigates is laid on the keel of a tifty-gun
ship.

P.S. — We have just heard that General Dearborn,
with 18,000 men, is within two days march of our
Niagara frontier, we all expect to be ordered to-morrow
from this side of the lak(> to Niagara, when our whole
force will amount to 7,000 men, the greater part militia.
The Yankee gen(;ral, Harrison, who invaded the Indian
country with 0,000 men, has been defeated by the
Indians of the Wabash, and his whole army destroyed.

The affair of the Ri>>/(i/ (ieoiujc, mentioned in the
letter, took place on the 9th November, 1812, off
Kingston harbour. Commodort* (Uiaunce}' . command-
ing the Oneida, with a fleet of seven vessels, lay in
wait off the " Ducks," on the 8th November, for the
Royal George, Captain l'i)pham, of twenty-six guns,

the Duke of Gloucester, ten guns, and the Prince
12

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170

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

S i\'

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III

Regent, fourteen guns, who were returning from Fort
(leorge.

These vessels got safely into the Bay of Quinte, and
during the night, i)roceeded towards Kingston har-
hour, whither the (-oinniodore followed them on the
morning of the Dth November. A tierce engagement
of two hours took place, hut the tire from the lloy<d
George and the Kingston batteries, proving too hot,
the American vessels sailed back to Sackett's Harbour.
On the way, the Oneida fell in with the Earl of Moira
escorting a sloop, containing General Brock's private
effects, silver, etc. These were taken, but were hon-
ourably restored to his cousin and secretary, Captain
Brock. Commodore Isaac Ciiauncey, whose name
will appear very frequently in these chronicles, was, at
the time of the breaking out of the war, in charge of
the navy-yard at Brooklyn, New York.

The skrimish with the Royal George on the 9tli
November, 1812, was his first appearance as the com-
mander of a 8(juadron.

Joini Hidout, who bore himself so well on that excit-
ing day, was then but fourteen years old. He served
as midshipman for a year, but was made prisoner at
the taking of York, in April, 1813. He was then, with
other militia prisoners, placed on parole.

He escaped the perils of the three years' war, to
meet a tragic death, in 1817, in a duel, almost the last
fought in Upper (.anada. The duel was occasioned
by a quarrel with a former friend, ten years his senior.

End of P'irst Campaign, 1812.

171

til
III-

\
k

The fatal encounter took place in a field on the west
side of Yonge Street, in what is, at the present day,
the centre of Toronto.

In the old churchyard of St. James' Cathedral,
whose quiet is now invaded by the busy hum of a great
city, the young midshipman sleeps, beside his old
father. The stone that marks his resting-place,
blackened by time, and half covered with the mould
of three-quarters of a century, bears this inscription: —

In memory of

JOHN RID OUT,

Son of Thus. Ridout, Surveyor-General.

His filial affection, enga{);ing manners and nobleness of mind
gave early promise of future excellence. Thi.s promise he
gallantly fulfilled by his brave, active and enterprising conduct,
which gained the praise of his superiors while serving as mid-
shipman in the Provincial Navy during the late war. At the
return of peace he commenced with ardour the study of the law
and with the fairest prospects, but a Mifrht came, and he was
consigned to an early grave, on the 12th day of July, 1817,
aged 18, deeply lamented by all who knew him.

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172

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

CHAPTER XIII.

SECOND CAMPAIGN, 1813 — FRENCHTOWN, OGDENSBURG, YORK.

The information contained in the letter of the 5th
January, that General Harrison's army had been
destroyed by the Indians on the western frontier, was
not correct. Prol)ably an exaggerated report of some
American reverses had reached York.

General Harrison, afterwards President of the
United States, and grandfather of the present Presi-
dent, was the most formidable of the generals then
charged with the invasion of Canada. General Dear-
born now, at the op( ning of the campaign of 1813,
commanded in person the army of the Centre, from
Buffalo, Lake Erie, to Sackett's Harbour, at the lower
end of Lake Ontario. The army of the North, on
Lake Champlain, was commanded l)y General Hamp-
ton, while Generals Harrison and Winchester shared
the command of the army of the west, from Buffalo
westward as far as the British frontier extended.
These generals were to attempt tiie ^capture of
Michigan, still held by the British yops under
Proctor, in allianciB with the Indians under Tecumseh.
For this purpose, General Winchester, with about

Sfxond Campaign, 1813.

178

►

1,000 men, advanced from the Miami river, and pro-
ceeded to take possession of Frenchtown, on the River
Raisin, about twenty miles south of Detroit. The
capture of the place was easily effected, as it was only
occupied by a small body of Canadian (Essex) militia,
and some Indians. As soon as Colonel Proctor, then
at Maiden, heard of the capture of Frenchtown, he
collected his troops, consisting of about 600 regulars
and militia, and 200 Indians, and marched with haste
to dislodge the Americans. At daylight, on the 22nd
January, 1818, the attack began. Such was its im-
petuosity that in half an hour the left wing of the
American force was driven from its position, and its
retreat cut off by the Indians. General Winchester
was taken prisoner by a Wyandot Chief (Roundhead),
and sent to Colonel Proctor.

The left wing of the Americans was then attacked,
and after a stubborn resistance, capitulated. The
prisoners of war were upwards of 600.

Charges were made by the Americans that the
prisoners at Frenchtown, or Riviere aux Raisins, were
inhumanly massacred. No doubt atrocities were
committed by the Indians in spite of the efforts of
their chiefs, who are said to have behaved well. A
paper of 2nd February {Chilicothe Journal) says,
" Those who had surrendered on the field were taken
prisoners, those who attempted escape were toma-
hawked."

Major Richardson, of the 41st, gives the following

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description of the appearance of the Indians as they
marched beside their white allies : —

No other sound than the measured step of the
troops interrupted the solitude of the scene, rendered
more imposing by the appearance of the warriors,
whose bodies, stained and painted in the most frightful
manner for the occasion, glided by us with almost
noiseless velocity ; some painted white, some blark,
others half black and half red, half black and half
white ; all with their hair plastered in such a way as
to resemble the bristling quills of the porcupine, with
no other covering than a cloth around their loins, yet
armed to the teeth with rifles, tomahawks, war clubs,
spears, bows and arrows, and scalping knives. Utter-
ing no sound, and intent on reaching the enemy
unperceived, they might have passed for the spectres
of those wilds — the ruthless demons which war had
unchained for the punishment and oppression of men.

Colonel Proctor says, in his despatch to Sir G,
Prevost : —

After suffering, for our numbers, a considerable loss,
the enemy's force posted in houses and enclosures,
which from dread of falling into the hands of the
Indians, they most obstinately defended, at length
surrendered at discretion ; the other part of their
force in attempting to retreat by the way they came,
were, I believe, all, or with very few exceptions,
killed by the Indians.

The next affair of importance was Colonel Mc-
Donell's brilliant and successful attack on Ogdena-
burg.

During the winter skirmishing parties from the
garrison at Ogdensburg had crossed the frozen St.

Second Campaign, 1813.

175

St.

Lawrence, there only about a mile in width, and had
committed numerous depredations, even carrying off,
it is said, on one occasion fifty inhabitants of the
neighbourhood of Prescott as prisoners.

About seven o'clock on the morning of the 22nd
February, 1813, Colonel McDonell crossed the ice
with a force consisting of 480 regulars and militia,
advanced under a heavy fire from the American fort,
and drove the enemy's infantry to the woods.

The gallant colonel of the Glengarries tells the
story of the fight as follows : —

My force consisted of about 480 regulars and militia,
and was divided into two columns ; the right com-
manded by Captain Jenkins, of the Glengarry Light^
Infantry Fencibles, was composed of his own flanb^
company, and about seventy militia ; and from the
state of the ice, and enemy's position in the old French
fort, was directed to check liis left, and interrupt his
retreat, while I moved on with the left column, con-
sisting of 120 of the King's regiment, forty of the lioyal
Newfoundland, and about 200 militia, towards his
position in the town, where he had posted his heavy
field artillery.

The depth of the snow retarded, in some degree, the
advance of both columns, and exposed them, particu-
larly the right, to a heavy cross-fire from the batteries
ot the enemy, for a longer period than I had expected ;
but pushing on rapidly after the batteries began to
open up on us, the left cohnnn soon gained the right
bank of the river, under the direct fire of the enemy's
artillery and line of musketry posted on an eminence
near the shore. Moving on rapidly my advance, con-
sisting of the detachment of the lioyal Newfoundland
and some select militia, I turned his right with the

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176

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

detachment of the King's regiment, and after a few
discharges from his artillery took them with the
bayonet, and drove his infantry through the town,
some escaping across the Black river into the fort.

The majority fled to the woods, or sought refuge
in the houses, from whence they kept up such a galling
fire, that it was necessary to dislodge them with our
field-pieces, which now came up from the bank of the
river, where they had stuck on landing in the deep
snow.

Having gained the high ground on the brink of
the Black river opposite the fort, I prepared to carry
it by storm, but the men being quite exhausted, I pro-
cured time for them to recover breath, by sending in a
summons requiring an unconditional surrender.*

During these transactions, Captain Jenkins had
gallantly led on his column, and had been exposed to
a heavy fire of seven guns, which he bravely attempted
to take with the bayonet, though covered with 200 of
the enemy's best troops.

Advancing as rapidly as the deep snow and the
exhausted state (in consequence) of his men would
admit, he ordered a charge, and had not proceeded
many paces when his left arm was broken to pieces by
a grape shot ; but still undauntedly running on with
his men, he almost immediately after was deprived of
the use of his right arm by a discharge of case shot ;
still heroically disregarding all personal considerations,
he nobly advanced cheering his men to the assault till
exhausted by pain and loss of blood he became unable
to move.

His company gallantly continued the charge
under Lieutenant Macaulay ; but the reserve not
being able to keep up with them they were compelled
by the great superiority of the enemy to give way,

*The message sent was : "If you surrender, it shall be well ; if not,
every man shall be put to the bayonet." Forsythe's answer was : "Tell
Colonel McDonell there must be more fighting done first." (Lossing).

i f

Second Campaign, 1813.

177

leaving a few on a commanding position, and a few
of the most advanced in the enemy's possession, nearly
about the time that I gained the height above men-
tioned.

The enemy hesitating to surrender, I instantly
carried his eastern battery, and by it silenced another
which opened again, and ordering on the advance the
detachment of the King's and the Highland company
of militia, under Captain Eustace, of the King's regi-
ment, he gallantly rushed into the fort ; but the enemy
retreating by the opposite entrance escaped into the
woods, which I should effectually have prevented if my
Indian warriors had returned sooner from a detached
service on which they had that morning been em-
ployed.

The spoils taken in this affair were eleven pieces of
cannon, all the ordnance, marine, commissariat, and
quarter-master-general's stores, four officers and
seventy rank and file prisoners, also two armed
schooners and two large gun-boats which were burnt.
The loss was : One sergeant, seven rank and file
killed ; one field officer, two captains, five subalterns,
four sergeants, forty rank and file wounded.

Many are the names mentioned in the despatch
as conspicuous for gallant conduct on that day.
Among others Lieutenant Macaulay, afterwards Sir J.
B. Macaulay, Chief Justice of Upper Canada. He
served throughout the war, and also distinguished
himself at Oswego, Lundy's Lane and Fort Erie.

His regiment, the Glengarries, was a Highland
Catholic regiment composed of men, who, under the
leadership of Alexander McDonell, priest of the clan

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178

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

of Glengarry, had emigrated from Scotland to Canada
in 1803. They settled in the Eastern district, where
they obtained, through the influence of their devoted
friend and leader, a grant of 160,000 acres of land.

When Canada was threatened with invasion, in
1812, Alexander McDonell with his kinsman, George
McDonell, the hero of Ogdensburg, formed a regiment
called the Glengarry Light Infantry Fencibles, whose
soldiers fought for their adopted land as their fore-
fathers of old had fought for bonny Scotland. Lieu-
tenant-Colonel George McDonell, known also among
the Highlanders as "Red George," who was in command
at the taking of Ogdensburg, distinguished himself in
many another fight, notably at Chateauguay.

The fighting chaplain, Alexander McDonell,
always accompanied his regiment into the field, and
where " ' Maighster Alastair ' led, there never foot
went back." He became afterwards the first Catholic
diocesan Bishop of Kingston, and lived to a good
old age.

John McDonell, aide-de-camp and military secre-
tarv to General Brock, who met his death on the
lieights of Queenston, was another kinsman of the
Bishop's.

Parliament met at York, on the 25th February,
1813 — and now, instead of the lamented Brock, it was
General lioger Hall Sheaffe, who opened it as Presi-
dent.

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Second Campaign, 1813.
His speech reads : —

179

It affords me satisfaction that the first time I am
called upon to address you in this place, I have to
offer you my cordial congratulations on the uniform
success which has crowned His Majesty's arms in this
Province. The enemy has heen foiled in repeated
attempts to invade it. Three of his armies have been
surrendered or completely defeated, and two important
fortresses wrested from hini. In this glorious campaign
tlie valour and discipline of His Majesty's regular
troops have been nobly supported by the zeal and
bravery of our loyal militia.

In April, 1813, the ice broke up at Sackett's Har-
bour, where the American squadron, under Commo-
dore Chauncey, had wintered.

A plan was organized by General Dearborn, in
which he proposed, in co-operation with the fleet, to
take possession of Little York, the capital of Upper
Canada, and to proceed thence to the assault of Fort
George, the bulwark of the Niagara peninsula.

At that time there were only a few Canadian vessels,
on the lake, and these were badly manned, and ill-
provided.

Sir James Yeo, with a reinforcement of English
seamen, did not arrive until May, 1818. The fort at
York was not strong enough to defend the town, and
besides, the majority of the fighting force of Upper
Canada were at Fort George, and scattered along the
western frontier. About 200 militia, 300 regular
troops and 100 Indians, were all that could be mustered

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180

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

for the defence of the place, whose only inhabitants
were old men, women and children.

No doubt the lake was anxiously scanned each
morning to see what vessels were in sight.

In Surveyor-General Ridout's diary for 1813, there

are numerous jottings of passing events. The first

entry is : * —

York, Monday, 26th April.

At four p.m. the enemy's fleet was reported to be
about twenty miles from hence, and apparently com-
ing hither.

Tuesdai/, 21th April. — At seven this morning,
enemy's fleet came to anchor off the garrison, and be-
gan firing and landing men. There were fourteen
vessels, had above 1,000 seamen and 2,000 troops on
board, and carrying upwards of 100 guns. We had to
oppose them only five guns, 300 regulars and 208
militia.

The approach of the fleet being discovered from the
garrison at York, Gen. Sheaffe, who was at that time
in command there, hastily collected his whole force,
consisting of less than 700 regulars and militia, and some
Indians, and disposed them in the best way to resist
the landing of the American force. The Grenadier com-
pany of the 8th regiment was paraded on the shore of
the Humber Bay, very near to what is now the entrance
to High Park. The Indians, under the command of
Colonel Givins, were placed in groups, in and about

* This diary is written on the blank pages of an ahnanac, whose title-page
bean this inscription: "The Quebec Almanac, for the year 1813, bein^i^
the first after Leap Year. Printed and sold by J. Neilson."

Second Campaign, 1813.

181

the woods. Strong field-works had also been thrown
up towards the town. The Indians were intended to
act as sharpshooters, and were to annoy the Ameri-
cans at the point where the wind would allow them to
land.

Commander Chauncey, of the American fleet, says
in his letter to the Secretary of the Navy, of the 28th
April, 1813 :—

U. S. Ship Madison, olF York.

We arrived here yesterday morning and took a posi-
tion about one mile to the south and westward of the
enemy's principal fort, and as near the shore as we
could with safety to our vessels. The place fixed
upon by the Major- General and myself for landing the
troops, was the site of the old French fort, Toronto.
The debarkation commenced at eight o'clock in the
morning, and was completed about ten. The wind
blowing heavy from the eastward, the boats fell
to the leeward of the position fixed upon, and were in
consequence exposed to a galling fire from the enemy,
who had taken a position in a thick wood near where
the first troops landed.

Major Forsythe, with his riflemen in several large
bateaux, were the first to land.

General Pike, who was watching the boats from the
ship, saw his troops pause under the hot shower of
bullets, and springing into the boat reserved for him-
self and staff, pushed off for the shore, closely fol-
lowed by three companies of the 15tli American regi-
ment, under Mp'"or King. Before he reached it,
Forsythe with his men had landed, and was alread}-

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182

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

engaged with the principal part of the British troops
and Indians under the immediate command of Gene-
ral Sheaffe. A hot contest followed, and the Cana-
dians vainly endeavoured from the bank, to keep the
invaders at bay. With the small number of troops at
Sheafife's command, resistance was almost useless.
The Glengarry corps fought vahantly with Forsythe's
brigade, contesting every inch of the way, while the
Grenadier company of the 8th made a formidable
charge on the American cohimn. Another reinforce-
ment now arrived from the ships, rendering the situa-
tion of the Canadian force more liopeless than before.
They were compelled to retire towards the fort, fight-
ing all the way. The Americans, having landed all
their troops, were ordered to march on the retreating
force, who were making their way to the garrison.

The invading column marched on, the artillery
crossing with difficulty the little streams that inter-
sected the road along the lake. The Canadians
attempted, at their first battery, to check their
advance, but without success. The enemy still moved
on, and our men retreated to the second battery, at
about 300 yards distant from the garrison. Here they
spiked the guns.

Commander Chaunceifs letter says : —

As soon as the troops were landed, I directed the
schooners to take a position near the forts, in order
that the attack upon them might be simultaneous.
The schooners were obliged to beat up to their posi-

iii!

Second Campaign, 1813.

183

tion, which they did in a very handsome order, under
a very heavy fire from the enemy's batteries, and took
a position within about 600 yards of their principal
fort, and opened a heavy cannonade, which did great
execution.

In the meantime General Pike had come up to the
second battery, and halted there, while he sent forward
a corps to discover what was going on in the garrison,
as every appearance indicated its evacuation. This
was, indeed, the case. General Sheaffe and the regulars
were making their way tow^ards the Don in rapid flight
to Kingston. While the corps of observation were re-
turning, there was a sudden explosion of a powder
magazine, just outside the barrack yard, which
brought dire destruction to both victors and vanquished.
How it happened is still shrouded in mystery, and
many are the conflicting reports. The Americans
accused the British General of a deliberate plot to
annihilate their whole force on their entrance to the
deserted garrison. That this was not the case, seems
borne out by the fact that about 100 of our men were
killed and wounded by the explosion. The Americans
lost by it about 250 men, among them General Pike.
In consequence of his death, the command of the
American troops devolved for a time upon Colonel
Prince. At two in the afternoon, the American flag
was substituted for the British, and at four General
Dearborn (who had landed on hearing of General Pike's
fall) was in quiet possession of the town.

Before evacuating the place, General Sheaff"e had

184

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

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ordered the destruction of the new ship, then on the
stocks and nearly finished.

The only vessel taken, was the Dul-e of Gloucester,
then lying in the harbour for repairs. The Prince Be-
gejit had fortunately left for Kingston on the 24th, and
so escaped capture.

General Sheaffe in his official report says, that the
contest was maintained nearly eight hours ; showing
that, though defeate a stubborn resistance had been
made.

General Sheaffe was blamed for his precipitate
retreat, but it is difficult to say what other course lay
before him. The Americans were three to one. He
had no large guns. The fort was rendered untenable
by the bombardment from the ships. If he had
remained to surrender with the militia he would
undoubtedly have been sent with his regular troops to
some American prison, while he knew the custom was
in the case of the militia, to merely place them on
parole.

Among the names of those who were on this occa-
sion made prisoners of war are : — Lieutenant-Colonel
Chewett, Major Allan, Captains John Wilson, John
Button, Peter Robinson, Reubsn Richardson, John
Arnold, James Fenwick, Duncan Cameron, David
Thompson, John Robinson, Samuel Ridout, Thomas
Hamilton, William Jarvis, Quarter-Master Charles
Baynes ; Lieutenants John H. Schultz, George
Mustard, Robert Stanton, George Ridout, William

Second Campaign, 1813.

186

Jarvis, Ed. McMahon, John Wilson, Eli Playter ;
Ensigns Andrew Thompson, Andrew Mercer, James
Chewett, Charles Denison, George Robinson, D'Arcy
Bonlton.

The following letter gives some further account of
what happened after the capitulation : —

Letter from Thomas G. Ridout : —

Kingston, May 5th, 1813

I left York or Sunday, the 2nd inst., at noon, at
which time the American fleet, consisting of the
Madison, Oneida, and ten schooners, with the Glouces-
ter, were lying at anchor about two miles from the
garrison, wind-bound by a south-east wind. All their
troops were embarked the evening before, excepting a
small party, who burnt the large blockhouse, govern-
ment house and otticers' quarters. At nine in the
morning a naval officer came down to town and
cjllectfd ten men out of the taverns where they had
been all night.

The commissariat magazines were shipped the pre-
ceding days. The lower blockhouse and government
buildings were burnt on Saturday. Major Givins' and
Dr. Powell's houses were entirely plundered by the
enemy, and some persons from the Humber. Jackson
and his two sons, and Ludden, the butcher, had been
riding through the country ordering the militia to come
iu and be put on their parole,

Duncan Cauieron delivered all the money in the
Keceiver-General's hanis (to the amount as I under-
stand of .£2,500) over to Captain p]lliot of the Ameri-
can navy, the enemy having threatened to burn the
town if it was not given up.

On Friday, the thirtieth, the Chief Justice, Judge
Powell, my father (Thos. Kidout), Dr. Strachan and
Duncan Cameron, called upon General Dearborn, re-

mm:

m •

186

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

questing he would allow the magistrates to retain their
authority over our own people. Accordingly, he issued
a general order saying it was not his intention to de-
prive the magistracy of its civil functions, that they
should be supported, and if any of the United States
troops committed any depredation, a strict scrutiny into
it should follow. The gaol was given up to the
sheriff, but no prisoners. The public provincial papers
were found out, but ordered to be protected, so that
nothing was destroyed, excepting the l)ooks, papers,
records and furniture of the upper and lower Houses of
Assembly. It was said that they had destroyed our
batteries and taken away the cannon. The barracks
were not burnt. The American officers said their force
on the 27th was 3,000 land force and 1,000 seamen
and marines, and that their loss was 500 killed and
wounded.

lii i ;

' I : :

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i8i3. — Fort George, Sacketts Harbour, Etc. 187

CHAPTER XIV.

1813. FORT GEORGE, SACKETT's HARBOUR, HTONEY CREEK,

BEAVER DAMS.

On the 2nd of May, 1813, the Aiiieiicans evacuated
York. Commodore Chauncey lirst couveyed General
Dearborn and his hind force to Fort Niagara, where a
large body of American troops were then stationed,
and then, with his fleet, returned to Sackett's Harbour,
bearing with him the wounded from York, and the
stores captured there. After a short time spent in re-
titting the fleet and obtaining reinforcements, the
Commodore sailed back to assist in the assault of Fort
George. The American land force at Niagara was
then about 6,000, under General^ Dearborn, Lewis,
Boyd, Winder and Chandler. Their fleet on Lake
Ontario consisted of fifteen vessels with fifty-nine guns.
•To oppose them. General Vincent, in command at
Fort George, had but a force of 1,400 men, composed
of eight companies of the 49th and detachments from
the 8th, the 41st Glengarries and Newfoundland corps,
with 350 militia and some artillery. The right divi-
sion was commanded by Lieutenant- Colonel Harvey,
from Fort George to Brown's Point, near Queenston ;

188

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

'i ■;■

the left, to Four Mile Creek, was commanded by
Colonel Myers ; the centre division at the fort, by
General Vincent. Five of the twenty-four pounders
taken at Detroit had been brought to the Niagara
frontier, four of which had been mounted at Fort
George ; the fifth was on the shore, near what was
afterwards Fort Mississauga. On each side of the
river, between Fort George and Queenston, were
batteries, scarcely a mile apart. On the evening of
the 26th May, 1813, Commodore Chauncey began can-
nonading the fort, but owing to his scanty supply of
powder. General Vincent did not return the fire.
Early on the morning of the 27th, the bombardment
began again, and under cover of a dense fog, which
hid then] until within fifty yards of the shore, the
Americans approached, and efi'ected a landing on the
lake-side of the town.

A stubborn defence was made by the brave little
garrison, but in vain. The lieavy cannonade from
Fort Niagara, and from the American fleet wrought
sad havoc within Fort George. After three hours'
hot figliting, when almost every gunner was disabled,
and resistance was no longer possible. General Vincent
spiked his guns, destroyed the magazine, and retired
on liiurlington Heights, by way of Queenston.

It would liave been an easy matter for the Ameri-
cans now, to have hemmed in and annihilated General
Vincent's little army, reduced as it was, by the loss of
400 men, but General Dearborn let the opportunity

ill!'

1813.— Fort George, Sackett's Harbour, Etc. 189

3ri-

ral

ity

I 3

slip by, and Vincent effected his retreat to Burlington
Heights unharassed. Colonel Cecil Bisshopp, who was
stationed at Fort Erie, and Major Ormsby at Chip-
pewa, with their detachments, were ordered to join
the retreating force. The whole Niagara frontier was
now defenceless, and at the mercy of the Americans.

We are told that many were the scenes of sorrow
and distress as the little a^my passed on, leaving
behind them the unprotected women and children,
who expected the Americans would take possession of
the land, and drive them from their homes.

Referring to the defence of the Niagara frontier,
Thomson says : —

Such was the spirited earnestness of both officers
and men at the batteries, that when, in the most
tremendous of the bombardment, they had fired away
all their cartridges, they cut up their flannel waistcoats
and shirts, and the soldiers their trousers, to supply
their guns.

No wonder we read that, after the retreat from
Fort George, the army were destitute of clothing,
without shoes, and as an officer writes to the Com-
mander-in-Chief, in rags.

On the day of the capture of Fort George, another
disaster befell the British arms at the eastern end of
Lake Ontario.

Sir James Yeo had just arrived at Kingston with
500 English seamen, and Sir George Prevost thought
it would be a good time, in the absence of Commodore
Chauncey at Niagara, to make a descent on Sackett's

^mmmmmmmmmmmmmm

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190

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

Harbour and destroy the naval stores there. It was a
well-planned design, but unfortunately was not well
carried out. On the 27th May, the expedition, con-
sisting of about 1,000 men, four frigates, some gun-boats
and bateaux set out from Kingston, and succeeded
in capturing some boats from Oswego, with troops
on board.

Sir George Prevost's over caution delayed the attack
until the following morning, by which time. General
Brown, in command at Backett's Harbour, was able to
make preparations for defence. About 500 American
militia were placed on Horse Island, guarding the
entrance to the harbour.

The British troops succeeded, however, in landing
on the morning of the 29th May, under cover of a
heavy fire from their boats.

They advanced towards the fort, and were met by
about 400 American regulars and soiue militia, under
Colonel Backus. A sharp contest ensued. The
American colonel was killed and part of his troops
fled. Unfortunately, at this moment, Sir George
Prevost imagined that he had fallen into a snare, and
that the retreating Americans were really executing
a masterly manceuvre, and were about to hem him in.
He, therefore, nnich to the chagrin of his troops,
ordered an immediate retreat to the boats, and the
fleet returned ingloriously to Kingston. The only
damage done was by the Americans themselves, for,
thinking they were about to capitulate, they had set
on fire the naval magazine (containing all the stores

1813.— Fort George, Sackett's Harbour. Etc. 191

captured at York), the hospital, the barracks, and a
frigate on the stocks.

The British loss in this disastrous expedition was
one officer and forty-seven men killed, and about 200
wounded and missing.

In Mr. Kidout's diary is this entry : —

Saturda?/, May 29th, 1813. — Our attempt upon
Sackett's Harbour failed.

To return now to the Niagara frontier. General
Vincent reached Burlington Heights on the evening
of the 29th May, and immediately picquets were
placed, and reconnoitring parties sent out to watch
for the expected advance of the Americans. They
had not long to wait.

Generals Winder and Chandler were despatched in
pursuit, with about 3,000 men, including cavalry and
artillery. They halted first at the Twenty-Mile Creek
(Jordan), where they received the incorrect informa-
tion that Vincent was in a strong position at Burling-
ton Heights,* and had received reinforcements from
Kingston.

* Burlington Heiglits, where (ieneral Vincent found a safe retreat, form
the extreme western end of Burlington Bay, a picturescjue inlet at the
western extremity of Lake Ontario, wliicli is now the harbour of the
city of Hamilton. General Vincent's entrenchments were partly in what is
at the present day Hamilton cemetery, and partly in the grounds of Dundurn
Castle, now tlie residence of Senator Maclnries. A curi(jus eye may still
trace the earthworks. The Heights tlien (1812) were neither excavated
by a railway, nor pierced, as now, by the Des Jardins Canal. The only
access to them was over an isthmus defended by field-works. On one side
a stone could have been dnjpped sheer a hundred feet into Burlington
Bay ; on the other side into a deep marsh. (" Picturesqiie Canada.")

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192

Ten Years of Upper Canada

The Americans proceeded on their march, and
arrived towards the evening of the 5th June, 1813, at
Stoney Creek, about seven miles from General Vin-
cent's lines, at Burlington.

Stoney Creek was scarcely a village, for there were
only a few scattered houses, some taverns, and an old
church on the hill side, one of the oldest in the Pro-
vince.* "The clattering of cavalry hoofs, the clanking
of swords, the heavy rattle of artillery, and the long,
strange array of invading soldiers as they filed along
the narrow road, struck the few inhabitants of the
hamlet with wonder and astonishment. It was soon
whispered that a battle was to be fought the next day."

And now the American soldiers lay down to take
their much-needed rest. It had been a hot, sultry day,,
and the march had been long and fatiguing. Their
camp was pitched on a plain surrounded by gentle
slopes, and watered by a bright, clear stream.

The cannon were planted in a position to sweep the
road towards Burlin^^)n Heights. On each side,
near the road, the artillerymen slept beside their guns.
Behind them were the cavalry. In advance of the
rest, a party of fifty, took possession of the old church.
The settlers in the vicinity were held as prisoners, lest
they should carry any information to General Vincent.
The weary and exhausted men lay with their arms in
readiness beside them, and soon darkness closed over
the sleeping camp.

* Demoliahed in 1871.

l:k

1813. — Fort George, Sackett's Hafbour, Etc. 198

A few miles away, on the Heights, were Vincent's
soldiers, and it seenied as if the morning light would
bring to them annihilation or retreat.

York had been taken ^ a powerful fleet was on the
lake to oppose them. There were no supplies to be
had, and there were but ninety rounds of ammunition
to each man. Under these circumstances, a night
attack with the bayonet, was proposed by Colonel
Harvey* and agreed to by General Vincent.

\V. H. Merritt, who commanded a Canadian cavalry
troop, and had been engaged in reconnoitring the
position of the enemy, writes : —

All my hopes depended on this bold enterprise, for
had we not attacked them they would have advanced
the next morning, and in all probability we would have
retired without risking an action, as our force was not
one-third of theirs. Proctor and the whole upper
country would then have fallen.

* John Harvey, afterwards Sir John, the hero of Stoney Creek, was
born in 1778, entered the army as ensign in the 80th, in 1794. Served
through the campaign in Holland, 1794 ; at the Cape of Good Hope, 1796 ;
in Egypt, 1800 ; in India from 1803 to 1807 ; on active service all the
time.

In June, 1812, he was appointed Deputy Adjutant-General to the army
in Canada, and arrived in Halifax late in the year 1812.

The services of such an experienced veteran soldier were invaluable.

The advice he gave when asked by Sir George Prevost as to the best
method of defence for Canada was brief, but decided :

" First, by the accurate intelligence of the designs and movements of
the enemy, to be procured at any price ; and, secondly, by a series of bold,
active, offensive operations, by which the enemy, however superior in
numbers, would himself be thrown upon the defensive. "

Many years after the war he was Governor of New Brunswick, afterwards
Governor of Newfoundland, and finally. Governor of Nova Scotia, where
he died, 1852.

fy r

194

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

About seven hundred men were detached for the
dangerous enterprise, and to Colonel Harvey was given
the conduct of the attack.

At about half-past ten at night this little band of
heroic men started down the lonelv road eastward.
There was no moon, only at intervals heat lightning
lit up the scene. Not a word was spoken, not a sound
of any kind broke the stillness of the night. Even
their guns were ordered to be unloaded, lest a stray
shot should give the alarm.

They arrived in sight of the first American sentinel
at nearly two o'clock on Sunday morning, the 6th
June. To his challenge, the cold steel was the answer.
Another challenge from the next on guard, and again
the poor wretch was transfixed. His groans alarmed
the third sentinel, who challenged, fired and fled. Not
a moment was now to be lost. Colonel Harvey,
whose plans had been perfectly organi;^ed, instantly
ordered his men to deploy into line. He and Lieu-
tenant Fitzgibbon took the road straight ahead, Major
Plenderleath* of the 49th regiment, swept round to
the left, and Colonel Ogilvy of the 8th regiment, with
some of the 49th regiment, opened to the right. The
sentry at the church door was approached under the
shade of the trees, and killed, and the whole party in
the church were made prisoners.

* Lieutenant-Colonel Plenderleath was an estimable and courageous
officer of the 49th regiment. He served with conspicuous gallantry during
the War of 1812, but suffered severely from wounds received during the
struggle.

?:'l

1813. — Fort George, Sackett's Harbour, Etc. 195

Now came a scene of wild confusion. The excite-
ment of the attacking soldiers had been wrought up
by their enforced silence, and with terrific yells they
burst with fixed bayonets on the surprised Americans.

In a moment the flats and the hills were a scene of
wildest commotion. The Americans had, by this time,
recovered from their first confusion, and soon the dark
hill-side for nearly half a mile was illuminated by a
volley of their musketry.

Following the flash and crash came a silence, broken
only by the clanking of arms, and the groans of the
wounded and dying.

Then again came from the camp the roar of musketry
and shock of artillery, and the trees and tents were
lighted with the glare.

These two volleys did terrible execution among
Harvey's troops, and goaded them to fury.

In the darkness they got confused, but Colonel
Plenderleath soon rallied them, and as the order came
for another charge with the bayonet, the men dashed
forward on the guns. Five cannon with thirty men,
and one of the American generals were taken in this
fierce charge.

Colonel Ogilvy had just previously captured the
other general as he was coming out of a house, where
he had been rudely awakened from his slumbers.

Confusion now prevailed on all sides, and with the
loss of their guns and generals, the Americans decided
to retire from the field.

196

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

In the melee before the capture of the guns, about
fifty of the 49th regiment were taken prisoners.

It was so near dayhght that Colonel Harvey thought
it prudent to retire also, as the day would disclose the
insufficiency of his force, and so encourage the Ameri-
cans to renew the conflict.

A large body of the enemy reappeared at seven in
morning, and proceeded to destroy the provisions,
carriages, spare arms, and blankets, which they could
not take away with them in their flight. Their dead
they left to be buried by the Canadians, so side by
side on that field sleep friend and foe. Some were
buried where they had bivouacked the night before,
on a projecting point of the hill, east of the creek
and north of the road. Others sleep in the graveyard,
close to the spot where the old church stood. Gene-
ral Vincent's official report of the battle of Stoney
Creek says : —

The action terminated before daylight, when three
guns and one brass howitzer with three tumbrils, two
Brigadier-Generals, Chandler and Winder, and upwards
of 100 officers and privates remained in our hands.
The British loss : killed, one lieutenant, three ser-
geants, nineteen rank and file ; wounded, two majors,
five captains, two lieutenants, one ensign, one adju-
tant, one fort major, nine sergeants, two drummers
and 113 rank and file ; three sergeants and fifty- two
rank and file missing.

This was a large gulf in a force of 704 men, but
they had accomplished their purpose; and the mid-

1813. — Fort George, Sackett's Harbour, Etc. 197

night attack at Stoney Creek saved the country for
the time.

The Americans did not halt on their retreat until
they reached Forty-Mile Creek (Grimshy), where they
camped, but their inislbrtuncs were not yet complete.

Sir James Yeo with his squadron had sailed from
Kingston on the 3rd of June, and appeared at the
mouth of the creek at daylight on the 7th, and com-
menced firing at the American camp, which had
been reinforced by Generals Ijewis and Boyd. The
Americans got into a panic between the fire from the
ships and the appearance of some Indians on a hill
above the camp.

They decided to retire to Fort George, and left
behind, in their hasty flight, 500 tents, 100 stand of
arms, 140 barrels of flour, and about seventy wounded
men. Seventeen bateaux, laden with supplies for
the Americans, were also taken at the same time by
Sir James Yeo.*

After the brilliant success of Stoney Creek, there
was no further thought of retreat for Vincent's forces.
In fact the beseigers became the beseiged, and General
Dearborn's outposts and foraging parties were contin-
ually harassed by attacks from the various detachments
of British troops that now hemmed the invaders in at
Fort George. The defenders of Canada were few in
number, but their hearts were fired with patriotic zeal,

i J

*.)

* Entry in Mr. Ridout's diary: — Sunday, 6th June, Whitsunday. De-
feated the Americans at Stoney Creek.

ii '

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108

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

and they had leaders willing to do and dare everything.
Such men as Vincent and Harvey, and Cecil Bisshopp,
and Fitzgibbon, and Clark of the Lincoln militia, and
Merritt of the light cavalry, and Brant and De Sala-
berry, led their troops with such vigour and skill, that it
was impossible for the enemy, in spite of their immense
superiority in numbers, to obtain a foothold in the
country.

Another reverse came to the Americans soon after
their defeat at Stoney Creek, and this time it was a
woman's hand that brought them disaster, it a place
called Beaver Dams, or the Beechwoods, (about twelve',
miles in a direct road from Queenston), where now is
the town of Thorold, was a depot of provisions for the
Canadian troops, guarded by a detachment of thirty of
the 49th regiment under Lieutenant Fitzgibbon,* with
"some Indians and militia, in all about 200 men.

In order to surprise and dislodge this outpost, an
American force of 500 men, with fifty cavalry and two
field-pieces, under Colonel Boerstler, set out from Fort
George (Niagara) on the 23rd of June.

* Lieutenant Fitzgibbon, Adjutant of the 49th, enlisted as a private sol-
dier in 1798, was suon promoted to be sergeant ; served in Holland, was
drafted as a marine on board Nelson's squadron, fought at the battle of
Copenhagen, won his commission by merit. After the battle of Stoney
Creek, he obtained pernussion to organize an independent company of
picked men, to act as rangers or scouts in order to harass the enemy in ad-
vance of the army. Lieutenant Fitzgibbon distinguished himself at Fort
(Jeorge, Stoney Creek, Fort Erie, and especially at Beaver Dams. After
the war he became the Colonel of the 1st regiment of Toronto militia, and
Assistant Ad jut- c-General to the militia of Upper Canada. He ended his
long career in England as a military Knight of Windsor.

/-■

1 813. — Fort George, Sackett's Harbour, Etc. 109

A [.urprise was meditated, in retaliation, no donbt,
for the affair of Stoney Creek. Laura Secord, wife of
a Canadian farmer, who had been wounded in the
battle of Queenston Heights, accidentally heard of the
designs of the Americans, and determined to give the
outpost timely warning. She set out alone before day-
break on the 23rd June from her house at Queenston,
and arrived at Fitzgibbon's head-cjuarters, a stone
liouse known as De Cew's, near the Beaver Dams, at
sunset of the same day. On account of the Ameri-
can sentries and outposts, she had to avoid tlie high
road and beaten paths, thus making her toilsome
Journey nearly twice as long. In spite of weakness
and fatigue, this heroic woman went on her way
through pathless woods, over hill and dale and un-
bridged streams, till she reached her destination.

Her warning came just in time. Lieutenant Fitz-
gibbon disposed of his little force to the best advantage
possible, placing tlvnn in ambush on both sides of the
road, taking every precaution to make it appear that
he had a large force in reserve.

Between eight and nine of the morning of the 24th
June, the advance guard of the American riflemen
appeared. A volley from the woods received them and
emptied their saddles. Soon firing came from all
directions, and bugle calls, and " idian yells. The
bew'ildered Americans imagined themselves in the
presence of a much superior force. Finding his men
were losing heavily from the fire of the unseen foe,

200

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

V .'

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i('i

and that they were suffering from fatigue, and the
intense heat of the day, Colonel Boerstler directed a
general retreat upon the artillery in the rear. The
Indians raised an exultant yell, and the Americans fell
back in confusion. At this moment Lieutenant Fitz-
gibbon appeared with a white flag, and demanded the
surrender of the whole American force. Intimidated
by the bold request and wishing to avoid, as he
thought, the slaughter of his men, the American
colonel, who was also severely wounded, consented to
the terms offered. By the capitulation 542 men, two
field-pieces, some ammunition waggons, and the
colours of the 14th U. S. regiment were delivered
over to the Canadians.

The timely arrival of Major du Haren * from Twelve
Mile Creek, with a reinforcement for Fitzgibbon of 200
men, enabled the victors to guard their prisoners.

For this brilliant achievement Lieutenant Fitzgibbon
received his company and captain's commission.

As to Laura Record's reward, it has come to lier in
the fame that rests on her name whenever the story of
1812 is told.

The heroine lived until the year 18(38, and sleeps
now in that old cemetery at Drummondville, where lie
so many of our brave soldiers. There is no " Decora-

* 8hortly l)ef(>re the affair of Beaver Dams Major du Hareii had arrived
in Upper Canada with a reiiifurcenieut for General Vincent of two flank
cnmpanies of the l()4th or New Brunswick regiment, also a body of 340
Oaughnawaga Indiana from Lower Canada, comniandud by Captain
Ducharme and Lieutenant de Lorimier.

irrived
flunk
.f 340
iptiiiu

i»i3. — Fort George, Sackett's Harbour, Etc. 201

tion Day " in Canada, but if there were, surely this
woman is entitled to the laurel wreath.

After the disastrous events of the month of June,
General Dearborn resigned the command of the Ameri-
can army, and was succeeded by Generals Boyd and
Lewis .

Emboldened by success, the Canadians took up the
offensive, and numerous dashes were made into Atneri-
can territory; while Vincent, with only i,8()0 men,
beleaguered Fort George, where a force of about; 4,000
men were idly shut up, fearing to venture beyond the
range of their cannon .

Sickness had broken out among the American troops,
and disease was doing its work in reducing their
numbers.

On the 4th of July, 1813, a bold dash was made by
Colonel Clark ("ind Lincoln), with a small force of
Canadian militia from Chippewa, on Fort Schlosser.
He was successful in capturing the guard, and a large
quantity of provisions and ammimition. A week later
another dash before daylight was made by Colonel
(/Ccil Bisshopp and Colonel Clark, with about 250
men, on Black Hock, near Buffalo.

The Americans were completely taken by surprise,
and before they could rally from the sudden attack,
their barracks, naval arsenal, a block-house and large
schooner, were destroyed. Quantities of provisions
and ammunition, of which the Canadians were sorely
in need, were carried off.

Ii'i' '

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202

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

Though the expedition was quite successful, it cost
the life of the brave young Colonel Cecil Bisshopp.*
His loss was deeply deplored, for he had been one of
the most daring and best loved soldiers in the service.

