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PROPHET.

MAM HEMIY HARRISON,
i- SflAWNEE LOGAN, '
^ER WAR? OP

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-.EELYE.

H0V.6 1863 v;^3^gQ

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FAMOUS AMERICAN IND

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TECUMSE^fe^

AND

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THE SHAWNEE PROPHET.

INCIUDING SKETCHES OF

GEORGE ROGERS CLARK, SIMON KENTON, WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON,

CORNSTALK, BLACKHOOF, BLUEJACKET, THE SHAWNEE LOGAN,

AND OTHERS FAMOUS IN THE FRONTIER WARS OF

TECUMSEH'S TIME.

EDWARD EGGLESTON

AND

LILLIE EGGLESTON SEELYE.

NEW YORK :
DODD, MEAD & COMPANY,

751 Broadway.
1878.

«nv26l963 232-^80

(

I i

DODD, MEAD AND COMPANY.
1878.

PREFACE.

In this work wc have related for the benefit of
the general reader one of the most romantic passages
in American history. We have especially sought to
interest young people in the history of the country
through the curiosity that everybody feels about
aboriginal life and exciting adventure.

It would defeat the purpose of the book to cumber
it with foot-notes and references to authorities. A
large number of works, including many scarce and
out of the way books, have been consulted, but we
have not often thought it necessary to refer by name
to an original authority, even when most closely fol-
lowing his lead. A list of the chief works on the
various branches of our subject has been inserted at
the close, for the benefit of those who may vAsh to
study the matter further.

CONTENTS.

PAGE

Preface ^

CHAPTER I.
Tecumseh's Nation „ j ,

CHAPTER II.
The Cliildhood of Tecumseh 25

CHAPTER III.
Wars of the Shawnees in Tecumseh's Childhood . . 34

CHAPTER IV.

The Revolutionary War in the West— Colonel Clark's
Expeditions , j

CHAPTER V.
Early Battles and Adventures of Tecumseh 5;?

^ CONTENTS.

I'AQK

CHAPTER VI.
Defeat of Ilarmcr and St. Clair 59

CHAPTER VH.
Skirmishes with the Whites -Teciimseh and Kenton. 64

CHAPTER Vin.
A Sketch of Simon Kenton y i

CHAPTER IX.
Wayne's Victoiy over the Indians S$

CHAPTER X.
The Peace at Greenville— Blue Jacket. gj

CHAPTER XI.
Death of Wawillaway— Tecumseh as a Peace-maker. 96

CHAPTER XII.
The Rise of the Prophet ,05

CHAPTER XIII.
The Band at GreenviiL— The Pro[)het in Council. 118

M i

:^im^sme

CONTENTS. y

CHAPTER XIV. '^'"''^

Tecumseh's Defiant Speeches j^q

CHAPTER XV.
General Harrison and the ProjDhet . 13 e

CHAPTER XVI.
Plans and Character of Tccumseh i^j

CHAPTER XVII.
Formation of Tecumseh's Confederacy 150

CHAPTER XVIII.
Execution of Leatherlips for Witchcraft 170

CHAPTER XIX.
Meeting of Harrison and Tecumseh at Vincennes . . 174

CHAPTER XX.
The Last Council between Harrison and Tecumseh. 193

CHAPTER XXI.
Getting Ready for War 207

\ I

8 CONTENTS.

CHAPTER XXII. ^""^"^

The Battle of Tippecanoe 216

GHArTER XXIII.
Incidents of the Battle 224

CHAPTER XXIV