*Cecil Bisshopp was the only son of Sir Cecil Bisshopp, Baronet, afterwards
Baron de la Zouche. He was born in 1783, entered the army at sixteen,
served through the war in Flanders as aide-de-camp to General Grosvenor
de Walchen ; again in Spain and Portugal. He was sent to Canada in
1812, where he displayed great gallantry in several engagements.

In the little deserted and neglected graveyard at Niagara Falls, or Drum-
mondville, which was also the battle-field of Lundy's Lane, a beautiful
monument marks his last resting-place. The passing stranger is bidden to
pause o'er this shrine where

" Sleeps the young and brave.
And shed one generous tear o'er Cecil's grave."

In the parish church of his far-off English home in Parham, Sussex, is a
tablet to his memory thus inscribed : —

" His pillow, not of sturdy oak ;
His shroud, a soldier's simple cloak ;
His dirge, will sound till time's no more ;
Niagara's loud and solemn roar, —
There Cecil lies — say, where the grave.
More worthy of a Briton brave."

Chauncey's Fleet— Summer, 1813.

203

CHAPTER XV.

CHAUNCEY S FLEET — SUMMER, 1813.

Although the Americans still held Fort George, their
position was by no means an enviable one. Harassed
on all sides by Vincent's troops, who attacked them
whenever they ventured beyond their entrenchments,
they remained pent-up within the limits of a few acres
all through the summer months.

The following letters give some glimpses of what
General Vincent, and his little army were doing, through
July and August of 1813.

The writer, Thomas Gibbs liidout, had just been
appointed to the commissariat on the Niagara frontier.

His father's diary has this entry: —

York, Wedvesday, 1th July, 1813.

This evening at nine o'clock, my son Tom set out in
a boat for the Forty-Mile Creek, on his way to our
camp near Niagara.

The first letter from the camp is dated 20th July,
1813.

From Thoman G. Ridout to his Father: —

St. David's.

On Saturday, 17th, Henry Nelles and I rode down
to the cross-roads, three miles from Niagara, where the
Jioyals, King's, and 600 or 700 Indians are posted. I

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204

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

understood the Americans were advancing into Ball's
fields. Inimediately the yell was given and Blackbird
and Norton set out with their Indians to meet them.
Nelles and I rode along, jpid in a few minutes the skir-
mish began by the Western Indians getting upon the
left flank, and the Five Nations upon the other.
The enemy consisted of 500 men. They soon re-
treated, firing heavy volleys upon Blackbird's party
which was the nearest. The road is so straight we
could see into town ; and Nelles and I rode along with
the Indians to within one and a quarter miles of
Niagara, when we perceived a large reinforcement join
them with a piece of artillery, and they again advanced
with a- large front, tiring grape shot. The Indians
scattered in the woods, but we were obliged to keep
the road. By this time three companies of the lioyals,
and a brass six pounder came up and posted on this side
of Ball's field, the Yankees on the other side. We
fired for some time, when the Americans thought fit
to retreat. At one time from the farther end of Ball's
field, a mile and a half this way, the road was covered
with Indians, officers and soldiers, and horses, and from
the Presbyterian church, they must have judged our
force at 3,000 men. We had about 1,000. A good
many Yankees were killed. One Indian took two
scalps. A young Cayuga had his arm and side carried
away with a cannon ball, and another had a ball
through his arm. Some of the musket balls came
pretty close to us.

The cross-roads now are very strong. Dickson is
expected here as soon as he returns from the expedi-
tion that has gone against Sandusky and Presqu' Isle
with 1,500 Indians.

I wish George could bring a little starch with him
for the frills of my shirts.

The last week of July was an anxious one for the
inhabitants of York.

ill

Chauncey's Fleet — Summer, 1813.

205

lans

him

the

Chauncey's vessels were cruising about Lake Ontario,
ready to attack wherever possible. On the 27th July,
his fleet lay off the Niagara river, and on the following
day it sailed for the head of Lake Ontario, for the
purpose of making an attempt to capture the British
stores at Burlington Heights, then defended by a
small detachment under Major Maule.

Meanwhile, the ever-watchful Colonel Harvey had
taken steps to defend the stores at the Heights, and
had ordered Colonel Battersby from York, with a part
of the Glengarry corps, to reinforce the guard under
Major Maule.

Finding his force insufficent for the attack on
Burlington Heights, Chauucey sailed off down the
lake to make a second attack on defenceless Little
York.

Colonel Scott, who commanded the xlmerican land
force on the fleet, landed without opposition, took
the place, burnt the l)arracks, storehouses, etc., and
carried away a quantity of provisions, chiefly flour.
This was on the 1st of August.

The expedition under Chauncey returned to the
Niagara on the 3rd of August, carrying with them the
sick and wounded American prisoners found in York.

Mr. Ridout's diary has a brief record of this event.

Yo?'k, l.st August (Sunda//). — The Americans re-
turned with their fleet to York, and destroyed the
barracks, woody ard, etc.

2nd August (Monday). — The enemy put out into

206

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

.(,j!-

the lake early this inornin;, in all, thirteen vessels.
'Tis said our fleet (Sir James Yeo) consisting of six
vessels, left Kingston on Saturday last the 31st July.

Another letter from the camp at St. David's, says
that the conflagration at York was seen at Niagara,
and caused much anxiety there.

From Thomas 0. Ridout to his Father at York : —

St. David's, 2nd August, 181.3.

I received yesterday letters from you and George,
giving an account of the Yankee fleet being off York,
threatening it with destruction. Our anxiety has not
been less than yours, but since they let you remain
unmolested the first day, I think they'll not land
until Sir James meets them. The fate of this army
depends on this. Its positions are so advanced that a
retreat will be impossible without losing half the men.
The enemy remain cooped up in Fort George, not
daring to stir beyond the common. Everything goe
on steadily and regularly. Ten thousand of the
enemy will not be able to start John Bull out of the
Black Swamp.

Mr. Bissett * went up yesterday to Long Point with
i61,000 in specie, to buy cattle for Amherstburg.

I am very much alarmed about York, for a large fire
was seen in that direction all last night. The garrison,
at all events, must be burnt, with the flour and other
provisions Mr. Crookshank has been collecting. Con-
cerning my shirts, the starch has not come to hand.

I keep my things in a pair of saddle bags that Henry
Nelles lent me, ready for a march. The military chest
is at pr(>sent run out to $500.

More than $40,000 have been paid out within the
last fortnight. Every hour is now of great con.^c!-
qu0nce and I think this week will determine affairs.

* Deputy Assiatant-Commissary-General.

Chauncey's Fleet — Summer, 1813.

207

the

Some considerable movement will take place shortly,
and I hope to write you of our success. Peggy Nelles
has just mended my blue coat and sent it down to me,
for which I thank her very much.

In the meantime at York an anxious watch was kept
on the movements of the two opposing fleets on Lake
Ontario. The Americans were nmch superior both in
vessels and number of sailors.

Mr. Ridout's diary gives an account of what was
seen from York during August.

Yorh, 1th August (Saturdaij). — This morning our
fleet, consisting of six vessels, were seen. In the after-
noon they passed with a light breeze towards the
westward, and in the evening were between the Hum-
ber and Etobicoke. The enemy's fleet of fifteen sail
were seen on the lake opposite the town about eight
or ten miles out. As it was calm, they approached
our fleet with sweeps.

Sunday Morning^ Sth August. — Not any vessels to
be seen.

Sir James Yeo's fleet in 1813 consisted of the Royal
George, twenty-four guns ; Prince Regent, twenty-two
guns; Earl of Moira, twenty guns; Simcoe, twelve
guns ; Dul-e of Gloucester, ten guns ; Seneca, four
guns.

A note is added to the last entry, of what occurred
after the fleet left York as follows : —

The enemy retired to the mouth of Niagara on the
Sth of August. In the afternoon of the Sth, Sir James
Yeo drew them out, and in the night they retreated to
the river, in doing which two of their largest schooners

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Ten Years of Upper Canada.

upset and went to the bottom. Except thirteen men,
all were lofjt.

The American account of this disaster is that during
the evening of the 8th of August the wind came from
the westward, freshened, and at midnight was a fitful
gale.

Suddenly a rushing sound was heard astern of most
of the fleet, and it was soon ascertained that the Hamil-
ton and Scourge had disappeared. Tliey were cap-
sized by a terrific squall, and all the officers and men,
except sixteen of the latter, were drowned.

This was a great blow to Chauncey, for these two
vessels, carrying nineteen guns between them, were
the best in his fleet.

For two days the rival fleets manoeuvred without
coming to action, and at last on the morning of the
10th of August, Chauncey formed his fleet in battle
order. Nothing was done during the day, but at ten
at night Sir James Yeo succeeded in capturing two
vessels, the Groivler and Julia, after a severe but short
struggle.

Chauncey made no further fight ; but, the gale in-
creasing, he ran for shelter to the Genesee river, and
then returned to Sackett's Harbour with the remains
of his fleet.

From Mr. lUdxmfs Diari/ : —

Wednesday, llth August. — Early this morning our
fleet were seen off shore with two vessels in tov/.
During the night the wind blew fresh. At midnight
(10th of August), Sir James Yeo dashed amongst the

i;;

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Chauncey's Fleet — Summer, 1813.

209

enemy's fleet ; Commodore Chaimcey fled, and left
two of his vessels in our possession, which he brought
to our harbour.

Friday IStk

-Our fleet sailed to Kingston,

To return to the camp at Niagara.

Another skirmish is recounted in the following
letter:

Extract from a letter of an officer in the army of St.
David's, 24th August, 1813.

A considerable demonstration was made this morn-
ing at the dawn of day upon Fort George.

The enemy's picquets were surprised and captured,
but no disposition was evinced by the American army
to support them, and our advance columns, after having
remained for a considerable time in tlie town of Fort
George, and the reconnaissance being completed, were
ordered to return to their respective camps. Lieuten-
ant-Colonel O'Neil, with a detachment of thirty of the
19th Dragoons, covered the advance of Lieutenant-
Colonel Harvey, and dashed with great gallantry into
the town, scouring several of the streets and penetrat-
ing as far as the Presbyterian church, (colonel Harvey
actually called at his old quarters and recovered a box
he had left there, containing several very valuable
articles.

The enemy commenced a pretty brisk fire from the
garden walls and houses, and opened their batteries
upon us, notwithstanding which, our troops, who were
extremely unwilling to come away, retired with the
greatest order and regularity, and, I am happy to say,
with a very trifling loss.

Of the enemy, seventy were made prisoners, and a
number killed and wounded.

The officers commanding the picquets made their
escape by an early flight. The complete success of
the affair, in which the main object has been accom-

210

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

plished, has given additional spirit and confidence to
our troops, and nnist have convinced the enemy that
to his entrenchments alone he is indebted for his
present security.

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From Mr. Ridout's Diary : —

York, 26th August.

Our fleet just dropped anchor ofl'this place, and then
sailed for Niagara.

28th August. — Eeturned and sailed the same evening.

Another letter from camp is dated

HOth August. 1813.
From T. G. Ridout to his Father at York: —

I have not received a letter from home since 10th
August. Last evening our fleet came over and pro-
ceeded to the Twelve-]\rile Creek, on the American side,
to intercept supplies by water, which the Yankees
have daily received.

Allan McNab * has come over to seek his fortune as

* The Allan Napier McNab, who was seeking his fortune as a volunteer,
was afterwards, as Sir Allan McNab, a conspicuous figure in Canadian
history. He was boni at Niagara in 1708, and was therefore only fifteen
when he volunteered. His grandfather. Major McNab, of the 42nd, or
Black Watch, held the post of Royal Forester in Scotland, and resided on
a small property called Dundurn at the head of Loch Earn. His father
was in the 71st, and served with General Simcoe during the American
Revolutionary War, and accompanied him to Canada. The young hero of
this sketch had first shouldered his musket at the capture cf York ; then
served as midshipman on board Sir James Yeo's ship ; then joined the
100th regiment under Colonel Murray. He was at the taking of Fort
Niagara in December, 1813. For his bravery on that occasion he was given
an ensigncy in the 49th regiment. He also served at Fort Erie and the
attack on Plattsburg at the close of the war.

He was placed on half-pay at the reduction of the army in 1816, and
commenced the study of the law, being called to the bar in 1825. He was
elected to Parliament in 1829, and was in nine successive Parliaments, part
of the time as Speaker of the House. He was knighted in 1838, was Prime
Minister in 1854, and was created a baronet on his retirement from the
office of premier in 185G.

In 1857, he retired from public life in Canada for a time, and went to
England, from which country he returned in 1860, and was appointed to the
Legislative Council, and took his seat among the " lords " of Canada.

Sir Allan McNab died in 1863.

Chauncey's Fleet — Summer, 1813.

211

a volunteer. I think he'll succeed in the 8th. At
present, having no other home, he stays with us.

I suppose you have heard of the great victory gained
in Spain on the 21st June, where the French lost 154
pieces of brass artillery, their military chest, etc., and
the English lost near 5,000 in killed and wounded.

An Albany paper gives a fine account of Chauncey's
''noble conduct." It says that he tried five days to
bring the British to action but they always ran away.
One night two of his schooners, in carrying a press of
canvas in chase, upset, and were lost; and the following
night three schooners, too eager in the pursuit, got
into the midst of the British, and after maintaining
with the most heroic gallantry an unequal contest of
forty-five minutes with the Wolfe and Melville at
pistol shot, one went down and the other two struck.
Also that Chauncey had only returned to Sackett's
Harbour for five weeks' provisions, and would come out
and sweep the lake.

De Watteville's regiment is very much wanted here ;
the 49th are reduced to about 370 men. This morning
three companies, amounting to seventy-five, arrived
from Burlington. Fifty royal artillerymen have joined
by the fleet.

By what I can learn. Sir George's (Prevost) presence
here is very little sought for ; he has no idea of attack-
ing the Americans on their own ground, but the
summit of iiis wishes is to recover Fort George and
there remain. The great ofiicers say that this army
will be ruined with petty affairs. Some heavy cannon
have arrived at Burlington. The army have been there
two days out of whiskey. There is a good deal of ague
among the men. The 8th have neither blankets nor
great coats, but a large supply has arrived.

Four-Mile Creek, Uh September, 1813.

By the date of this you will perceive we have
changed our quarters for the lake-side. The encamp-
ment here is very beautiful, and is formed of the 8th

, I

212

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

and 104th, part of the 89th and 100th regiments, con-
sisting of 2,000 men. They He upon the edge of the
woods, having large clearings in the front, and the
main road crossing the camp by Mr. Addison's, where
the General stays. The artillery park is one mile in
the rear. Very few troops are left in St. David's.

We came to Thompson's the day before yesterday,
and met with rather an ungracious reception. The
old fellow said he could not take us in, as his family
occupied the whole house, but that we might go into
an old house a little distance off, which was inhabited
in the early period of the world. Accordingly, we
cleared it of rubbish, made a fire, and fried a little beef
we had brought with us. In the evening we made a
straw bed on the floor. We collect balm in the garden
for tea, and carry on an extensive robbery of peas,
apples, onions, corn, carrots, etc.; for we can get noth-
ing but by stealing, excepting milk, wiiich is carefully
measured. Bread and butter is out of the question,
and to-day w^e sent a dragoon to the Twelve-Mile
Creek for these articles and G. to the cross-roads for
beef, etc. Lewis cooked some black bread yesterday.
Only our chief has been invited to the sanctum sanc-
torum to partake of delicacies.

We have an iron pot which serves for tea pot, roaster
and boiler, and two window shutters put upon three
barrels form the table. We have three servants, who
eat the remains of our feasts.

I spent a pleasant evening wath Colonel Holcroft at
the artillery park, and this afternoon I shall spend
with Colonel Ogilvie at the 8th camp.

There is an astonishing run of white-cuffed ensigns
and lieutenants at the house, and the carpet parlour
is adorned the whole day with red. The only domes-
tic on the farm is a miserable little black girl, who is
almost worked to death. The army is getting very
sickly, forty or fifty men are sent to the hospita 1 every
day. There are more than 400 sick, and a great num-
ber of officers.

Chauncey's Fleet — Summer, 1813.

213

York, being considered the healthiest place in
Canada, is to be head-quarters for the medical estab-
Hshment, you may expect the town to be tilled with hos-
pitals and sick. We cannot stand this daily diminution
of strength ten days longer. They say that Decatur
has succeeded Chauncey, and that we ni'iy look for
him every hour; also that General Wilkinson has
taken the command at Fort George with a consider-
able reinforcement. Our fleet is just coming over
from York; I suppose, with De Watteville's regiment.

Four of the Glengarry's deserted yesterday, and four
American dragoons deserted to us. Mr. Stanton
bought a pound of tea this morning, the first we have
had this long time. We pay out, on an average,
.€1,500 a day ; next week it will be much more, as all
tKe departments for the arnjy will come in with their
pay lists. We have now 10,000 barrels of flour in the
depots, at $12 per barrel. I believe Allan McNabb
will get into the 8th regiment. Shaw and Jarvis
have been a year in the 49th.

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214

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

CHAPTER XVI.

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NAVAL FIGHT, LAKE ERIE, SEPTEMBER, 1813.

So FAR the Canadians had succeeded m holding the
Americans at bay in the Niagara Peninsula. A great
deal der jnded now in keeping control of Lake Erie,
and thereby ensuring the success of General Proctor
and his little army in the west.

We left the latter just after his defeat of General
Winchester at the River Raisin, January 23rd, 1813.
All through the winter and spring Tecumseh and
Proctor, with a portion of the 41st regiment, the Essex
militia, some artillery, and a force of Indians, varying
in number, held back the invaders from crossing on
the Detroit frontier. Tno American General, Harrison,
had taken up his post with a force of 2,500 men at
Fort Meigs, on the Miami river.* Proctor deter-
mined to dislodge them. So with a force of 930 men
and about 1,200 Indians, collected at Detroit, he set off
from Maiden (Amherstburg) on the 23rd April, for the
mouth of the Miami river, about twelve miles distant
from Fort Meigs. His army, in all, a little over 2,000
in number, embarked in brigs and several small vessels,

'**' At the western extremity of Lake Erie.

p.... . . i

Naval Fight, Lake Erie, September, 1813. 215

U3ls,

and were accompanied by two gun-boats and some
artillery. On the 26th of April, 1813, they appeared
at the mouth of the Miami, about twenty-six miles
from the mouth of the Detroit, and on the 28th
landed on the left bank of the river, near old Eort
Miami, where they estabUshed a camp. They next
constructed batteries on a commanding elevation
opposite Fort Meigs, but the wretched weather and
continual rains kept back the work, so that they were
not ready to begin operations until the 1st of May.

Fort Meigs was strongly intrenched, and had a good
supply of field-pieces, but General Harrison was so
doubtful of the result of a siege, that he dispatched
messengers to Governor Meigs, of Ohio, to tell him to
hasten on reinforcements. General Clay, with 1,200
Kentucky men, he knew were on their way to join
In'm.

For four days shot and shell were hurled by Proctor's
batteries upon Fort Meigs with very little effect on
the earthworks, though the fire from the fort in reply
was weak, owing to the scarcity uf ammunition.

On the 5th of May, General Clay, with his reinforce-
ments from Kentucky, arrived from Fort Defiance, in
eighteen large scows, and were ordered by General
Harrison to make an attack on the British batteries
on the western side of the river, while the garrison of
Fort Meigs were to attack the Indians on the eastern
bank. At first, the advantage appeared to be with
the Americana, but Captains Muir and Chandler, 41st

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216

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

regiment, rallied their men, aud made a gallant charge
with the bayonet. The enemy broke and fled to their
boats. A panic seized them. The Indians, who, dur-
ing the seige of the fort had remained rather silent
spectators, now rushed forward and intercepted the
retreat.

The reinforcement from Kentucky was almost
annihilated. Of the 800 men who had left the
boats to attack the batteries only 170 escaped to
Fort Meigs. The enemy's loss in this aifair, on
both sides of the river, was about 1,100 in killed,
wounded and prisoners. The Canadian troops lost
fourteen killed and forty-five wounded.

The victory for Proctor was stained by the massacre
of the flying foe. Tecumseh, we are told, did what
he could to restrain his infuriated followers. When
he heard of what was being done by them, he rode
up at full speed, and, raising his tomahawk, threat-
ened to destroy the first man who refused to obey his
orders to desist.

The victory was not altogether satisfactory in its
results to Proctor, for the Indian warriors insisted on
returning to their homes to indulge in protracted
revelry, as was their custom after a great fight. Even
Tecumseh' s influence was powerless to keep them
in bounds.

Proctor, with his weakened force, found him-
self compelled to re-embark his guns and stores,
and return to Fort Maiden. He was discouraged

Naval Fight, Lake Erie, September, 1813. 217

on his arrival there by hearing of the fall of Fort
George, and also by the refusal of his request for more
soldiers. Tecumseh, who had again received large
reinforcements of Indian warriors, constantly urged
him to renew the attack of Fort Meigs, but he had
lost heart, and though an expedition was fitted out,
nothing was done. On the 1st of August an attempt
was made by Proctor against Fort Stephenson, at
Sandusky, but it resulted in failure, and cost the
lives of several brave men.

Both sides were now, at the close of the summer,
resting on their arms, waiting for the fitting-out of
their respective fleets to contest the dominion of Lake
Erie.

The Canadian fleet on Lake Frie was undtu- the com-
mand of Captain liobert Barclay, one of Nelson's
heroes, who had fought and lost an arm at the battle
of Trafalgar.

His squadron consisted of the Queen. Charlotte,
seventeen guns, Captain Finnis; Lady Prcvo.st, thirteen
guns; hrig Hunter, ten g,i\ns; Little Belt, three guns;
Chippewa, one gun, and the Detroit, the flag-ship, of
nineteen guns, which was not ready for action until
September. In all, six vessels and sixty-three guns.

The American fleet was under the command of Com-
modore Perry, and consisted of the flag-shi}) Lawrence,
twenty guns (named in honor of Captain Lawrence of
the Chcsa2)caJie, who had been killed in action with
H.M.S. Shannon, off Boston harbour, in June, 1813);

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218

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

the Niagara, twenty guns; brig Caledonia,* three
guns ; schooner Ariel, four guns ; Scorpion, two guns;
Trippe, one gun ; Tigress, one gun ; Porcupine, one
gun ; and the Ohio, not in action. Nine vessels, fifty-
tw^o guns.

The weight of metal was with the Americans,
although they had a smaller number of guns, the
difference being, Americans 928 pounds, Canadians
459 pounds.

Perry's fleet had been fitted out in the harbour of
Presqu' Isle, and during the month of July had
been closely blockaded there by Barclay's squadron.
A sand-bar at the mouth of the harbour prevented the
American larger vessels from sailing out without first
removing the cannon. This, of course, could not be
done in the face of the enemy.

About the 1st of August Commodore Barclay sailed
away to obtain provisions from Long Point, and during
his absence Commodore Perry seized the opportunity
to unload his vessels and place them safely over the
sand-bar. It was a critical moment for the American
fleet, for if Barclay had returned while the vessels
were on the bar he would have had an easy victory.
It is said a public dinner given to him and his officers
by the citizens of Port Dover prolonged his absence.
He arrived back just as the Niagara was safely moving
into deep water. Once free to roam the lake, it was

■* The Caledonia was captured from the Canadians on its way down
from Detroit, October 9th, 1812.

Mir

Naval Fight, Lake Erie, September, 1813. 219

Perry's turn to annoy Barclay, who sailed to Amherst-
burg, there to await the completion of his largest
vessel, the Detroit.

At last Sepoember came, and all felt the decisive
moment was near. Proctor's troops were suffering for
want of supplies, and a communication with Long
Point had to be opened at all hazards. So perfectly
destitute of provisions was the post that there was not
a day's flour in store.

On the morning of the 10th September, Barclay
sailed out from Amherstburg, a light breeze blowing
from the south-west. The enemy were lying five or
six miles away, near Put-in Bay, and a;n action was
inevitable. Both commanders knew that on this
contest the fate of their armies on shore depended.
Although Barclay's fleet had sixty-three guns, it was
lamentably deficient in sailors, having only fifty ex-
perienced men between the six vessels. The rest of
the crew were 240 soldiers and 80 Canadian volun-
teer seamen, who had no proper training in the use of
the ropes and guns. Perry had nine vessels with fifty-
nine guns, and his vessels were fully manned by nearly
600 of the pick of the American merchant marine.

It was to Barclay's advantage to fight at long range.
Perry's tactics were to bring the ships to close quarters.
At about eleven o'clock on the morning of the 10th
September, the fight began, and for four hours the
battle raged. At first the advantage was altogether
with the Canadians. Barclay's fire had raked the

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220

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

Laivrence^ Perry's flag-ship, so badly that she lay a dis-
abled hulk. Of the 103 men that had composed her
crew when she went into action, twenty-two were
killed and sixty-one wounded. At last, when the
American commodore saw that his ship was so dis-
mantled as to be of no further service, he determined
to leave it, and to make for the Niagara, his largest
vessel, which had up to that time been uninjured.

Wrapping his flag around him, he ordered his boat
to be lowered, and with four stout seamen at the oars,
he made the dangerous passage in the face of a tre-
mendous fire. He was met at the gangway of the
Niagara by the astonished commander of that vessel.
" How goes the day ? " asked Elliott. " Bad enough,"
replied Perry ; " wliy are the gun-boats so far astern ?"
"I'll bring thom up," said Elliott. " Do so," said Perry.
So the captain of the Niagara pushed off in a small
boat to hurry up the lagging vessels.* Now the for-
tunes of the day changed. The wind veered, and for
lack of seamen Barclay's vessels became unmanage-
able.

The rudder of the Ladg Prevost was disabled ; the
Detroit and the Queen Charlotte became entangled.
Barclay f and Finnis,]: their commanders, were both

*Lo8sin}];, "Haiubleton's Journal."

+ Robert Barclay was a Scotchman, and attended the school at Kettle, of
which Bishop Strachan was the master. In a charge delivered by the
Bishop in 18(i0, he thus speaks of him: " Commodore Robert Barclay,
afterwards so unfortunate on Lake Erie, from causes over which he had no
control, was another of my pupils. He was a youth of the brightest pro-

f ,

Naval Fight, Lake Erie, September, 1813. 221

wounded, the latter mortally ; the former had his thigh
shattered, and a shot in the shoulder disabled his only
arm. Close and deadly was the fire from the American
vessels. All Barclay's officers were wounded or killed,
and three-fourths of the men. Resistance was no
longer possible. It was about three in the afternoon
when the flag of the Detroit was lowered, and when
the smoke of the battle cleared away, a sad scene of
carnage was revealed. The vessels of both squadrons
were dreadfully shattered, especially the two flag- ships.
Sixty-eight men were killed and 190 wounded during
the four hours the battle lasted. The Americans lost
123, twenty-seven of whom were killed ; the Cana-
dians, 135, forty-one of whom were killed.

When some months afterwards Barclay (who had
been placed on parole and then exchanged) was
brought before a court of inquiry to answer for the
loss of his fleet, his judges were moved to tears as they
looked at the mutilated form of the hero who had
fought so well.

mise, and often have I said in my heart that he possessed qualities which
fitted him to be another Nelson, had the way opened for such a con-
summation."

t The loss of Captain Finnis was deeply deplored by Barclay, who thus
writes to Sir James Yeo, on September 13th, three days after the battle :
" Too soon, alas ! was I deprived of the services of the noble and intrepid
Captain Finnis, who, soon after the commencement of the action, fell ; and
with him fell my greatest support."

Sir James Yeo wrote of the ill-fated action in his official despatch to Sir
George Prevost : "Though His Majesty's squadron were very deficient in
seamen, weight of metal, and particularly long guns, yet the greater mis-
fortune was the loss of every officer, particularly Captain Finnis, whose
life, had it been spared, would, in my opinion, have saved the squadron."

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222

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

This victory on Lake Erie was most important to
the Americans. Both armies were anxiously awaiting
the result of the encounter. If Barclay had been
successful, Proctor's army would have been enabled to
obtain its needed supplies and reinforcements, and so
could have held the western frontier. Perry's success
enabled Harrison to seize Detroit, to recover Michi-
gan, and to press on and once more invade the West-
ern Peninsula. The Americans were intoxicated with
success. " Canada must now be ours," was their
exultant cry. Medals were struck in honour of their
victory. There were illuminations all over the land,
and honours and rewards were heaped upon Perry and
his officers.*

Washington Irving wrote : " The last roar of can-
non that died along Erie's shore was the expiring
note of British domination."

The cannon roar on that fateful day on Lake Erie
was heard at an incredible distance. At Cleveland,
seventy miles away, the people thought at first it was
thunder, but seeing no clouds, concluded that the two
squadrons had met. The listeners could easily
distinguish the sound of the heavier and lighter guns.

Lossing records the fact that a man who lived on
the New York State line, heard at his house the can-
nonading on the lake, 160 miles distant.

* The captured squadron was valued at $225,000. Commodore Chauncey,
Commander-in-Chief of the lakes, rec vAd one-twentieth ; Perry and
Elliot each drew $7,140 ; Congress voted Perry $6,000 additional ; each
commander of a gun-boat received $2,200 ; each midshipman, $800 ; each
marine and sailor, $200.

Naval Fight, Lake Erie, September, 1813. 223

It is a curious fact that, on the day of the fight,
Mr. Eidout's diary has this entry : —

York, Friday, 10th Septeinber. — About eleven a.m.,
loud firing was heard, and continued about an hour.
It seemed to be towards Niagara ; the wind was west-
ward, with thick rain.

The diary continues : —

Saturday, llth September. — Heavy firing said to
have been heard on the lake nearly opposite Hamil-
ton, which continued four hours, supposed to be
between the fleets.

The tiring heard on the llth September is accounted
for by an action that took place on Lake Ontario, be-
tween Sir James Yeo and Commodore Chauncey. On
that day Sir James' fleet lay becalmed ofi" the Genesee.
Catching a gentle breeze from the north-west, Chaun-
cey bore down upon it, and was within gun-shot dis-
tance, when Yeo's sails took the wind, and their ves-
sels being swifter sailers, escaped, not, however, with-
out sustaining considerable damage, during a running
fight for more than three hours.

The diary continues : —

Thursday, 16th September. — A heavy storm of wind
and rain began ; no certain news respecting the firing.

Lake Ontario during the month of September, 1813,
was the scene of many a lively contest. On the 18th,
Commodore Chauncey sailed for Niagara, for the pur-
pose of conveying troops to Sackett's Harbour, and

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was followed by Sir James Yeo. An exciting fight
took place between the fleets. The Pike, Madison
and Sylph, American, engaged the Wolf, Sir James'
flag-ship, the Bojjal George and some smaller vessels.
At last the Wolf was found to have sustained serious
injury, and pushed away before the wind, crowded with
canvas, and gallantly protected in her flight by the
Jiojjal George. A general chase was commenced, and
the pursuit was continued towards Burlington Bay for
two hours, when Chauncey called off his vessels.
The American Commodore thought that if he had re-
ceived proper support, he might have captured and
destroyed the British squadron, but the wind was in-
creasing, and he dared not run into any harbour for
shelter, so he sailed away for Niagara, where he lay
during a gale that lasted forty-eight hours. The ex-
citing chase was known by the name of the " Burling-
ton races."

So slow was news in arriving from the western fron-
tier, that it was not until the 10th September that in-
telligence of the battle on Lake Erie reached York.

The following note is in Mr. Ridout's diary : —

York, 16th September. — On Friday, the 10th Sep-
tember, a battle was fought on Lake Erie,
near the Islands, between our half-manned fleet
of six sail, and the enenjy's fleet of nine sail,
which lasted four hours, when neither fleet could act
any longer, at which time the American gun-boats
came out and attacked our fleet. In their defenceless
state we had the mortification to be compelled to
surrender.

Naval Fight, Lake Erie, September, 1813. 225

It is possible that the firing heard by Mr. Ridout
and others at York, on the morning of the 10th Sep-
tember, was from the guns on Lake Erie. The wind
from the west and the heavy atmosphere makes it
probable that the sound was carried an immense dis-
tance.

There is no record of any other fight that day on
Lake Ontario to account for the firing heard at York.

In the camp at Niagara during the month of Sep-
tember, 1813, things were not prospering. Fever had
broken out ; the men, weary with inaction, badly fed
and ill-paid, were deserting day by day, and the news
of the loss of the fleet on Lake Erie brought gloom
and consternation.

From Thomas G. Ridout to his brother George at York : —
Headquarters, near Niagara,

16th September, 1813.

I received your letter yesterday by Starr Jarvis,
who has come here to be our waggon-master. To-
morrow we shall have 20,000 hard dollars in silver
and .^5,000 in paper money, and in about eight days
shall receive in army bills £20,000.* The Commis-
sary-General is going to the Mediterranean, and Mr.
Couche will take his place.

Gee cooks and waits upon us, and a little French
dragoon helps him. We burn rails, steal apples, pears
and peaches at a great rate. Old Lion sometimes
growls at the rails going so fast, but can't help him-
self. He thinks me the most innocent of the lot.

* The large expenditure of money during the war was of undoubted
benetit to those engaged in trade. Therefore, from a monetary point of
view, the war was not an unmixed evil.

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Ten Years of Upper Canada.

Desertion has come to such a height that eight or
ten men go off daily.

The army is not quite so sickly as it was.

We have heard nothing of the fleet since she left
last Friday. A schooner went into the river (Niagara)
yesterday afternoon. The Americans have been busily
employed for some days past in transporting all their
heavy guns and baggage across the river. Their
deserters come in every day. They say that 4,000
men are in Fort George. The other day, a Yankee
picket shot two of our deserters dead. One of the
49th attempted to swim over by Queenston, but was
killed by the sentry.

As soon as the rainy weather comes we shall move
to the Mountain, for the troops cannot remain in their
present encampment by the Black Swamp.

From Thomas G. Ridout to his Father at York: —

Headquarters, 2lst '^sptemher, 1813.

Things are going on very badly. It is too true that
our fleet on Lake Erie is taken, and Proctor is left at
Amherstburg without provisions, guns or men. Most
of the cannon were mounted on board the ships ;
Jt20,000 is on the way to pay the debts at Amherst-
burg, and we have $40,000 in gold and silver on the
way from Kingston, besides j£20,000 in bills. Assis-
tant-Commissary-General Dance has gone to take
charge at Burlington, with three clerks.

jailitia are all called out to build barracks at
y s Lane, Queenston and Chippewa, and also at
nngton Heights, which, I. believe, is to be head-
j^uarters this winter. Nichol has gone up to bring
the Long Point militia down. General De Kottenburg
went up to the head of the lakes to-day. General
Vincent commands at the Cross-Eoads ; I think he is
the best of the two. Mr. Couche has had a notifica-
tion that he must hold the military chest, etc., in

Naval Fight, Lake Erie, September, 1813. 227

readiness, as a movement wonld shortly take place,
somewhere on the Mountain, it is expected. The
8th have lost two officers within a week — Captain
Kingsley, the paymaster, of a fever, he was a very
gentlemanly, good fellow, and Lewis ; Fitzgibbon has
got well again.

The last thing seen of the fleets on Lake Erie was
at the islands near Ainherstburg. After the battle
twelve vessels were seen very quietly together. Cap-
tain Barclay was ordered out with six vessels, half
manned, very much against his will, to fight the
Americans, who consisted of nine vessels every way
superior. The consequence was that he was taken,
and all that country must fall, and that before long, for
we have just heard 10,000 Ohio militia are on their
march to Detroit. Colonel Hamilton has moved up
to Turkey Point. The 2nd battalion of the 41st are
on their way from Kingston.

We are in the same state at the old house as ever.
I carry on the foraging. To-night our dragoon is to
make a grand attack upon the onions. The nests are
kept very nice and clean from eggs. The dragoon
has just come in with a fine musk melon and a peck
of onions. We feed a turkey every day at the door,
which is doomed for our Sunday dinner. Sometimes
a cow happens to get milked over night, for the old
lady is getting to be very stingy of the milk.

Colonel Coffin went in yesterday with a flag of trace,
and the Americans told him that our whole fleet was
taken on Lake Erie, after a most desperate engage-
ment. Our second ship went down in the battle,
and every man on board their flag ship was either
killed or wounded. Had it not been for some gun-
boats that came up at the close of the engagement,
we would have gained the day; so roughly had our six
little vessels handled them. They say it was the
most severe action fought this war; great numbers fell
on both sides.

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Ten Years of Upper Canada.

From Thomas G. Ridout to his Father at York : —

St. David's, October 1r\d, 1813.

I wrote a letter three or four days ago telling you
that we had changed our quarters, and that the wholo
department was ill, Mr. Couche much the worst. He
has kept his bed for several days and has not heard a
word upon business. Jones and myself are his nurses,
with the assistance of the old people in the house.
His servant-man is as ill as his master. This after-
noon fever and headache attacked me. Mr. Couche
has give^ Jones and me charge of the military chest,
the key of which I wear in my pocket, and I pay out
the money. We have to account for ^27,000 paid
since we had the management.

The people flock so after money that I am obliged
to have a sentry at the door to let but one person in
at a time, and when they do enter, they must not
speak ten words, so now they hold us in great awe.
The Americans have possession of our side as far
down as Samuel Street's, and have plundered all the
loyal inhabitants of their property.

The greater part of the settlement being Dutch Men-
nonites, are friendly to the enemy, and assist them in
everything. We have lately taken a number of their
waggons.

We expect some serious movement every hour, as
the enemy are in great force at Fort George. A
number of bateaux, about sixty, loaded with men
now accompany their fleet, to make some landing
above us, I have no doubt. We are driving all the
cattle from this part of the district towards the head
of the lake. The Chippewa and Short Hill country is
stript of cattle, and to-day they have been driving
them from the vinicity of the camps. The waggons
stand ready loaded with the baggage which moves in
the rear. I am sure we shall march soon.

What is to be done with Mr. Couche, I know not;
but he must go along. I believe the rainy weather
has set in, for it has rained all day.

Tecumseh — Battle of the Thames, 1813. 229

CHAPTEli XVII.

TECUMSEH BATTLE OF THE THAMES, OCTOBER, 1813.

^'!

;l=

After tlie defeat of Barclay on Lake Erie, Forts
Detroit and Aniherstburg became untenable for the
Canadian troops, and were abandoned. General Proc-
tor first destroyin*^' the magazines, barracks and public
stores. General Harrison's reinforcements amounted
to 7,000 or 8,000 men, including 4,000 volunteers
from Kentucky. Commodore Perry, with his fleet,
conveyed all the American troops to the Canadian
shore, except the dragoons, who were to meet them at
Maiden.

General Harrison, finding the forts abandoned, left
Colonel Mc Arthurs in command, and hastened to
follow the retreating ariLy.

Tecumseh had urged upon General Proctor the
advisability of meeting the invaders as they landed
below Amhertsburg, and, if overpowered, to take U[)
another position on the Canard ; if driven from that, to
go up the Eiver Thames, retiring with supplies pro-
tected and drawing the Americans far into the interior,
when all the forces of the u])per Province, such as
could be brought from Burlington Heights and other

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Ten Years of Upper Canada.

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posts, could join them, and harass the enemy continu-
ally, and compel them to retreat. This advice met
with no response. Proctor ordered a rapid flight.

Tecumseh, it is said, rose from the council, dashed
his sword on the table, and denounced Proctor as a
miserable old squaw.

Proctor wished to appease him, and told him that
he could not meet Harrison's troops on landing, as
they had all the ships and great guns, and could fire
with the " double balls," as the Indians called the
shells.

Therefore, he proposed to continue the march, and
fight them out of reach of the ships.

Tecumseh saw that Proctor did not want to fight,
so proclaimed that he would march in advance and
select the battle ground.

History has it recorded, that when, at last. General
Proctor was forced to give battle on the ground chosen
by Tecumseh on the Kiver Thames, at the first charge
the British General fled, leaving his heroic ally to
breast the onset alone.

General Harrison, six days after the battle of the
Thames, wrote to the Governor of Ohio, dated Detroit,
October 11th, 1813 :—

Nothing but infatuation could have governed General
Proctor's conduct. The day that I landed below
^lalden, he had at his disposal upwards of 3,000
Indians. The Indians were extremely desirous of fight-
ing us at Maiden. I enclose you Tecumseh's com-
munication or speech to Proctor.

[ :i

Tecumseh — Battle of the Thames, 1813. 231

)ral
low

)00
Iht-

Tecuviseh to General Proctor : —

Amherstrurg, September ISth, 1813.

In the name of the Indian Chiefs and warriors to
Major-General Proctor, as the representative of their
great Father, the King. Father hsten to your chil-
dren, you have them all before you.

When war was declared our Father stood up and
gave us the tomahawk, and told us he was then ready
to strike the Americans, that he wanted our assistance,
and that he would certainly get us our lands back
which the Americans had taken from us. Listen ! Our
fleet has gone out ; we know they have fought ; we
have heard the great guns. Listen ! the Americans
have not yet defeated us by land ; neither are we
sure they have done so by water.* Father, you have
got the arms and ammunition which our great Father
sent to his red children. If you have an idea of going
away, give them to us, and you may go, and welcome ;
our lives are in the hands of the Great Spirit. We are
determined to defend our lands, and, if it be His will,
we wish to leave our bones upon them.

On the morning of the 4th October, Harrison and
his troops had nearly come up to Proctor's retreating
army. The latter had reached Chatham, where a
stream called McGregor's Creek flows into the Thames.
There Proctor promised Tecumseh ho would make a
final stand. "Here," he said, on his arrival, "we will
defeat Harrison or lay our bones." These words
pleased the warrior, and he said, " When I look on
these two streams I shall think of the Wabash and
the Tippecanoe."

* Tecumseh had been kept in ignorance of e defeat of the 10th Sep-
tember.

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232

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

ifi^^

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The last stand was not, however, made here, but
some miles farther on.

At two o'clock on the 5th October Harrison's army
had nearly come up to the fugitives. When about
three miles from Moraviantown, Harrison's scouts
learned that Proctor and Tecumseh were awaiting him
there, drawn up in order of battle.

The ground chosen by Tecumseh was well selected.
On the left was the Eiver Thames, with a high and
steep bank. On the right a marsh running parallel
with the river about two miles. The whole space
between the river and the swamp was covered with
beech, sugar maple and oak trees.

The 41st regiment was posted near the river. The
artillery conmianded the road. The Indians were in
the woods on the right. Tecumseh commanded in
person. Harrison ordered the mounted Kentucky
riiiemen to make the first charge. They were accus-
tomed to riding in the woods, and their arms were no
impediment. A volley from the Canadian troops
caused them to hesitate a moment, but at the second
volley the American cavalry dashed in and broke the
line of their opponents. All was now confusion. Five
minutes after the first shock Proctor's troops were
tlying in all directions. We are told that the General,
without making an attempt to rally his men, fied in
his carriage,* hotly pursued l)y the enemy, who made

* An American officer (Sholos) writes : "I Imd a very pleaaant ride back
to Detroit in I'roctoi'a beautiful carriage. I found in it a hat, a sword and
ii trunk. The hitter contained many letters in the handsomest writing I
ever saw, by I'roctor's wife to her dear Henry."

Tecumseh — Battle of the Thames, 1813. 233

but

The
pre in
ed ill

ucky

LCCUS-

re no
oops
cond

e the
Five
were
leral,
(I in
made

many prisoners. On the right the American advance
was more hotly contested. The Indians, led by
Tecumseh, fought with the enthusiasm of desperation.
They waited until the euemy were within a few paces
of them, and then hurled on them a deadly shower of
bullets. In this part of the field the undergrowth was
so thick that the mounted riflemen could not advance.
They were therefore ordered to carry on the fight on
foot. The battle-cry of the Kentucky men was :
*' Remember the River Raisin." For awhile victory
hung in the balauce. but at last the great leader,
Tecumseh, fell, arul then his followers gave way and
scattered through tUe woods.

Among the spoils secured by the Americans were
the brass cannon of Revolutionary fame, which had
been retaken by Brock at Detroit, also the small arms
which had been captured by Proctor's troops at De-
troit, and Frenchtown, and the Miami. The pursuit
of Proctor was continued until dark, but he succeeded
in escaping. He abandoned his carriage, left the
road, and escaped by a by-path.

Proctor had, as an excuse for his conduct, that he
had to face an enemy greatly his superior in numbers,
provided with cavalry, of which he was destitute, also
that his troops were worn out with their hasty march,
and had suffered nmch in a long service of fifteen
months on guard at the frontier.

On his trial by court-martial, which took place in
December, 1814, it was found that he had not re-

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234

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

treated with judgment, nor had he judiciously disposed
of his forces. He was sentenced to be suspended from
rank and pay for six months.

George IV. was very severe upon the unfor-
tunate Proctor, and censured the court for mistaken
lenity. He expressed his regret that any officer of
the length of service, and the exalted rank of General
Proctor, should be so extremely wanting in professional
knowledge, and deficient in those active, energetic
qualities which must be required of every officer.

The few who escaped being made prisoners after
the battle of the 5th October, fled in confusion through
the unbroken wilderness towards Lake Ontario.

They reached Ancaster, seven miles west of Bur-
lington Heights, on the 17th October, their number,
including seventeen officers, amounted to only 256.

The victor's remained in possession of the ground,
and on the 7th October, General Harrison left for De-
troit with his army, taking the property they had cap-
tured, and the prisoners.

On the way back, a furious storm wrecked several
of the vessels from the Thames, and much of the cap-
tured property was lost. Harrison and Perry had
planned tbe re-taking of Michillimackinac, but the
furious storms, and near approach of winter, caused
them to abandon that enterprise.

General Harrison then prepared to go down the
lake, and join the American forces on the Niagara
frontier.

Tecumseh— Battle of the Thames, 1813. 235

The campaign on the bank of the Thames was the
last in which Genral Harrison was engaged.
His friends had expected him to be made Comman-
der-in-Chief of the American army, but jealousy and
the disfavour of the Secretary of War made urther
military service so unpleasant, that he resigned his
commission in May, 1814.*

On the return of the Kentucky volunteers after the
battle of the Thames, half a dozen of them were
impressed with the belief that they had each slain
the great chieftain. The description given by them
of the personal appearance of the warrior did not,
however, correspond with the personal appearance of
Tecumseh.

It was considered probable that he had been severely
wounded, and borne from the field.

The contest had been so short and sharp, that no
one seemed to have a clear idea of what happened dur-
ing the charge.

One thing is certain, that, when Tecumseh was shot
down, dead or alive, his body was carried from the
field by some of his devoted followers. It was thought
possible that he was only wounded, and that he might
appear again, but silence and mystery have always
surrounded his end. No certain information has ever
been obtained of his death. His tribe and friends

♦William Henry Harrison, a descendant of a celebrated leader in Crom-
well's army, was elected President of the United States in 1840, and died
a month after his inauguration. His grandson is the present President, 18!K).

ilifea! 'i !

\im ;

til

236

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

appeared unwilling to admit that he had been slain by
the white man. Their pride prevented them giving
any replies to questions on the subject.
They were asked : — *

" What has become of Tecumseh ? "

Raising the right hand to heaven, with an expres-
sion of deep sorrow,

"Gone!"

" Did you see him on the day of battle ? "

"Yes."

" When did you see him the last time ? "

"Just as the Americans came in sight, he with his
young braves passed rapidly up and down the line,
spoke to every old warrior ; saw every one ; said, ' Be
braves, stand firm, shoot certain.'"

" Did you hear after the battle that he was killed or
badly wounded ? "

No answer.

And so, like King Arthur of old, in "that last
weird battle of the West," he passed unseen "to the
Island valley, where falls not hail, or rain, or any

snow.

* Hatch's Chapter of the War.

fc; > R I*

III

Chateauguay — Chrysler's Field, 1813.

237

CHAPTER XVIII.

CHATEAUGUAY CHRYSLER S FIELD OCTOBER,

NOVEMBER, 1813.

October did not begin auspiciously for the Canadian
troops. Sickness, disaster and defeat had followed
them closely. Times were certainly gloomy, and the
struggle that had gone on without interruption for
fifteen months seemed hopeless, and the abandon-
ment of Upper Canada was considered probable.

On the 14th October, General Proctor was still at
the Grand river with the small remnant of his demoral-
ized troops. Three hundred of his men had been
made prisoners at Moraviantovvn, and he was gather-
ing the rest of the stragglers together. General Vin-
cent, with his division, had left the vicinity of Fort
George, and was once more in his stronghold at Bur-
lington Heights.

The next letter is from the camp, dated Burlington,
14th October, 1813.

From Thomas G. Aiclout to his Father : —

Yesterday I received your letter of the 10th. The
times are so gloomy that I know not what to say.
We shall soon retreat to Kingston. Every prepara-
tion is making. The Americans with 1,000 men

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Ten Years of Upper Canada.

KS: ■

have advanced as far as the Twenty. Last night 600
men marched to drive them back. General Vincent
complains of De Rottenberg* leaving him in this
eventful period, when every difficulty stares him in
the face. The troops are recovering their health. I
am afraid you will have to go to Quebec. It must be
before the army retreats, or not at all. There will be
no getting down with them. George must stay at
home to protect all left behind. I hope you will take
John with you.

I am Couche's secretary, cashier, etc. Young Jones
was left behind sick. I have now £9,000 in charge.
I have been busy since seven this morning, it is now
twelve o'clock at night.

Proctor has more than 200 of his regiment collected,
he is still at the Grand River with them.

Burlington, I6th October, 1813.

Dear Father, — I wrote to you the other day from
this place, which letter I suppose you have received.
I was in such a hurry I could hardly tell you any-
thing. We had a most dreadful time from the Cross-
Roads (Homer). Upwards of 300 men were straggling
upon the road and waggons loaded with miserable
objects stuck fast in mud-holes, broken down and
unable to ascend the hills, and the men too ill to stir
hand or foot. One thousand Western Indians arrived
last night from Detroit, besides 2,000 women and
children. Poor creatures ! What will become of
them ? It is said the great Tecumseh is killed. The
Indians have made horrid work with Harrison's army,
killing several hundred.! We are sending all the
heavy baggage to York, but do not think Sir George
will allow this army to retreat. In two days Mr.
Couche and I set off for Quebec. Mr. Dance wanted

* General De Rottenberg had left for Kingston, where an attack was
expected.

t This must allude to the massacre at Fort Meigs.

Chateauguay — Chrysler's Field, 1813.

239

his brother with Mr. C. but he said he would not part
with me. I shall ride one of his horses down. If the
army retreats 8,000 barrels of flour, besides immense
stores, will fall into the enemy's hands.

The troops have left the Forty. Vincent is waiting
for orders from below before he retreats. It is said
that Evans, Muir and Chambers are killed.* For
these four days I have worked from six in the morning
till ten at night. Mr. Couche will soon be Commissary-
General.

I suppose you have heard of Lord Wellington's
defeat in Spain, when he lost 7,000 men.
• York will be left in a dreadful state if we retreat.
We shall stay two days with you.

Mr. Ridout's diary : —

York, 20th October, 1813. — Thomas came home on
his way to Montreal. He accompanies Ed. Couche,
Deputy-Commissary-General, as his cashier. He
remained with us all the day of the 21st, and set out
with Mr. Couche for Kingston and Montreal early on
Friday morning, the 22nd October. His brother
George accompanied him as far as Scarboro'.

Formidable preparations were now being made for
the capture of Montreal, where the American soldiers
were promised good winter quarters.

General Wilkinson, the rather incompetent, com-
mander-in-chief of the American army, had tbe con-
trol of about 16,000 men on the northern frontier,
including General Hampton's division. The first
plan proposed was the capture of Kingston. This
did not strike General Wilkinson favourably, who, in

* Gallant officers of the 4l8t.

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Ten Years of Upper Canada.

August, before the defeat of the Canadians on Lake
Erie and at Moraviantown, wrote thus to the Secre-
tary of War : —

Will it not he better to strengthen our force already
at Fort George ; cut up the British in that quarter,
and should General Harrison fail in his object, march
a detachment and capture jMalden ? x\fter which,
closing our operations on the peninsula, descend
like lightning with our whole force on Kingston, and,
having reduced that place, and captured both garrison
and shipping, go down the St. Lawrence and form a
junction with Hampton's column, if the lateness of
the season should permit ?

The Secretary of War objected to any further
movement on the peninsula, as it would only " wound
the tail of the lion,'' and General Wilkinson left the
Niagara district for Sackett's Harbour, in August,
without any definite plan being decided on.

On his way, he sent from Albany his first orders as
commander-in-chief to General Hampton.

This aroused the anger of the old aristocrat Hamp-
ton, who resented any interference from Wilkinson,
and henceforth cherished an intense hatred against
him.

In September, it was decided by the Americans to
leave an efficient garrison of 600 troops in Fort
George, and to take the remainder of the Niagara
division of the army in Chauncey's fleet, to join in an
attack on Montreal.

When General Vincent withdrew to Burlington

Chateauguav — Chrysler's Field, 1813.

241

Heights after Proctor's defeat, Colonel Winfield Scott,

who had been left in command of the Americans at

Fort George, with about 800 regular troops, left the

defence of the fort to General McClure, commanding

the New York miMtia, and crossed the Niagara river

on the 13th October, on his way to join Wilkinson's

army at Sackett's Harbour. When Scott left Fort

George, it was believed that all the British troops had

been called from the western end of Lake Ontario to

reinforce the garrison at Kingston. These orders had

indeed, been sent by Sir George Prevost to General

Vincent, as soon as the Commander-in-Chief heard of

General Proctor's defeat at the battle of the Thames.

However, Vincent, Morrison and Harvey were not

men disposed to retire. A council of war was held at

Burlington Heights, and it was determined not to

abandon the Niagara Peninsula.

The American General, McClure, was sending out

foraging parties from Fort George, and greatly annoy-
ing the inhabitants in the vicinity. So Colonel
Murray, of the 100th, was despatched with about 400
men to drive them back. This was successfully done,
and soon the Americans were hemmed within their
own lines, and the Canadian troops once more took up
their position at Twelve-Mile creek (St. Catharines).
General Wilkinson was now (October, 1813), con-
centrating his force at Grenadier Island, which is
situa-ted eighteen miles below Sackett's Harbour,
between that place and Kingston. His plan was to

I <

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V i

'■mr

242

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

WUr

11 It I

descend the St. Lawrence in bateaux and gun-boats,
to pass by the forts, and after forming a junction with
Hampton, to proceed and take possession of the Island
of Montreal.

Storm followed storm on Lake Ontario and the St.
Lawrence. Snow fell to the depth of ten inches, and
the American troops, encamped on Grenadier Island,
Buffered severely.

They remained there until the 1st November, with
the exception of General Brown's brigade, some light
troops, and heavy artillery, which moved forward on
the 29th October, and took up their position at French
Creek, now Clayton.

Chauncey, in the meantime, endeavoured unsuccess-
fully to blockade the Canadian fleet in Kingston
harbour.

General Wilkinson arrived at French Creek on the
3rd November.

On the morning of the 5th November, a clear bright
crisp day, the whole flotilla of 300 boats moved down
the river.

As soon as the American movements were ascer-
tained. General De Rottenberg sent a flying column
down the St. Lawrence to intercept them. But few
men could be spared for the daring enterprise, and the
corps of observation, as it was called, comprised in
all not more than 800 men, accompanied by a few
gun-boats. It consisted of the remains of the 49th
regiment, some Canadian Fencibles, the second bat-

CHATEAUGUAY — ChRYSLER'S FiELD, 1813.

243

talion of the 89th, and three companies of Voltigeurs,
the whole force under the command of Colonel Morri-
son, aided by the Deputy Adjutant-General, Colonel
Harvey — the hero of Stoney Creek.

The Commissariat Department, under Mr. Couche,
accompanied, ur rather followed this column, and the
following letter from Mr. Ridout gives an account of
the march down the river : —

t Kingston, \8t November, 1813.

Dear Father, — We have had a most harassing
journey of ten days to this place, where we arrived last
night in a snow-storm. It has been snowing all day,
and is now half a foot deep. The journey has
knocked Mr. Couche up. He is in the next room with
a fever. Frequently I had to go middle deep in
a mud-hole, unload the waggon, and carry heavy
trunks fifty yards, sometimes waist-deep in mire, and
reload the wagg ^ One night it upset gomg up a
steep hill in the woods. Gee and I carried the load up
to the top, whilst Mr. C. rode on three miles in the
rain for a lanthorn. About eleven o'clock we got in,
when we missed a trunk with 500 guineas in it. Mr.
Couche and I immediately rode back about two miles
and found it in a mud-hole.

The Yankees lie with their whole fleet and 12,000
men over on Grenadier Island. Yesterday they sent
down to scour the river ten gun-boats and forty Durham
boats full of men. At Cornwall they captured a con-
voy of boats and merchandise to a great amount.

These Durham boats have letters of marque and
reprisal, so the river is completely theirs. I know not
how we are to get from them.

Accounts have just arrived from Montreal, saying
that 40^ of our troops have defeated General Hamp-

III

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244

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

ton's army of 4,000 men. Kingston is well fortified,
and I think would withstand a large force.

The fleet lie about Snake Island. There are about
2,000 troops here. The gates are shut every night at
sunset. Two fine blockhouses are built back of the
town, with water and ditches round them, and the
works carried from one to the other. Along the bay a
breastwork of empty barrels is made.

The defeat of Hampton's army, mentioned in this
letter, was one of the most romantic achievments of
the war, and most important in its results. All the
posts in Western Canada, with the exception of
Mackinaw, had fallen into the hands of the Americans.
They had not only recaptured Michigan, but the result
of the battle of Moraviantown had given them con-
trol of the garden of Upper Canada. Everything
pointed to the early conquest of that Province, and
the authorities at Washington now planned a vigorous
invasion of Lower Canada.

General Hampton began his advance on the 20th of
September, surprised a Canadian picquet at Odell-
town, and then took the road to L'Acadie. He had
to pass through a swamp for upwards of fifteen miles,
before reaching the open country. Colonel De Sala-
berry, with the aid of his Voltigeurs, had done his best
to make the road a bad one. He had felled trees, and
dug holes, and placed every obstruction in the way.
At last Hampton moved with his whole force towards
the head of the Kiver Chateauguay.

De Salaberry having asc^ertained the road by which

Chateauguay — Chrysler's Field, 1813.

245

Hampton was to advance, took up a position in a thick
wood, on the left bank of the river, six miles above
its junction with the English river. Here he threw
up l)reastworks of logs. His front and right flank
were covered by extended abattis, and his left rested
on the river. In his rear, the river being fordable, he
covered the ford with a strong breastwork, defended
by a guard, and kept a piecpiet of Beauharnois'
militia in advance, on the right bank oi' the river,
lest the enemy should mistake the road, and crossing
the ford under cover of the forest, should dislodge
him from his position.

On the 22nd September, Hampton sent General
Izard to force a militia picqiiet at the junction of the
rivers Outaito and Chateauguay, and there the main
body of the Americans arrived on the 22nd Septem-
ber. Two days later, the enemy repaired the road,
and brought forward ten pieces of artillery to within
seven miles of l)e Salaberry's position.

Hampton had discovered the ford, and sent Colonel
Purdy with a strong body of infantry on the evening
of the 25th September, to fall upon De Salaberry's
rear, while the main body were to assail in front.
Purdy's brigade lost themselves in the woods, and
wandered about all night. On the morning of the
26th September, Hampton appeared in the front, with
about 8,500 men. A picquet of twenty- five Canadians
was driven in, but it only fell back on a second piiujuet,
where a most resolute stand was made. De Salaberry

246

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

■A

lUM

heard the firing, and advanced to the rescue. He had
with him Ferguson's company of Fencibles, Chevaher
Duchesnay's and Juchereau Duchesnay's company of
Voltigeurs. He posted the Fencibles in extended
order, every man being an arm's length from his
neighbour, the right touching the woods, in which
some Abenaquis Indians were distributed. Chevalier
Duchesnay's company was in skirmishing order, in line
extended from the left of the Fencibles to the Chateau-
guay ; and Juchereu,u Duchesnay's company, and thirty-
five militia were ranged in close order along the mar-
gin of the river, to prevent a flank fire from the
enemy.

The Americans advanced steadily within musket
shot, and De Salaberry commenced the action by dis-
charging his rifle. In order the deceive the enemy,
the greatest possible noise was made, purposely, by
buglers stationed here and there in the wings, the
centre and the rear of the Canadian force., The enemy
wheeled into line and began to fire in volleys, but
threw away their bullets as the battalions were not
fronting the Voltigeurs or Fencibles. A a some of the
skirmishers retreated, the enemy moved forward.
Again the Canadian buglers sounded the advance, and
the notes of martial music echoed through the woods
as if 20,000 men were being marshalled for the fight.
At this crisis, Colonel McDonoll, of the Glengarries
arrived on the scene with some reinforcements, and at
the same time Purdy's detachment of American iu-

, i'k

W'\

Chateauguay — Chrysler's Field, 1813.

247

fantry, long lost in the woods, was guided to the ford
by the firing and music. He drove in a Canadian
picquet which was on the opposite side of the river, and
was pushing for the ford, when De Salaberry ordered
Captain Daly with the light company of the 3rd bat-
talion of Canadian militia to cross the river, and take
up the ground abandoned by the picquet. This was
done gallantly, and the American advance guard was
driven back. As they appeared again, De Salaberry
ordered Juchereau Duchesnay to be up and at them,
and his men, rising from their place of concealment,
poured in a fire on Purdy's brigade, as efifectual as it
was unexpected. The Americans reeled back, turned
and ran. Hampton seeing Purdy's discomfiture,
slowly withdrew, leaving De Salaberry with his 300
Canadians in possession of the position with all the
honours of victory.

For his skilful management of this affair De Sala-
berry was loaded with honours, his officers and men
publicly thanked, and five pairs of colours were pre-
sentled to the five battalions of Canadian embodied
militia which had taken part in the fight.

Charles Michel d'lrumberry de Salaberry, Seig-
neur de Chambly et de Beulac, was born at the
manor house of Beauport, November 19th, 1778. He
entered the British army at an early age ; served
eleven years in the East Indies, and distinguished
himself in command of a company of grenadiers in
the expedition to Martinique, in 1795. He was airle-
de-camp to General de Rottenburg, in the Walcheren

I I

248

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

»ij

J'- 'I"'.

13' :

U h

expedition and held a post of honour during the
siege, and at the capture of Flashing. Returning to
Canada as a staff-otlicer, under General de iiotten-
burg, he was chosen by Sir George Prevost to raise
a regiment of light infantry among the French-Cana-
dian population, a task which he accomplislied most
successfully. His regiment was known as the Volti-
geurs, and throughout the war they were distinguished
for their bravery and devotion.

I)e Salaherry afterwards laid down the sword for
the pen. He became a senator, and was called to the
Legislative Council in J 818. He died at Chambly on
the i>6th February, 1829.

His escutcheon bears the motto becoming to the
perfect knight, " Force a superbe, mercy a faible.''
— (From Morgan's '* Distinguished Canadians.")

The next letter, of the 9th November, tells of Wil-
kinson's descent of the St. Lawrence, with 10,000
men ; and wo can well imagine the scene was an
impressive one to the young Canadian, as he watched
the passing of that fleet of 300 boats down the river.

Of all the events of that eventful year, none was
more truly heroic or more, worthy of praise than Mor-
rison's march to intercept the invaders of Montreal.

The new Republic then seemed on the point of
overwhelming its weak half-brother. Upper Canada
was almost in the grasp of the enemy. There was
nothing to stay their victorious progress except a
little band of cool, brave men. As Colonel Harvey
says in his letter describing the battle of Chrysler's
Field, " We had nothing to trust to but every man
doing his duty."

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(BATTLE QROUNDS MARKED WITH

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LACOLLE

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(OARA FALLS
tFTSCHLOSSER

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SUrFALO

42 MlliXS to ONE INCH

NDS MARKED WITH GROSSED SWORDS.)

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Chateauguav— Chrysler's Field, 1813.

249

It seemed as if only a miracle could prevent the
annihilation of the Canadian troops.

What were Wilkinson's hopes and plans may be
seen from his letter to General Hampton, dated

Head-Quarters of the Army,

Seven miles above Cgdensberg,

November 6th, 1813.

destined

and determined on the attack of
Montreal, if not prevented by some act of God, and to
give security to the enterprise, the division under
your command must co-operate with the corps under
my immediate orders. I shall pass Prescott to-night,
because the stage of the season will not allow me
three days to take it. I shall cross the cavalry at
Hamilton, which will not require a day, and shall then
press forward and break down every obstruction to the
confluence of this river with the Grand river, there
to cross to the Isle Perrot, and with my scows to
bridge the narrow inner channel, and thus obtain foot-
hold on Montreal island, at about twenty miles from
the city ; after which, our artillery, bayonets and
swords must secure our triumph, or provide us honour-
able graves.

Inclosed you have a memorandum of my field and
battery train, pretty well found in fixed ammunition,
which may enable you to dismiss your own ; but we
are deficient in loose powder and musket cartridges,
and therefore hope you may be abundantly found. On
the subject of provisions, I wish I could give as favor-
able information ; our whole stock of bread may be
computed at about fifteen days, our meat at twenty.
In speaking on this subject to the Secretary of War,
he informed me that ample magazines were laid up on
Lake Champlain, and therefore I must request you to

^!9H

m'-

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11','f

tr!!

250

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

order forward two or three tnonths' supply by the safest
route, in a direction to the proposed scene of action.

(Signed)

Jas. Wilkinson.

Hampton's answer, received a few days later, ran as

follows : —

Head-Quarters, November 8th, 1813.

Sir, — I had the honour to receive at a late hour last
evening, your communication of the Cth. The idea sug-
gested of effecting the junction at St. liegis was most
pleasing, as being the most immediate, until I came
to the disclosure of the amount of your supplies of
prvjvisions. Colonel Atkinson will explain the reason
that would have rendered it impossible for me to have
brought more than each man could have carried on his
back ; and when I rejected that in throwing myself on
your scanty means, I shall be weakening you in your
most vulnerable point, I did not hesitate to adopt the
opinion, that by throwing myself upon my main de-
pot, where all the means of transportation had gone,
and falling on the enemy's flanks and straining every
effort to open a connnunication between Plattsburg
and Caughnawaga, or any other point you may indicate
on the St. Lawrence, I should more effectually con-
tribute to your success, than by a junction on the St.
Regis.

The way is in many places blockaded and abattised,
and the road impracticable for wheels during winter ;
l)ut by the employment of pack-horses, if I am not
overpowered, 1 hope to be able to prevent you from
starving.

I have ascertained and witnessed the plan of the
enemy is to burn and consume everything in our
advance.

My troops and other means will be described to you
by Colonel Atkinson.

Chateauguay— Chryslkr's Field, 1813. 251

[,e

Besides their rawness and sickness, they have
endured fatigues equal to a winter campaign, and are
sadly dispirited and fallen off.

This discouraging epistle was received hy General
\^ Ikinson on his arrival at Cornwall.

In the next letter from Thomas G. Kidout we iiave
a vivid description of Wilkinson's flotilla descendin<
the St. Lawrence. It is dated

r
n

Pkescott, 9tk November, 181H.

I am so far on the journey. Yesterday we got thir-
teen miles helow this, and were obliged to return on
account of the landing of the American army half a
mile Ix'low us on our side. We had the most narrow
escape of being taken. Air. Green only rode on a few
hundred yards farther, and was taken prisoner.

It was a very grand sigiit to see an army of 10,000
men going down the Gallette rapids. They tired at
us several shots, taking our waggon for artillery, I
suppose. Every boat had a gun mounted, and carried
about sixty men. About 180 immense boats went
down full of men, besides sciiooners with provisions.
Yesterday Colonels Harvey and Pearson left this with
1,500 regulars and eight gun-boats in pursuit, deter-
mined to attack the enemy wherever they are to be
found. They got to Lake St. Francis last night.
Unless this armament is destroyed, Montrt^al will go;
but we have every reason to believe its entire destruc-
tion will take place in three or four days. The
Americans landed 800 men under Forsythe, within
half a nule from where we slept, and have destroyed
the bridges down the river.

Prescott is very strong and would stand a regular
siege. It is supplied with two months' provisions.

To-morrow we again prosecute our journey down.
Colonel Harvey promised to clear the road.

^n^v

|;i

252

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

The Americans seem confident of taking Montreal.
I never witnessed such a beautiful sight as the army
going down the rapids. Had we not fortunately
stopped where we did, but gone farther as intended,
notiiing would have saved us.

I went down to inquire about Mr. Green's %te yes-
terday morning, but was glad to return after going two
miles, for their boats rowed directly into the shore, so
I galloped off.

Extract of a letter from Lieutenant-Colonel Harvey,
Deputy Adjutant-General, dated, Banks of the St.
Lawrence, Chrysler's, 12th November, 1813 : —

At two o'clock yesterday, after having apparently
embarked and proceeded downwards, the enemy sud-
deidy showed his columns in the woods in our front,
consisting of three heavy ones (apparently brigades),
of infantry, a considerable amount of cavalry on the
road on his left, and riilemen on his right and in his
front. Our position, fortunately, was not more exten-
sive than our little band could well occupy, and dis-
positions were therefore easily made.

The ground was perfectly open. The troops dis-
posed in the following manner : The ilank companies
49th, detachment of Canadian regiment, and Vol-
tigeurs, with one field-piece, und^n- Lieutenant-Colonel
Pearson, on the right, a little advanced on the road.
Three companies HOth regiment, witl' a gun supporting
the advance, forined in echelon \vith it on its left.
The 4!)th and Br'th regiments thrown more to the
rear, with a gun, formed the main body and reserve,
and extended almost from the road to the woods on
our left, which were occupied by our Indians. As the
enemy advanced, I plainly saw wo had nothing to trust
to but " every man doing his duty." I was convinced
we had, with 800 men, to meet, in the open fi*dd, a
force of not less than 4,000, and strong in an arm of

Chateauguay — Chrysler's Field, 1813.

253

(1.

"?,'

on
he
ist
•cd
a
of

which we were wholly destitute — cavalry. Onr light
troops — Voltigeurs — were thrown forward and showed a
good countenance, but were, of course, immediately
driven back ; and the enemy advanced at the pas de
charge a la Fraiicaise, which was quickly changed by
a well-directed fire from our field-pieces, to one more
comporting with the dignity of the American na ion.
I then reconunended to Colonel Morrison to advance
the line in echelon of battalions. On arriving within
musket distance the enemy's colunms halted, and com-
menced a heavy but irregular fire, which our battalions
returned with infinitely more effect l)y regular firing
of platoons and wings. The superiority of this fire,
aided by that of our three field-pieces, which were
admirably served, gave, after a severe contest, the
first check and repulse to the enemy, and his columns
fell back, only, however, to advance again in a more
determined manner, supported by three or four field-
pieces, and by his cavalry formed for a charge on our
left. Having again opened his fire upon us, I per-
ceived that it would be impossible, in our advanced
position, to stand long against the grape from his
field-pieces, which it was accordingly determined to
charge. The 49th was moved on against the field-
guns opposite to them, the 89th in echelon support-
ing ; and though this charge was not executed as
intended, nor as far as the proposed point, it neverthe-
less decided the fate of the day, as the enemy immedi-
ately fell back, leaving in the possession of the three
companies of the 89th regiment, on the right, one of his
p'x-pounders, with its tumbril, etc., which they had
spiritedly charged, after having repulsed a treble
charge of the enemy's cavalry. Some efforts were still
kept up, but the fire of our platoons and guns, and
above all, the steady countenance of the troops, finally
drove the enemy out of the field ; and about half-past
four o'clock he gave up the contest and retreated
rapidly through the woods, covered by his light troops.

llW:-

254

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

The enemy's loss in this severe action in killed,
wounded and prisoners, may be safely estimated at
600 or 700 men. Nearly 180 of the dead were counted
on the field ; upwards of 100 prisoners are in our hands,
and the number of slightly wounded who were carried
off is very great. They were commanded by General
Boyd in person.

Jiritish loss — killed, officers, 1 ; men, 21 ; wounded,
officers, 10 ; men, 137 ; missing, men, 12 ; total,
officers, 11 ; men, 170.

Names of officers killed and wounded : —

49tli regiment — Captain Nairn, killed ; Lieuten-
ants Morton, Kichmondand Holland, slightly wounded ;
Lieutenants Jones, Bartiey and Claus, severely.

89th regiuient — Captain ]3rown, wounded severely;
Ensigns Brown and Leader, wounded slightly.

Canadian reginjent — Lieutenant l)e Lorimier,
severely wounded (since died) ; Ensign Armstrong,
dangerously.

Loss of the enemy from (iOO to 700, in left on the
field, killed and wounded, 180 prisoners and one field-
piece.

(Signed),

J. Harvey, D.A.Ci.

From Thomas G. Jiidout to his FatJier in York : —

MoNTHKAL. Novemher 20///, IM.'i.

We arrived h(>re on the 18th on hoi'sel)a(!k, having
left all the luggage in Eort Presciott; we stay at Holmes',
but intend taking private lodgings.

1 suppose you have had a full account of Colonel
Harvey's gallant affair of the 1 Itli at Chrysler's, i
was on tlui liehl of battle lu'xt morning, and it was
covered with Americans kilhid and wounded ; we had
buried some, aiul about eighty lay dead, some scalped.
Some horses were intermingled among tnem. We
had eleven killed on the field and 1)35 wounded, souh^

CiiATKAUGUAV — Chrysler's F"it:LD, 1813. 255

'^'

of whom (lied since. Poor Captain Nairn was killed
at the close of the battle, almost the last shot tired.
It was fouglit at Chrysler's house on a level })iece of
ground half a mile S(|uare. Our army were drawn up
in a solitary line of 1,000 men, from the woods to the
river. The enemy issued out of the woods in two
large columns of 2,000 each, besides 800 horse, who
kept in rear. After two hours' sharp tiring om* men
retreated into a ploughed field, 200 yards i)ack, while a
six-pounder witli grape and canister threw the Ameri-
can columns into disorder, assisted i)y the 4'.)th, who
tired as on a tield day, by divisions and com})anies,
thinning the Yankees at every platoon. When they be-
gan to give way in good order, our fellows gave three
cheers and closed upon them. They immediately
broke and ran as fast as p()ssil)l(^ for their boats, about
a mile distant. Owing to our small force, now reduced
to 800 men. they were not pursued more than iialf a
mile, .\bout (eighty prisoners were taken, a colonel
and some otlicers. It is said that one of tiieir generals
has since died of liis wounds.

T'he IDth had sixty men killed and wounded, six
otlicers. Young Claus has bad bis K;g amputated be-
low the knee. Two others an^ dangerously wounded,
and two have di(Ml. That same night the eiuuny em-
burkcMl in their boats and descended the Jjoiig Saiilt to
Cornwall, and Joined the other division. The next
day tliey crossed over to Sahnon rivcM". and are now
making their a|)i)roach to Monli'eiil tbioiigh the Ciui-
teauguay country, while Hampton does the same by
Chambly. We have ('),()(){) regular troops besides militia
to op])ose them, and there? is not the least dangei for
this place. Tiie I'Jth are to winter here. They are
now reduced to 200 elfective men.

There is a. regidar and sti'oiig fort, built at the
Coteau du Lac, which cannot be taken excei)t by a
regular siege.

I have not seen a stack of hav or wheat in Lower

, I

250

Tkn Years of Upper Canada.

Canada, and the barns appear to 1)6 only half full.
There are also few or no cattle. Flour is now $20
per barrel, and bread 2s. per loaf ; 1,500 marines are
now at Chambly. The crew of the lijolus have gone
up to Kingston. Had the Yankees continued with
their expedition nij^^ht and day down the river, they
would have taken Montreal by surprise. It was a most
powerful flotillii — some boats carried 100 men, all with
artillery on board.

If the papers corae out to-day, I will send you a
copy. Sir (leor^e, in general orders, has reprobated
the conduct of Proctor and his officers in very severe
terms. Do fuake incpiiries ai)out Jones, my comrade,
1 am afraid he is a prisoner. Good fortune attends me,
for there never was a more narrow escape than when
the Yankees landed twelve miles below Prescott. We
slept within 200 yards of them. Mr. Green was taken
prisoner three minutes after he had left us. Next
morning they departed, and Mr, Couche sent me down
to reconnoitre and in([uire for him. I rode down two
and a half miles, but the whole river above and below
was covered with their boats ; some pulled towards
the shore where I was, and came within fifty yards,
when a man came running to me and told me by
all means to make my escape, for that six boats had
landed above me. I instantly galloped back, and
passed before tiiey reached the road, as they had
landed on a small wooded point 300 yards away. The
man told me afterwards that I had hardly got out of
sight, when they took three prisoners.

The American general reported killed was General
('ovington. He was buried at French Mills, Salmon
River, called also in his honour Fort Covington.

After the battle of Chrysler's Field, the Americans
made a hasty retreat to their boats, and the stricken
expedition proceeded as quickly as possible down the

CHATEAUGUAY — CHRYSLER'S FlELD, 1813.

257

river to the rendezvous at Cornwall, where General
Brown's division anxiously expected them. Here
Wilkinson received the mortifying intelligence that
Hampton declined to meet him as requested at St.
Regis. This was, indeed, a dilemma for the Ameri-
cans. The Canadian gun-boats were closely following
them. To retreat up the rapids was an impossibility.
To retrace their steps by land on the Canadian
side was also impossible, in the face of Morrison's
little army and the numerous batteries on the shore.
Wilkinson did not dare, with his disheartened troops,
to make the promised dash on Montreal. So he held
a council of war on the 13th November, which
decided that it was expedient to remove the army
from Canada into winter quarters at French Mills,
on the Salmon river. Thus, in disaster and disgrace,
ended the expedition which had promised so much,
and the fact remained indisputable that the invasion of
the Invincible Armada of the St. Lawrence was a
failure.

n-al

lion

258

Ten Years of Upfer Canada.

CHAPTEK XTX.

FlUE AND SWOUD — DECEMBEIi, 1813.

.1 >

In December, 1813, Lieutenant-General Gordon
Druuiniond* assumetl the coniuiiind in Upper Canada,
in place of General de Kottenl)iirg. lit* at once pro-
ceeded to the head of Lake Ontario, with the view of
regaining possession of l^'ort George. When tlu? news
reached that place of the failure of Wilkinson's and
Ilauipton's expedition on the St Lawrence, General
McCHure determined to ahandou the jiost and place his
garrison in l'\)rt Niagara. Before leaving, however,

*Goneml, aftorwanla 8ir Qorilon, Drummoiul, wlio (liHtiii>,'ui«lii'(l hiiiistilf
as a ctiiuiiiaiulor in lJ|t]HT Caiiailii (lining' tlui lampaiyn of KS14, was aCana-
(liaii liy l>ii'tli. Imviii'^ )u'imi Iioi'ii at (.^iicluc in 1771, wlieri- his father was
Payinasti!r-( u'uoral nf tlu' fcuvin. (Jdrtloii DruimiKiinl (.'utoivd the army as
ensign in 17*<'.>, had raj)i(l proniKtimi, ami was niadu Lioiitcnant-Coloiuil in
1794, and ),'ivon the t'lininiaiicl (f tlus 8th re),'inR!nt. He served with dis-
tinction in llollaml, and Knypt. and the West indies, in 1811 he was
appointeil to the Htalf in (.^mada : ritiirncd to Kiii^land in 1812; and was
sent out af^ain at the close of IHKJ aw second in ccmunand to Sir George
Prevost.

His vigour and promptitude wcro invahiaiiU* to CJanada at tiiis crisis.
Though woun<led at Lundy s Lane, he still kept the eonnnand until the
close of tlio war, when he succeeded Sir (Jeorgo Prevost as Connnandor-in-
Chief and (iovernor-tieneral of the Canadas.

Me held this [xist until 181(>, and tlu:n retired into private life, and
resided in England untilliis death in 1854, in the eighty-fourth year of his age.

Fire and Sword — December, 1813.

259

his
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on the 10th December, a bleak, cold winter day, he
inhumanly set fire to the town of Newark.!

Hitherto the war had been conducted without any
startling outrages on either side ; but, by this cruel
act, 450 women and children were left homeless and
shelterless in the snow. One hundred and fifty houses
were reduced to ashes. Only half an hour's warning
had been given to the defenceless inhabitants. Mr.
^lerritt in his narrative says : " My old quarters, Gor-
don's house, was the only one standing." Colonel oSIur-
ray, of the lOOth, was at Twelve-Mile Oreck when he
heard of the conllagration. If(» pressed on eagerly,
hoping to surprise the retreating garrison. He was a
little too late, but in the hurry of de])artur(» the Ameri-
cans failed to l)l()w u}), as tiiey had intended, the foi't
and barracks ; and that night once more the liritish
Hag floated over old b'ort Oeorge, and once moie
British troo})s sle])t within its walls.

+ 'riio Episcopal church, St. Mark's, first Imilt in 1802, was occupied by the
American trii,)]iH when tlicy iield (he place, ami was set on tire with tho
rest of the town in IHIo. The lioijy of the church was hurnt down, but
rebuilt after the close of the wiir, and the venerable old tower, which
escaped the flames, still stands. stroULcly buttressed, a sacred memorial of
the sutlerinys of days i^oiu' l>y. .\ lari^e and beautifid buryinjj;-ground sur-
rounds the church, shaded by maynilicent old trees. It is crowded with
stately monuments atid luniible head-stoiu-s, and the tjiaves near the old
towi'r lie thick ami close together, many of the tombstones bearing tho
names of otUcers and militiamen. When the American soldiers were (juar-
tered in the church they cut up thoir rations of meat on some of tho great
flagstones which covered the graves, and the scars and chi|)pings made liy
tho cleavers can still be plainly seen. Hut, happily, the verdure of numy
springs, the fading leaves of many autumns, and the snows of many winters
have covered these scars and healed the bittei feelings they onco awakeneil,
leaving only a generous pride in tho valour and fortitude of the men who
saved the independence of their country. (From " Picturesque Canada.)

v.'

260

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

*' Let us retaliate by fire and sword," we are told
that Murray said to Druinmond, as they gazed on the
smoking ruins of the town.

" Do so, swiftly and thoroughly," said the com-
mander ; and bitter, indeed, was the vengeance taken.

On the night of the 18th December, the flank com-
panies of the 41st and lOOtli, under Colonel Murray,
with some militia, artillery and the Grenadier company
of the 1st Royals, crossed the River Niagara, and
were anietly put on shore at the Five-Mile Meadows,
thre' miles above the fort. The midnight expedition
proceeded with the greatest caution. Every order
was given in a whisper, neither musket nor sabre
clanked, and with noiseless steps, Murray and his
soldiers advanced. The sentries were seized before
they could give the alarm, and the Canadian troops
succeeded in entering Fort Niagara before a drum had
rolled or bugle sounded.

General McClure had left for Buffalo a few days
before, and the defence of the fort had been entrusted
to Captain Leonard, with about 400 effective men,
besides invalids. Only a feeble resistance was made
by the surprised garrison, and the conflict was over
before they were fairly awake. Only twenty-nine
escaped ; 344 were made prisoners, and about eighty
killed and wounded.

The fort proved a valuable prize. The spoils con-
sisted of twenty-seven pieces of cannon, 3,000 stand
of arms, and many rifles ; an immense amount of

If ■

V
T ,

FikE AND Sword— Dix'EMHER, 1813.

261

had

ordnance and commissariat stores ; clothing and camp
equipage of every description ; all sorely needed then
at Newark.

A discharge from one of the largest cannon was the
signal of success to General lliall, who, in the mean-
time, had marched to Queenston, with the 1st battalion
of the Koyals, part of the 41st regiment, and a number
of Indians. At dawn, Kiall, with his troops, crossed
the Niagara at Lewiston, and took possession of the
batteries there. Now came the vengeance for the
burning of Newark. The troops and Indians were
let loose on the frontier. Lewiston, Youngstown,
Tuscarora Village, Schlosser and Manchester were
laid in ruins.

The Commander-in-Chief, Drummond, determined
to proceed still further in his work of destruction. He
pressed on to Chippewa, and fixed his headquarters
there on the '28th December.

About '2,000 American troops were then collected at
Black liock and Buffalo, under the command of
General McClure, besides a considerable number of
irregular troops, disorganized and confused. Drum-
mond ordered Kiall to cross the river at midnight, on
the '29th of December, with four companies of the
King's, the Light company of the 89th, under Colonel
Ogilvy, and 160 men of the 41st, with a large body of
militia volunteers. About a thousand in all. Such
was the impetuosity of the attack that the Americans
were driven from their batteries at the point of the

*M,

I'll

262

Tkn Years of UrrER Canada.

bayonet, and their own f^uns turned on them as they
fled. ]{iall then continued the pursuit of the retreat-
ing troops to Buffalo, where tliey rallied and gained
some reinforcements of fresh infantry.

The Canadian troops still'pushed on, and succeeded
in'capturing some guns, when the enemy broke and
fled to the woods, (leneral Hiall now gave orders to
destroy four armed vessels (part of Perry's squadron),*
at anchor a short distance below Buffalo. This was
done under the direction of Captain Robinson, of the
King's, Colonel Ogilvy liaving been wounded.

And now the torch was a})plied again, and soon
BufTalo and Black Hock, deserted by their inhabitants,
were smoking ruins. Clothing, spirits, flour, public
stores, anything that could not be carried away, were
ruthlessly destroyed.

At Buffalo, only four buildings were left standing.
At Black Rock, only one house escaped.

The Americans lost in this attack about 400 killed
and wounded, and 1/50 prisoners. The Canadian loss
was thirty-one killed, seventy-two wounded, including
four officers.

The almost universal condemnation of General
McClure for the destruction of Newark, and the greater
enormities committed in retaliation, caused Sir George
Prevost to hasten before the world with an assurance
that he would endeavour to stop that sort of warfare.

In a proclamation issued l'2th January, 1814, after

*The Ariel, Little Belt, Chippewa and Trippe

Fire and Swoko— Dkcemhkk, 1813.

203

justifying the retaliation tlius far, he said : " To those
possessions of the enemy along the whole line of
frontier, which have hithertoTremained undisturbed,
and which are now at the mercy of the troops under
his command, His Excellency has determined to
extend the same forbearance and the same freedom
from rapine and plunder which they have hitherto
experienced ; and from this determination the future
conduct of the American Government shall alone
induce him to depart."

The last two entries in Mr. Kidout's Almanac for
1813 are :~

Rundaij, \9th December. — Fort Niagara was taken
by us.

WednesdaiL '29fh December. — Black Hock and
Bufifalo were taken and burnt, in retaliation for the
enemy's burning Niagara.

The campaign of 1813 had now closed, and its
result, as given by the Americans themselves, was,
that not one advantage had been obtained by theni,
to atone for the blood and treasure which had already
been exhausted.

The capital of Upper Canada (York) had been
taken. It was scarcely captured before it was aban-
doned.

The bulwark of the Province, Fort George, had been
carried; but its defenders were suffered to escape after
being defeated, and the conquerors were soon after
confined to the works of the garrison, and closely

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Ten Years of Upper Canada.

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invested there for more ihan six months. The long-
contemplated attack upon Montreal was frustrated.
Kingston still remained a safe and advantageous har-
bour for the Canadian fleet ; and Fort Niagara, which
might have been obstinately defended, was yielded
with scarcely a struggle.

In the course of the summer of 1813, the Americans
possessed every position between Lake Ontario and
Lake Erie, on both sides of the Niagara. In the win-
ter of the same year, they not only lost their posses-
sions on the Canadian side of the stream, but were
deprived of every post on their own side.

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Third Year of War — Lacolle, Oswego, 1814. 265

CHAPTEE XX.

THIED YEAR OF WAR LACOLLE, OSWEGO, 1814.

' ' i

The third year of the war had begun, and still
peace seemed to be as far off as ever.

It is well to remember that the defence of Canada
had for two years been entrusted to the militia and
fencible corps of the country, fighting side by side
with the few regular troops stationed on the frontier.

In all the battles that had been fought in those two
years of hard fighting the same names appear over
and over again. Among the regulars and militia were
the 41st, the 49th, the 89th, the 8th King's, the 1st
Royals, De Watteville's, the Glengarries, the Volti-
geurs, the Lincoln and York and Essex and Kent
militia.

On them fell the burden and heat of the day, and
looking back on that long-kept-up struggle against
fearful odds, on the hardships endured, and the dilii-
culties faced, it must be acknowledged that the de-
fenders of Canada were gallant men, led, for the most
part, by wise and skilful commanders. It was not until
the close of the summer of 1814 that Wellington's

troops poured into the country.
II

U : i

266

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

The Americans were now learning wisdom by ex-
perience. They found that numbers were of no avail
against skill and patriotism.

The lessons learnt at Detroit, and Stoney Creek, and
Chrysler's Field, and Chateauguay, had made an im-
pression at last, and the first thing they set about in
1814, was the improvement in the personnel of their
commanding officers, and the better drilling of their
troops. Hull had disappeared after Detroit ; Van
Rensselaer, after Queenston ; Dearborn was in re-
tirement ; Hampton had left the service in disgrace ;
Winchester, Chandler, and Winder were still prisoners
of war at Beauport, Quebec.

New blood was needed to lead their troops. In
January, 1814, Brigadier-Generals Brown and Izard
were commissioned Major- Generals, and the former,
on Wilkinson's retirement, became chief commander
of the northern division of the American army.
Colonels Macomb, Bissell, Scott, Gaines and Ripley,
were appointed Brigadier-Generals.

At York, there is again a meeting of Parliament for
the third time since the declaration of war, and again
the opening Speech is a congratulatory one on the
success of the campaign of 1813. On the 15th
February, 1814, it meets, for a short session. His
Honour Gordon Drummond, then being President,
administering the Government of Upper Canada,
Lieutenant-General commanding His Majesty's forces
within the same.

Third Year of War — Lacolle, Oswego, 1814. 267

ex-
,vail

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ut in
their
their
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.Ripley,

lent for
again
ion the
15th
His
ssident,
lanada,
Is forces

After the usual preliminaries, the Speech goes on to
say :—

At the mouient they (the Auiericans) were exulting
in the assurances of their commander, that the conquest
of the Canadas was achieved, Ihey were arrested in
their progress to invade our sister Province, and their
collective force discomfited by a handful of troops,
who drove them in dismay to take refuge on their
own shores.

That with no less gallantry in another quarter, a
small band of British soldiers attacked and carried
by storm the fortress of Niagara, the strongest and
most formidable they held on our frontier. In advanc-
ing to this enterprise, the troops beheld with indigna-
tion the smoking ruins of the town of Newark, which
an atrocious policy had devoted to the llames. Re-
sentful of the misery brought upon the innocent, but
too credulous inhabitants, who had remained to the
last moment under promise of protection to their per-
sons and property, the army inflicted a severe retalia-
tion, in the entire destruction of the whole frontier,
from Lake Erie to Lake Ontario.

Thus the valour of our soldiers and citizens has
proved wdiat can be effected, in a good cause, by men
who have nothing in view but their own honour and
their country's safety.

It has been more a subject of regret than sur-
prise to have found two members of the Legislative
body in the ranks of the enemy.

The two members of the Legislature named in the
last paragraph as traitors, were Jos. Willcocks, whose
name has appeared before in these chroiiicles, and
Benj. Mallory, an American by birth and sympathy.
These men raised what they were pleased to call a
Canadian regiment, which fought on the Yankee side,

268

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

M ^

but it is certain no native Canadians were within its
ranks. Willcocks, who was the self-appointed colonel,
met with a tragical end at Fort Erie.

In January, 1814, Thomas Gibbs Ridout received
his commission as Deputy Assistant-Commissary-
General.

The first letter of the year is.

l>,! ii;

From T. G. Ridout to his Father in York : —

Quebec, January Gth, 1814.

It was with great pleasure I received this day your
letter of the 20th December. We had already heard
of tbe glorious success of our army against Niagara,
and rejoice with you on that brilliant day. Yesterday
the Commissary-General, with Sir George Prevost,
Bart., etc., appointed me to be a Deputy Assistant-
Connnissary-General to His Majesty's forces. The
appointment will go home to be confirmed by the War
Oliice, and the commission will come out in the spring.

I have risen over the heads of eighty-nine clerks in
the short space, of seven months. My promotion has
been most rapid. My pay is now more than ,€500 a
year. I am getting a coat made and shall sport an
epaulet. Some time this winter I shall join the army
at Fort George, as they intend employing me in the
Upper Province. Mr. Couche and I dined with
Commissary-General Kobinson last Sunday. Mrs.
Robinson sent me tickets for the grand garrison ball
to-morrow night.

It is refreshing to hear of a little gaiety in the midst
of " war's dread alarms." No doubt the belles of
Quebec then, as now, were quite ready for a dance
with the defenders of their country.

Third Year of War — Lacolle, Oswego, 1814. 269

midst
ies of
ilance

From, T. G. Ridout to his Father in York : —

Quebec, lOtk January, 1814.

Your letter of the Ist I have this clay received. The
late success of our troops over the enemy on the
American frontier is a most glorious affair. We have
just heard of the second defeat at Black Hock, and the
conflagration of Buffalo and other places.

We have now made up all our accounts to the
amount of a million. I can assure you my labour has
been incessant, such as I never went through before.
In two or three weeks I am to proceed to Upper
Canada, and take charge of a post ; Cornwall, I believe,
or Prescott, but I had rather go up to Niagara, and
shall try for it. I am now well acquainted with the
duties of the commissariat, having learned more with
Mr. Couche than seven years' experience in an office
could have taught me.

Mr. Couche took me out to-day in his tandem
cariole. We drove to the Falls of Montmorenci.
They can now cross from the Isle of Orleans to the
north shore.

The next letter is.

From T. G. Eidout to his Father in York : —

Prescott, I9th January, 1814.

I arrived at this post last evening from Quebec,
which I left on the 13th inst. To-morrow I return to
Cornwall to take charge of my new post. There are
1,600 troops there to be fed, and my duty will be hard,
for the country is so excessively poor that our supplies
are all drawn from the American side of the river.
They drive droves of cattle from the interior under
pretence of supplying the army at Salmon river, and
are so allowed to pass the guards, and at night cross
them over to our side. I shall also be under tlie
necessity of getting most of my flour from their side.

!ii

270

Ten Years of Upper Canada,

fi!

M4 .ti+ 1

The Commissary-General told me that as Cornwall was
the most arduous post and full of difficulties, he would
entrust me with the care of it.

General de Rottenburg went to Montreal yesterday.
Mrs. Strachan is better, Mr. Strachan arrived at Corn-
wall on the morning of the 17th. Colonel Chapin
passed by to-day with a fair wind, bound to Quebec
jail, where he will most likely winter.

Brother Jonathan evidently was not deterred by
feelings of patriotism from earning an honest penny
by feedin his country's enemies.

The Colonel Chapin mentioned was Colonel Cyre-
nius Chapin, of the New York volunteers. He had
been taken prisoner at Beaver Dams, on the 25th
June, 1813, but had escaped on his way to York. He
was again taken prisoner at Buffalo, on the 30th
December, 1813.

The story of Chapin's escape after the battle of
Beaver Dams is rather amusing. He, and some other
prisoners, were being conveyed to York by water.
There were two bop,t loads. In the first was Colonel
Chapin, Captain Showers, who was in charge of the
prisoners and the principal part of the guard. The
second boat, which was rowed by the American prison-
ers, was ordered to keep some distance in the rear.
Cliapin managed to signal to it to come closer, and while
he was telling an amusing story to the Captain it came
up under the stern of the forward boat. It was imme-
diatelj' ordered back, when Chapin, in a loud voice,
commanded his men not to move. In a moment all

Third Year of War— Lacolle, Oswego, 1814. 271

as
Id

was confusion. Captain Showers was felled by a blow
from the Colonel. The rest of the guard were over-
powered and secured, and to give Colonel Chapin's
own words, " I succeeded to the command of our
fleet of two bateaux. We shifted our course, crossed
Lake Ontario, and with the boats and prisoners
arrived next morning safe at Fort Niagara."

From Thos. Ridout to his son T. G. Ridont : —

York, list January, 1814.

We received yesterday with great joy your letters
of the 8th and 10th inst. We had seen three or four
days ago your appointment in the General Orders.
We have just had accounts of the total defeat of Bona-
parte at Leipsig in October, and of tli^ armistice be-
tween us and the United States.

Pray buy me a Quebec almanac for the present year,
and make inquiry also if any stationery came out for
me last year as Surveyor-General. I believe it is
generally sent to the care of Commissariat Department
at Quebec, and forwarded by it. The President's office
stationery has been sent to Kingston, l)ut no other
that I can learn.

I hope you have written, or will soon write, to Mr.
Crookshank. He informed me of your appointment.
Write also to ])r. Strachan, who is much gratified at
your good prospects. He set out about a week ago
with Mr. Wood for Cornwall, where Mrs. Strachan is.
He intends to return l)y the opening of o'lr Parliament
here, on the 15th of next n)onth.

It is with the greatest satisfaction and delight my
mind rests on your new appointment. You have
entered into life on a very conspicuous and great
theatre, and where your services nnist be seen and felt
extensively. The well \ iding of a portion of His

viil

^^1

272

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

ill

I <ii

itf

.1 f

Majesty's forces at this important period ib committed
to your care. The kihours you go through in your
office are only to be known by that officer to whom you
transmit your accounts, but the exertions you employ
in furnishing the troops with tlie necessaries they
depend on you for, will be best appreciated by them.
In tbis the King's service is best promoted by a
knowledge of the country in which you are stationed,
and its resources; the employing of intelligent, honest,
active and conciliating persons to collect your supplies,
and an obliging, as well as a rigid, exactness on your
own part. The suaviter in modo with the fortiter
in re will smooth your greatest difficulties.

Is it a fact, that the misfortunes which attended our
fleet on Lake Erie, as also that of the Western army,
was really owing to want of due exertions without doors
of the commissariat in that quarter ?

I have heard that such is the case ; it will be worth
your investigation.

From S. Ridoiit to his Brother Thomas 0. Ridout: —

York, 24^/i January, 1814.

We congratulate you most sincerely on your good
fortune, and well I know you deserve it.

We have no news here of any consequence except
our affairs in the North of Europe, which have been
brilliant beyond description, but of this you are
already informed.

I think Jonathan must curse his stars, and wish the
war had never taken place, but Jemmy Madison's
vanity will probably induce him to make another
attempt to recover his disgrace ; but of the result I
entertain no apprehension.

It is said that an expedition is ordered against Fort
Maiden and Amherstburg, which places, I hope soon
to hear, are again in our possession. And who knows
but what Detroit may share the same fate !

Third Year of War — Lacolle. Oswego, 1814. 273

From Thomas 0. Ridoid fo his brother John, late Midshipman
on the "Royal George," ivho had been taken prisoner at York
and 2'>ut on parole . —

Cornwall, Slst January, 1814.

As I am now settled as long as the army remains
here, and am miicli in want of assistance, I have
obtained the Commissary-General's leave to have you
with me as my second-best clerk, therefore you must
set out immediately for this post and bring your head,
hands and feet along with you, for the public service.

I expect to go up as soon as the army moves from
here. We are now 1,400 strong. The Yankees on
the other side are 4,000, but they are afraid to attack
us. The marines and 103rd are here.

Forsythe has been destroying all the boats up the
river, to prevent any supplies coming over.

General Wilkinson, who had not at that time been
superseded in the command, was still in his winter
quarters on the Salmon river.

Lieutenant-Colonel Forsythe was one of the most
dashing officers of the American army. He com-
manded a corps of riflemen, and had been conspicuous
throughout the war for his daring bravery.

He lost his life on the 22nd June, 1814, on the
Champlain frontier — shot by an Indian in an insignifi-
cant skirmish.

Towards the close of January Wilkinson received
orders from the War Department to break up the post
on Salmon river. Early in February the movement
was made. The flotilla was destroyed, and the bar-
racks were consumed. General Brown, with a large
portion of the troops, marched up the St. Lawrence to

f
. 1

i .;

■; "1

I
1

274

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

n'-'

i- : I

I )

Sackett's Harbour. The remainder accompanied Gen-
eral Wilkinson to Plattsburg on Lake Champlain.

What the Canadians were doing at the time is told
in the following letter : —

Vrom Thomas 0. Ridout to his Father in York: —

Cornwall, dth February, 1814.

It is now twelve o'clock, and I have been actively
employed since eight a.m. Only think of 1,700
rations per day, and no o > but myself and a store-
keeper. My disbursement since the 24th January
have amounted to .£4,000.

Colonel Morrison commands this post. We are on
the alert, expecting the Americans, who are upon
so ne movement. All their artillery, except a few
pieces, and the whole of their baggage, has been sent
away.

The only thing that troubles me is a quantity of
specie that I have. If John was liere, in case of an
alarm, I would put him into a sleigh with it and one
set of my accounts to make off ; I must remain with
the army.

I have paid very large sums in specie for secret
service, this being the fountain head of all corre-
spondence with the enemy. lieuben Sherwood is
very active in that way. He has been twice taken,
but made his escape.

Two nights ago, with thirty of the marines, he
crossed over to Hamilton, marched ten miles into the
country, and captured a great quai 'ity of goods,
which I have now in charge. To-morrow a board of
survey is to be held on them.

The story of Sherwood's raid is as follows : — When
the Americans were at Cornwall, in the autunni of
1813, under Generals Brown and Boyd, previous to

Third Year of War — Lacolle, Oswego, 1814. 275

recrossing the river, they pkmdered some merchants
of all their goods, wares and merchandise, en route
for Upper Canada.

Colonel Morrison had stipulated for their restitution,
but the American Government had failed to keep this
agreement, and the goods were about to be sold for
the benefit of the United States.

To prevent this, Captain Sherwood, of the ^uarter-
Master-General's Department, suggested the idea of
plundering them back "gain. Accordingly, Captain
Kerr, with a subaltern, twenty rank and file of the
marines, and ten militiamen, with Sherwood, crossed
the ice on the 6th February, during the night, from
Cornwall to Hamilton, N.Y., with horses and sleighs
innumerable. The merchandise, or a great part of it,
was secured, packed up and carried off. The inhabi-
tants made no opposition, and indeed, rather enjoyed
the joke at the expense of the Yankee officers, who
were charged with the sale of the stolen goods.

From TliovKis G. Ridoiit to his brother George at York: —

Cornwall, 19^^ February, 181,4.

3 a.m. — John arrived yesterday, and in an hour he
accompanies me to Salmon river and from there into
the States. We are in purs- uit of the Yankee army,
and will go to Plattsburg. Everything has been
bustle all night. Half an hour ago the army moved
off. In the course of the day we shall be joined by
3,000 troops. I have a great deal of gold and silver
wherewith to make purchases in Vermont. 1 have
sixty sleighs loaded with provisions.

[!•— l*fT

mwv

276

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

Nothing of importance occurred during February
on the St. Lawrence. The Niagara frontier was
quiet. The Americans bad, as yet, made no attempt
to regain tlieir lost possessions there. On the
western frontier there were some shght skirmishes.
An attempt had been made by the enemy to take
Port Talbot, on Lake Erie, and an expedition was also
sent against another outpost at Delaware, on the
Hiver Thames.

For the defence of this district there were part of
the Koyal Scots, Light Company of the 89th, and the
Kent militia, under Captain McGregor.

An engagement took place at the Longwoods,
twenty-two miles from Delaware, on the 4th March,
1814, between some Kentucky volunteers and the Kent
militia. McGregor and his men made an heroic
charge up an ice-covered hill, where the enemy was
posted. They fought more than an hour, till darkness
came on, when the engagement terminated. Its only
result being the loss of some brave men.

Mackinaw still remained unmolested in the hands
yji the Canadians. It was of immense importance to
1 it, as it was the key to the vast traffic in furs
' .h the Indians of the North-West.

From T. G. Ridout to his Father in York : —

Cornwall, 24:th March, 1814.

I am now busily employed in finishing my accounts,
as we expect to move shortly from this place. I have
found out the fate of your box of stationery. It came

i -

Third Year of War — Lacolle, Oswego, 1814. 277

up to Cornwall last December, and laid a long time in
the commissariat stores here unnoticed, until January
last, when Mr. Tuttle, Deputy Assistant-Commissary-
General Osborne's storekeeper at Prescott, took it up
with him to that place, where it has furnished the
Commissariat Office there with the finest stationery
in the country. It is now nearly expended.

There are now only 200 njen left here, and shortly
there will be none. I have had a great deal of trouble
settling with 300 or 400 Scotchmen, for the expedition
to Malone. The river will soon break up. I am
afraid the Yankees will be too strong for us in the
spring on the lake. I hear they are building a seventj'-
four at Sackett's Harbour. You mentioned to John
he had better read history. At present he has no time
for it, being employed with me from eight in the morn-
ing till eleven at night, without intermission, Sundays
and every day. A jDcrsou in the conniiissariat should
never read ; I have not done so since I began.

In the month of February I issued 70,000 pounds of
flour, and other provisions in proportion, so you may
think we were not idle.

On the 30th March Generals Macomb and Wilkin-
son crossed Lake Champlain on the ice, with about
4,000 men, to Odelltown, to assault our troops stationed
at Lacolle Mills.* The latter was a strong stone
tower, and was defended by Major Hancock and about
200 men. The walls of the mill were eighteen inches
in thickness, and the windows were barricaded wuth
heavy timbers, through which were loop-holes for
muskets. The Americans opened fire on the tower,
but their missiles were harmless, and the whole Ameri-

* On Lacolle creek, a small tributary of the Sorel, three or four milei
below House's Point.

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Ten Years of Upper Canada.

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can line, being in open field, was exposed to a galling
fire. The small garrison was soon reinforced by some
Grenadiers of the Fencibles and Voltigeurs.

The Americans got into the woods with a view of
surrounding the mill, and simultaneously assaulting it
from all sides. The fire from the mill, however, was
so hot and well-directed, that the enemy were forced
to retreat iu confusion.

The Americans kept up a cannonade for about two
hours without the slightest efi'ect, and, wearied and
disheartened, were at last compelled to fall back on
Plattsburg.

The enemy lost in this attempt to carry a stone
tower, bravely defended, 13 killed, 123 wounded, and
30 missing. The Canadians lost in a dash to capture
the American guns 10 killed and 46 wounded, including
two officers.

After the fiasco at Lacolle, the military career of
General Wilkinson closed.

The next letter is from

Surveyor-General Eidout to his Son : —

York, lOth April, 1814.

The ice went out of the bay two days ago. At the
extremity of Gibraltar Point, a blockhouse is erected,
to annoy the enemy if he attempts to enter the har-
bour ; and we are, in other respects, much better pre-
pared than last year. Our vessels at Kingston were
to be launched to-day. 'Tis said the American ship
President is launched at Sackett's Harbour, therefore,
we may soon expect to see both fleets on the lake.

„

"^ma

Third Year of War — Lacolle, Oswego, 1814. 279

During the winter, both the American and Cana-
dian fleets had been strengthened. At Sackett's Har-
bour, Chauncey was busy collecting stores, and build-
ing riew gun-boats and a large frigate. In Kingston,
Sir James Yeo was also busy preparing for the spring
campaign. Both commanders were waiting anxiously
for the ice to break up in the harbours.

The command of Lake Ontario was considered an
object so important by the two Grovernments, that
they withdrew officers and men from the ocean to
assist in the lake service.

From T. G. Ridout to his Father at York : —

Cornwall, llth April, 1814.

Yesterday all the troops left this place for Prescott,
and I am now commanding officer. About the time
you will receive this letter, I am afraid the Yankees
will pay you another visit. I dread the consequences.

I expect bateaux in a few days from Lachine, as
the river is open. We drive a pretty good trade with
the Yankees from Salmon river.

'0.

From Thos. G. Ridout to his Father: —

Cornwall, Ist May, 1814.

Colonel Morrison commands this district from
Brockville to the Cedars. I am immediately under
the command of Major Clifford, 89th regiment, who is
stationed here with 250 men of that regiment. I have
spent at this place already .1' 17, 000.

Every day twelve bateaux arrive here from Lachine
on their way to Kingston, with provisions and naval
stores, and we have troops stationed along the river
to protect the communication.

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Ten Years of Upper Canada.

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The cainpaigu opened with the opening of naviga-
tion in May.

Sir James Yeo, with the co-operation of General
Drummond, planned an attack on Oswego, with the
view of destroying the naval stores, which were
collected there for the equipment of the American
fleet at Sackett's Harbour.

General Drummond sent on board the fleet six
companies of De Watteville's regiment, the Light
companies of the Glengarry militia, some Eoyal
marines and artillery, with two field-pieces, a rocket
company, and some sappers and miners.

The expedition left Kingston on the 4th of May,
1814, and arrived olf Oswego at noon the following
day. There was blowing a gale of wind, so it was
thought expedient to keep off the port till the weather
calmed.

On the morning of the 6th May, a landing was
effected in the face of a heavy fire of grape and round
shot from the enemy's batteries, and of musketry from
a detachment of Americans posted on a hill, and partly
sheltered by a wood.

The Canadian troops charged the battery and
captured it, the enemy leaving about sixty wounded
men behind them in their hurried retreat. The stores
in the fort were taken, the fort itself was dismantled,
and the barracks were destroyed.

A number of officers were wounded of the attack-
ing party, and eighteen rank and tile killed and sixty
wounded.

Third Year of War — Lacolle, Oswego, 1814. 281

Unfortunately the naval stores were not captured,
as they had been placed for safe keeping at the falls
of the Onondaga, some miles above Oswego.*

The troops were re-embarked, and the fleet sailed
for Kingston, on the 7th of May.

On the loth of May, the anxious inhabitants of
York were still ignorant of what had happened at
Oswego, although firing had been heard from that
direction.

From Thomas Ridout to his Son: —

York, lOth May, 1814.

The wind blows strong from the east, and we are in
hourly expectation Oi hearing what has been done by
our fleet and troops on Friday last, supposed to be at
Oswego.

Everything is quiet on the Niagara frontier. The
Western District and District of London are, for the
present, abandoned. If we meet with success on this
lake we shall soon mount upwards.

It is bleak and cold to-day. Yet I think this year
we shall have some peaches. The blossoms begin to
appear.

I have lost about 800 rails by the Indians.

The next letter gives an item of news about prices
of provisions, also that reinforcements were beginning
to arrive in the countrv : —

From Thomas 0. liidout to his Father in York : —

Cornwall, IBthMay, 1814.
Beef is seven and a- half cents per pound, and
flour seventeen and a- half dollars per barrel. News
has arrived that the 16th and 90th regiments have

* On the 29th May, Sir Jiiiues Yeo made another attempt to capture

these coveted naval stores, but without success.
18

282

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

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landed at Quebec, besides a corps of riflemen and some
very fine artillery. Fourteen transports and a frigate
had come up.

The firing you heard on the (3th May must have been
from Oswego. I saw a letter of that date from
Sackett's Han our, which describes them to be in
great dread of our troops , that the war party had
gained a majority in all the States as yet returned,
and that there is no prospect of peace this summer.
Bonaparte, it is said, has gained some advantages over
the allies, and there will be no peace this year in
Europe.

Major Clifford commands this garrison, with 250
men of the 89th regiment.

The Commissary-General has informed me that a
regiment will be stationed here, but don't say anything
about it. 1 am to furnish them with provisions, from
the Yankees, for which I shall be well supplied with
specie.

The next letter gives a graphic description of how
the army was supplied with provisions, "from the
Yankees," and the extraordinary spectacle is presented
of two ofiicers, one civil and the other military, sup-
plying the wants of their country's foes.

From Thomas G. Ridoiii o his Father in York: —

Cornwall, I9th June, 1814.

Three companies of the Canadian regiment are
coming here to relieve the 89th, who will move up-
wards. Two hundred and fifty artillery marched tor
Prescott yesterday morning. I have contracted with a
Yankee magistrate to furnish this post with fresh beef.
A major came with him to make the agreement, but,
as he was foreman to the grand jury at the court in
which the government prosecutes the magistrates for
high treason and smuggling, he turned his back and
would not see the paper signed.

Fort Erie, Chippewa, Lundy's Lane, 1814. 283

CHAPTER XXI.

. ':\^

FORT ERIE, CHIPPEWA, LUNDY S LANE, 1814.

To retrieve the consequences of the last disastrous
campaign, to regain possession of the posts in Canada
which had been lost, to drive the Canadians from Fort
Niagara, and to command the frontier on both sides
of the river, were the objects of the next Ccimpaign.

About the end of June, 1814, the American troops
were concentrated at Buffalo and Black Eock, on the
Niagara frontier. The army was commanded by
General Brown, an officer of experience and judgment,
and with him were Brigadier-Generals Scott and
Ripley.

General Winfield Scott had taken special care to
discipline thoroughly the troops under his command.
During the spring and early summer, they were kept
under arms from seven to ten hours a day. The re-
sult was, that when they took the field, they
manoeuvred in action, and under lire, with the accuracy
of parade.

On the 1st July, General Brown received orders
from the American Secretary of War to cross the
Niagara river, to capture Fort Erie and march on
Chippewa, where, at the mouth of the creek, some

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284

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

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fortifications had been thrown up, to attack Fort
George with the co-operation of Chaimcey's fleet, and
to seize and fortify Burhngton Heights at the head of
Lake Ontario. The phm looked very well on paper;
and had it been carried out successfully, the Ameri-
cans would not only have held the Niagara peninsula
in their grasp, but would have easily accomplished the
conquest of a large portion of Upper Canada.

It must be remembered that at this time, July, 1814,
there were only about 3,000 Canadian troops spread
over the frontier from York to Long point. Lake Erie.
There were so few men available for the different posts
that it seems almost incredible what was accomplished
by that scanty force. It was necessary to have garri-
sons in Forts George, Niagara, Erie, and Mississauga.*
The important position of Burlington Heights had to
be defended. Detachments also had to be placed to
guard provision depots at Twelve and Twenty-mile
creeks. York was in an exposed position, liable to
attack at any moment from Chauncey's fleet. Port
Dover, on Lake Erie, was also in need of protection,
as there was a danger that troops might be landed
there, and gain the rear of General RiallV^ division by
the western road.

Detachments had to be posted at the crossing of the
Grand river (Brantford), also at Delaware, to guard
the advance of the enemy by way of the Thames.

* Fort Mississauga was built early in 1814, after the burning of Newark
by the Americans.

Fort Erie, Chippewa, Lundy's Lane, 1814. 285

The constant duty and insufficient food had caused
a great deal of sickness in camp. General Drummond
had reported to the Commander-in-Chief that half the
men were unfit for service. The 8th were so en-
feebled that they had been ordered to Tjower Canada,
in hopes of regaining their strength. They had only,
however, proceeded as far as York, when they weve
ordered back, to join General Riall at Chippewa.

On the 3rd July, 1814, two brigades embarked from
the American shore in obedience to General Brown's
orders. The first, under General Winfield Scott,
crossed the Niagara about a mile below Fort Erie ;
the second, under General Ripley, crossed the river
about the same distance above.

Fort Erie, at the foot of Lake Erie, nearly opposite
Buffalo, where the River Niagara is about a mile
in width, was then garrisoned by 170 men of the
100th and 8th regiments, under the command of
Major Buck. It was the most serious impediment in
the way of the invasion of Canada in that quarter, but
was in a weak condition, and ill-provided to stand a
siege. As soon as the Americans landed, they began
to erect batteries, and an eighteen-pound cannon was
placed ready for action on an eminence called Snake
Hill. Brown then demanded the surrender of the
fort, giving the commander. Major Buck, two hours
for consideration. Although it might have been
defended for a short time, the commandant decided to
surrender to the American general, and at six o'clock

286

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

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in the evening, the soldiers marched out, stacked their
arms, became prisoners of war, and were sent across
the river.

During the morning, some cannon had been fired
from the fort, which killed four Americans, and
wounded several others. One Canadian soldier was
killed when the pickets were driven in. These were
the only casualties.

General Riall was much chagrined when he heard
of the surrender of the fort, as he was on the point of
sending forward several companies to reinforce it.

The invaders now determined to approach Chip-
pewa, where General Eiall was entrenched on the
north bank of the creek of that name.

On the 4th July, General Scott received orders to
advance to Street's Creek, two miles from the British
works.

At midnight, the main body of Brown's army came
up, accompanied by the commanding general.

That night both armies slept within two miles of
each other.

Early in the morning of the 5th July, skirmishes
began between the two camps, and a desultory fire
was kept up by pickets and scouts.

At last, in the afternoon. General Riall, who had
been reinforced by the arrival of the 8tli regiment
from York, determined to come out of his entrench-
ments, and attack in force the invading army.

The Americans were, however, well prepared to

Fort Erie, Chippewa, Lundy's Lane, 1814. 287

receive him, and a vigorous and desperate engagement
followed. Soon General Riall found his men falling
round him in numbers too great to leave him any
hope of victory. He was, therefore, after more than
an hour's desperate fighting, compelled to retire to his
entrenchments beyond the Chippewa.

There was, on both sides, in this short engagement,
an immense loss, in proportion to the numbers
engaged. The Americans acknowledged 328 killed,
wounded and missing. General Kiall's returns were
139 killed, 320 wounded, forty-six missing, total 505.
Among the wounded were the Marquis of Tweeddale,
Lieutenant-Colonel Gordon, Captain Holland, the aide-
de-camp to the General, seven captains, and seventeen
lieutenants.

In this battle the 1st Royal Scots, the 19th Light
Dragoons, the 100th, and the 8th were engaged, and
the Lincoln militia greatly distinguished themselves.

Of the 2nd Lincoln, the Colonel, Thomas Dickson,
was wounded, and Major David Secord then took com-
mand, and led his men with great bravery.

It is said that the Canadian force looked like the
wing of a regiment, in comparison to the Americans.

The strong reserve which General Brown was able
to bring forward, made it impossible for General Eiall
to maintain the conflict against a force so superior
in numbers.

How the news came to York is told in the following
letter.

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Ten Years of Upper Canada.

We can imagine what the scene must have heen
that midsummer night, as the boats came in from
Niagara, bearing their freight of wounded and dying
men.

Ahnost every house in the little town must of neces-
sity have become a hospital.

From Surveyor-General Ridout to his Son at Cornwall: —

York, Sunday, 10th Jidy, 1814.

We have appearances now ol very troublesome times.
On Tuesday last, about four in the afternoon. General
Eiall crossed the Chippewa with his forces, and
attacked the enemy whose numbers, as it appears by
a letter written the same morning by Major Glegg, he
was totall}' unacquainted with. The enemy was
posted above Pine Grove, Mr. Street's place, and they
were covered by thirty-six pieces of cannon. The
woods on their left swarmed with their numbers, nor
would they suffer our men to approach them. The
action continued about one hour and a half, when we
were compelled to retreat over the Chippewa bridge,
leaving many wounded. Fort Erie was on the same
day attacked by them and carried. Major Back, who
commanded the place, is killed, Captain Dawson
wounded, and all the men — two companies — killed,
wounded or taken prisoners. The. 100th regiment,
commanded by the Marquis of Tweeddale, who had
joined it that morning, has greatly suffered; of 600 men
who went into the field, only 146 came out.* The
Marquis is wounded in the thigh and leg. He arrived
here last night on one of our vessels, and is now at
Judge Campbell's. Lieutenant Lyon, who attracted
the notice of the Marquis by his bravery, and who was

* Three or four diiys after this sanguinary conflict, the enemy were em-
ployed burj'ing the'" own dead and burning those of the British. (Thom-
son's History of th War. )

Fort Erik, Chippewa, Lundy's Lane, 1814. 289

posted on our left near the Niagara river, with the
company he commanded, which consisted of twenty-
eight privates, four non-commissioned officers and
three officers, only hrought six out of the field. He
was wounded near the close of the action by a grape-
shot, which went through his right thigh a few inches
above the knee, passing all the arteries, and the sur-
geon, on examining it was astonished at his wonder-
ful escape. He came here with his wife last night,
"nd they are now at our house. I have not yet seen
him. About 140 wounded were also landed here last
night about nine o'clock, and five or six officers whose
names I have not yet learned. Yesterday morning the
enemy advanced towards Fort George and Niagara,
and when our vessels came out of the rivf r, they were
seen in great numbers at the Two and Four- Mile
creeks. They are said to be from 7,000 to 9,000
strong, well appointed and disciplined.

Captain Hey of the 100th is very dangerously
wounded. The ball entered at the groin and came out
in the opposite direction. Captain Sherrard of the
100th is also very much wounded in four places, yet
there are hopes of him. Our force at Burlington is
but weak, and this place has only the Glengarries of
400 strong, and it is said they have orders to embark
this morning for Fort Cxeorge, so that this place will
be abandoned, except by a few inefficient local militia;
for all those in the neighbourhood are called out, to
the great and sure loss of the harvest, if they are not
relieved. It is said that provisions at Niagara have
become very scarce, and are now^ served out at half-
allowance. Unless, therefore, some of the thousands
now in the Lower Province are speedily sent up and
arrive, with all necessaries, and that the enemy's fleet
be kept in check, the game is up in \' is quarter. A
few days will, I think, determine our faie.

The enemy's fleet are expected at Sackett's Harbour
this day. If so, we shall probably soon see them.

290

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

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Hope yet remains ; Providence may again interpose
and save us, as last December, contrary to all human
expectations.

After the battle of Chippewa, General Kiall gave
orders to retire under shelter of Forts George and
Mississauga until reinforcements should arrive.

On the withdrawal of the Canadian troops, General
Brown moved within a mile and a half of those posts ;
his army in a crescent, his right resting on the Niagara
river, his left on Lake Ontario.

Then began a system of pillage on the unfortunate
inhabitants.

A story is told that a certain American general,
with a party of about 200 mounted men, appeared
before a small farm-house near Fort George, occupied
by a few women and children, where some goods had
been stored for safety. The general took possession
of these and divided with his followers, reserving for
himself a set of silver spoons, a great coat to fit over
his own, and as much of a .chest of tea as he could
carry off in a flannel shirt sewed up at one end for the
purpose. So equipped, the gallant general marched
off; then next met and took prisoner a yourg man
Lc^med Thompson, whom he robbed of his silver watch,
but afterwards, approaching too near the picquets,
was himself mortally wounded, and taken by the same
young man to his father's house, where he died. The
officer next in command, with a finer sense of honor,
restored to its owner the stolen watch.

Fort Erie, Chippewa, Lundy's Lane, 1814. 291

On the 19th July the pretty little village of St.
David's, near Queenston, was wantonly burnt by some
American troops. To the credit of General Brown,
Colonel Stone, the officer who had incited the outrage,
was immediately dismissed from the United States
service.

In spite of the strict watch kept by the American
picquets, General Riall contrived to march part of his
force, a few ammunition waggons, and two six-
pounders, to a rendezvous for reinforcements at the
Twelve Mile Creek.

General Brown, in the meantime, had been daily
expecting the arrival of Chauncey with his fleet, and
on July 13th wrote him this imploring letter : —

Meet me on the lake shore north of Fort George
with the fleet, and we will be able, I have no doubt,
to settle a plan of operations that will break the power
of the enemy in Upper Canada, and that in the course
of a short time. I doubt not my ability to meet the
enemy in the field, and to march in any direction over
his country, your fleet carrying for me the necessary
supplies. We can threaten Forts George and Niagara
and carry Burlington Heights and York, and proceed
directly to Kingston and carry that place.

For God's sake, let me see you.

However, Commodore Chauncey was safely block-
aded in Sackett's Harbour by Sir James Yeo, therefore
General Brown, apprehensive, by his own account, of
an attack on the rear of his army, and of communica-
tion with his encampment being cut ofl", fell back to
Queenston on the 22nd July, to protect his supplies.

292

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

He then determined to disencumber the army of its
heavy baggage and march against BnrHngton Heights.
In order to draw from Fort Schlosser a supply of pro-
visions necessary for the expedition he retired, on the
24th July, to the junction of the Chippewa and
Niagara.

In the meantime General Drummond had been
vainly urging Sir George Prevost to send more troops
for the relief of the Niagara frontier. The latter in-
sisted that the chief attack would be on the Cham-
plain border, and although Wellington's troops were
now arriving in the country, none were available
for Drummond's command. That gallant soldier there-
fore hastened back to Niagara, bringing with him only
a portion of the 89th regiment, under Colonel Morrison,
the hero of Chrysler's farm.

General Drummond arrived at Fort George at dawn
of the 25th July, and learnt immediately of the with-
drawal of the American army. At that date the Cana-
dian troops were scattered over twenty or thirty miles
of country, but ready at a short notice to concentrate
at any given point. All the active militia had been
called out, and had nobly responded to the call.
General Kiall,wh() was at Twelve- Mile creek, had,
early on the morning of the 25th, sent forward Colonel
Pearson's brigade, which included the Provincial
Dragoons, the Glengarries and incorporated militia, to
reconnoitre the American camp at Chippewa, and watch
its movements. They took up their position on the

Fort Erik, Chippewa, Lundv's Lane, 1814. 293

high ground ne;ir Liindy's Lane, and in the afternoon
were joined by General Eiall, and Lieutenant-Colonel
Drummond of the 104th.

In the meantime the American Commander-in-Chief
at Chippewa, having received iutelHgence of General
Druminond's arrival at Niagara, and of an expected
attack on his supply-camps at Lewiston and Scblosser,
ordered General Winlield Scott to advance rapidly
and menace the forts at the mouth of the river. This
order was issued between four and five o'clock of the
afternoon of July 25th, and within twenty minutes
Scott had all his troops in motion. He pushed on to-
wards the Falls, impressed with the belief that a large
force of the enemy was on the other side of the river,
and not directly before him.

The battle of Lundy's Lane, so important in its re-
sults, was, therefore, unpremeditated on both sides.

General Drummond, who had only arrived in the
Niagara river at daybreak of the 25tli, acted with his
usual energy, and determined to march at once from
Queenston to Niagara Falls, in order to join General
Riall there. He first sent Colonel Tucker, with about
400 men, across the river to capture the supply-camp
at Lewiston, which was successfully accomplished
aftev a slight skirmish, and the troops then recrossed the
river at noon, and joined the main body under General
Drummond and Colonel Morrison, the whole colmmn
consisting of about 800 men. This was composed of
the 89th, detachments of the Koyals and the 8th, and

'■it'? ■ ■

w
i', ■■■■

iih :

1 ' '

f!:. Vi

294

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

two twenty-foil r-pound field-pieces. Althougli but
seven from Queenston to tlie Falls, it was a toilsome
march on a hot sumnier day to men who already had
done a good day's work. Their experienced com-
mander knew there was no time to spare for rest, and
that, scanty as was the reinforcement he brought, it
was sorely needed at this crisis by General Riall.

Word came to him late in the afternoon that the
Americans had left Chippew^a, and were marching
towards the Falls. At about six in the evening,
General Drnmrnond arrived with his brigade at the
junction of the Queenston Road and Lundy's Lane.
To his dismay, he met General Riall retiring from
his strong position on the hill in the face of the
advancing columns of the Americans. Without a
moment's hesitation, Drummond countermanded the
retreat, and placed his guns in position on the hill.
The men were formed as they came up in order
of battle, ready to receive the enemy. The line was a
crescent, the left resting on the Queenston Road, the
artillery in the centre, strongly posted on the hill near
the little church and graveyard, which still marks the
spot. The discrepancies in the account of numbers
engaged on both sides is almost ludicrous, each his-
torian claiming that their side fought against double
the number.

It is certain, that at this early part of the engage-
ment, Drummond had about 1,600 men, and Scott,
the American general, about 1,800. The arrival of

Fort Erie, Chippewa, Lundy's Lane, 1814. 295

reinforcements increased the respective sides to about

4,000 Americans and 3,000 Canadians. A little before

sunset the battle began, which raged until midnight,

with a fury unequalled during the war. Through the

long summer twilight, on the roads, overhung as now

by lovely orchards, in the copses and on the hill-side,

the

" Roar of baleful battle rose,

And brethren of a common tongue

To mortal strife, like tigers, sprung."

Early in the engagement General liiall was wounded,
and as he was proceeding with an escort to the rear, he
fell into the enemy's hands, and was, with his escort,
taken prisoner. His capture was a curious accident.
One of his aides saw a flanking party of the enemy,
which had unperceived almost gained the rear of the
Canadians, to the left of their line, and mistaking them
in the darkness for a company of our own troops,
called out, " Make room there men for General Riall ! "
The officer commanding immediately said " Ay, ay,
sir," and then directed the men, with fixed bayonets,
to surround the general and his officers, and make
them prisoners. As liiall was badly wounded, no
resistance was made, and he was delivered over to
General Scott, who treated him with great consider-
ation. The American company, quite elated with
their prize, charged buck through the British line and
joined their comrades.

At nine o'clock there was a pause for a short time,

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Ten Years of Upper Canada.

and the long-looked for reinforcements appeared, for
both sides : General Porter' brigade, with General
Ripley and General Brown for the Americans, and
Colonels Scott and Gordon, with about 1,200 men, for
the Canadians. This latter force consisted of part of
the 103rd and 104th, and Royal Scots, and had left their
quarters at Twelve-Mile Creek in the afternoon, but
when well on their way had been met by a courier
from General Riall, ordering them to retreat, as he
was about to retire on Queenston. They had gone
four miles back, when another courier came from Gen-
eral Drummond, ordering them to advance at once to
Lundy's Lane. It was nine o'clock before these
troops, wearied with their march of twenty miles,
appeared on the scene.

In spite of the darkness, which was illumined only
by the faint moonlight, and the flashes of musketry,
the struggle began again in all parts of the field with
redoubled fury.

The key of the position was the hill, and the
American general saw that he could not hope for
success until the height should be carried and the guns
taken. He, therefore, gave orders to Colonel Miller,
of the 21st United States infantry, to charge the guns
with his regiment, and the order was gallantly
obeyed. The American soldiers moved steadily up
the hill, concealed by an old fence, on which was a
growth of shrubbery. They approached undiscover^ ''
80 near the Canadian batteries that the gunners were

ily up
was a

Fort Erie, Chippewa, Lundy's Lane, 1814. 297

shot down to a man in the act of loading, and by an
impetuous rush the Americans succeeded in obtaining
possession of the guns.

Now began a hand-to-hand struggle for the mastery,
and the bayonet was used with frightful effect. A
line formed for the protection of the cannon opened
a destructive fire on Miller's column, and Drummond's
men closed round the guns, determined to contest
their possession. In the darkness, confusion and
carnage reigned supreme, as both sides struggled to
hold the crest of the position. In all parts of the
field the stubborn fight w^as carried on, and mingled
with the shout of command, the roar of artillery, and
the clashing of steel, was the thunder of that mighty
cataract whose waters rolled so near.

The ofiicers of both armies exposed themselves
recklessly, and led their troops with equal bravery.
Of the Canadians, the 89th and Koyal Scots lost half
their men, and the Glengarries, Lincoln and York
militia, and Provincial Dragoons suffered severely.
Colonel Morrison, of the 89th, was wounded, and
carried from the field. General Drumraond had his
horse shot dead beneath him, and received a bullet
wound in his neck. With heroic courage he concealed
his hurt and still fought on, reforming his shattered
battalions, and leading them to a renewed charge on
the enemy. More than half of his troop were of the
volunteer militia, and that night brought desolation to
many a home in Canada.
20

298

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

Iri

F-

rTWfP

Oil the x\iiierican side, the loss toe, was severe, and
the wounded included three of the generals — Porter,
Scott and Brown. On the latter's retirement from
the field, the command devolved on General Ripley.

The American regiments were now weakening in
all directions, and it was impossihle for their officers
to rally them. Ripley, therefore, with Brown's per-
mission, decided to withdraw to Chippewa, and at
midnight the battle ceased and the Americans retired,
leaving the field and the guns, with the exception of
one six-pounder, in the possession of the Canadians.
There was no attempt at pursuit that night, and
Drummond's wearied troops sank to rest among the
dying and the dead.

General Brown had ordered Ripley to resume the
fight for the guns at daybreak, but that cautious com-
mander deemed discretion the better part of valour,
and, instead of advancing, retreated in great confusion
to Fort Erie, destroying on the way the bridges, and
throwing the heavy baggage into the rapids above the
Falls.

It has been the fashion of American writers to claim
this battle as a victory, and as such, under the name
of Niagara Falls, it is emblazoned on their flags. It is
difficult to see on what grounds they base their claim.
It is true they fought gallantly, and, for a time, held
the guns on the hill ; but they failed to keep the
advantage they temporarily gained, and their precipi-
tate retreat the next day was a proof that they felt
themselves defeated.

re, and
Poi-ter,
t from
ipley.
ling in
officers
I's per-
and at
retired,
)tion of
ladians.
bt, and
Dng tlie

ime the
IS com-
valour,
)nfusion
es, and
ove the

to claim
e name
It is
r claim,
le, held
eep the
precipi-
hey felt

Fort Erie, Chipi'ewa, Lundv's Lane, 1814. 299

The number of the killed was so great, and the
heat of summer so excessive, that the British were
unable to bury friend and foe alike ; and, accordingly,
on the second day, sent a message to the enemy
to send back a detachment to bury their dead. This
duty the American general was unable to fulfil,
leaving it to General Drummond to order the burning
of the bodies of some 200 xlmericans.

It is surely not the custom of the victors to allow
their dead to be buried by the vanquished.

General Eipley was called severely to account for
his retreat, and was superseded in the command of the
American army by General Gaines, who was sum-
moned from Sackett's Harbour to take command until
General Brown should recover from his wounds.

A letter from General Brown to Commodore
Chauncey, dated Buffalo, September 6th, 1814, does
not give one the impression that he considered the
battle of the 25th July a success. It runs thus : —

The Government led me to believe that the fleet
under your command would be upon Lake Ontario to
co-operate with my division of the army the first week
in July. I have deemed it fit and proper to let the
nation know that the support I had a right to expect
was not afforded me. From the 9th of July to the
24th the whole country was in our power, from Fort
George to Burlington Heights, and could the army
have been supplied with provisions from the depots
provided on the shores of Lake Ontario, we should not
have doubted our ability to carry the Heights, when
we could have returned upon Fort George and Niagara,

rti

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Ten Years of Upper Canada.

V'.ui ,

ill i ' \

or advanced upon Kingston with the co-operation of
the fleet.

I have endeavoured to execute the orders given me,
success has not attended my endeavours. (From
manuscript letters in Library of Parhament, Ottawa).

The official reports of losses at the battle of Lundy's
Lane, or Niagara, are as follows : — General Brown's re-
port gives for the Americans, killed, 171 ; wounded,
570; missing, 117 ; total, 858.

General Drummond's report is : — Killed, 84 ;
wounded, 559 ; missing, 193 ; prisoners, 42 ; total, 878.

Among the prisoners taken on both sides were
Captain Loring, A.D.C. to General Drummond, and
Captain Spencer, A.D.C. to General Brown. Both
general's agreed to depart from the usages of War, and to
exchange their aides without waiting for the usual for-
malities. Captain Loring was sent back to his general,
but poor Captain Spencer, who was mortally wounded,
died the day he arrived at Fort Erie.

Frcna Thomas Ridont to his Son at Cornwall : —

York, 2,nd August, 1S14.

The enemy have been defeated with great loss at
the battle of Lundy's Lane, on the 25th July. The
particulars you will, perhaps, see about this time.

Your good friend. Colonel Morrison, has been
severely wounded in the arm, and has gone to Kings-
ton or Montreal.

We are greatly, but agreeably, surprised at not
having seen any of the enemy's fleet. Surely there
must exist some wonderful and important cause for

Fort Erie, Chippewa, Lundy's Lane, 1814. 301

their continuance in harbour. Sometimes it is reported
they are out, sometimes that they want seamen.

It is reasonable, I think, to suppose that the peace
of Europe will induce all the foreign seamen in the
enemy's service to wish themselves at home. At all
events, though frequently alarmed, we are all whole ;
and I hope in a few days that there will be a sufficient
number of men at this post to repel the enemy in case
of an attack.

L814.

L\:

u )

Ti.
m

I ..

302

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

CHAPTER XXII.

FORT ERIE, LAKE ONTARIO, LAKE HURON, AUGUST, 1814.

After the battle of the 25th July, only a few days of
needful rest were taken by our array, and its indefatig-
able commander. Although suffering severely from
his wound, General Drummond prepared his plans for
the pursuit of the Americans, and their investment in
their harbour of refuge at Fort Erie.

General Ripley was so impressed by the severe
handling his troops had received at Lundy's Lane, that
he implored General Brown, who was at Buffalo, dis-
abled by his wounds from taking the field, to abandon
the inhospitable shores of Canada. However, this
was not permitted by the American Commander-in-
Chief, and Ripley received orders to entrench his
army on the lake shore above Fort Erie, to strengthen
the old works and to construct new and more exten-
sive ones, preparatory to an expected siege. From
the 27th July, 1814, to the 2nd August, the troops
were employed day and night, casting up entrench-
ments, constructing redoubts, and preparing abattis.
Up to this time Fort Erie had been but a small and
weak affair, but it now began to assume a lormidable
appearance. On the extreme right of the American

MPH

Fort Erie, Lake Ontario, Lake Huron, 1S14. 303

encampment, and near the lake shore, a stroiiijf stone
work had been erected, and two guns momited on it.
This was called the Douglas battery. From the left
of the battery to the right of the old fort, continuous
earth-works were thrown up, seven feet in height, with
a ditch in front and slight abattis ; and from the fort,
and in a line nearly parallel with the lake shore, strong
parapet breast-works were connnenced with two ditches
and abattis in front. At the south-western extremity
of this line of works, on a natural sand mound called
Snake Hill, a sort of bastion, twenty feet in height, was
cast up, and five guns mounted on it. This was named
Towson's battery. From this battery to the lake shore,
near which lay at anchor three armed schooners (the
Porcupine, Somers and Ohio), was a line of abattis,
thus completing the enclosure of the American camp,
with defences on land and water, within an area of
about fifteen acres.

These works, with the exception of old Fort Erie,
were incomplete on the 2nd August. On that day
General Drummond, who had been reinforced by De
Watteville's regiment and some artillery, made his
appearance.

The Canadian troops advanced steadily, drove in
the American picquets, and in the woods, two miles
from Fort Erie, formed a camp and commenced
casting up lines of entrenchments and constructing
batteries in front, at points from which an effectual
fire might be poured upon the American works.

?i ! I

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304

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

As it was thought important to capture the batteries
at Black Rock, on the opposite side of the river,
General Drummond sent over on the night of the
3rd August, Colonel Tucker with some of the 41st,
in nine boats, to attempt to take them.

However, the Americans were prepared to receive
them, and such a destructive fire was poured on the
boats at dawn, that the expedition fell back on Squaw
Island, and then recrossed the Niagara, to join the main
body in the investment of Fort Erie.

General Drummond had opened fire on the 3rd
August, but, until the 7th, cannonading was seldom
heard, as both sides were labouring hard. Drummond
constructing works for a siege and assault, and Ripley
in preparations for a defence.

The Americans were now thoroughly dispirited, and
kept within the limits of Fort Erie as far as Snake Hill.
On the 5th August, General Gaines arrived from Sac-
kett's Harbour to take command in place of General
Ripley, and his presence revived the courage and con-
fidence of the beleaguered army.

Early on the morning of the 7th August, the be-
siegers began hurling a tremendous storm of round
shot on the enemy, and from that day until the 13th,
a constant fire was kept up on the American works.

On the night of the 12th August, a clever capture of
two of the enemy's gun-boats — Ohio and Somers — was
made by Captain Dobbs of the Royal Navy, with
seventy-five men.

Fort Erie, Lake Ontario, Lake Huron, 1814. 305

The prizes were taken to Chippewa, and secured
there. The third gun-boat, the Porcupine, slipped its
cable and escaped to Presqu' Isle.

On the 13th August, General Drummond completed
the mounting of all his heavy ordnance, and made pre-
parations to carry the fort by storm.

All day of the 14th the cannonading was kept up,
but with very little effect on the strong works.

The firing ceased at seven, and the garrison, ex-
hausted with constant watchfulness, slept on the
night of the 14th the sleep of weary men.

There was silence in both camps till midnight — the
calm before the storm.

General Drummond had determined on a night
assault, and taking advantage of a dark, cloudy night,
silently and warily his little army moved out of its
entrenchments for the attack.

The troops were divided into three divisions. The
first under Colonel Fischer of De Watteville's regiment,
consisting of the Kiug's, De Watteville's and the
flank companies of the 89th and lOOtii regiments, with
some militia, was directed against Towson's battery on
Snake Hill. The second division under Lieutenant-
Colonel Drummond of the 104th, consisted of the
41st and 104th regiments, and some seamen and
marines under Captain Dobbs, who had made the
successful capture two nights before. This division
was directed against old Fort Erie.

The third division, under Colonel Scott of the 103rd,

W(mi:

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300

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

consisting of part of that regiment and two companies
of the Koyal Scots, advanced towards the Doughis bat-
tery and the connecting entrenchments. It was
about two o'clock of the morning of the 15th x\ngiist,
when the several divisions began the attack. The
alarm of their approach had been given by the Ameri-
can picquet guard, and soon the garrison was on the
alert.

Up in the gloom Colonel Fischer's division came
dashing on, and charged furiously upon Towson's
battery. The gunners had been warned in time, and
immediately two twenty-four-pounders from the bat-
tery sent forth a stream of Hame from the summit of
Snake Hill, and revealed the position of the Canadian
troops to the garrison.

While part of Fischer's colunm was attempting to
scale the embankment at Towson's battery, another
party forming the reserve, while marching too near
the lake, found themselves entangled between the
rocks and the water, and in the darkness, were thrown
into such confusion that it was impossible to form
them. They were exposed to a galling fire, and many
of them were killed or severely wounded.

Soon a tremendous fire from the guns in the fort
and from the entrenchments on the shore of the lake
announced that Scott and J)runnnond had commenced
their assault. The column under Scott was repulsed,
but Colonel Drunuiiond's division, under the impetu-
ous lead of their heroic commander, succeeded in

Fort Erie, Lake Ontario, Lake Huron, 1814. 307

penetrating the enemy's works. They were met
gallantly by the American soldiers within, and twice
were repulsed, but could not be kept in check. In
the meantime, Scott's column had rallied, and the
fort was assailed from all quarters at once. Colonel
Drummond and a hundred of the artillery, taking ad-
vantage of a thick fall of gunpowder smoke, went
silently around the ditch, and, with scaling ladders,
ascended the parapet and gained a secure footing
taere. The enemy were driven from their posts at
the point of the bayonet. Colonel Drummond per-
formed extraordinary acts of valour, encouraging his
men, and leading them in the hottest of the fight. It
was a repetition of the midnight contest on the hill
at Lundy's Lane, and again the bayonet was used
with terrible effect.

The American general sent reinforcement after
reinforcement to assist in driving the British troops
from the bastion, but in vain.

Just at the moment of victory, a terrific explosion
took place in the centre of the bastion. A jet of
flame, mingled with fragments of earth, stone and
bodies of men rose in the air, and the greater number
of the brave men, who had just entered the fort, were
literally blown to pieces.

An eye-witness (American) says. The cause of the
explosion has never been officially explained. History
ascribes it to accident. If it was design, I think the
end justified the means. It was that mysterious
explosion which saved our little army.

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308

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

Is it possible that some soldiers in the fort, who saw
the American cause was lost, took this desperate means
of destroying their opponents ?

Be it as it may, accident or design, the result was
disastrous to the Canadians. The few officers who had
survived the explosion could not rally their men.
Both the commanding officers had been killed in that
terrible contest in the fort. Drunnnond by a bayonet
wound, Scott by a musket ball, and as day dawned on
the scene, the shattered troops retired to their
entrenchments.

The loss to the Canadian force was much greater
than that of the Americans.

In General Drummond's official report, the returns
are : —

Killed — 2 lieutenant-colonels, 1 captain, 1 lieuten-
ant, 1 sergeant, 1 drummer, 51 rank and file; total, 57.
Wounded — 1 deputy assistant-quarter-master-general,
1 major, 8 captains, 11 lieutenants, 2 ensigns, 1 mas-
ter, 12 seamen, 20 sergeants, 2 drunnners, 250 rank
and file ; total, 308. Missing — 1 deputy assistant-
quarter-master-general, 1 captain, 3 lieutenants, 2
ensigns, 1 midshipman, 1 adjutant, 7 seamen, 41 ser-
geants, 3 drummers, 479 rank and file ; total killed,
wounded and missing, 904.

Among the killed on the American side was the
renegade member of the Assembly, Jos. Willcocks.

The ill-fated and much lamented Lieutenant-Colonel
William Drummond, 104th, a nephew of General Gor-

Fort Erie, Lake Ontario, Lake Huron, 1814. 309

don DruiniDond, who had done good service to Canada
in numerous engagements, was buried by the Ameri-
cans near Towson's Battery. From his pockets were
taken his papers, among them this secret order in
Colonel Harvey's handwriting : —

'* The Lieutenant- General most strongly recom-
mends the free use of the bayonet."

Through this paper, General Gaines says, is the
mark of the fatal bayonet thrust.

Colonel Scott, of the 103rd, who had also distin-
guished himself on many a field, was buried the same
evening by his own men, in the presence of the only
three officers of his regiment, who came out of the fort
unhurt.

Fischer's division at Snake Hill had only been par-
tially successful. They had, indeed, turned the enemy's
battery, but the flank companies were stopped by an
impenetrable abattis, and the column of support had
been hopelessly entangled among the rocks in the lake.

Among those of the militia mentioned in despatches
as distinguished for their gallantry, were Captain
Powell, of the Quarter-Master-General's Department,
and Sergeant Powell, of the 19th Dragoons; 'Lieuten-
ant-Colonel Pearson and Lieutenant-Colonel Batters-
by, of the Glengarries, and Captain Walker, of the
incorporated militia.

A letter from York of the 9th August, tells what was
going on there while Drummond and his men were
entrenched at Fort Erie.

310

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

Channcey's fleet had broken through the blockade
at Sackett's Harbour, and were saiHng on Lake
Ontario, to the constant menace of the little town.

It may be gathered from the letter, that in the midst
of war's alarms, ordinary affairs were carried on. The
courts were held as usual, and those who one week
buckled on their swords, another week wore the barris-
ter's gown.

From Surveijor- General Ridout to his Son at Cormvall: —

York, dth August.

On Saturday last, the 6th inst., I hastily enclosed
to your care a better I had written to my brother,
informing you, at the same time, that the American
fleet were off this place. They made their appearance
on the preceding day, about ten sail, standing toward
Niagara, with a flne easterly breeze, and at no great
distance from that shore. I had gone down to the Bay
and was standing near Coxe's door conversing with
Captain McDonell, who had lost his left arm at the
battle of Lundy's Lane, when I felt a violent concussion
of the air, and, presently after, heard an explosion
towards Niagara, much greater than the explosion of
our magazine. On looking over the lake where the
enemy's vessels were, I saw a prodigious cloud of
smoke rising to a great height. I then concluded, and
do now, that one of the enemy's vessels was blown up,
but of this we have not received any information.
When I enclosed my letter the American fleet were
lying off tliis place about eight miles, and the Lady of
the Lake was attempting to come into this harbour as
a flag of truce ; but, not permitting such insidious
policy, a shot from one of our batteries was flred at
this vessel. She then hoisted her proper colours, and
fired at the garrison, and afterwards, another shot.

Fort Erie, Lake Ontario, Lake Huron, 1814. 311

We fired three or four more, Lut all fell short of her.
She put out to join her ileet, iiiid a visit was ex}jected
from them. \t this time we had only a few convales-
cent and lame soldiers and 200 or 300 of the seden-
tary or home militia. In the course of the afternoon
300 men of the first detachment of the 82nd came in,
having marched at the rate of four miles an hour, and
on Sunday the residue of that regiment came in also.
This morning a part of that corps have proceeded to
Niagara by land, and the 1st division of the 0th are
expected in the course of the day. Four of the
enemy's vessels are now in sight, about eight miles
off. On Friday, Saturday and Sunday people were
busy moving their effects to the country. On Satur-
day I removed the remainder of my office papers and
some family necessaries. With much difficulty I
walked as far as Sam's, having been laid up some days
with a lumbago. I came in this morning.

George* went from home yesterday. He attends
the court a,t Ancaster as Acting Solicitor-General.

Judge Powell is gone on that circuit.

John Robinson goes the Eastern Circuit with Judge
Campbell.

Sam f took sixty-one prisoners in charge for King-
ston on Saturday. He set out by land with twenty-
four militia as guard.

Peter Robinson]: is come from Mackinaw, from
whence he escaped through a fleet of ten sail who are
besieging it. He says that they will not, in his
opinion, be able to reduce it, and that there are plenty
of provisions for our troops in the place. I have not
had any news from Fort Erie, only, it is said that
General Drummond is highly displeased with the 41st.

* Lieutenant George Ridout, York militia. + Samuel Riclout, Sheriff.
I Brother of John Beverley Robinson.

312

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

From Survey or-Oeneral Ridout to his son Thomas at Corn-
wall : —

York, Sunday Afternoon, IMh August, 1814.

I wish you would subscribe for the Quebec Mercury,
printed and published by S. Carey. I think it the
best Canadian paper.

Colonel Hamilton, who lately commanded the 100th
regiment, and is now Inspecting Field Officer, came
here last night with his family, and occupies Mr.
Campbell's house in his absence. He says it is
reported above that the American generals Brown
and Scott, have died of their wounds received on
the 25th. The coolness of General Drunmiond on
that memorable night, and the performance of all his
duties are beyond all praise. His wound in the neck
was very severe, and has been very troublesome, but
is now doing well. Three of the American fleet are
seen from here almost every day. They consist of
two brigs and a schooner. It is reported the other
part of the fleet are gone over the lake. 'Tis said the
residue of the 89th are coming hither, as well as the
remnant of the 100th.

The report of the death of the American generals
was not correct. General Brown recovered enough to
take the field again in September. General Winfield
Scott's wounds were more serious.

The reference in the letter of the 9th to Peter
Kobinson's escape through the enemy's fleet, takes
us back to Lake Huron and the white cliffs of Macki-
naw.

Although the Americans had, in 1813, recaptured
Detroit and Michigan, and now controlled the upper
lakes, the little island fortress of Michillimackinac
still defied them.

Fort Erie, Lake Ontario, Lake Huron, 1814. '^1^

upper
3kinac

In May, 1814, a reinforcement of Canadian militia
and a few regulars were sent there, under Lieutenant-
Colonel McDouall, who also had in charge twenty-four
bateaux. This reinforcement arrived safely at the
island on the 18th May. Early in the spring the
Americans had planned an expedition on the upper
lakes, but for various reasons, the sailing of their
squadron was delayed, and the fort at Mackinac
remained for some time unmolested.

Colonel McDouall, however, did not remain inactive.
Early in July, he sent off Colonel McKay, of the
Indian Department with 650 men — Fencibles, Volun-
teers and Indians — to reduce Prairie du Chien, a
village at the junction of the Guisconsin and Missis-
sippi. There was a small fort there, also two block-
houses, and a gun-boat of fourteen guns. McKay, a
sturdy Highlander, demanded an immediate surrender.
This was refused, so he opened lire on the gun-boat,
which cut her cable and ran down the stream.
McKay then threw up a mud battery, and prepared
with his one gun to bombard the fort. The enemy,
seeing the earthworks, imagined that the Canadians
were well supplied with artillery, and without waiting
for a single round, sent out a white flag, and McKay
took possession of the fort.

The effect of the capture was of service in securing
the continued allegiance of the Indians.

In the meantime an American squadron liad been

fitted out under the command of Arthur St. Clair. It
21

314

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

consisted of the "Niagara^ Caledonia, St. Laivrence,
Scorjrion and Tigress, vessels which had taken part in
the battle of Lake Erie the preceding year.

This expedition left Detroit about the middle of
July. The land force was under the conmiand of
Colonel Croghan, and consisted of 500 regulars U. S. A.,
250 militia, and a regiment of Ohio volunteers. They
first sailed for Matchedash, Lake Huron, where there
was a British post, but fogs, and the lack of good
pilots for the dangerous channels, caused them to
abandon their designs in that quarter. They then
sailed for the deserted fort of St. Joseph, which they
committed to the flames. Then they proceeded to the
village of Sault Ste. Marie, where they arrived on the
21st July, 1814. This place, where the North- West
Company had large stores, and which was the centre
of traffic with the Indians, was also laid in ashes.

They then sailed for Michillimackinac, where they
arrived on the 26th July. The little garrison was
quite prepared for their reception. The guns of the
vessels could not be used with effect on the high posi-
tion of the fort, and Croghan determined to land in
the rear, or western part of the island, under cover of
the guns of his fleet. From the 26th July to the 4th
August, the vessels had lain waiting for a chance to
land the men, and it was through this fleet that Peter
Robinson escaped.

On the 4th August, Croghan succeeded in landing,
but was received by a storm of shot and shell from a

Fort Erie, Lake Ontario, Lake Huron, 1814.

315

revce,
art in

lie. of

.nd of

S.A.,
They
there
good

em to

Y then

h they

1 to the

on the

i-West
centre
s.

m they

on was
of the
;h posi-
land in
over of
the 4th
ance to
it Peter

landing,
from a

battery on the shore, and from the garrison under Mc-
Douall, and a hot fire from the Indians stationed in the
thick woods. The enemy fell back and fled to the
boats, with the loss of seventeen killed, and a large
number wounded. Croghan and St. Clair then aban-
doned the attempt to take Michillimackinac, and after
hovering for several weeks on the lake, they returned
empty-handed to Detroit.

At Fort Erie the siege still continued. After the
disastrous explosion on the 15th August, General
Drummond retired to his entrenchments to await
reinforcements, and to construct new batteries. The
struggle soon began again, and through the remainder
of the month, almost daily, hotshot, shells and rockets
were thrown into the fort, much to the annoyance of
the Americans. On the 28th, a shell fell through the
roof of General Gaines' quarters, and exploding at his
feet, injured him so severely that he was compelled to
give up the command and retire to Buffalo.

While these events were happening in Upper Canada,
the war was raging fiercely on the American seaboard.

On the 24th August, 1814, Washington, the capital
of the United States, was entered, taken by the com-
bined forces of General lioss and Admiral Cockburn,
after a sharp engagement at Bladensburg, where the
only resistance was made.

The victors destroyed by fire the capitol, the public
buildings, the President's house, the arsenal and two
frigates, also an immense amount of military stores.

316

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

The destruction of so much vahiable property was
severely censured at the time, and deemed more suited
to a barbaric age than to the warfare of a civihzed
people.

It is true that General lioss first demanded an
indemnity, but, this being refused, the torch was
applied.

In the meantime, while blood and treasure were being
thus wasted, the Peace Commissioners had assembled
at Ghent, and were trying to reconcile differences and
to put an end to the desolating ravages of war.

Plattsburg, Lake Champlain, September, 1814. 317

CHAPTER XXIII.

PLATTSBURG, LAKE CHAMPLAIN, SEPTEMBER, 1814.

Teoops were now pouring into Canada. The down-
fall of Napoleon, in May, 1814, and his retirement to
Elba, had released from service on the Continent, a
number of English regiments ; and several thousands
of Wellington's veterans were despatched to Canada,
during the months of July and August, 1814, to
reinforce the army there.

With 14,000 veteran troops at lis command. Sir
George Prevost thought the moment had come to
strike a decisive blow, by invading the enemy's
territory.

Stoney Creek, and Chrysler's Field, and Lundy's
Lane, had proved what could be done with a mere
handful of troops under the leadership of men like
Harvey, and Morrison, and Drummond.

The unfortunate expedition to Plattsburg was now
about to show how useless the best troops in the
world may be in the hands of an incompetent general.

A letter from Thomas G. Ridout speaks of the
arrival of more regiments, and also of the expected
movements on Lake Champlain.

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

Frovi Thomas G. liidout to his Father in York : —

Cornwall, 25ih August, 1814.

I received yesterday your letter of the 19th inst.,
giving an account of the melancholy affair at Fort.
Erie. We have not yet had the particulars. I am
very sorry for Colonel Scott's death.

General Kempt, with three regiments and a brifi'ide
of artillery, will be here to-night, or to-morrow
morning.

The 70' h and part of the IGth are now here, waiting
for ordeio to march upwards.

Nothing done yet on Lake Champlain.

The General Kempt, afterwards Sir James Kempt,
mentioned in the letter, was one of Wellington's best
officers, and had greatly distinguished himself in the
Peninsular war.

After serving on the staff in Canada during 1814,
he went back to Europe, and was severely wounded at
the battle of Waterloo.

He returned to America, in 1820, as Governor of
Nova Scotia, and, in 1828, became Governor- Geueral of
Canada, which post he held for two years.

Another letter from the young commissariat officer
gives further information of the movement of troops
just prior to the battle on Lake Champlain.

From Thomas G. Ridout to his Mother in York : —

Cornwall, \st September, 1814.

General Kempt will fix his head-quarters at Corn-
wall on Tuesday next, with about 4,000 troops.

The 37th are expected this evening, the 9th in two
days, and the 81st to follow immediately.

Plattsburg, Lake Champlain, September, 1814. 319

The American army* have left Lake Champlain, and
are now at Four Corners, where we were last winter,
advancing upon Ogdensburg and Sackett's Harl)our.
They are to occupy Ogdensburg with about 4,000 men,
and have hired barracks for that purpose.

Our frigate f is now on two rafts at Prescott, waiting
for convoy to go to Kingston, for the AmericaiiS say
they will attack her.

The TOtli regiment are now here, with a brigade of
flying artillery. They are ordered to be ready at a
moment's warning, and the Commissary-General has
notified me tbat the army must want for nothing.

There is one of Lord Wellington's brigades of artil-
lery stationed here, consisting of brass six-pounders,
180 horses, 1'20 artillerymen, and 80 drivers. They
give a great deal of trouble, and consume two tons of
hay per day, and 50 bushels of oats. I am getting
sixty tons of hay from the Yankees in bateaux, but
am afraid of great difficulty in December.

In August, 1814, the right wing of the American
army were encamped at Champlain, on the River
Chazy, under the command of General Izard. Under
him were Generals Winder (taken prisoner at Stoney
Creek, and lately exchanged), and Brigadier-(Teneral
Macomb.

At the end of August, General Izard was ordered to
co-operate with the army on the Niagara frontier.
He therefore, very unwillingly, set out for Sackett's
Harbour with about 4,000 men, leaving General Ma-
comb in command at Plattsburg, with an army of
about 3,500 men, 1,500 of whom were invalids.

On the day that Izard left his camp at Champlain,

* The division under General Izard. t The ISt. Laurencf, of 100 gunB.

¥ i

hi '

320

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

the British troops advanced from Odelltown, and occu-
pied the abandoned camp.

On the 3rd September, 14,000 picked British troops
were gathered there under the immediate command of
General Bir George Prevost.

The different brigades were led by Generals Bris-
bane, Power and Robinson, heroes of the Peninsular
War, well-inured to fighting, and accustomed to com-
mand.

On the 5th September, they had advanced to within
eight miles of Plattsburg, while Macomb's army were
doing what they could to obstruct the progress of
tlie invau" ^g army, by felling trees and breaking up
the bridges on the road. During this advance several
skirmishes took place.

On the ()th, there was a sharp engagement with

the enemy about a mile and a half from Plattsburg
bridge, at Halsey's Corners, where the Americans had
thrown up a battery commanding the road. Three
times the battery hurled its deadly shot at the advanc-
ing troops, but without effect. The British bugles
sounded, and the men, throwing away their knapsacks
rushed forward at double-quick, and charged with the
bayonet.

The Anuiricans tied to the town across the Saranac,
whoso bridges tliey tore up, using the timbers as
breast -works.

Nothing could have prevented the capture of
Macomb's army, had Sir George now pushed his whole

Plattsburg, Lake Champlain, September, 1814. 321

force on. He paused, however, and spent five days
erecting batteries, and throwing up breast \sorks.

He was possessed with the idea that nothing could
be done without the co-operation of the fleet, although
the men under his command were in sufficient num-
bers to have carried the works alone.

In the meantime the American general was not
idle, and kept his troops constantly employed finishing
his line of redoubts.

Up to the 11th September the assault of Platts-
burg was delayed, waiting for the arrival of the
squadron on Lake Champlain, whose co-operation.
Sir George thought, would enable him to capture both
the American fleet and army.

The British fleet consisted of the frigate Confiance,
38 guns (scarcely finished and manned by sailors who
had just arrived a few days before from Quebec) ; the
Tjijinet, a brig of sixteen guns ; two sloops, CJmb and
Finch, formerly United States Growler and Eagle ;
thirteen gun-boats or galleys, numbering in all ninety-
five guns and 1,050 men. Captain Downie commanded
the squadron.

The American fleet lay in Plattsburg Bay, and con-
sisted of the flag-ship Saratoga, twenty-six guns ; the
brig Eagle, twenty-six guns ; Ticonderoga, seventeen
guns ; the Preble, seven guns, and ten gun-boats
carrying eighty-six guns in all, and manned by 882
men, under the command of Commodore McDonough.

The weight o metal was about equal.

i'l !•

* 'I

322

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

General Prevost ordered a combined attack to be
made by the land and naval forces, and early on the
morning of the 11th September the fleet came in sight,
Captain Downie having hurried forward in obedience
to General Provost's command.

At the same time three brigades, under Generals
Power, Brisbane and Robinson, pressed forward, in
order to force the fords of the Saranac, climb its steep
banks, and scale the American works, while the British
batteries were ordered to open a brisk fire on the fleet
and town.

As the Conjiance appeared round Cumberland Head
the Saratoga opened Are with fearful effect. Captain
Downie, with great coolness, waited until he had
secured a desirable position for his ship, and then
levelled his guns at the Saratoga. The sixteen
twenty-four-pounders of the Conjiance were discharged
at once, raking the American flag-ship from stem to
stern and laying low half her crew.

The battle now became general between the larger
vessels, and the slaughter on both sides was terrible.
Early in the engagement Captain Downie fell, and
the command of his vessel was taken by Lieutenant
Robertson.

While the deadly duel was going on between the
two flag-ships, the Chub had received a broadside
from the Eagle, which so crippled her that she drifted
helplessly into the enemy's lines, and was taken.

Plattsburg, Lake Ciiamplain, September, 1814. 323

Soon afterwards, the Finch struck on some rocks, and
was forced to surrender. The British gun-boats now
entered vigorously into the action, and caused the
Preble to cut her cable and make for the shore, where
she was of no further use. They then made a furious
attack on the Ticondcroga, and nearly succeeded in
boarding her. The Eagle was exposed to the combined
fire of the Confiance and Linnet, i fled to a safer
position, between the Saratoga and Ticonderoga,
where she was able to pour in a fresh fire on the gun-
boats and the Confiance.

So deadly had been the fire between the two large
frigates that the Saratoga had not a single starboard
gun left, and the Confiance was not much better.

Victory still hung in the balance, when, as in the
battle on Lake Erie, a piece of skilful seamanship on
the part of the Americans turned the fortune of the
day.

The Saratoga cut her cable and wound round, so as
to bring a new broadside on the Confiance, who vainly
attempted to perform the same manoeuvre.

In a few minutes the British ship was obliged to
strike its colours, followed soon after by the Linnet^
whose commander said he was not supported by the
gun-boats.

Three of these had sunk, the remainder bent their
sweeps and escaped down the lake, the American
vessels being in too crippled a state to follow.

WfW^ii^W*" "PW

.-I^K\lK^M!^JIfr

. 1

i<i_

^>i|

324

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

Commodore McDonough wrote to the American
Secretary of War : —

There was not a mast in either squadron that
could stand to make sail on ; the lower rigging being
nearly all shot away, hung down as if it had been
just placed over the mastheads.

Midshipman Lee, of the Cov fiance, wrote : —

Our masts, yards and sails were so shattered, that
one looked like so many bunches of matches, and the
other like a bundle of rags. I don't think there are
more than five of our men out of 300 but what are
killed or wounded. Never was a shower of hail so
thick as the shot whistling about our ears. There is
one of the marines, who was in the Trafalgar action
with Lord Nelson, who says that was a mere flea-bite
in comparison with this.

For over two hours this naval battle raged, witnessed
from the headlands of the Vermont shore by hundreds
of spectators, who greeted the victory with shouts.

It was these shouts that reached the ears of Sir
George Prevost, and filled him with consternation and
dismay.

Although his splendid troops had advanced with all
necessary despatch, and part of them had successfully
forded the Saranac and scaled the heights, Sir
George Prevost withdrew them, at the moment of their
victory, and ordered a precipitate retreat.

The army fell back in sullen submission to his com-
mand. So indignant was General Robinson that he

merican

)n that
ig being
iid been

ed, that
and the
lere are
4iat are
hail so
Chere is
ir action
flea-bite

itnessed
undreds
)iits.
s of Sir
ion and

with all
essfully
ts, Sir
of their

is com-
that he

Plattsburg, Lake Champlain, Seftembkr, 1814. 325

broke his sword, declaring he could never serve

ain.*

Sir George's own despatch says : —

agani

Scarcely had His Majesty's troops forced a passage
across the Saranac, and ascended the height on which
stand the enemy's works, when I had the extreme
mortification to hear the shout of victory from the
enemy in consequence of the British flag being lowered
on board the Conjiaiice and Linnet, and to see our
gun- boats seeking safety in flight.

Sir James Yeo expressed his opinion very freely in a
letter to the Admiralty Office, dated September 24th,
1814. He says : —

It appears to me that Captain Downie was urged,
and his ship hurried into action, before she was in a
fit state to meet the enemy. I am also of opinion
that there was not the least necessity for our squadron
giving the enemy such a decided advantage by going
into their Bay to engage them ; even had they been
successful, it would not in the least have assisted the
troops in storming the batteries, whereas, had our
troops taken their batteries first, it would have obliged
the enemy's squadron to quit the Bay, and given ours
a fair chance.

A desultory fire was kept^up until sunset from the
British batteries, when Sir George ordered a rapid
retreat into Canadian territory. He left behind his

* General Robinson, af terwarda Sir F. P Robinson, was a son of Colonel
Beverley Robinson, of New York, a U. E. Loyalist, and a relative of the
late Sir John Beverley Robinson, 13art., Chief Justice of Upp r Canada.
General Robinson was afterwards acting- Lieutenant-Governor of Upper
Canada for a short time, until the return ot Uovornor Gore, in 181U.

I L
Mil

i "

IHi

326

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

sick and wounded, with a request that they might be
generously treated by General Macomb. Quantities
of stores fell into the hands of the Americans.

One bright spot in this disastrous affair, is the kind
and humane treatment, which the wounded and pri-
soners received from Commodore McDonough and
General Macomb.

In the hasty flight, numbers of men deserted to the
enemy, and the cup of disgrace was filled to over-
flowing.

For the failure of this expedition Sir George Prevost
was called to account. He resigned his governorship
as soon as the war was over, and hastened to England
to answer the charges brought against him, but died
before the court-martial took place. His widow pressed
for an inquiry, with the result that in consideration of
the many services he had rendered in Canada, and his
good qualities as a civil governor, he was exonerated
from blame, and the Prince Regent bestowed on his
family, as an honour,* some additional armorial bear-
ings.

* The honour bestowed was the right to add supporters to the coat of
arms, together with the motto, Servatnm Cineri.

" The supporters, the proper badges of nobility, give the honour of the
peerage, without tlie rank, to which the fortune left by Sir George was not
equal, thougli his merits were." — Gentleman' s Magazine, January, 1817.

Last Days ok teie War, Winter, 1814-181

327

CHAPTEK XXIV.

LAST DAYS OF THE WAR — AUTUMN, WINTER, 1814-181S.

The news of the success of the American army of
the North at Plattsburg quickly reached Fort Erie,
where General Brown and his troops were still held at
bay by grim Sir Gordon Drummond.

After General Gaines' mishap in August, General
Brown, though still unrecovered from his wounds
received at Lundy's Lane, had come back to take
command at the fort, and arrived there on the 2nd of
September.

Both sides had received reinforcements, but there
had been no serious fighting since the 15th of August.
General Brown's return infused new spirit into the
garrison, and the American victory on Lake Champlaiii
so elated his men that he determined upon a grand
attack on the Canadian entrenchments.

The Americans had now twenty-seven heavy gims
mounted at the fort, and a force behind them of about
4,000 men.

General Drummond's camp was on an open plain,
almost surrounded, except on the river side, by thick
woods, and beyond the range of shot and shell from
the fort. His army was divided into three brigades ;

I I

{

ma '1

ii§

ill

^'lit^fell.

328

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

one of these, daily relieved by another, was constantly
on duty at the batteries. The works had now been
extended to within four or live hundred yards of the
old fort, and at that distance two batteries had already
been completed, and a third was nearly finished.
Heavy rains had flooded the flat ground on which
Druinmond's camp was situated, and typhoid fever
had broken out among his troops.

General Brown's army chafed under their inaction,
and were getting tired of being cooped up within the
narrow limits of the fort.

A sortie was, therefore, planned, and the day fixed
for it was the 17th September. The plan was, as
General Brown writes, " To storm the batteries,
destroy the cannon, and roughly handle the brigade
upon duty, before those in the camp could be brought
into action."

The American general made his plans with great
secrecy, not even disclosing them to his own officers.
He waited until a reinforcement of 2,000 militia, under
General Porter, arrived from Buffalo, and then
announced his intentions. They were not received
favourably by some of the other generals. Eipley
thought the enterprise was a hopeless one, and said
he should be well satisfied to escape from the disgrace
which, in his judgment, would fall upon all engaged.

Towards noon of the 17th September, taking
advantage of a thick fog, which obscured their move-
ments, the Americans advanced from the fort in three

Last Days of the War, Winter, 1814-1815. 329

then

said
5grace
;ed.
[aking

love-
three

brigades. The first, led by General Porter, was to
move from the extreme left of the American camp, by
a circuitous road through the woods, and attack the
Canadians on their right flank. The second division,
under General Miller (who had led the attack up the
hill at Lundy's Lane), was ordered to move by way of
a ravine, between Fort Erie and the Canadian bat-
teries, and attack their centre. The third division,
under General Kipley, was posted as a reserve near the
fort, out of sight.

The first division reached a position within a few
rods of the Canadian right before their movements
were even suspected, and commenced the assault at
once.

The Canadian troops were so completely taken by
surprise that they fell back, leaving the Americans in
possession of the ground. Batteries three and four
were stormed, and after a close contest of thirty
minutes were carried, the blockhouse in their rear
captured, the garrison made prisoners, and the maga-
zine blown up. This success was obtained at fearful
cost to the Americans, their three principal leaders
of divisions, General Davis, Colonel Gibson and Colonel
Wood, being mortally wounded, and a number of their
men killed.

In the meantime General Miller liad advanced on

the Canadian centre, carried the first and second

batteries with the blockhouses in rear ; and so, within

forty minutes, four batteries, two blockhouses, and the
22

tl-

330

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

whole line of Drummond entrenchments, were in pos-
session of the Americans.

Just at this moment General Ripley was ordered up
with his reserve, and received such a severe wound that
he was carried from the field to the fort.

So far the sortie had been successful, but the victors
were not long allowed to hold their spoils.

The story of how the batteries were re-taken is best
told by General Drummond, and General De Watteville,
in their despatches.

Extract of a letter from Lieutenant- General Drummond to
Lieutenant-General Sir George Frevost : —

Camp before Fort Erie,

September Idth, 1814.

My letter to your Excellency of the 17th gave a
short account of the result of an attack made by the
enemy on my position on that day.

I have to add, that as soon as the firing was heard,
I proceeded towards the advance, and found the troops
had moved from camp, and the lioyals and 89th had
been pushed, by Major-General De Watteville, into
the wood on the right towards No. 3 battery, and that
the 82nd was moving to the support of the batteries
on the left. At this moment it was reported to me
that the enemy had gained possession of the batteries
Nos. 2 and 3, and that our troops were falling
back— a report which the approach of the fire con-
firmed ; (your Excellency will have in recollection that
the whole line of operations lay in a thick wood). I
immediately directed Lieutenant-Colonel Campbell to
detach one wing of the 6th regiment to support the
82nd in an attack which I ordered to be made for the
recovery of battery No. 2. I threw forward the Glen-

Last Days of the War, Winter, 1814-1815. 831

I pos-

:ed up
d that

nctors

is best
teville,

rnond to

, 1814.

gave a
3y the

heard,
troops
h had
into
nd that
atteries
to nie
atteries
falhng
ire con-
ion that
ood). I
pbell to
Dort the
for the
le Glen-

garry hght infantry into the wood in front of the
centre, to check the advance of the enemy, and support
the troops retiring from that point. Both these move-
ments were executed to my entire satisfaction, and
being combined with a judicious attack nuide by
Lieutenant-Colonel Gordon with part of the first
brigade, consisting of the 1st battalion of the Royal
Scots supported by the 89th, the enemy was every-
where driven back, and our batteries and entrench-
ments regained, not, however, before he had disabled
the guns in No. 3 battery and exploded its nuigazine.
The enemy did not attempt again to make a stand,
but retreated in great disorder to the fort, and was
followed by our troops to the glacis of that place.

I myself witnessed the good order and spirit with
which the Glengarry light infantry, under Lieutenant-
Colonel Battersby, pushed into the wood, and by their
superior fire drove back the enemy's light troops.

I cannot sufficiently appreciate the valuable assis-
tance which I have received from Lieutenant-Colonel
Harvey, Deputy Adjutant-General, during the present
service, and which has been of the more importance,
as, from my own state of health, of late (in conse-
quence of my wound), I have not been able to use
those active exertions which I otherwise might. To
Major Glegg, Assistant Adjutant-General; to Captains
Chambers and Powell, Deputy Assistants Quarter-
master-General ; to Captain Foster, Military Secretary ;
Lieutenant-Colonel Hagerman, Provincial aide-de-
camp, who have rendered me every assistance in
their respective situations, my best acknowledgments
are due.

The enemy, it is now ascertained, made the sortie
with his whole force, which, including the militia
volunteers, by winch he has lately been joined, could
not consist of less than 5,000. About 200 prisoners
fell into our hands, and I cannot estimate the enemy's
loss in killed and wounded at less than that number.

' )

'-, I''

882

Tkn Years of Upper Canada.

ii I'

n (

The dreadful state of the roads and of the weather,
it having poured with rain ahnost incessantly for the
last ten days, renders every movement of ordnance
or heavy stores exceedingly diilicult.

By great exertions, the commanding artillery officer
has succeeded in moving the battery guns and
mortars, with their stores, etc., towards the Chippewa,
to which place I mean to withdraw them for the
present.

General 13e Watteville's report gives substantially
the same account of the attack and repulse, and ends
by saying, that by five o'clock the entrenchments
were again occupied, and the line of picquets estab-
lished as it had been previous to the enemy's attack.

An extract from a letter of one of the officers
engaged says : —

The companies of the 6th and 82nd did wonders.
The bayonet was lavishly dealt in the enemy's ranks.

Our loss has been heavy, about 100

killed and nearly 500 wounded and missing.

Most are of De Watteville's, who have been sur-
prised in the trenches. Of that fine regiment, four-
teen oflicers are killed, wounded and missing.

Typhoid fever was now proving a more formidable

foe even than the Americans, and General Drummond

found it necessary to change his camp.

He writes from

District Head-qua utehs,

Falls of Niagara, September 2ith, 1H14.

The troops fell back at eight o'clock on the evening
of the 21st, to the position alluded to in my letter of
that date, and bivouacked for the night undc^r torrents
of rain.

Last Days ok the War, Winter, 1814-1815. 383

'ir

Soon after daylight on the 22nd, the enemy dis-
covered our movements, and pushed out his picqnets
posted on the plain opi)Osite Black liock, and immedi-
ately retreated, after exchan^ang a few shots, without
attempting to molest us. Havinf? waited until two
o'clock (as well for the purpose of f^iving battle to the
enemy, should he have ventured out, as of giving
thne for the moveuient of all encumbrances behind
the Black C.reek), I ordered the troops to retire across
Frenchman's Creek, and the bridge over that creek to
be destroyed.

A cavalry picquet was left to watch this brigade, and
the troops then proceeded to take up the canton-
ments. Tlie whole of the movement has this day
been completed, and the troojis are now in comfort-
able quarters, where it is my intention to give them
a few days' repose.

No further sorties were mnde from Fort Erie,
although General Izard's division of 4,000 men arrived
there on the 10th October, after a toilsome nuirch
through the wilderneso from Genesee river, which they
left on 24th September, to Lewiston, where they
arrived on the 5th October. General Izard placed
his camp two miles north of Fort Erie, and being
senior to General Brown, the latter retired to liis old
post at Sackett's Harbour.

General Izard was now in command at Fort Erie of
more than 8,000 men, and a battle might liave been
expected. However, Ix'yond a trifling skirmish at
Lyon's Creek, near Chippewa, wh(>re the Americans
succeeded in destroying some Hour at a mill, nothing
was done.

\m\

11 .; i

334

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

The American account says that General Izard
clearly perceived that further offensive operations on
the peninsula so late in the season would be impru-
dent, and, perhaps, extremely perilous to the army.
Soon afterwards the whole American force crossed
the Niagara river, and abandoned Canada.

Fort Erie, the scene of so much hard fighting, was
mined by them before leaving, and on the 5th '
November, 1814, it was blown up and laid in ruins.

The capture of the British fleet on Lake Cham plain,
on the 11th September, was the last event of impor-
tance on the Lower Canadian frontier, and the sortie
and repulse of the Americans at Fort Erie on the
17th September, closed the campaign on the Niagara
frontier.

The only event recorded in October was a raid of
700 Kentucky volunteers, under General McArthur,
who crossed from Detroit into Canada on the 26th of
October, and made a dash through the western penin-
sula. The object of the expedition was the capture
of Burlington Heights, but after plundering a few of
the inhabitants of the country, and burning some
houses in Oxford, they met with such sturdy opposi-
tion from a number of militia and Indians at " The
Crossings," Grand river, that they did not pursue
their journey farther eastward, but turned down the
Long Point Iload, and returned to Detroit by way of
Port Dover and St. Thomas, pursued part of the

Last Days of the War, Winter, 1814-1815. 335

distance by a company of the Glengarries and some
of the 41st, under Major Muir.

General Drunimond's work as a military commander
was now nearly over. After a short stay in the camp
at Chippewa he withdrew his troops to Fort George,
but General Izard's retirement from Fort Erie had
banished any expectation of an attack from that
quarter.

On Lake Ontario Sir James Yeo's grand ship, the
St. Laic?'e?ice, 100 guns, had just been launched, and
once more that gallant commodore was lord of the
lake, and troops and supplies could now have been
easily brought to Drunimond's army at Niagara.

The war was, however, practically over.

It was terminated by the Treaty of Ghent, at which
place the Peace Commissioners for Britain, and the
United States, had been engaged in prolonged negotia-
tions from the Gth August, until the Treaty of Peace
was signed on the 24tli December, 1814. The Treaty
was not ratified by the United States until February,
and all through the month of January, 1815, the boom
of cannon resounded along the sea-board.

The Americans went to war ostensibly to secure
immunity from Search and Impressment, yet after
nearly three years of fighting, they joyfully approved
of the conclusion of a treaty, which was absolutely silent
on that important point.

The Treaty contained provisions for the settling of
disputed boundaries by commissioners, and an agree-

336

Ten Years of Upter Canada.

ment that, in the interests of humanity and justice,
both nations should use their best endeavours for the
entire al)ohtion of the Slave Trade.

The Treaty required the ratification of the American
Senate, which was unanimously given on 17th Feb-
ruary, 1815.

A letter from Thomas G. Kidout gives the date of
the arrival of the news of the Peace at Montreal : —

CoiiNWALL, 27 tk February, 1815.

Yesterday moaning I received letters from Montreal
stating that the Treaty of Peace had l)een ratihed, and
the guns of that place had, in consequence, been fired
as a rejoicing at the event, (leneral Brisbane received
the express on tlie lines (boundary), and it would reach
Quebec the night of the 25th.

All stores are stoi)ped at Montreal, and nothing but
provisions will now he sent up.

By a General Order issued on the Ist March, 1815,
the Canadian militia were ordered to disband on the
24th of the same Uionth.

The war-worn citizen soldiers returned to their
homes, for which they had fought so well. Yet their
ranks were sadly thinned. Under the green leaves of
shot-riven woods, beneath the grasses of many a quiet
hill-side, and in the village churchyards along all
that historic frontier, were left behind those who had
laid down their lives for C'anada.

A few words must be said of the after career of the
young Commissary, whose letters form so large a part
of this volume.

ilieir
lieir
es of

uiet
all

had

the
part

Last Days of the War, Winter, 1814-1815. 337

Thomas G. liidoiit continued in the Commissariat
until 1820, when he retired on half-pay. In 1821 he
was offered a permanent post in the service by the
Commissary-General, but declined, as he was then
engaged in helping to organize the Bank of Upper
Canada, the pioneer bank of the Province. In 1822,
he was appointed its iirst cashier, and continued in
that position until shortly before his death, in 1861.

The adiniral)le qualities that he possessed as a
youth, which were dis])layed in his devotion to the
duties tluit devolved upon him during the important
years described in this volume, shone out through his
whole life, which was a useful and laborious one.

As a conscientious servant, and as a man of
business, Mr. Ilidout had few equals. His whole
ol)ject was to perform fearlessly and honestly his duty,
and to advance the interests of the institution placed
under his control.

Mr. Uidout never entered what is called public life,
never sought a seat in Parliament, or even took an
active part in politics ; Imt in his career can be traced
the wonderful monetary and commercial progress of
the country. He took a deep interest in the public
welfare, and assisted in furthering those enterprises
calculated to promote the prosperity of the Province.

In politics, Mr. Uidout's views were liberal, and it
would be difticiilt to Hnd a more loyal subject to the
Crown, or a more staunch supporter of those British
institutions under which wo are so hai)pily governed.

He was a distinguished memlier of the order of
Free xMasons, Master of St. Andrew's Lodge, in which
he succeeded his father ; and .imong Royal Arch
Masons he will be especially remembered, as the
founder, and for nine years, the tirst Principal of St.

Ill

338

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

Andrew's Royal Arch Chapter. As a Masonic Knight
Templar, his valuable services will be remembered in
the introduction of the Order into Canada.

Of unbending integrity and sterling honesty, Mr.
Ridout was respected by all, and being possessed of
an amiable and generous disposition, he had many
warm and attached friends — we may add, he was with-
out an enemy. — (From Toronto Leader and British
Herald, July 31st, 18G1.)

night
•ed in

', Mr.
ed of
many
with-
ritish

1 1

i I

iJ'lU

HON. TIlnMAS KIDolT.
Sii>:;y.>r (.!ciiri\il of Cpl^n- Caii.ui.i. ,ui,/ M, mi; r ,</ l[i> Mijjcftyi l.i-^i^hiti:, Coinidl.

li.iin. Sluilii mriK'. I ) n-i't^hin-, llnohuid. 171I1 March. 1754-
Diiil, Sih li-liiuarv. iSjo.

Arp!.;.\i)!x.

N AKUA'I'.VF <.')■• rm-. • A ''Tivnv Ar ■ . I'l.. -H \W.\M:-;jf ISM'IAN'S.

IN 178.S ' ! '.Ili'i'.M- i; '"I > '"• ' ' '- *K1>'' .'"^'KV •• VoK-

CfLXLltAi, 'It- I'l'IKU '. '\ •\ ' \\ ■>'.< '',,|(.;s'Al

Mvr.- -• ' I !■ IS' i\.3.-L -.!tiN lie ir'i. i'''.Mi!.''

'•I

\ N /\rt,;t lU N r - a- .m\' i \i' ■ r

', i . .J '"•>. /Kii'i.in-

icstd. liW rifiio '!_.;-:■ I !'!t"i diutnji the .^puni^ ■/.••,"' /'.:• ,-/' tn>:

i Ji.\i> airiv.'ii al riiih^i'lphin VrctM Kun/jj'- in hnniary,
17^7. in tu'utT fo (;.>l{t<!t ilf t>t-: '\\\'- tt iiif liy siv^tuI j'Siisuns m
tli<' rnitrd Stjitf'-i, aTi<l ln-in^" ini'.irhiC'l tli.ii iuaiiy<it' u.y 'l-'l tic^
hfVil ,'.i'j,i' With thi".i i;iiiii'i>-> I'l ihi' !u>u set lliMin.'iit ff Kt.'fl-
tUt:k\, rifil! ■'!ic F.ll!'^..r II.. K;!\ 'T < >]ii.>, in t Ul' Ill'.illtli • t l'"-'!!.-

b«-r oi' til*' sjuiK- yt'itf ! ■-"' ur trom Animju-li^, iti M . ■ ;-iii'.i
( where ii liri.lh'.'f ■>£ i .\> ;■ ■' '•-! i'<)i- i'nrt I'itt, ;nti i .. ^ : > gu
I'roiu thr-'fi to Ki'iitiickv ^i-" *'V.i. •■•. 'In- loe "-h'Mil'i )■" i\> if.
tho Hi)Mn<j;, and i.h(;ii.i'; I'-" ino- )im.\ ivnl ;.■ , ■\u-\ I ^> .'i;^'i •.'•.•ci
with a Mr Satutn i I'm iiM'' •• I'altiii i>r>' w;> .-.i.'s.i. .1

ijifj^e tnu'ts oi' land in is i-ni d'k \ , (■ ;'.•••.■( ;,m > ■:( .'-.r.iiry .i-
Kort Pitt, and fro t<'-i'th'r ; ■ K'-iiti)'.i:.y. 1 n.-. .vfd !• u.t-
tf introduction Troui •iii.n(r>.- 'A'.ishin^i-jn. ( ol'iu! Li'r.

* yotea from M'-. liiilfut- iK'ii/:- •'<inin;nvl '^\ asl I'^ri -i: ht^i '••
ninhtid me *vit)i iotteiRnf intnHluiti.Mi tfidciinralSotit.^ »ini < i .nol M«n^»">'i,
Mni Colonel Htnry Le«, .in urigiiiai tlmractiT, wliu '.l^«•.l in onr^ •< tjy
Liriither'« houBus, seiu in«j lettera of i!iti\Kluction f<> (Jovcnior ij-iJior hi.

!!■

1; .|c -^i .

■'' '/ , .■)■'. / . ;■, ;,'/. . '.- i'.'i'i I '

APPENDIX.

Narrative of the Captivity among the Shawanl-^k Indians,
IN 1788, OF Thomas Ridout, afterwards Surveyor-
General OF Upper Canada, from the Original
Manuscript in Possession of the Family.

An Account of my Capture by the Shazvanese Indians,
dwelling on the River Ohio in North America, and of my
residence amongst them during the Spring and part of the
Slimmer of the year iy88.

I HAD arrived at Philadelphia from Europe in February,
1787, in order to collect debts due to uie by several persons in
the United States, and being informed that many of my debtors
had gone with their families to the new settlement of Ken-
tucky, near the falls of the River Ohio, in the month of Decem-
ber of the saTne year I set out from Annapolis, in Maryland
(where a brother of mine resided), for Fort Pitt, intending to go
from thence to Kentucky as soon as the ice should break up in
the spring, and the river became navigable ; and I had agreed
with a Mr. Samuel Purviance, of Baltimore, who possessed
large tracts of land in Kentucky, to meet him in January at
Fort Pitt, and go together to Kentucky. I received letters
of introduction from * General Washington, Colonel Lee, of

* Notes from Mr. RidouVs Diary: — "General "Washington had fur-
nished me with letters of introduction to General Scott and Colonel Marshall,
and Colonel Henry Lee, an original character, who lived in one of my
brother's houses, sent me letters of introduction to Governor Arthur St.

340

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

Virginia, and other geutlfinen, to their friends in the western
settlements, and having collected £:}00 or £400 worth of mer-
chandise from some of my debtors in lieu of cash, which was
not at that time to be obtained, and forwarded it to Fort
Pitt by means of horses, I set out myself on horseback and
alone from Hancock, a town in Maryland, on the River Potomac,
about five miles from the warm springs in Virginia, on the
first day of January, 1788.

The snow at this time was about three feet deep, and the
weather clear and very cold. To Old-Town on the Potomac,
is about thirty-six miles, and from thence to the entrance of the
Alleghany Mountains about thirty miles, the same road that
General Braildock cut through the mountains to enable him to
pass on to Fort Pitt, and near 'which latter place he met with
so great a defeat. On the evening of the second day of my
departure I entere<l the mountains and slept at one Greig's.

I proceeded on my way early ne.xt morning, and passed but
one house during the day. The weather was extremely cold,
the snow deep and but little beaten by travellers — the road
lay through dismal vales and over frightful precipices, the
gloominess of which was heightened and increased by large
cypress trees, whose branches overhung. This particular place
is known by the name of the " Shadow of Death,' a name
very applicable. Towards the evening I met seven or eight
men riding furiously, more than half-drunk, and yelling like

savages.

I, not before it was dark, arrived at a solitary house, but
where the accommodations were tolorable ; and was informed
that I should not see another house till towards the evening of

Clair, to Brigadier-General Hariuer, (reneral Wilkinson and Hon. John
Armstrong."

" I received also the following memorandum from General Washing* jn,
who ro(juestod me, if possible, to send him the things mentioned, as they
wore intended for the gardens of the King of France: — The seeds of the
coffee tree, pappa tree, cucumber tree, blackberry tree, wild cherry tree,
black-eye tree, wild rye, bufTalo grass, crown imperial, cardinal dower,
Shawanese salad, wild lettuce, tulip-bearing laurel, and the seeds of every-
thing curious which the western country of America produces.

Appendix.

341

the next day. This night the weather was excessively col<l. In
the morninij I took an early breakfast, and proceeded on my
solitary journey through the mountains, the snow being about
four feet deep. In the afternoon, becoming very cold and weary,
I l()oke<l out very anxiously for the house where I wa.s to stop,
and at last, to my infinite joy, discovered it at no great distance
ahead. It proved very comfortable, which was the more
reli.shed when contrasted with the gloominess of the surround-
ing scene.

The next morning I continued my journe}^ and about noon
arrived at the summit of the famed Laurel Hill, from whence
all the country to the Ohio, more than sixty miles distant, lay
before me. The dov was clear, antl the scene, though wild, was
magnificent. 1 descended gradually on a straight road, and
soon found myself amongst other mountains, which the extreme
height of the Laurel Hill (the western extremity of the
Alleghany) had before reduced to hillocks. On the evening of
this day I reached Red Stone old fort, lying on the River
Monongahela, which unites with the Alleghany river at Fort
Pitt, and forms the Ohio. I crossed the Monongahela, which
is here about 400 yards wide, and slept at a Dutchman's
house. During the night there tell near two feet depth of
snow, and the roof under which I slept being old and bad, a
great quantity was on my bed when I awoke.

The road I had to travel this day was difficult to find, and
without any track. In the course of the day I went five miles
out of my way, and it was not till nine o'clock at night, and
very dark, that I came to a house, which was a very grateful
sight to me, as I expected to be reduced to the necessity of
roving in the woods all the night. My horse partook of my
alarm, for he trembled under me.

The inhabitants of this house were the most rude and
savage in their manners I had ever met with, but the risk and
dangers I had escaped reconciled me to my fare.

The next day I had company to Fort Pitt, where I arrived
about two o'clock in the afternoon, cros.sing the Monongahela
again on the ice ; the river here is about 500 yards wide. 1

= ?; I

342

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

lodged at a house of a Mr. Ormsb}', where I found my friend
Mr. Purviancp, who had arrived a few days before. I received
many civilities from the inhabitants of this place, who form a
very aj];reeable society among themselves. Here I remained
till the 12th of March following, when I embarked in one of
the boats built at Red Stone for the conveyance of passengers
etc., to the falls of Ohio ; two days before, the ice of the river
broke up with a tremendous noise, and the waters rose in the
space of three days twenty feet perpendicular. Mr. Purviance
and myself, with one John Black — his servant — together with
our horses and baggage, embarked at Fort Pitt. Many other
boats were preparing to set out on the same route ; although the
ice was yet floating in large masses, we committed ourselves
to the furious current. At a town called Wheeling, about
100 miles down the river, we were to take in the other
pa.ssengers and their baggage. The second day, in the after-
noon, we stopped at Wheeling, and immediately took on board
those who were waiting for our arrival. We were in all about
twenty persons and sixteen horses. The boat was exceedingly
deeply laden. A boat, laden as we were, put off with us for
Kentucky.

These boats are flat-bottomed with upright sides and stern,
and the front turns up like a skate; they seldom use any sail,
but are steered by means of a long oar from the stern, and
two or three oars are occasionally used to conduct them, for
the stream, which runs at the rate of about five miles an hour,
carries the boat with great rapidity. They maintain their
course night and day. Wo stoppeil the day after we left
Wheeling, for a few nunutes, at the mouth of the Muskingum
river, where was a small fort cal'ed Fort Harmer, and a
garrison of about lifty men. We then proceeded on our way,
and our course being nearly .south-west, we soon found the
weather grow very mihl and pleasant, and the trees putting
forth their leaves. At the Great Kanawa, which is on the
east side of the Ohio, as the Muskingum is on the west,
we saw eight or ten houses, and went on shore for a few
minutes. The soil is of a black, deep mould. The Ohio coa-

t I 1 >ji* V

Ml :i 1

mn ■

Appendix.

343

i<j;atn

tinues nearly of the same breadth, that is about thre^ quarters
of a mile, still rising ami flowinfj in a majestic stream. In the
night we were almost upon an island before we discovered our
danger. With the greatest exertions we got clear of it,
although not without touching once or twice. The next day it
rained throughoi;t, and just at the close of the evening we
reached the first settlement in Kentucky, called Limestone.
Here we went on .shore, and almo.st all of the party left us the
next morning, taking their route by land to their respective
homes. They presseu me greatly to accompany them, as I had
letters from General Washington to his friends, Colonel Mar-
shall and others, who resided in this settlement. I had my
baggage brought on shore, and purposed going by land to
Lexington, and from thence to the falls of Ohio ; but finding
that it did not suit Mr. Purviance to take this route by land,
and unwilling to leave him, I returned with my bai/gage to the
boat, and set out with him, our man, J. Black, and two other
men. The other boat, whose company was also reduced to five
or six persons, sec out for the falls early that morning. Wo
followed in the afternoon. The distance from the falls to this
place was 170 miles. The weather was remarkably pleasant,
and the moon being now full and the nights .serene and clear,
added greatly to the agreoablene.ss of our voyage. The spring,
too, began to show itself, and the trees, esj)ecially those on the
river, were already in leaf. Not often had I felt so much satis-
faction or delight of heart as I did on the second morning,
which was Good Friday. I had breakfiisttd, and with a map and
travelling compass, was computitig tlie bearings and distances
to the place called the Big Bones, which I reckoned to be
about ten miles distant. Some of the bones here found, are to
be .seen in the British Museum. They belong to an animal
whose species is now e.xtinct, l)ut suj)posed to be the same us
that mentioned by Cjpsar in his " Conimentaries."

Our tranquility, however, was soon to give place to the
greatest anxiety ancl alarm, for on turning a point which
opened to our view a consid'rablo extent of the river, we saw,
at some distance on the Indian or we.st side of it, a boat like

4'i

kin! V -5

344

Ten Years ok Upper Canada.

our own ;iMion<j[.st the Imslies, wliich appeared to be the same
which lia»l h'tt Limestone a few liours before we (Ji<l. Whilst
we wert' conjecturing the cause of such apparent delay, we per-
ceived several people running about the shore, and a boat to
put otFfull of people, whom we soon, to our surprise an! terror,
discovered to be Indians, almost naked, painted and ornamented
as when at war.

They soon came up with us, and about twenty leaped into
our boat like so many furies, yellinj^ and screaminj^ horribly,
brandishinj:; their knives and toninhawks, stru<rglini,^ with each
other for a prisoner. A youui,' man, painted black, tirst seized
me by the arm, when anothei-, an elderly man, who seemed to
be a chief, tt)ok me from him; this Indian was of a mild
countenance, and he L'ave me immediately to understand I
should not be hurt, holding me by the hand to show his
property in me.

As we neither did nor could attempt any resistance, none of
U3 at this time suffered any injury in our persons, but they
befi;an immediately to strip us ; my companions were soon left
almost without coverin;^. Several attempts were made to strip
me of my clothes, which were opposed by the Indian who held
my hand. At length he acquiesced in the demands of one who
began to bo violent, and I iost my hat, coat and waistcoat. By
this time we had gained the bank of the river, and were then
led to a great fire, around which sat the war-chief, Nenessica,
and about sixty Indians; their whole party was ninety. To
the chief I was presented by his brother, the man who had
held my hand. Afti»r examining me some time with attention,
and conversing with thosi; around him, who eyed \ue with no
less complacency, the chief gave me his liand, and presented his
pipe to me. He then made signs for me to sit down by him,
which 1 did, when several chiefs introduced themselves and
shook hands with me, in particular a Pottawatamie, exceed-
ingly well dressed after their manner, and who was one of the
finest figures I had ever beheld ; he appeared to be about
twenty-seven years of age. and to be upwards of ..ix feet in
height. No other prisoner received the civililies which I did

4sica,
To
had
Ition,
|i no
ll his
him,
and
leed-
the
jout

did

YORK

PENNSYLVANIA

YFT OU QUESNF)
.FORT PITT
^■v^fPlTTSBUrtQ )

fitdUUocka Ccfeat
U750)

RED STONE

,vA'\,#%.^raddoi^(|^aU'

MARYLAND

BALTIMORE

VIRGINIA

1TM8.
<\FTURE OF TH08. RIDOUT BY INDIANS.

uirth tif Ohio liiver uao Itiitian Territory nut Suirtyed.\

Of Indiana with Captive,
te prior to Capture (by horse and batteau).

Ooale 6S miles to I Inch

N.CAROLINA

TENNESSEE

TOKONto tMaw*viN O Of

NEW

YORK

MIAMIB

H I O

■•• ,»

r^'

PENNSYLVANIA

|WHEtLlNa^«i^^FORT PITT

'WxStadaocku Dcfoat

vvW'.i"!"'':,

MARYLAND

BALTIMOI^E

''^'%fA*°'"°'^'"*"*

VIRGINIA

Isjr „.;,"'l> ^'i\f ^f-

17HK.

, V ^1" i€^ ' CAPTURE OF THOS. RIDOUT BY INDIANS.

^^^^'. ^ •5AII * ,, ,|\^^ '•^'■' |.V,„'A uf dhu' Hhvr won Iintiiin Teiril"ip nut Slinvj/ft/. |

v-^S''^I[I^t*'^?'>^'' ;"; : - i ; s i : ; ^«t* <" "»'"'"" ^'^ captive.

V' "ijit,^ .'fjt^V'^* , , r V <• Rout« prior to Capture (by horse and batt«au).

OHSROKEES

Scivit DS lutle* to 1 luoh

N.CAROLINA

Ml'

1 (

1 i
1' ' ..

Mii

i^wJ

Appendix.

345

Whilst I was sitting by the chief I heard myself called by
name, and lookincr around saw two vounjj men, tied and sittinjr
at the foot of a tree ; they had been taken early in the morn-
inf; out of the boat which had sailed before us. They said a
lock of hair had been taken from each of their heads,* and
that they had been tied several hours in the manner the}' now
were, and apprehended they were doomed to be put to death,
and as I seemed to be taken into favour, they hegired I would
intercede foi' them. Upon my re(|uesting this favour the Indians
released them.

During the remainder of the day, the Indians, who were
composed of Shawane.se, Pottawatamies, Ottawas and Chero-
kees, but chieHy of the first, seemed to enjoy their ^ood fortune,
for their plunder e.xceoded XI, 500 sterlin<^, as I was afterwards
informed. They gave us a portion of the provisions they had
taken, and when night approached they renewed their fires.
The chief, with the principal warriors.- reposed on one side, the
prisoners, amounting to ten men and one black woman, were
placed on the other side. Some deer-skins were spread on the
ground, on which we lay, and an old blanket was allotted for
the covering of two people. I placed myself next to my old
friend, Mr. Purviance, who was upwards of sixty years of age ;
he had been stripped of everything except his breeches and a
thin flannel waistcoat; as the night was frosty, he suffered
much by the cold. I endeavoured to keep the blanket over him.
The Indian chief who had conducted me on shore placed iiim-
self by me on the outside, .seemingly for my protection. Dur-
ing the night I felt the cold vi'ry sensibly, for I had very little
covering, and my head was liare and exposed to the sky ; it
ached very much, but at length I was relieved by a bleeding at
the nose. I slept but little, looking on the scene around me by
the mild lustre of a full moon, an<l comparing my present situa-
tion with wlmt it had been but a short time before. As .soon a-<
the 8un rose, all were on foot and assembled around their great

* It is curious to note an old sacriticial ceremony of the Greeks and
Romans practised hy the Indians of North America.
98

MC)

Tkn Years of Upf'er Canada.

chief, who divided tho hooty amongst them, appurontly to
every one's satisfaction.

\(){r from Mr. liidont'.i />iVn?/;— MoniorjuKluni of clothoH, linen, and
otlier fiiiifitrul : 27 shirts ; 28 stocks ; 2(5 iiockot-hiindkorcliiofs ; 1 pair laco
ruffles and bosom ruffles ; jjairs thread stockings; 2 pairs Mack silk do ;
23 pairs white silk do ; 1 pair mild yarn do ; 4 pairs nankeen hreecliea ;
M ])airs cotton do ; a suj)ertino cloth coat ; IJ linen and cotton nightcaps ;
li serre-letes ; 2 linen dressing cloths ; 1 lint n dressing apron ; 4 pairs
black silk breeches; 1 pair black everlasting do; 1 white silk robe do
chambre and waistcoat ; 5 silk waistcoats, embroidered ; 1 black satin do,
plain ; J black silk do ; 1 dark piirj)Ie silk coat ; 1 suit black silk, coat,
waistcoat and breeches ; 1 suit dove colored, do ; 1 suit light brown, do ;
1 blue cloak, superfine broad cloth ; 1 dark green coat, do ; I lead-colored
do, do ; ' 1 ussian blue do, do ; 3 i)air.s shoes and 1 pair boots ; 2 pairs
silver s' lO buckles ; 1 j)air silver knee do ; 2 pairs steel do ; 1 yellow
metal stock do ; 1 gold repeating watch, double cased, and gold chain, key,
etc., with arms, maker, Berthoud, Paris ; 1 gold-headed walking cano ; 1
ivory (Jerman flute ; 1 ebony (Jernian flute, with three middle i)ieces, and
divers music books ; 2 pictures, engraved by Ryland and painted by F.
A. Kaufman ; hair jmwder bag ; a portable wriling desk, English ; do,
Frencli ; 3 large trunks, 1 small do, 1 portmanteau, containing my papers,
clothes and books ; a liath coating-coat ; a couteau do chasse, etc., etc.
The above things, together with myself, were t<»ken by the Shawanese near
the falls of the Ohio.

A list of books belonging to me taken by the Indians : A Bible, once
my mother's, and read by mo in my earliest years ; Thompson's works,
elegantly bound, four volumes ; Chesterfield's Letters, four volumes ;
Posthlewaito's dictionary of Commerce, two volumes ; Lex Mercntoria ;
Ainsworth's Latin and English dictionaries ; Italian, Latin and French
dictionaries ; Chambaud's English and P'rench dictionarie.« , Life of
l'ctrar(|ue, three volumes , works of Montesquieu, threi' volu nu-
Plutaniue's Lives in the old French of Amyot ; translation in French of
Homer, eight volumes, elegantly bound ; Corneille's Tragedies, in French,
elegantly bound, five volumes ; E.s.says of Montaigne, French, ten volumes;
Rochefoucaulds. Of these books the Bible alone was returned.

Among the prisoners was a decent looking man, of about
forty-five years of age, by name Wm. Richardson Watson ; he
had lesided several years in the United States, but was .said to
be an Englishman. Innncdiately on our landing the Indians
had taken from him 700 guineas ; ho was of the part}'^ tiiat was
in the other boat. The Clierokees had him in charge, or rather

Appkndix.

347

he had been given over to them. After the above distribution,
they arose and threw ar(mn<l his neck a broad belt of black
wampum, and a bundle, containing the toes of deer, in his hand
l)y way of a rattle. Two or three Indians placed themselves
before him and as many on each side, and bo^an a sonrj which
appeared to me an invocation, at lirst in a slow and solemn
manner, and soon after in a (juiek time, the poor man shaking
his rattles all the time. After the ceremony was over, he
passed near me and said to me, " I am led to think from the
ceremony which has passed that I am devoted to death, but as
you appear to l)e taken into favour, will you accept from me a
gold repeating watch, which our enendes have not yet taken
from me." I replied, that probabl}- my life was ine(|ual danger
with his own, and that should I accept the ofl'ered j)resent it
would place me most likely in greater. I therefore declined
accepting it.

The prisoners were then ordered to .«eat themselves in a row,
fronting to the west, on the ground, having the woods immedi-
ately in their rear. On my left were two of my companions,
next to me on mv right was my friend Mr. Purviance, and next
to him the other six; opposite us, to the south-east, was the
river. As soon as we were .seated Mr. Purviance began to dis-
course with me of our present situation, and said that as
hitherto we had had not received any personal ill-treatment, he
hoped we were not in any great danger; it was evident, how-
ever, that some change was to take i)lace in our situations ; we
remained not long in suspense. A sturdy, thick-set Indian,
painted black, of a very fierce countenance, with a drawn
hanger in his right hand, came towards us, and addressing

Oil' ' o

him.self to the outermost man on the left haiul, who happened
to be the second from me, with a ilourish of his weapon made
him get up, giving him a kick drove him into the woods to the
left of us.

Wc all remained silent, every one judging that his last
moment of life approached. In a few minutes this .savage
returned and drove before him the man who had been sitting
next to me on the left. Mr. Purviance then saiil to me, ' I

H;ii i.

348

Ten Years ok Upper Canada.

t f

believe, my friend, that we draw near our end." These were
my own sentiments also. I waited the return of the Indian for
my.self as his next victim ; words cannot express what my feel-
in<^s then were, and when 1 saw him approach. He came and
stood before me, and, after a moment's pause, beckoned me to
rise and follow him, and turned round into tiie woods which
were behind us. 1 saw mv friend no more. I understood
some time after that he was not killed on the spot, but was
taken into the interior of the country and there beat to death.
1 followed the Indian step by .^tep, expectin<^ every moment
that he would turn upon me and put me to death. After walk-
inj,' .'}00 or 400 yards, I ptM'ceived the smoke of a tire, and,
presently, several Indians about it; my alarm was not
diminished, but as we came nearer, a white man, about
twenty-two years of ai^e, who had been taken pri.soner when
a lad and had been ailopted, and was now a chief among the
Shawanese, stood up and said to me in English, " Don't be
afraid, sir, you are in no danger, but are given to a good man,
a chief of the Shawane.se, who will not hurt you ; but, after
some time, will take you to Detroit, where you may ransom
yourself, l.'ome and take your breakfast." What a transition !
passing from immediate danger and apparent certain death to
a renovated life ! I saw no more of my savage guide, but
joined the party seated around the fire taking their breakfast,
of which I partook, which consisted of chocolate and some flour
cakes baked in the ashes, being part of the plunder they had
taken from us. Whilst I breakfasted, an Indian, painted red
and almost naked, had seated himself opposite to me and eyed
me with fiercene.ss of countenance inexpressible; his eyes
glowed like fire, and the arteries of his neck were swollen and
nearly bursting with rage ; he said something to me in a tone
of voice corresponding with his appearance, which was inter-
preted to me by the white man in the following words: "He
says that you are his prisoner, and that it is more easy for him
to put you to death than to tell you so." I answered, calmly,
(for the extreme danger and situation from which I had just
escaped had prepared me for every event,) that I acknowledged

Appendix.

349

myself to be in his power, and that he could do with me as he
pleased. This reply being made known to him, his rage seemed
to subside, and he said no more to me.

The white man now informed me that in an hour or two we
should begin our march, together with the other Indians and
prisoners, to the village, which was about tive days' journey
from that place.

About noon we began our journey into the wood, in company
with about ninety Indians. The weather was dark, gloomy and
cold. We passed over a rapid river on the body of a tree, which
had fallen over it at a considerable height from the water. In
passing, my htnd became giddy, and I apprehended I should
fall, but recollecting the yet greater dangers that beset me, I
recovered a firmer step, About five in the afternoon, we came
to a valley through which ran a rivulet, the land rising gently
to the westwanl, full of large timber, but without under-
wood. At this place, I understood, the Indians intended
to pass the night in feasting and drinking a part of the
spirituous li(|Uors they had taken from us. As the Indians
intended to regale themselves and drink to intoxication, a party
of Cherokeos, to the number of twelve, who had deserted from
their own nation to reside amongst the Shawanese, were
appointetl to take charge of the prisoners durmg the fea.st, of
which they, the Cherokees, were not to partake, but were to
keep themselves .sober. We were, therefore, connnitted to
these Indians, who withdrew to a small eminence, a few
hundred yards distant fiom the main body.

When they had kindled a fire they threw a few half-worn
undressed deer-skins on the ground, for us to lie upon, on the
west side of the fire, and then began to secure us from making
an escape. They began with me, by passing a cord round my
body, then between the legs, and under that part of the cord
that surrounded the body, and forcing a stake six or seven feet
into the ground, they fastened the cord to it, and on the top of
the stake they fixed a small bell, so that I could not stir with-
out its ringing. Lest 1 should make use of my hands, they put
my fists into a small leather bag which they had tied round

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350

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

the wrist ; then they drew the string round the wrists so tight,
that I was instantly in an agony of pain. It was to no pur-
pose to complain. I could not prevail upon them to olacken it,
but ordering me to lie down, they threw over me a small, old
blanket. My place was the outermost of the row, next to the
drurdcen Indians, exposed to the weather, which was very
cold and tempestuous. There fell much sleet, but the agony I
suffered in my wrists, hands and arms, made me insensible
almost to everything else.

About midnight, I was roused by the screams and whoops of
an Indian from the other encapment, who seemed coming
towards us. His yells and shouts became more and more loud
and terrific; and turning my eyes towards the valley, I per-
ceived, by the glimmering lights of the fires and of the moon,
an Indian staggering with drunkenness, brandishing a knife in
one hand and a tomahawk in the other, making all the haste
he could towards us, and shrieking most horribly as he ap-
proached where I lay. I have, no doubt, but that he was bent
upon murdering the prisoners, and that I should be his first
victim. He had already come within one step of me, and his
hand was lifted to give me the fatal blow, when one of the
Oherokees sprang from the giound and caught him round the
waist, and after some struggling mastered him and obliged him
to retreat, which he did muttering.

As my suflTerings were extreme from the strictures round my
wrists, I entreated the Cherokee to loosen them, but giving me
a look of savage fierceness, he laid himself down again uncon-
cerned at the tortures I endured. In the space of about an
hour the drunken Indian made a second attempt to execute his
purpose ; but as he approached, yelling and shouting, two
Cherokees laid hold of him as soon as he came near the fire, and
tying him neck and heels together, left him wallowing in the
snow for the remainder of the night. At length the long-
wished-for morning came, and my hands were set at liberty; but
they were so swollen and black with the stoppage of cir-
culation, that some hours elapsed before I could bend my
fingers or use them. Soon after the sun had risen, the Indian

Appendix.

851

30 tight,
no pur-
cken it,
nail, old
; to the
as very
agony I
isensible

boops of

coming

)re loud

y, I per-
e moon,
knife in
he haste
i he ap-
vas bent
his first
and his
e of the
und the
ged him

mnd my

v^ing rae

uncon-

lout an

cute his

ng, two

fire, and

in the

lie long-

rty ; but

of cir-

end my

Indian

chief to whom I had been given made his appearance. He
seemed about tifty years of age, was a tall, slender man, and of
a very pleasing and animated countenance. He, smiling, took
me by the hand, called me " Nacanah," or his friend, and seeing
my attention fixed on a wound, over one of his eyes, he, pointing
to it, said, " Ah ! rnatowesa whiskey," meaning he had got
drunk with wicked whiskey or spirits, and that the wound
was the bad consequence of it.

Perceiving that I had no covering on my head, he took about
a yard of black silk motle (part of his share in the j)lunder)
and tied it roi.nd my heatl. He then gave me an old blaid'Cet,
which I fastened about my waist with a skewer. We then
breakfasted, and began to prepare for our journey to the
interior. My horse, which was a very good one and of an iron-
gray colour, they loaded with as much as he could carry.

My friend, as I shall call the Indian to whom I belonged, and
who never once forfeited the appellation, made up for himself a
load of about fii'ty or sixty pounds, and another small bundle
for myself, of about thirtj' pounds weight. Some of the
prisoners had iron pots, and very heavy loads were put on
them. A breech-cloth was given to me, instead of my breeches,
and a pair of moccasins, or Indian shoes, in lieu of my
leather ones. Our party now consiste'l of the seven prisoners,
together with ten Indians. We marched on towards the first
village, or their winter encampment, of which my friend was
the principal chief. For two or three days we travelled to-
gether in company, at which time some of the Indians turned
off" with their prisoners to other villages, so that only another
prisoner and myself were together for the rest of the journey.
The residue of the Indians, to the number of eighty, returnt-d
to war against the Americans, which was continued from this
period during seven years, without, intermission. It is almost
needless to say to those who are ac(iuainted with the causes of
disturbance between the Americans and natives, that the
former are in general the aggies.sors, but in this war they were
80 in a more unjust degree than usual.

When the evening of our firsjt day's journey drew nigh, I

352

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

iii

I f 1

li : ■ i

dreaded lest I should be treated as I had been the precedinj^
night ; but when we lay down, which was before a good fire, my
friend covered me with a blanket, and only fastened me round
the body with a rope, which he drew under himself and lay
upon. He never afterwards used this precaution, leaving me
at perfect liberty, and frequently during the nights that were
frosty and cold, 1 found his hand over me to examine whether
or not 1 was covered. I tliink it was towards the third evening
of our march that we came to the banks of the great Miami, a
very rocky and rapid river, which empties itself into the Ohio,
and whose waters were very high. My friend, another Indian,
and myself begun to make a small raft to pass over this
rapid stream, which was about 800 feet wide. I went
awkwardly about my work. The Indian smiled, and allowed
me to desist from working. They soon prepared a small raft,
and we all three placed ourselves upon it, and with the help of
a pole by way of paddle, we socm gained the opposite shore,
having been carried a short distance down the stream. Soon
after we encamped on the left bank of a small river, having a
steep hill covered with woods on the left side. A good fire was
kindled, and we supped heartily on some roasted venison, part
of our day's sport — for these woods wore full of the finest deer,
buttklo and wiM turkeys.

During the nif^ht I was much disturbed by the howling of a
great number of wolves, that occupied the hill, but did not
descend to the fire. In the morning we breakfasted, having
being been joined by others of our party, among the rest was
the great war chief Nenessica. When lie killed any venison
he always sent nie the tongue as a compliment. Walking on
the hard, frozen ground iind over the roots of beech trees,
which run horizontally along the surface of the ground, bruised
my feet so much, that I could scarcely walk, liaving nothing
but the thin moccasins to protect my feet, and although my
loa<l was but small, as I have before said, yet as it acted
continually upon my loins, the}'^ had become so weak and pain-
ful, that I could scarcely stand upright. The Indians attempted
to console me by observing that we should, on the morrow

receding
fire, my
le round
and lay
ving me
lat were
whether
evening
Ikliami, a
lie Ohio,
' Indian,
k^er this

I went

allowed

lall raft,

help of
te shore,
1. Soon
laving a

fire was
son, part
est deer,

ng of a
did not
having
rest was
venison
king on
h trees,
bruised
nothing
ugh my
it acted
id pain-
tempted
morrow

Appendix.

353

(the 5th day) reach their home by two in the afternoon, point-
ing to where the sun would be at that hour.

When the next morning came, I found myself so extremely
weak and bruised, that upon making it known to my friend,
he took my burthen upon his shoulders, in addition to his own,
without t::aking the least reproach. I was, however, so much
exhausted, that I was but little relieved by this kind action,
yet I advanced as well as I could till about ten o'clock.

My friend was then at some distance before us, n(;t out of sight,
and the great war chief immediately following me. I found
my strength entirel}' gone, and turning around to the chief,
made a sign that I wished to sit down.

He pushed me on very angrily. I found I could not proceed,
and turning again, made another attempt to obtain his consent
to sitting down. With great anger he again pushed me on, and
made a stroke at me with his tomahawk, which I avoided by
exerting all my strength, and springing forward.

At this critical moment I recollected that when they took
my coat from mo, I secured my pocket-handkerchief and half a
guinea, which I put in a knot in one corner of it, and tied it
around my waist, where it now was. With some difficulty and
much agitation I loosened the knot, took the half guinea, and
turning round, held it up between my finger and thumb. The
savage smiled and beckoned me to seat myself on the ground,
on which I fell and immediately fainted.

When I recovered,! found the great war-chief and my friend
both sitting b}' me. Thej'- spoke kindly to me, and gave me
to understand, by pointing to where the sun would be at two
o'clock, that I should then arrive at the village. I signified my
inability to walk, to which they replied by encouraging signs.
However, we continued sitting, and soon after perceived some
one on horseback galloping towards us. They soon explained
to me that the hurse had been sent for on my account. I
mounted the horse and proceeded slowly towards the village.
On our way thither we crossed a rapid and stony river, 300
or 400 feet broad, and about three feet deep. Without the
horse I could not have passed it. When we came within a

nil

354

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

fih.

■;l!i'

ii?:

■fir '.,'-•: I

quarter of a mile of the village I was ordered to dismount, and
myself and another prisoner, named Baffington, were painted
red, and narrow ribbons of various colours (part of the plunder)
tied to our hair. The Indians began to tire their guns and to
set up the war-whoop, and rattles being put into our hands,
we were ordered to shake them and sing some words they
repeated to us. During this ceremony several of the Indians
came from the village, and amongst them a black man, about
twenty-live years of age, called Boatswain (or Boosini), who be-
longed to and was a servant of my friend. He was exceedingly
insolent and struck the other prisoner, but said nothing to me.
Had he struck me I should have returned the blow, whatever
might have been the consequence. The other prisoner and
myself were then marched in triumph to the village, shaking
the rattles in our hands on entering it. I had to cross a small
rivulet, and in descendinof the bank an old woman came out of
a wigwam or hut, and gave me a stroke on the neck with a
small billet of wood. However, it did not hurt me. Immedi-
ately on entering the village we were conducted to the council-
house, at the door whereof we were obliged to sing and shake
the rattles for half an hour, and then entered the house (without
suffering any ill-treatment), in the centre of which was a tire,
and over it hung a kettle with venison and Indian corn boiling.

We sat down by the tire and were for some time left to our-
selves. At length, two or three women came into the house,
and taking some meat and corn out of the kettle, put it into a
bowl and gave ns thereof to eat, with wooden spoons. Salt
they had not, but in lieu of that gave each of us a piece of
sugar made of the sap extracted from the maple tree, in the
making of which the women were now occupied in the adjoining
forests.

As we had not seen any Indian for two or three hours, and
night began to approach, I began to be unea.sy. At length the
old chief to whom I belonged, and whose name was Kakina-
thucca, appeared and led me to his own house. This was about
twenty feet long and fourteen feet wide, the sides and roof
made of small poles and covered with bark. The entrance was

Appendix.

355

mount, and

ere painted

lie plunder)

uns and to

our hands,

words they

the Indians

man, about

li), who be-

ixceedingly

ling to me.

', whatever

'isoner and

ge, shaking

3SS a small

aine out of

eck with a

. Immedi-

ihe council-

and shake

se (without

was a fire,

orn boilingr.

eft to our-

the house,

it into a

loons. Salt

a piece of

ree, in the

e adjoining

lours, and
length the
IS Kakina-
was about
and roof
trance was

at the end, and an old blanket hung at the doorway. This
man, besides being a war-chief, was also a great hunter and
traded with people at Detroit, where he went annually with
his furs and peltry, accompanied by his wife Metsigeniewa, and
the negro. He was owner of eight or ten horses, which he used
in transporting his property, etc. Upon coming into the hut
he presented me to his wife. She appeared to be forty years
of age, and rather corpulent. Her looks were extremely
savage, and she eyed me with a look of contempt, without speak-
ing. The man, on the contrary, was of the most mild and intel-
ligent countenance. I never once saw him out ol: humour, and as
soon as he arose, which was early, he began to sing. As I was
extremely bruised and fatigued, my feet being not only sv/oUen
exceedingly, but black with the bruises they had received from
the rough ground and beech roots, the Indian planted four
forked sticks at the entrance, on the left side, and laying other
sticks on them, laid bark and skins upon it, and then gave me a
blanket to cover me. I slept soundly all the night, and did not
rise very early. The woman, at length, began to prepare for
breakfast. She cut some venison (deer, wild turkeys, and
other game being in abundance in this part of the country)
into small pieces, and seasoning it with dry herbs, .she put the
whole into a frying-pan with bear's oil ; she also boiled some
water in a small copper kettle, with which she made some tea
in a tea-pot, using cups and saucers of yellow ware. She began
and finished her breakfast without noticing me in the least.
When .she had done she poured some tea in a saucer, which,
with some fried meat on a pewter plate, she gave me.

This was a luxury I little expected to meet with, not only on
account of the distance it must have come from, but being a
prisoner, I could hardly expect such fare. The tea proved to
be green tea, and was sweetened with maple sugar. The meat,
also, was very savory and palatable. As soon as I breakfasted
I returned to my bed, for I could scarcely stand. In the course
of the morning a kettle was put on the fire and a quantity of
venison put into it. When done, the Indian brought in two or
three of his friends to treat them, and I had my share. My

Wi\

li
Ml
'' '
WilAu

qf';'H!

i:'i'

356

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

master or friend did not sit round the bowl with his guests,
but behind them on the ground, smoking his pipe, entertaining
them with diverting stories, which kept them in continual
laughter. And this was his usual custom when he gave a treat.

In two or three days I was able to walk about. Upon ray
going into their huts (for there were fourteen or fifteen in the
village), the Indian children would scream with terror, and
cry out " Shemanthe," meaning Virginian, or the big knife.
As soon as I understood the term, I desired them not to call me
so, up6n which I was named " Metticosea," viz.. Englishman.
My friend cautioned me not to go far into the woods, for I some-
times wandered about the village two or three hours at a time.
From this circumstance I was also called " Laquiawaw," which
signified " Where is he gone." One morning I felt my situation
severely, it was, however, momentary, and I have since been
surprised at my emotion at the time.

My mistress, upon putting the venison into a frying-pan as
usual, and placing it on the fire, pushed the handle of the pan
into my hand with such violence, that I felt I was a slave. As
I took cire, however, to pay attention to her orders in this
matter, as well as in fetching water from the rivulet, which
passed the house, sometimes making the tire, and at others,
plucking turkeys, etc., I acquired her good graces. She per-
mitted me to breakfast with her, and always afterwards
behaved to me with complacency, for though her look wa.?
savage, her heart was naturally kind and tender.

To divert my solitary hours my Indian friend used to bring
me books to read, some which had belonged to me. Amongst
them was Postlethwaite's Dictionary, and the first edition of
Telemachus in French, printed in Holland, with notes marking
the living characters for whom the imaginary personages in
that excellent work were intended. I was sorry I could not
preserve this hook. Some others were returned to me at the
end of my captivity, particularly an old family Bible* I had
read in when a child, and which is now in my possession in

* Now in the possession of Mr. D. C. Ridout, Toronto.

Appendix.

357

his guests,
ntertaining
1 continual
;ave a treat.

Upon my

;een in the

terror, and

big knife,
t to call me
ilnglishman.
, for I some-
's at a time.
raw," which
ny situation

since been

ying-pan as
of the pan
1 slave. As
•ders in this
ulet, which
at others,
She pet-
al' terwards
er look wa.<

id to bring

Amongst

edition of

;es marking

irsonages in

could not

me at the

ible* I had

ossession in

ito.

very good condition, and has the covering which my dear
mother sewed on it about the year 1766.

I now learnt that the village we were in was the hunting
place of this tribe of the Shawanese Indians, and that in the
course of a fortnight they intended to set off with their furs,
skins, etc., for Detroit, about 600 miles distant, taking the
upper part of the Wabash on their way, at which place they
were to plant their corn (called by us Indian corn). In the
meantime the women and children of the village were mostly
employed in making sugar from the maple tree, the spring of
the year being the oidy time in which it can be made, about
a mile from the village. To this place I was ordered, to assist
in j^ettinir wood and attendinjr the fires. I was for an hour or
two employeil in cutting wood for the sugar camp, but upon
my showing how my hands were blistered, the Indian desired me
to desist from cutting wood, and never afterwards imposed any
service on me. Here I found the negro employed in this .ser-
vice for my mistress. He assumed great superiority over me,
and though he acknowledged me to be a gentleman, he took de-
light in vexing and insulting me. I should have treated him with
kindness had his manners been gentle, yet I now sturdily op-
posed him. Upon inforn^ing my friend of the negro's be-
haviour, he replied, " He is no more than a dog, why do you put
up with him ?" My greatest danger arose from this negro, by
his lies and artifices, making all the young people inimical to
me. By these means my life was often in imminent danger.
The other prisoner was given to a family of the same name,
and he was well ti'eated, though made to work, which was not
irksome to him, being used to labour.

My Indian friend had a principal .share in the defeat of the
American army under St. Clair, three or four years after this
period. He had one daughter about eighteen years of age,
called Altowesa, of a very agreeable form and manners. She
lived with a family related to her father, and only visited him
occasionally. Some time after my captivity, she and the
woman in whose house she lived, saved me from the uplifted
hand of an Indian, who had his hand over me ready to strike

^^Mii:

•I

! il

358

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

the fatal blow with his tomahawk. They struggled with him,
and gave me time to escape and conceal myself. I shall, in this
place, declare that during the whole of the time I was with the
Indians, I never once witnessed an indecent or improper action
amongst any of the Indians, whether young or old.

At the end of three weeks from my capture, the whole
village having collected their horses and their peltrj', began
their journey towards the Wabash and Detroit. I travelled, at
my ease, on foot, carrying an unbent bow in my hand. We
seldom travelled more than fifteen or twenty miles a day, set-
ting out after breakfast, about an hour after sunrise, and
encamping about the same time before sunset, and if we came
to good hunting ground, reposed ourselves for the day.

My dress consisted of a calico shirt, made by an Indian
woman, without a collar, which reached below the waist ; a
blanket over my shoulders, tied round the waist with the bark
of a tree ; a pair of good buckskin leggings, which covered
almost the thighs, given me by the great war-chief ; a pair of
moccasins, in which I had pieces of blue cloth to make my step
easier ; a breech-cloth between my legs ; a girdle around my
waist ; and a small round hat, in which the Indian placed a
black ostrich feather by way of ornament (the smaller the hat
the more fashionable). If we encamped at an earlier hour than
usual, or remained a whole day in one place, which we were
obliged sometimes to do on account of the rain (this being
a remarkably rainy spring), the Indian young men and
women amused themselves at a game of chance, played by
sitting in a circle, holding a blanket open in the centre, in
which a certain number of bits of wood, black on one side and
white on the other, were thrown up, and according to the
number of black or white sides which fell uppermost, the game
was reckoned.

I tasted bread made of Indian corn but once or twice after
leaving the village, but lived entirely on boiled or roasted flesh,
without salt, but sometimes with dried herbs. We also met
with a root which was found near the surface of the ground,
resembling ginger in appearance, and warm and pleasant in

Appendix.

350

1 with him,
hall, in this
as with the
oper action

the whole
iltry, henan
travelled, at
hand. We
1 a day, set-
mnrise, and
if w^e came
lay.

■f an Indian
,he waist ; a
ith the bark
lich covered
f ; a pair of
ake my step

around my

placed

ler the hat
er hour than
ch we were
(this being
men and
played by
centre, in
one side and
ing to the
st, the game

twice after
■oasted flesh,
V^e also met
the ground,

pleasant in

taste. Dried venison with bear's oil was reckoned a great
dainty, and such I thought it. Sometimes we slept in the open
air without any shelter, at other times under a bark covering.
It was one continuous forest, at times pathless, and, at the best,
but a path which none but an Indian could discern. But once,
in the space of a month, did I see more of the heavens than
was to be seen throusjh the branches of the trees, and thouiih
the open space did not consist of more than twenty acres of
natural meadow, I thought it a paradise. From the excessive
rains that fell, I here caught cold with a fever, but my friend,
in a day or two, restored me by some draught he gave me ; lie
also endeavored to persuade me that my restoration was also
owing a great deal to his blowing his breath upon my forehead
with all his force, and repeating some words. Thus we
travelled day after day towards the Wabash. We at length
drew nigh to a village, where I was informed a great council
was to be held concerning me, and for the examination of my
papers and letters. We encamped witliin five or six miles of
it, and the next day my friend the chief, accompanied by half
a dozen more Indians and myself, all mounted on horseback,
rode to the village where the council was to be held. On our
way thither, we put up a flock of wild turkeys. Having no
fire-arms, we hunted them down, and having caught a very large
one, weighing about twenty-five pounds, it was tied, alive, to
my back as I rode, and thus we galloped to the village.

Upon our arrival, several chiefs, to the number of fifty or
upwards, opened the council. My papers were read by an in-
terpreter, a white man, who several years before had been
taken prisoner. After much sober discussion, in which it was
declared that I was an Englishman and not an American, they
broke up, after allowing my master to take me to Detroit, and
there to receive my ran.som. Towards the evening there was a
dance of young women before the council-house, to the beat of
a drum and their voices. They made signs to me to join thorn,
but my friend advised me not to go. I had by this time
acquired a tolerable knowledge of their language, and began to
understand them, as well as to make myself intelligible. My

l.i . '

IfTT

I'll-;:!, :

III ! ■■ 1^ ;

■.,5}
'.■II

860

Ten Years of Upper Canada,

mistress, as I have before mentionefl, loved her dish of tea.
With the tea paper I made a book,* stitched it with the bark
of a tree, and with yellow ink of hickory ashes, mixed with a
little water, and a pen made with a turkey quill, I wrote
down the Indian names of visiiile objects. The negro, in his
moments of good humour, used to explain to me that which was
difficult to be understood. In this manner I wrote two little
books, which I carried in a pocket I had torn from my breeches>
and wore round my waist tied by a piece of bark ; generally
elm bark was used on such occasions, as it may be divided into
numberless small strips, which are very strong. It was at this
council I was informed that my gold repeating watch,-f-
chain and seal were safe in the possession of a woman of this
neighbourhood. Early next morning I went to her hut, about
a mile distant; she showed it to me and promised to keep it
in safety for me till I was liberated and ( ould redeem it. This
accordingly happened, for in the course of the ensuing winter,
when I was at Montreal, my watch, chain, etc., were restored
to me all in good condition (paying for the same about five
guineas), and are now in my possession.

We remained a day or two longer in this village than we
otherwise would have done, had it not been for a root found
here somewhat resembling a potato. To me, who had but
once tasted bread for six weeks, this root was a luxury. The
bread I speak of had been made a few days before, out of the
remains ofj a little wheat in their possession. To make it into
cakes, baked in the hot ashes, it went through the following
process, in which I bore a part. In a wooden mortar made of
the sassafras tree — a tough wood — about a quart of wheat was
put at a time ; then, being moistened with a little warm water,
it was pounded with a wooden pestle till the husk separated;
it was tb'-n sifted in a tolerably fine sieve, made of small splits
of wood ; being then kneaded with a little water, it was placed
upon the hot hearth and covered with hot ashes until baked.

*This book still remains in good preservation, to testify to Mr. Ridout's
ingenuity. It is now in the possession of Mrs. Edgar, his granddaughter,
t This watch is now in the possession of Mr, Thomas Ridout,C.E., Ottawa.

Appendix.

361

ish of tea.

the bark
3d with a
, I wrote
gro, in his
which was
! two little
y breech es>
, generally
ivided into
svas at this
\(r watch.i*
lan of this

hut, about
i to keep it
m it. This
ins winter,
ere restored
e about five

,ore than we
root found
10 had but
|xury. The
out of the
iiake it into
|e following
[\r made of
wheat was
arm water,
separated ;
small splits
was placed
|il baked.

Mr. Ridout's
inddaughter.
).E., Ottawa.

We now resumed our journey, the party consisting of twenty
men, thirty or forty women and children, and upwards of
twenty horses, loaded. My master was the chief of this party,
beinji all of his villaeje. As the herbs began to cover the
ground, the little path that there was was hidden by them, and
the Indians, skilled as they are, missed the direct route to the
Wabash, or to that part of it called the White river. We
travelled a day or two out of the way. However, we recovered
it. In general the weather was very rainy, which rose the
rivulets higher than usual. One evening, as we were about to
encamp, we came to a morass, 200 or 300 yards wide, and
^esirous to encamp on the opposite side, the horses were driven
into it ; but they were so entangled with the mire, roots of
trees and water, that the Indians were compelled to unload
them, and convey their baggage on their shoulders through the
swamp. It was nearly midnight before we got over. The
Indians were excessively enraged, uttering their wrath against
the Americans, who were, they said, the cause of their misfor-
tunes. They saw I was alarmed, and took every means to ease
my mind, saying they were only enraged against the Americans,
who had come to their village, on the Scito river (which
empties itself into the Ohio), the preceding autumn, from Ken-
tucky, and in time of profound peace, and by surprise, destroyed
their village and many of their people, their cattle, grain, and
everything they could meet with ; which treatment was the
cause, they said, that the hatchet was raised against them.

We continued to pursue our route, by easy journeys. I
remarked that our numbers daily diminished, but was told that
the reason was that provisions began to be scarce, the woods
not affo) J.ing the usual quantities of wild animals. The small
party I was with bore a share of this .scarcity. We had killed
two wild cats, and though not esteemed by the Indians as good
food, they were very acceptable at this time. At length ouc
family, consisting of the chief, his wife, myself and negro,
travelled alone. In the usual manner we encamped early in
the evening, and set forth again in the morning after breakfast.

One delightful morning, as soon as the sun rose, my friend
24

S62

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

»■!'

i u

iif

1(1 ' i ■ '

hi' 'i

Sir'-'

;>] t i ■

v/alked a few paces from his tent (for occasionally he made use
of a Russia sheetino' one), and seemed to address himself to
that glorious oib in a manner, style of words and accent, that I
had not witnessed before. His manner was dignified and
impressive.

Having arrived within half a mile from the village, situated
on the White river, which empties itself, six or seven miles
down, into the Wabash, he directed us to stop, and went him-
self to the village to prepare for me, as I afterwards learnt, a
good reception. At the place we stopped there were two poles,
fifteen or twenty feet high, standing upright, the bark stripped
off, the one painted red and the other black. They were
calleil war-])oles, and indicated that prisoners had been brought
to that village.

I should have mentioned that about a week after I had been
made a prisoner, several rich suits of clothes were brought to
this village, belonging to some French gentlemen, taken about
the same part of the Ohio in which I had been captured. As
they made resistance all were killed. They proved to be three
iientlemen — agriculturist, botanist, and mineralogist — about
to explore the country. They had wintered three or four miles
above Fort Pitt. I was acquainted with them, and once had
thought of joining their party. In the course of an hour, the
chief returned and bade us follow him. He led me throujih the
village. The Indians presented themselves at their doors to
look at me, but did not speak. Havin^ crossed a river about
200 yards wide, flowing in a gent) stvciim about three feet
deep, over a fine gravelly bottom, ,vb ;amped on the other
side, a small distance below the village fhe rest of our village
had arrived and encamped here before . Amongst them was
the white man, Baflington. The soil was very rich, and the
scenery around delightful. A very large council-house was
begun to be built ut this place, in the construction of which the
Indians hail employed much skill, ingenuity and taste. Here
we were to plant corn, puinpkins, etc., for their winter's food.
After planting, we were to proceed, by the way of the Miami
village, a journey of 400 or 500 miles. About sunset of the

Appendix.

863

same day we arrived, I heard the Indian war-whoop on the
other side of the river, at the village through which we laid
passed. The Indians of our party iuunediately concluded that
a prisoner had been made and brought in. Some of our party
went immediately to the village, and amongst them the negro.
When he returned, some time after, he said it was a young
man about twenty, of the name of Mitchell, who had been
taken on the Ohio, together with his father, a Captain Mitchell,
an American ; that the father and son had been separated on
the way, as they belonged to different nations, that it was
probable the father would be liberated, but that the son had
been given to a man who was determined to burn him, at a
village live or .six miles distant, where the White river unites
with the Wabash. I was also informed that the war raged
exceedingly ; that many prisoners had been taken by the
Indians, who began to be enraged at the loss of some of their
friends. Two or three days elapsed before I heard anything
further of the poor young man, till one nioruing, about break
of day, I was awakened by an old woman, the same who had
struck me with a billet of wood as before mentioned. She
came to our hut and said the Virginian was to be burned
Seeing that I was alarmed, as I thought I was alluded to, she
said it was the prisoner taken a few days before, and not I,
whom they loved much.

Immediately my friend, his wife, and the negro, left the hut
and went to the opposite side of the river, and I was soon left
alone in the camp. For some time I did not see any one moving,
but about two hours after sunrise I perceived several Indians
assembled at the door of a house near the water's side, opposite
to where I was, and soon after I saw the young man run out
of the house naked, his ears having been cut off, and his face
painted black ; the Indians following with the war-whoop and
song, driving him before them, through a valley. They then
ascended a hill, a little lower down the stream, distant about
four or ftve hundred yards. As soon as they gained the sum-
mit of the hill, I heard the young man scream, and the Indians
give a shout. I perceived a smoke, and judged that the tire

liu!

ufi';!

364

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

was preparing. After a short interval I heard the poor victim
utter a dreadful shriek. They were repeated without inter-
mission for a few minutes. The Indians shouted during the
interval of tortures. I heard the groans of the poor sufferer,
and then his shrieks recommenced under new tortures. These
tortures, with remi.ssions, continued about three hours, when
his cries ceased. The Indian^ then returned. To express my
feelings during this scene would be impossible, and I began to
think that my own fate might be similar.

The Indians did not return till the afternoon. At the
approach of evening they Hred their guns, and with large
twigs beat their wigwams on the tops and .sides, shouting.
I inquired of the negro what that meant. He said that it
was to drive away the spirit of the prisoner they had burnt.
This ceremony continued for three succeeding nights. The
tent or hut in which I slept, was covered with bark or poles ;
the sides were also covered in the same manner, but not the
ends. The chief and his wife slept on a raised bed on one side
of the fire-place, which was in the middle ; I slept on the other
side on a bear's skin, on a bench raised from the ground ; and
the negro wrapped in a blanket, slept on the ground by the
fire. During the night I was roused by the shrieks of the
negro. Calling to him, he said he had been dreaming that the
young man they had burnt had come to him in a menacing
manner, and I asked him what injury he had done him to have
been tortured by him. I soon found that my situation became
dangerous, and that the Indian to whom poor Mitchell had been
given, wanted also to get me in his power. He used to be,set
the hut where I was, so that I was compelled to hide myself
for many hours together under the banks of the river, among
the weeds, to avoid him. I had crossed the river two or three
times with my friend and his family to prepare a spot of ground
for their corn, near the village. It was at one of these times
that the bloody-minded savage had .seen me. At one time I
was obliged to cross the river, and fly for shelter to a house
built of round logs, near the spot where Mitchell had suffered.
There I obtained some protection from an Indian chief named

Appendix.

365

(oor victim
lout inter-
luring the
)r sufferer,
■es. These
mrs, when
xpress my
I began to

. At the
with large
, shouting,
lid that it
had burnt.
Thts. The
k or poles ;
but not the
on one side
in the other
ound ; and
und by the
ieks of the
ng that the
a menacing
lim to have
,ion became
11 had been
led to beset
lide myself
ver, among
wo or three
t of ground
these times
one time I
to a house
i suffered,
lief named

Papapaniwa. I was concealed from my enemies in this house
by a curtain placed before me when they were in the house, for
my friend was not sufficiently powerful to afford me protection.
He was advised, if he wished to save me, to set off immediately
for Detroit.

After tluee or four days my friend collected his horses and
peltry, and with his wife and negro, set off' with me for Detroit
by way of the Miami villages, where, I understood, was a
trading port; several traders, English and French, living there.
I was on horseback ; we all soon entered the woods. The mus-
quitoes were s(j troublesome that we got tio rest night or day,
notwithstanding the smokes we made to drive them away.
After, I think, four days' journey, we arrived at a branch of the
Miami river, nmch swollen with rain. We crossed it with
difficulty and encamped on a plain, where I saw .several Indian
huts scattered. I slept .soundly that night, in the pleasing
expectation that I was drawing near my deliverance. In the
morning, as soon as it was day, my friend and his wife went
out amongst their acquaintance. She returned in about an
hour with the Indian who had burnt Mitchell, and who had
followed me thither in the expectation of getting me into his
power. 1 .shuddered at .seeing him. He and my mistress were
each more than half drunk. They sat down upon the ground,
fronting, and close to each other, relating their misfortunes,
and crying and hugging one another as is their custom when
drunk.

I was standing behind him, and I soon discovered that their
discourse was concerning mo ; she said many things in my
favour, but to no purpose, and seeing him grow angry, she had
sufficient recollection and kindness, as her arms were about his
neck, to beckon to me, unobserved by him, to get out of his way.
I waited not a second bidding, but where to go I knew not. I
perceived that every one I met with was drunk. However, I
took .shelter in a house. As soon as I entered I recognized my
master's daughter, and the woman she lived with, and was
relating to them my perilous situation, when, to my great sur-
prise and terror, the young man who had first laid his hand

yj'i

it,t i

if, ; 1

hi i

366

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

upon me in the boat, now claimed me as his property by right
of war. I endeavoured to escape, at which he lifted his
tomahawk to kill me. The two women flew to my succour,
and withheld his arm till I got out of the house. I immedi-
ately fled to the river, which was not far distant, and running
under the bank, which was rather high, I perceived two sober
Indians sitting. I ran and placed myself between them. They
saw my terror. I related ^o them my situation as well as I
was able. They were Delawares, whose village was in the
neighbourhood. They said they would protect me. Whilst
sitting between them I saw the Indian from whom I had last
escaped, and who was called Black Fish, go down to the bank
of the river, about 100 yards from where I was, apparently in
quest of me. I pointed him out to the Indians, and sat still in
great trepidation. At length, to my no small joy, he ascended
the hill, and I saw him no more. In a few minutes after I
perceived the white man Mdio had announced to me my safety
just after I had left the side of Mr. Purviance. I told him the
danger I was in, upon which he promised he would get a
horse and take me over the river to the house of a principal
Shawanese chief, called the Great Snake, a mile or two down
the river, and where I should be in safety. He left me for the
purpose of getting a horse, and after some time, which to me
appeared almost an age, I saw a man not far from where I was,
on the same side, cross the river on horseback. To my great
joy, I perceived it was the white man (his name was Nash).

Seeing him crossing, I was afraid he was going to leave me,
but it was only to try the ford, for the river was hardly
fordable. He soon returned and came to me with the horse.
I mounted before him, and after passing two or three drunken
parties of Indians, lying on the shore, we came to the ford and
passed in safety. We then rode along on the other side and
passed a fine plantation well stocked with cattle, belonging to
a Shawanese chief, called Blue Jacket. He commanded the
party, who afterwards vanquished the American general, St.
Clair.* We soon came to the house of the Great Snake, who

* November, 1791.

Appendix.

367

received me with kindness and assured me of his protection.
He was an elderly man, robust and rather corpulent. His wife,
a pretty, well-looking woman, nearly his age, walked very
stately with a handsome staff with a head to it. He ordered
a bear's .skin and blanket for me, alongside his own bed, and
till my departure, three days after, he treated me with the
greatest kindness. During this time I was informed that
another council would be held upon me, in which it was to be
determined whether I should be permitted to be taken to
Detroit and ran.soined. The day accordingly came in which
the council was to be held. The Indians having assembled, 1
was also conducted thither. The council was under the authority
of a Captain John, a Shawanese chief, before whom my case
was to be decided. One Simon Girty, an Indian interpreter,
now living on the Detroit river, was present. I perceived that
my master and friend was much dejected, and did not .speak to
me. Several women endeavoured to cheer me by saying I
should not be hurt. The council was at length opened, and
the Indian who iiad burned Mitchell contended for me. He
insisted that I was a spy and that I knew the whole country.
Much was .said, and my papers and letters were again brought
forward, read, and explained. At length, after a cool and
delib.^rate hearing, the chief pronounced my discharge, and
told my friend that he might set out with me as soon as he
chose. His eyes sparkled with joy when relating the result of
the deliberations of the council. He would have deferred our
departure till the morrow, for the Indian traders who lived on
the other side of a river which also formed a junction here
with the other two, had long expected me, but dared not inter-
cede for me whilst my life was at i.ssue. After urging with
all my power to set off immediately, my friend got a catioeand
took me over to the traders' village, called Fort Miami; and both
the English and French gentlemen were waiting, with open aims
toreceiveme, as they had beenacquainted with the chief's decision
in my favour. The names of the English gentleuien of this
place were : Sharpe, Martin, Parkes and Ironside. Mr. Sharpe

,-' (

'11

tWh

368

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

conducted me to his house, gave me a shirt, and Canadian
frock and hat, trousers and shoes. I remained here three days.
It was here I found my Bible, several books, a German flute,
and .some few other articles, but a tortoise-shell box inlaid with
pearl, in which was my mother's wedding ring, and a gold
coin of the Emperor Nero (weight about four pennyweights),
and in gieat perfection, given me by a lady of Lisborne, in
France, were lost to me forever. The coin had been found
with many otliers at Saint Onge, in France. A French gentle-
man of the Miami, lent my. ^friend, on my account, his
large canoe to carry us, with the peltry, to Detroit, distance
about 250 miles by water.

We cmbai'ked early on a Sunday morning, took in the peltry,
his wife, myself and negro, and descended the Miami river,
taking also two Indian women, whom we were to put on shore
at an Indian village two miles down the river. We did so, and
proceeded. After descending about fifteen miles, we stopped
at a white man's house, who was an interpreter among the
Indians. I naturally spoke of my deliverance in terms of joy,
but I thought he seemed not much to encourage my hopes, for
he knew the dangers which yet surrounded me, whilst I was
happily ignorant of them. On our way to the mouth of the
Miami river, which empties itself into Lake Erie, we passed
several parties of Indians returning from Detroit. They were
generally drunk, and I was in continual terror until we
separated. At length we got to the falls, where there was a
house belonging t(j a Captain Mclvee, Deputy Superintendent
of Indian atiaiz's, and of a Mr. Elliott. They were not there,
but we receiveil kind treatment and victuals from the Indians
of their respective families. Soon after leaving these houses
we reached the lake, and after coasting the west end of it for
about thirty-eight miles, we entered the Detroit river. A few
miles up this river there was another house of Mr. Elliott's.
He did not happen to be at home, but we were kindly treated.
The next daj' we descended the River Detroit, and passed the
night upon an island, where there were several Indian families.

■l^

Appendix.

369

Canadian
iree days,
lan flute,
laid with
id a fTold
weights),
iborne, in
en found
1 gentle-
Dunt, his
distance

le peltry,
tni river,
on shore
d so, and
i stopped
uong the
IS of joy,
lopes, for
1st I was
h of the
passed
ley were
until we
re was a
ntendent
lot there,
Indians
ie houses
of it for
A few
Elliott's.
T treated,
ssed the
families.

Early the next morning, being Sunday, we arrived at
Detroit. My friend introduced and presented nie to Captain
McKee, who received me with civilitv, and with whom I break-
fasted. He then accompanied me to the commanding officer,
Captain Wiseman, of the 53rd regiment, and introduced ine to
him. By this gentleman, and by all the regiment, I was
received as a brother. A bed was provided for me in the
Government House. I messed with the officers, and every one
strove to do me ajts of kindness. A Mr. Hughes, lieutenant
of the regiment, gxve me ten guineas for my pocket; a Cap-
tain Haughton gave me clothes ; and a Mr. Robinson, merchant,
lent me 100 pounds in New York currency ; and as the 53rd
were, in a few days, to descend to Montreal, they offered me a
passage with them, which I gratefully accepted.

Several gentlemen at Detroit invited me kindly to their
houses, viz. : Commodore Grant, Mr. Macomb, Doctor Harfey.
Mr. Askin, and others. I think it was the Sunday of my
arrival that I dined at Mr. Macomb's. Whilst at dinner Mr.
Parkes arrived from the Miami. His relation of what took
place there after my departure, convinced me that the hand of
an Alm'ghty Protector had guided and preserved me in all my
dangers. He said tliat I had just left Mr. Sharpe's house,
when a party of young Indians, with Black Fish at their head,
came to the house in quest of me. He immediately said that 1
was his property, and that he would have me. Mr. Sharpe and
Mr. Parkes assured them I was not there. Black Fish insisted
upon searching the house, which was permitted. Being dis-
appointed in not Hndiiig me there, they searched other houses.
Mr. Sharpe then told them I had gone away. " By which
route ? " said Black Fish, in a rage. He was answered that I
had gone up the river to St. Joseph's. This delayed the time,
and in the meanwhile God's good Providence conducted me in
safety down the river, amongst unseen and unexpected dangers,
for at the village we first landed at, to put the two Indian
women ashore. Black Fish and his party residdl. Between
Miami village and this place, the river makes an angle, and the

ii\

.1 W > ! •

m
M

■ 1

I ;.

I -■ •

...!

Hit !

' tl

i'i

(il

370

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

road is the chord of the angle. By this means we passed un-
observed by Black Fish, who was on that road. The banks
also at the lower village are steep.

In a few days I embarked with the 58rd regiment for Fort
Erie. On my way to Niagara I saw the stupendous Falls of
Niagara. At Niagara we continued two or three days, where I
was kindly treated by Colonel Hunter, who then commanded
a battalion of the GOth regiment. This officer was afterwards
Lieutenant-Governor of Upper Canada and Couimander-in
Chief of both Canadas.

About the middle of July, 1788, I arrived at Montreal, where
I received great civilities from Sir John Johnston, Captain
Grant, and many other gentlemen ; and from Lord Dorchester,
at Quebec.

This adventure, joined with other vicissitudes I had ex-
perienced, induced me to fix my residence in Canada, and at the
writing hereof* (29th May, 1811) I have the honour to serve
His Majesty as Surveyor-General of Upper Canada.

Thomas Ridout.

N.B. — in the year 1799 my friend Kakinathucca and three
more Shawanese chiefs came to pay me a visit at my house in
York.

They saw me and my family with pleasure, and my wife and
children contemplated, with great satisfaction, the great and
good qualities of this worthy Indian. He did not return home
without bearing a testimony of my gratitude. He died about
five years ago, under the hospitable care of Matthew Elliott,
Esq., Superintendent of Indian affairs at Amherstburg, at the
entrance of the Detroit river.

Amongst the many dangers I escaped, I ought to mention
the repeated attempts made by an Indian, a young man, at the

* Tliia narrative Mr. Ridout evidently compiled from his Diary, — a little
book restored to him by the Indians, and now in the possession of Thomas
Ridout, C.E., Ottawa.

Appendix.

371

instif]jation of the negro, to kill me. His behaviour to me kept
me always upon my <?uard, but on my way from the Miami
villaj^jes to Detroit, the negro informed me, without noticing the
part he had taken in it, that the Indian had frequently
attempted to kill me, but had so often been frustrated that he
declared he could not execute his purpose, for that the Great
Spirit protected me.

The idea the Indians had that I knew their country and the
nations around, took its rise from my showing them, on the
maps of North America in Postlesthwaite's Dictionary, that part
where we then wore, together with the different nations
inhabiting the country ; and having a small compass I noticed
to them the direction which each respective nation bore from
us.

This compass was now in the possession of my master, and
not being able to comprehend its action, they called it a
"Manitou," by which they mean "spirit," or something incom-
prehensible and powerful. This happened when we lay
encamped at the natural meadow where I was attacked by
fever.

Nash, the white man, told me that Mr. Purviance had been
taken into the woods immediately after our sad parting, and
there beat to death, whether because he had offered resistance
I could not learn. I have, therefore, ample cause for adoring
that all-powerful Being whose providence watched over me on
all occasions during my perilous abode among savages, for spar-
ing a life so often doomed to apparently inevitable destruction.

Note. — On the back of the diary is written this memorandum of the
fate of the other prisoners : Samuel Purviance, killed ; Garland, killed ;
Wm. Bassington Watson, burnt ; James Black, beat to death ; Symonds,
burnt ; Ferguson, sold for corn ; a negro woman, unharmed.

FAC-SIMILE OF LETTER,

Introducing Thos. Ridout to Col. Thos. Marshall, Kentucky, Written by
George Washington, President of the United States.

.^>7i.^S^e^2-^u^^ ^^ . ^ . /7f7,

o^a-aiyi — ^/2_'

£>^.t^

£.^^,2flc_^ <5i-^c?^-<> <s>^'^Z&>;kJA^.£«. ,^ ^^. c^

<!-.«-

^^^ i^u2^^ ^7'.''^-<^/C. ^C-^St<*-D '-^ *>< — ^ <a-'«0 c~,>ty^Z.

^/2c^^>^ cxi^'2^^«<-^'S

c-^^t-<;j. ccJ^a^^t^ cx^2--^

9^ '^ikc^As,^^^ ^^^

C'-T-t-X

,^^2^ •%<2-/2x^/^<a.'is£-.. —

7%/j A-Z/^r /J endorsed by Mr. Ridout as having been returned to him by the Shawanese
Inaians after his release from captivity.

Appendix.

373

Among the other letters belonging to Mr. IJidout, taken by

the Indians, and subse(iuently restored, were the following :

The first in the packet is from the celebrated Marquis de

Lafayette, whom he had met in France and who, the old diary

says, had introduced him to the Baron de Montesquieu, the

Baron de Secondat and the Marshal Duke de Mouchy, and

other celebrated men of the time.

Lafayette's letter is dated

Paris, May 12, 1785.

Dear Sir, — Enclosed I have the honour to send you a letter
of introduction to my uncle, Marechai de Mouchy, who is .soon
going to Bordeaux. I will be much obliged to you to let me
know every opportunity there is going from that place to
Alexandria.

There is, or will soon be, in Bordeaux, an Irish Major of
volunteers called Mr. Lanier, to whom I beg you will deliver
the enclosed. In case it was in my power ever to render you
some service in this country, I beg you will not nuike cere-
monies about it, because I will be truly happy to send you any
letter or speak to any person that may promote your purposes.

With a sincere attacliment and very good wishes, I have the
honour to be your obedient, humble servant,

Mr. Ridout. Lafayette.

This letter, written in English in a beautifully clear, though
minute hand, is still in a good state of preservation.

Colonel Henry Lee writes to General Harmer, dated : —

New York, 2Uh October, 1787.

My friend, Mr. Ridout, will probably meet with you in his
western tour. I cannot, therefore, refrain from recommending
him to your particular civility, not only because his company
will be pleasing to you, but because it may be in your power
very much to assist him. In the full confidence that my intro-
duction will ensure to him your warmest attention, I will only
say that I remain unalterably yours, and am never more happy
than when opportunity permits me to assure you of my regard
and esteem.

This letter is addressed, Brigadier-General Harmer, com-
manding the Federal troops in the Western Territory.

dy the Shawanest

^fiii

fi^ i X ffi 9f; )

'■li^"

374

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

Another letter of the same date, from Colonel Henry Lee to
Judiie Armstronfj, is as follows : —

I commend to your civility my friend, Mr. Ridout ; treat him
as such, and be assured that you will gratify me highly. The
pr(jl)ability is that Mr. R. may settle himself among you. In
this event, I wish he may become your neighbour, for your
mutual satisfaction. I am, as when you left me, ever yours.

The address on cover is, The Hon. John Armstrong, Western
Territory.

A third letter jm Colonel Leo, the same date, is addressed
to General Wilkinson, Kentucky : —

I beg to introduce to you Mr. Ridout, a gentleman who
possesses every (juality which commands esteem, and who visits
your country with the design of establishing himself amongst
you. Your ready civility r-enders it unnecessary for me to urge
your attention to Mr. Ridout, and his merit will ensure to him
the respect of all to whom he may be known. I will then not
take up your time with a repetition of reasons on this subject,
and only say that I shall consider myself specially obliged by
every mark of attention which you may please to honour him
with.

The last letter in the packet is from John Fitzgerald, dated
Alexandria, November, 14th, 1787, addressed to Colonel Thomas
Marshall, near Lexington, Fayette County • —

The intention of this is to introduce to your polite and kindly
attention Mr. Thomas Ridout, my much respected friend, who,
enraptured with the general character of 5''our fertile country,
goes to explore and perhaps to settle in it. I have not a doubt
of your affording him every friendly advice and assistance, of
which you will find him extremely deserving.

A pen picture of Mr. Ridout, as he appeared during the last
years of his life, is given by Dr. Scadding, in his " Toronto of
Old":—

Among the venerable heads and ancestral forms which recur
to us, as we gaze down in imagination from the galleries of th
old wooden St. James', of York, we will single out, in addition
to those already spoken of, that of Mr. Ridout, some time

Appendix.

375

Surveyor-General of the Province, father of a numerous
progeny, and tribal head, ,so to speak, of more than one family
of connections settled here, l)earing the same name. He was a
perfect picture of a cheerful, benevolent-minded Englishman,
of portly form, well advanced in years ; his hair snowy-white
naturally ; his usual costume of antique style.

The old wooden church of St. James' has long passed away,

but in its place has risen a noble pile which bears the same

name, and under its shadow, in the old churc.yard, Thomas

Ridout sleeps.

A curious eye may still trace on the moss-covered stone the
following inscription :

SACRED TO THE MEMORY

HON. THOMAS RIDOUT,

of Shorbourne, Dorsetsliire, England,

Late Surveyor-General of this Province, and member of His Majesty's
Legislative Council, who departed this life on the 8th of February,
1829, ill the 75th year of his age.

The kind and exemplary father of a numerous familj', who loved and
revered him and mourned his departure, the faithful servant of Government
for nearly forty years, he endeared himself to the inhabitants of Upper
Canada, and so won their affections by his unremitting attentions to their
interests and unwearied courtesy to themselves, that they justly considered
him an orn.iment to the colony. To a highly cultivated mind he added the
most polished manners, and, what was far better, the meekness and the
humility of a Christian looking forward in faith to a blessed immortality.

iw "

376

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

SUNDRY WORDS OF THE SHAWANESE LANGUAGE,

THE ORTHOGRAPHY OF WHICH IS ACCORDING

TO THE ENGLISH PRONUNCIATION.

Weisamanitoo God

Mutchanianitoo the devil

Eleney a man

Quiawaw a woman

Queakee woman

Notha a father

Neakea a mother

Theemeytha a brother

Eaineetha a sister

Neawaw a wife

Nea.sit-chee a husband

Nealaw I

Kealaw you

Yawmah he, or it

Wewawlee my wife

Weiisee-aw husband

Neaqueytha my son

Tawneytha my daufjhter

Cheeakee we, or all

Meeaw-nelenee . .a j'oung man
Meeaw-neequaw. .a young wo-

[man

Weela he, or him

Squeytheatha a girl

Skelouatheatha a boy

Passitotha an old man

Meakeybue-thetha ... an old

[woman

Scootee fire

Neepee water

Assiskee earth

Coonee snow

I Secacoonee wind

Geemewawnee rain

Weapee cold

Awquaw-tegtee . heat of the sun

Kegsetee hot, as water

Quaw-ma ice

Quaw-melaw-nee hail

Melocaummee spring

Neabeakee summer

Teaquawko autumn

i Pepokee winter

Nenimkee thunder

Pepapaunwey lightning

Pouthquatee cloudy

Nenimkee-wanwee .loud thun-

[der

Seckthee a deer

Eyawpee a buck

Maaquaw a bear

Sea-a-way a horse

Thotho a cow

Thowthyaw a buffalo

VVyschchee a dog

Poosica a cat

Pesseywaw a wild cat

Theepaatee a racoon

Wyeewaw a wolf

Wawcouchee a fox

Kittatee an otter

W3-a-pe-tee-et an elk

Scoutelawmee a tortoise

Kusko. Kuskokee. . .hog, hogs

GUAGE,
iING

. . . wind
.... rain
. . . .cold
>i' the sun
as water

ice

.... hail

. .spring

.summer

.autumn

. .winter

. thunder

ghtning

.cloudy

ud thun-

[der

.a deer

. a buck

.a bear

a horse

.a cow

a, bufi'alo

.a dog

.a cat

wild cat

a racoon

.a wolf

. . a fox

an otter

.an elk

tortoise

og, hogs

SiiAWANESE Language

377

Kawqua a porcupine

Seapessee a paiitlicr

Makeytha a slieep

Anieaqua a beaver

Maeouteley-tha . . a fawn or colt

Wiskeloutha a bird

Powcatha a piifeon

Waw-wee an e<>(;

Nawpoya a cfjck

Coekelanioutha . .alien

Weynu.ssee. .a turkey-buzzard,

[a vnltun^

Seaseepa a duck

Pealcywaw a turkey-hen

Awkitsee a turkej'-cock

Kakawkee a raven

Wawiathoea a .swan

Leakavv a. yoose

Satewei a rattle.snakc

Makalitou a frog

Pasqueinei a inu.S([nito

Nameatha a Hsh

Teikou wood for lire

Me.sifsskee a leaf or herb

Teaquee a tree

Wawpaqueiiieysee . . white oak
Pawquanenieysee . . . .sassafias

Manitou-Wawquemeysee

[buckeye tree
Popsquawsewaymeysee . V)eech

Skippeime3'see hickory

Squatawmey.see ..sbell-baik do
Cawwinakee. . . .thorny locu.st

[bean
Cawwimeysa .... thorny locust

[tree

Weilawnahai gin.seng

Thenonieysee . . the sugar tree
Keisewaquata . . .the sycamore

Teatepawtaquey the vine

Kitsetheynaweisa. . . .the bark

Mealavv(iua Hsh

VVei-coupee. . .bark to tie with

Sonlageysee a ship

Oulageysee a canoe

Papaqueymee cranberries

VVeewilsqiiee. . . . the capillaire

[plant

Sequaw cedar

Mutta no

Eiiee yes

A-a yes

Pea-atcbo i^ive me

Maw take

M uttalaqua . . not any — no more

Petsoie(Fr pronoun). W^unpuin

Metticoseeah . .a white inan, or

[Englishman

'''oete a Frenchman

.spaniee a Sjjaniard

Shemantliee a Virgiuifin

Catawelegnee a Netn-o

Leynowakee fin Indinn

Showanyaw a Shawaneso

Lenawpey a Delaware

Xottowei a Mohawk

Nottoweitha a Wyantlot

Mo.sco a Creek Indian

Catawaypetheaway . . the head

Neleytlia the hair

Skesaquey the eye

Tow-waaka the ear

Neetsawsee nose

Keelanee tongue

Keetawnenah ........ mouth

Keepetsee teet h

C^ueekaca neck

Kenekee arm

Ketchena thumb

Peletsewah hand

Keletsee fingers

Keekaatsee the lejj

Kethetena the foot

Squee blood

Uuthaw-wee nionie . . .gold, or

[yellow nwrney

Wiapawkekee. . .silver dollars,

[or white money

( >

kfffisl

I-

378

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

VViapawke-quaw tin

Withaw-waw-caquaw. . . brass

Coupelecou iron

Outhaw-wee yellow

Waw-connokee-wapea . . white

Squaw-wee rod

Cuttey-waw black

Oulamon vermilion

Methalui lead

Monathee a knife

Coquaw a pot, or kettle

Haniquaw a spoon

Waupamoua. . .a looking-glass

Tliequa a comb

Goulaka a basin, or dish

Queg-awai a blanket

Poppea-awai a saddle

Thakoa. ...•"■ 'a shirt broach

Squathapeah a belt

Thj-a a skin

Elenaquey a bow

Elena lui an arrow

Peyteneekah . . a shirt, or jacket

Petacouah a hat, or cap

Teaquah a gun

Pemqua Teaquah a rifle

AlloJey a bullet

Mecottey gunpowder

Sacouka a flint

Weweyla a powder horn

Teekhauhka tomahawk

Sequawna a stone

Awsit-thekee, .crosses worn on

[the neck

Mecothey an awl

Theckthey deer sinews

Kethenequa soap

Masisskee tea

Melassey sugar

Tepthicah a cup, or teapot

Weeawthey . .venison, or meat

Weelenoix (Fr. pro.) fat

Pitssawkah. . .a rope, or halter
Setaquotha leather

Mokita leggings

Moketha moccasins

Macota. .the women's petticoat

They-amah tobacco

Quacah a pipe

Hattawa punk

Scoute-cagah . . .steel for strik-

[ing fire
Outatsica. . . . stem of the pipe
Peteyway. .smoke of a pipe or

[tobacco
Leewawtey. . . .smoke of a fire

Pemee bear's oil

Pontala . . a skin for carrjang oil

Kawcoa a razor

Thawthicatsica . . a frying-pan

Quawnikee a chain

Petheawai. . .a breast-plate, or

[gorget
Wythaw-quawkey-quaw

[a bottle

Thepee a river

Speleawee-thcpee. . Ohio river

Wawkitomica-thepee . . Musk-

[ingum river

Quass-quetuckkee . . a cataract,

[or falls

Chepcock . . Port St. Vincent, on

[the Wabash

Ta-winikee .a town

VVeykeewaw a house

Wythaw-wicommikee. . . .Fort

[Pitt

Kikawka-mackee Detroit

Kitsecornmey . the sea, or a lake

Mine-athey an island

Poconuey a wave

Oucahounie a fort

Wessitic a mountain

Spemme-kee on the top

Ou-ecawteke . . a book, letter, or

[map

Meeawee a path, or road

Skeaquee .... a pond of water

i^.

Shawanese Language.

379

Nounouconwey a swamp

Tike cominee . .a spring of water

Simmenachkee an apple

Tawniey Indian corn

Ouslvipemee sweet corn

Nepepemee salt

Squimenuckee haws

Meeasathucckee . Irish potatoes

Peneeakee wild potatoes

Cowasquee wheat

Weethuckapee rum

Loucaiiah Hour

Meleynawpee milk

Scoutseathawpou coffee

pepper

Saw- wee l>i<^

Squawthee little

Monspethey tall

Spemmekee on the top

Nepey-waw sleep

Tat-chimokee a council

Kikenecaw a prisoner

Notob-oley war

Wanesucca a fool

Ka-anah friend

Nekaanah my friend

Kesekee-kasothwaw . . . the sun

AUotheka the sunshine

Tepeykee kasothwaw .... the

[moon

Metsemee moon

Ala-aqua the stars

Nonolaweisky. .the north star

Quala-aqua Ursa Major

Teypatuca Oi ion's Belt

PeaquelineykeeV . . the Pleiads
Keisekelaqua. Venus, the planet

Kessekee day

Wawpauwey daylight

Tepeykee ni<,'ht

O.ilacon yesterday

Enoukee to-day

Leykuckee last ninjlit

Nenesacou two days ago

Wawpackee to-morrow

Necounakikee . two days hence
Thecounakikee . . . . three days

[hence
Kesothwa. . .a moon, or month

Kicotto a year

Metsemee no moon

Thawkee . .new moon, or come

[out

Peliko once

Neseeno twice

Nicoutee 1

Nisswee 2

They we 3

Neawee 4

Nealanawey 5

Necotothwey 6

Nesothwey 7

Thyawsicthewy 8

Chagathwey 9

Metaghthwey 10

Metaghtheney keteneycoutey

id keteneyswee . 1 2

id ketenthwea. ,13

id keteneawey . 14

id keteneallauwev

[15
id ketenecoutoth-

wey 16

Metaghtheney ketenesoythwey

[17
id ketensoyuricoth -

wey 18

Metaghtheney ketenchawgath-

thwea 19

Necoutothwey, or. . . | ^a

Neaswawpeatatache . ) " ' ' '

Thyawpej'tockkee 30

Newawpetockkee 40

Nea allanwawpetockkee. . . .50

Neekatyawsee 60

Neesyawsee 70

Thyawsee 80

{

ill

W It

! U n

'i'l iii

\M I

380

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

H\'-y

l.iil

m '

Chawa-ka 90

Tepea-away 100

Neasinee tepea-away 200

Thenee tepea-away 300

Neawee tepea-away 400

Neallany tepea-away oOO

Necoutoyththeni tepea-away. .

[GOO
Nessoyththeni tepea-away . 700

Cliawaka tepea-away 800

Metagththeney tepea-away. . .

[1,000

Meineacjuee to run

Neinente to drink

Thea(|uee to kill

Menealapee to dance

Naeomnio to sing

Atchsemo to speak

Neuatchsemo .... to speak false

Kitellee to tell

Pemoutee to walk

Kipscawquee to choke

Neapouthou to burn

Nepaalo lie down

Hoosstou to make

Nensw^eleymaw )
Jackqueleymaw j
Kata(jueleymawtee

I love you

A]e(menenthequa .

. . .do you
[love me

.will they
[kill me
Squawlawey ... .1 am hungry

Tawqueloukee I am sick

Awkitawkeloukee . are you sick
Yawmawcjueloukee. .he is sick
Chiakee .... we, or all are sick

Wanatho he is drunk

Nawacouta I know it

Mutta-nawacouta 1 don't

[know it

Pawpiachee I will

Netessatahai I think so

Coqueo I don't care

Wetheneto eat some

Eleckhaalee go away

Peealo come here

Neawai I thank you

Awquiloukee sick

Mattapelou sit down

Keweeakouah . . are j'ou angry
Taa-neweikata . .where are you

[going

Scothakeweitamee . . . will you

[be my wife

Tawnej' where is it

Nepouah dead

Wetcliewai Scup-qua . . .'tis so
Neteibois (Fr. pro.). .1 tell true
Mutta teibois (Fr. pro.) . . 'tis not

[true

Teneetsup it is tru«

Tea(|ue matta nemeta. . . .don't

[give it
Teaquca-atchsimo .
Teaq ue- weitemaha

Tawneweicoomah

.don't tell
.don't tell
[him of it
. where do
[you come from
Peeawaw . . . .they are coming

Pesalo take care

AUa-luey . 'tis very unfortunate
Enou Kee-mehee . . a little while

[ago
AUicaw Paw keeta . . .throw it

[away

Pyawaw here

Mawweeachee that way

Pealouee a great way off

Tawnowee let me see

Pete keneth pia. .when will he

[come back
Sweagetissetha . .what is your

[name
Laqnyawaw. .where is he gone

Wetchevvai let it be so

Kalipatchehee . .never mind it

Matow-e-hahee nothing

Neloutsy for nothing

-c

Shawanese Language.

381

Names of
some
Shawanese
Indians

Key Kenethucca^j
Metsicrynewaw
Nenessica I

Atowssee
Wessketou j

Jfcouai town

^^ethey pretty

Lamyolethey very pretty

^™ very

Ulethey quiawa . pretty woman

X"®y done, or dressed

?"^«a good

Lamyouesa or Lamouesa . very

Tit i [good

Matowessa bg^j

^^etsy '.".".".many

Kincapethou a bracelet

Keletsapethou .... a rino'

S'^f"^^^ a king

^fowto a captain

Feloutsyhea presently

Jeloutsy by and by

Neheewey. how doyou call that

pthwee how many

Ketheney to wash

-Pakitchee gone away

^inussey a scalp

beeaway ahorse

Seeaway kee horses

Papiache i y^m

Oucahounie Fort Mattawa

c:i

382

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

^i 1

INDEX.

i;.

i'< '

I ..'.

!, f

ABENAQUIS Indians, 24G.

Aberdeen, 2G.

Accoinmoddtion, The, 29.

Adi\iiis, IMr., 43, 44, 76.

Addison, 212.

Allan, Miijor, 184.

Allan, j\Ir., 43.

Alnwick, 34.

Andierstburg, 13G, 20G, 219, 226, 229,

272.
Aniyatt, Mr., 53, 56.
Anderson, .ludye, 22.
Annapolis, 10, 11.
Applegarth, Captain, 149, 157.
Armstrong, Ensiirn, 254.
Arnold, .John, 184.
Astley's, 110.
Astor, .John Jacob, 131.
Atkinson, Col., 250.

BABY, Col., 1.3G.

Backus, Col., 190.

Biddwin, Dr., .30, 31.

Ball, Miss Kitty, 24.

Ball's Fields, 204.

Bank of England, 59, 68.

Baidv of Upper Canada, 337.

Barclay. Captain Robert, 217, 222,

227.
Barnet Heath, 116.
Bartholomew Fair, 60.
Bartley, Lieut, 162, 254.
Bath, 90, 91.

Battersby, Col., 205, 309, 331.
Baynes, Charles, 184.
Beauharnois, 245.
Beauport, 247.
Beaver Dams (Beechwoods), 198,

270.
Beckford Tower, 79.
Beechwoods, (see Beaver Dams).
Bellingham, 118, 119.

Berkeley Castle, 93, 95.
Berkeley, Col., 93.
Beverley Township, 27.
Bissell, General, 206, 266.
Bi8shopp, Col. Cecil, 162, 163, 189,

198, 201, 202.
Blackbird, 204.
Black Creek, 333.
Black Rock, 162, 201, 261, 262, 263,

269, 28.3, 304, 333.
Bladensburg, 315.
Block No. 2, G. 11., 27.
Boerstler, Major, 162, 163, 198, 200.
Bonaparte, 24, 58, 63, 60, 271, 317.
Boston, 9.
Bouchette, 18.
Boultoii, D'Arcy, jun., 19, 20, 35,

64, 18.').
Boulton, D'Arcy, sen., 34, 35, 36,

43, 63, 64, 90, 113.
Boulton, (ieorge D'Arcy, 37.
Boulton, Henry John, 35, 37,41, 52,

53, ()3, 69, 71, 112, 113, 119.
Boyd, General, 187, 199, 201, 254,

274.
Braham, 89, 91.
Biandy Potts, 40.
Brant, -John, 148, 198.
Brisbane, Gen., 320, 322, 336.
Bristol, 86, 93.
Brock, General Sir Isaac, 65, 76, 113,

114, 116, 124, 127, 129, 130, 131,

132, 1.36-142, 144, 161, 170.
Brown, Captain, 254.
Brown, Ensign, 254.
Brown, General, 190, 242, 256, 266,

273, 274, 283, 285, 286, 287, 290,

291, 29(5, 298, 299, 300, 302, 312,

327, 328, 333.
Brown's Point, 187.
Bruton, 78.
Buck, Major, 285, 288.

^m^

Index.

383

Buffalo, 1(52, 261, 2G2, 263, 269, 283,

315, 328.
Burlington Heights, 132, 188, 191,

192, 205, 211, 220, 237, 241, 284,

289, 291, 292, 334.
Burr, Aiiron, 24.
Butler, Lieut., 157.
Butler, Lieut. -Col., 157.
Button, Captain John, 184.

CALAIS, 37.
Cauibray, 35.
Cameron, Ca[)t. Duncan, 130, 149,

151, 15i, ir)7, 184, 185.
Cameron, Mr., 44.
Camp!)ell, Alexander, 12.
Camphell, -Judge, 288, 311, 312.
Campbell. Lieut.-Col., 330.
Campbell, Mary, 12.
Canada Company, 41.
Canviiis House, 18,
Carey, S., 312.

Cartwright, Hon. Riehard, 26, 43.
Cartwriglit, James, 54.
Cauulmawaga, 250.
Chamliers, Capt., 239, 331.
Chambly, 256.
Champlain, 319.
Champlain Lake, 249, 274, 277, 317,

318, 319, 321, 327, 334.
Chandler, Capt., 215.
Chandler, Gen., 187, 191, 196, 266.
Chai)in, Col., 270, 271.
Charlotte, Princess, 120, 124.
Chateauguay, 178, 244-247.
Chatham, 2;!l.
Chauncfy, Conunodore Isaac, 169,

179, 181. 187, 188, 189, 205, 208,

209, 211, 213, 223, 224, 242, 279,

284, 291, L^99, 310.
Cliazy liiver, 319.
Chewett, James, 185.
Chewett, Lieut. -Col., 13, 130, 184.
Chiikutlic JoiiriiiU, 173.
Chippewa, 189, 201, 226, 261, 283,

2b5, 28(i, 287, 288, 290, 292, 294,

332, 333, 335.
Clirysler's Field, 248, 252, 255, 256,

3i7.
Clark, Lieut. -Col., 157, 162, -J8,

201.
Clark, Thomas, 131.
Ckus, Col., 157.

Claus, Lieut., 254, 255.

Clay, (Jen., 215.

Chiyton, 242.

Clergy Reserves, 13.

Cleveland, 222.

Clifford, Major, 279, 282.

Cockburn, Admiral, 315.

CotKn, Col., 227.

Cook, Capt., 18.

Cooper, Capt., 157.

Cornwall, 13, 16, 18, 19, 21, 25, 2(5,
243, 251, 255, 25(i, 269, 270, 274,
275, 277, 27!>, 318.
; Cotcau du Lac, 255.
i Couche, 225, 239, 243, 256, 268, 269.

Co vent (iarden, 72. 109.

Covington, (Jen., 256.

Crawf(U'd, \Vm., 65,

Croglian, Col., 314, 315.

Crook.s, (Japt., 149, 157.

Crookshank, 20('».

Crossings, The, 334.

Cumberland Head, 322.

DALY. Capt., 247.

Dance, 226.

Davis, Cien. , 329.

Dawson, Ca|)t., 288.

Dearborn, den.. 132, 147, 148, 157,

164, 165, ItiO, 172. 179, 185, 187,

188, 197, 266.
Decatur, 213.
De Cew, 199.
Defiance, Fort, 215.
Delaware Town, 276.
De Lorimier, Lieut., 254.
Denison, Charles, 185.
Derby. Col., 51.
De Rottenbui^', Clen., 134, 226, 238,

242, 258, 270.
De Salaberry, Major, 128, 164, 198,

244-248.
Detroit, 11, 132-147, 188,214, 229,

272, 312, 314, 315, 334.
De Watteville, 211, 213, 265, 280,

303, ;i05, 330, 332.
Dickson, 204.
Dickson, Mr., 20, 34.
Dixon, Capt., 141.
Dobhs, Capt., 304, 305.
Dorchester, Lord, 12.
D.jwney. Capt., :i21, 322, 325.
Downs, The, 10.

In;

ll,f'

li:

1 i

'"ii:

! ,
'I'

'!'."]

im:

'h i]

384

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

Drumniond, Gen., 39, 41, 258, 200, ,
201, 2(iG, 280, 285, 292, 293, 294,
297, 298, 299, 300, 302, 304, 305,
308, 311, 312, 315, 317, 327, 328,
330, 332, 335.

Druminoiid, Liout.-Col., 305-308.

Druiiinioiiilville, 200.

Drury Lane, 75.

Duclieanoy, Capt., 128, 246.

Ducliesiu'.y. .Tuuhereau, 24(5, 247.

Du Hareii, Major, 200.

Duraiid, Capt., 149, 157.

Durham, County of, 20.

EAST India Company, 58, 07.

Edmundson, Mr., (il, 72.

Elliott, Capt., 220.

Elmesley, Mr., 77.

Erie, Fort. (-SVc Fort Erie. )

Erie, Lake, 217-222, 224.

Essex Militia, 205.

Et(jbicoke Township, 27.

Eustace, Capt., 177.

Evans, Brifjade- Major, 157, 239.

Evcretta, The, 38.

Exeter, 47.

Exeter "Cliange, 53.

FENWICK, James, 184.

Ferjj;uson, 240.

Fhinis, Capt., 141, 217, 220.

Firth, Mr., 43, 44, 56, ()2, 03, 04,

09, 71, 107, 113.
Fischer, Col., 305, 300, 309.
Fitzgibhon, Lieut., 194, 198, 199,

200.
Five Nation Indians. 107.
Flamboro' East, 27.
Flauiboro' West, 27.
Forsythc, Major. 181, 251, 273.
Fort Erie, 11, 132, 140, 283, 284,

285, 288, 302-309, 315, 318, 327,

329, 333, 334, 335.
Fort George, 132, 130, 157, Kil, 179,

187, 188. 189, 197, 198, 201, 202,

200, 209, 213, 217, 220, 240, 241,

258, 208, 284, 289, 290, 291, 292,

299, 335.
Fort Niagara, (.S'fi« Niagara, Fort.)
Fort Maiden, 132, 130, 137, 214,

216, 240, 272.
Fort .Mississauga, 284, 290.
Forty-Mile Creek (Grimsby), 197,

203.

Foster, Capt., 331.

Four ( 'orncrs, 319.

Four-Mile Creek, 188, 211, 289, 273

Franklin, Mr., 64.

Frederick Street, 41.

French Creek, 242.

Frenclnnan's Creek, 333.

French Mills, 250, 267.

Frenchtown, 173.

Fulton, Capt., 20.

GAINES, Gen., 200, 299, 304, 315,

327.
Gallette Rapids, 251.
Gamble, Dr., 54.
Garrison Creek, 18.
Gdzefte, Montreal, 12.
Genesee River, 209, 223, 333.
George, Fort, {See Fort George.)
George IV., 234.
Ghent, 316. 335.
Gibraltar Point, 14, 278.
Gibson, Col., 329.
Givins, Col., 180, 185.
Glastonbury, 82.
Glegg, Major, 139, 140, 145, 151,

288, 331.
Glengarry Fencibles, 175, 177, 182,

240, 205, 280, 297, 330, 331, 335.
Gloucester, 95,

(Jordon, Lieut. -Col., 287, 296, 331.
Gore, Gen., 41.
Gore, Hon. Capt., 53, 54.
Gore, Lieut.-Gov., 13, 20, 21, 23, 34,

41, 53, 54, 55, 04, 72, 77, 90, 106,

124.
Grand Duke of Beif, The, 36.
Grand River, 249. 334.
Grant, Capt., 12.
Grant. President, 1(5.
Gray, Mr., 39, 42, 55.
Green, Mr.. 251, 252, 256.
(Grenadier Island, 241, 243.
Grosvenor, Lord, 53.
Gnnrdian, The, 32.
Gwillnubury East. 27.
North, 27.
West, 27.

HACKNEY Green, 60.
Hagerman, Lieut, -Col., 331.
Halifax, 37.
Halsey's Corners, 320.
Halton, Major, 54.

Index.

385

Hamilton, 223.
Hamilton, Capt. R., 157.
Hamilton, Col., 227, 312.
Hamilton, Mr., 51.
Hamilton, N. Y.,240, 274, 275.
Hamilton, Ilobort, 2G.
Hamilton, Thomas, 184.
Hampton, Gen., 172, 239, 240,

242, 244-247, 249, 250, 255, 257,

258, 2GG.
Hancks, Lieut., 133, 141.
Hancock, Major, 277.
Harrison, (Jen., 109, 172, 214,

215, 229, 230, 231, 234, 235.
Harvey, Lieut. -Col., 187, 193, 194,

195, 191J, 198, 202, 209, 241, 243,

248, 251, 252, 254, 317, 331.
Hatch, Col., 135, U2, 144.
Hatt, Capt., 157, 1G2.
Heward, Capt. Stephen, 149.
Hey, Capt., 289.
Holcroft, Col., 212.
Holland, Lieut., 254, 287.
Holmes' Tavern, 37.
Home District, 13, 2G, 27, 32.
Hull, Oovernor, 121, 136, 137, 140,

143, 145, 105, 2G6.
Hunter, Col., afterwards General,

12, 17.
Huron, Lake. 54, 314.
Hyde Park Corner, 48, 57.

IRVING, Washincrton, 222.
Izard, Gen., 245, 26G, 319, 333, 334,
335.

JACKSON, air. J. Mills, 30, 31,

43, 54, 62, 65, 185.
Jarvis, Sam., 16, 22, 63, 149.
Jarvis, Wm., 149, 184.
Jenkins, Capt., 175, 176.
Jenner, Dr., 93.
Johnson, Sir John, 12.
Jones, Lieut., 254.

KEMBLE, 72.
Kempenfeldt Bay, 64.
Kempt, Gen., 318.
Kent Militia, 265, 276.
Kentucky, 11, 24, 215, 216, 334.
Kerr, Capt., 275.
Kew Gardens, 61.
King, Capt., 162, 163.
King's College, 13.

King's Kettle, 26.

Kingston, 18, 28, 33, 42, 168, 169,
]90, 191, 197, 20(5, 209, 237, 239,
240, 141, 242, 244, 2.56, 264, 271,
278, 279, 280, 291, 300, 319.

King Street, 41.

King Tp., 27.

Kirby, Capt., 1G3.

L'ACADIE, ^44.

Lacolle, 164, 277, 278.

L'uhj of the L(k<', The, 310.

Lamont, Lieut., 162.

Laroehe, Mr., G'i.

Leader, Ensign, 254.

Lee, Col., 11.

Lee, Midshipman, 324.

Legislative Council, 13.

Leonard, Capt., 2(}().

Lewis, Cien., 187, 197, 201.

Lewis, John, 91.

Lewiston, 158, 261, 293, 333.

Lincoln Militia, 265, 297.

Lincoln's Inn, 35.

Little York, 28.

Liverpool, Lord, 53.

London, 49, 5:^ 57, 104-124.

Long Point, 13'.i, 218.

Long Point Road, 334.

Long Sault, 255.

Longwoods, 276.

Lord Mayor's Ikll, 110, 111, 112.

Lord Mayor's Show, 72, 73, 74.

Lorinir, Capt., 300.

Lundy's Lane, 22G, 293-301, 302,

307, 310, 317, 327.
Lyon, Lieut., 288.
Lyon's Creek, 333.

McANTIRE, Capt., 168.
McArthur, Gen., 229, 334.
McClure, Gen., 241, 258, 260, 261,

262.
McDonell, Alex,, 71, 92, 106, 178.
McDonell, Capt., 310.
McDonell, Col. George, 39, 174,

175, 178, 246.
McDonell, James, 72.
McDonell, John, 43, 64, IGO, 131,

139, 145, 151, 153, 154, 156, 158,

159, 178.
McDonough, Capt., 321, 324, 326.
McDouall, Lieut. -Col., 313, 315.
McEwen, Capt., 149, 157.

386

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

]'.<,■

McGill, Ann, 2G.

McGregor, Capt., 27(3.

McKiiy, Col., .31.S, 316.

McLeiin, Allan. 44.

McLean, Archibald, 44, G3, 149, 154,

150.
McLean, Mr., 33.
McMuhon, Ed., 185.
McNab, Allan, 210, 213.
Macaulay, Dr., 38, 40, 42, 55.
Macaulay, (Jeorg*;, 38, 40.
Macaulay, John, 1(3.
Macaul'y, Liuut. (afterwards Sir J.

H.). 38, 170. 178.
Mackinaw, 133, 141, 244, 270, 311,

312.
Macomb, (Jen., 2GG, 277, 319, 320,

320.
Madison, Pros., 272.
Maiden Fort. (See Fort Maiden.)
Malone, 277.
Mallory, lienj., 207.
Malta, 08.
Manchester, 201.
Maiiclu'stcr, Duke of, 54.
Mavkhaui, Tp., 27.
Markland, ^\v., 28.
Mariot, Mr., 00.
Marstoii, Mr., 00.
Maryland, 0, 10, 11.
Matchedash, 314.
Maule, Major, 205.
Meigs' Fort, 214, 215, 210, 217.
Meigs, G(jvernor, 215.
Mercer, Andrew, 185.
Mcrctn-.i, The (.j>uebec, 312.
Merrit, 'Major, W. H. 149, 193, 198.
Merritt, W. H.. 193, 198.
Miami, Fort, 215.
Miami Kiver, 173, 214, 215.
Michigan, State of, 1(J5, 172, 244,

312.
Michilliinackinac, 133, 105, 234, 312,

314, 315.
Miller, G.n. , 290, 297, 329.
Mintrva, The, 34, 30, 37.
Mississauga, Fort, 284, 290.
Molson, Mr. John, 29.
Montniorenci Falls, 269.
Montreal, 11, 12, 24, 28, 37, 38,

239, 240, 242, 243, 249, 251, 252,

255, 257, 204, 330.
Montreal Gazette, 12.
Moraviantown, 237, 244.

Morrison, Col., 241, 243, 248, 253,
257, 274, 275, 279, 292, 293, 297,
300, 317.

Morton, Lieut., 254.

Mountain, Dr., 20.

Muir, Major, 215, 239, 335.

Murray, Col., 241, 259, 200.

Mustard, (Jeo., 184.

Myers, Col., 188.

NAIRN, Capt., 254, 255.

Napoleon. {Sec lionaparte. )

Nelles, Henry, 203, 204, 200.

Nelles, Mr. Abraham, 24.

Nelson Ti)., 27.

Newark, 12, 101, 2(il, 202, 207.

Newfoundland, 37.

Newfoundland Fencibles, 102.

Newgate, 53.

Newj-i.-rt, 93,

New Orleans, 24.

New York, 10, 23, 39.

Niagara Falls, 298, 300.

Niagara Fort, 33, 70, 157, 101, 187,

188, 258, 2(i0, 2(i3, 204, 207, 271,

283, 284.
Niagara, Town of, 11, 12, 37, 54,

109, 187, 189, 203, 205, 200, 209,

210, 223. 225, 288, 289, 291, 292,

2!>3, 299.
Norfolk Co., 37.
Northuudierland Co., 32.
Nortlunnberland, Duke of, 34.
North- West Company, 71, 92, 314.
Norton, 204.

O'KEEFE, Lieut., 85.

O'Neil, Lieut. -Col., 209.

Odelltown, 104, 244, 277, 320.

Ogdcnsburg, 174, 319.

Ogilvy, Col., 194, 195, 212, 202.

Ohio River, 11.

Ohiv, The 303, 304.

Oldham, Mr., 42.

Onondaga, 281.

Ontario, Lake, 187, 189, 223.

Ontario, River, 245.

Ormsby, 189.

Oswego, 190, 280, 281, 282.

Ouisconain River, 313.

Oxford, 93, 96, 103.

PATTERSON, Capt., 38.
Pearson, Col., 251, 252, 292, 309.

Index.

387

Perceval, Spencer, 114, 117, 118,

123.
Perrot, Isle, 249.
Perry, Commodore, 217, 218, 220,

222, 22!), 234.
Piccadilly, 57.
Pickering Township, 27.
Pike, Gen., 181, 183.
Pilkington, Cnl., (i8, 70, 121, 123.
Plattsburi,', 105, 250, 274, 275, 278,

317, 31!», 320, 321, 327.
Playter, Eli, 18.').
Piendeilefith, .Major, 104, 195.
Plymouth, 45, 4(i, 47, 59.
PiDYupinr, The, 303, 305.
Port Dover, 218, 284, 334.
Porter, (ion., I(i4, 290, 298, 328, 329.
Portsmouth, 29, 40.
Port Talbot, :i7(i.
Powell, Capt., 149, 309, 331.
Powell, rhiuf .Justice, 185, 310.
Powell, Dr., 185.
Powell, Serjeant, 309.
Power, (icn., 320, 322.
Prairie du Cliien, 313.
Prescott, 24!l, 251, 254, 209, 279,

282, 319.
Press- gang, 40, 59.
Presciu' Isle, 204, 218.
Prevost, tSir (Jeorge, 127, 132, 145,

147, 101, 105, 189, 190, 211, 241.

202, 208, 21)2, 317 320, 322, 324,

320, 330.
Primrose, The, 40.
Prince, ]\Ir., 42, 44, 49, 50.
Prhice Regent, 120, 100, 320.
Prince, liuv. Thomas, 00.
Proctor, CJeneral, 13(), 140, 105, 172,

173, 174, 193, 214, 210, 217, 222,

220, 229, 230, 231, 232, 233, 234,

237, 238, 241, 250.
Purdy, Col., 245, 240, 247.
Put-in Bay, 219.

QUEBEC, 12, 22, 28, 29, 37, 38, 41,

271.
Queen's Rangers, 18.
Queenston Heights, 148-100, 187,

188, 198, 199, 220, 201, 291, 293,

294, 290.
Quinte, Bay of, 12.

RADENHURST, John, 130.
Raisin, River, 173.

Riall, Gen., 201, 202, 284, 285, 280,
287, 288, 290, 291, 292, 293, 295,
290.

Richardson, Major, 173.

Ilichard.son, Reuben, 184.

Richmond. Lieut , 254.

Rid(.ut, George, 14, 10, 18, 19, 23,
28, 30, 31, 33, 43, 44, 54, 04, 114,
149, 1.58, l(i7, 184, 311.

Ridout, Horace, 30.

Ridout, John, 42, 170, 171, 273, 274,
275, 277.

Ridout, Sam, 184, 274.

Ridout, Thomas, !>, 10, 11, 12, 13,
14, 17, 18, 22, 23, 20, 28, 34, 42,
53, 75, 180, 185, 203, 271, 278,
281, 288.

Ridout, Thomas, C. E , 11.

Ridout, TJK.mas (Jibbs, 14, 10, 19,
22, 25, 28, .31, 33, 34, 37, 38, .39,
40, 42, 47, 51, 57, 00, 01, 05, (17, 71,
77, 89, 91, 185, 203, 200, 210. 225,
220, 228, 243, 251, 254, 208, 209,
273, 274, 275, 270, 279, 281, 282,
317, 318,330, 337, 338.

Ril)loy, (Jen., 200, 283, 285, 298,
29!>, 32!>, 330.

Rol)ert.son, Lieut., 322.

Robin.<on, Capt., 202.

Robinson, Com. -(Jen., 208.

Robinson, (ion , 320, 322, 324,

Robinson, (ieorge, 185.

Robinscm, I'eter-, 184, 311, 312, 314.

llobin.son, Sir John Beverley, 10, 17,
43, 44, 03, 139. 149, 184, 311.

Rochefoucauld, Duke de, 70.

Rogers, D. IMcGregor, 31, 32.

Ross, (Jen., 315, 310.

Rouse's I'oint, 104.

Royal E.Kchanue, 52, 58.

J-lomd (Iconic, The, 10)9, 170.

Russell, Hon. Peter, 17.

Russel, .Mr., (iO.

Russia, 52.

SACKETT'S Harbor, 170, 179, 187,
189-191, 208, 211, 240, 241, 274,
277, 278, 279, 280, 282, 289, 291,
310, 319, 333.

Salmcm River, 250, 257, 269, 273,
275 279.

Sandusky, 204, 217.

Sandwich, 140, 141.

Saranac River, 320, 322, 325.

[I J:

388

Ten Years of Upper Canada.

,,.,

111. '

! J

' 1 .

c I

Sault Sto Marie, 314.

Scarborouyli T]> , 27.

SchUisser, Fort, 201, ^Ol, 292, 293.

Scott, C(j1., 25)0, 305-309, 318.

Scott, General, 11.

Scott, Gen. Winfield. 205, 24], 2(>r,,

283, 285, 280, 293, 294, J95, 298,

312.
Sea Nymph, The, 40.
Secord", Luura, 199, 200.
Secord, Major, 287.
Selby, Mr., 43, 51, W.
Shank, Major, 17, 40.
Sliaw, ..'Eneas, 129.
Shawanese, 11, 75.
Sheaffo, Col., 37.
Slieaffe, General, 154, 155, 157, 161,

178, 180.
Sliepton M<-.i;.t, 80.
Sherbourne. !), 83, 87, 88.
Sherrard, Capt., 289.
Sherwood, Capt. Reuben, 274, 275.
Sherwood, Mr., 23.
Showers, ('apt., 270.
Shultz, J. H., 184.
Siddons, Mrs., 72.
Sierra Leone, 21.
Simcoe, Co. of, 20.
Sinicoe, Lake, 54.
Simcoe, Lieut. -Gov., 12, 14, 17, 18,

20, 33.
Small, Dr., 90, 91.
Small, John, 34, 35, 36, 90, 113.
Small, Mr., 44.
Smith, Col, 33.

Smith, Sir D. W., 12, 33, 69, 90.
Smythe, General, 158, 161, 163, 164,

165, 108.
Snake Hill, 285, 303, 304, 305, 306,

309.
Snake Island, 244.
Society for the Propagation of the

Gospel, 44.
Somers, The, 303, 304.
Speedy, The, 20.
Spence, Capt., 300.
Spring Wells, 141, 143.
Squaw Island, 304.
StafTordshire, 90.
Stanton, Robert, 22, 30, 63, 149,

184.
Steele Mr., 18.
Stephenson, Fort, 217.
Stone, Col., 291.

Stoney Creek, 192, 199, 317, 319.
Strachan, Rt. Rev. Dr., 13, 16, 18,

19, 21, 22, 23, 25, 35, 63, 04, 71,

76, 149, 1^--, 270.
Street's Creek, 28(5.
Stuart, Mr., 38, 42, 43, 54, 64.
Stuart, Hev. John, 54.
St. Al})ans, 11(1, 117.
St. Catharines, 241.
St. Clair, (General, 11.
St. David's, 203, L'0(!. 212, 291.
St. Francis, Lake, 251.
St. (ieorge, Mr., 23, 4], 42.
St. James' Cathedral, 171.
St. Joseph, 132, 133, 314.
St. Paul's, 52.
St. Regis, 250, 257.
St. Regis Indians, 5().
St. Thorn 334.

TALBOT, Fort. (See Fort Talbot.)

Taunton, 84.

Tecumseh, 134, 135, 136, 139, 140,

141, 145, 172, 214, 216, 217, 229,

231, 232, 233, 235.
Thames, River (Can.), 276.
Thames, The River, (Eng.), 57.
Thomi>son, Andrew, 185.
Th()mps<in, David, 184.
Thorold, 198.

Thorpe, Judge, 20, 23, 30, 32.
Toronto, 9, 14, 37, 41, 166, 167.
Toronto Tp., 27.
Towson's Battery, 303, 305.
Trafalgar Tp., 27.
Treaty of Ghent, 335.
Tucker, Col., 293, 304.
Tuscarora Village, 261.
Tuttle, Mr., 277.
Tweeddale, Marquis of, 287, 288.
Twelve-Mile (^reek, 200, 210, 241,

259, 291, 292.
Twenty-Mile Creek, 191.
Two-Mile Creek, 289.

U. E. LOYALIST, 12.

United States, 24, 186.
Uxbridge, 27.

VANKOUGHNET, Mr., 16.

Van Rensselaer, Major-Gen.,

157,159,161, 165,266.
VaughanTp., 27.

147,

Index.

389

Vaiixliitll, 50.

Verdun, 34, 35.

Vermont, 275, 324.

Vincent, (ien., 187, 188, 190, 102

1!)3, l!Mi, ]!)7, 1!)8, 201, 202, 22G,

237. 238, 240, 241.
Voltigeurs, 128, 243, 244, 24G, 248

252, 253, 2(i5, 278.

\VAIUSH, 75, 1G9.

Wadswortl), (hn.. 1(55.

W.ilker, Cnpt., 309.

Wallace, Hu<rli, 10.

Ward, Jdlin, 78, 92.

Ward, ]\rrs., 1 l|i, 120.

Wa.shington (D.C), 315.

Wasliin-rton, (Jen., 11.

Watson, Mr., 42, 49, 51, 77.

Weekes, Mr., 19, 20.

Wellington, Lord, 4(;.

Wells, 81.

West India Company, 58.
West Ind.a Docks, 75.
West Indies, 10.
Wliitby Township, 27.
VViiitchurch, Township, 27, 30
Whitlow, Mr., 54.

Wilkinson, Gen., 213, 239, 240
241, 242, 248, 249, 250, 251, 257'
258, 2GG, 273, 274, 277, 278.

(See (Juisconsiu

Wdlcocks, .Joseph, 19, 31. 32 33
iKi, 2(J7, 2(58, 308. ' '

Wdliams, C'apt., 153, 154.
W^ilmott, Mr., 54.
Wilson, Capt. John, 184.
W'ilson, .John, 185.
Winchester, Gen., 172, 173, 214,2(i«.
W^inder, (Jen., 187, 101, 19(J, 2(;(i,

Wisconsin River.

River.)
Wohlhain, Mr., 51.
Wood, Col., 329.
Woolink, JMr., 3G.
W(.ohvich, (18, 121. 122 123
\Vyatt, Mr., 13, 23, 30.

YEO, Sir James, 179, 189, 197, 20G
207, 208, 223, 224, 279, 280, 291,'

Yonge Street, 43, 54, 71, 92

York, Co. of, 13.

York, ICast Riding of, 20, 32

York Militia, 13, 149, 150, 205, 297

York, Town of, 9, 13, 10, 18, 20 '>7

tS;. 2?;, 4i' *2' 1^'' i-l'^, l«'i, 179,'
187, 190, 205, 200, 207, 212 2G3
200, 28(J, 287,291. '

York, Township, 27.

York, West Riding of, 13.

Youngstown, 2G1.

*^RM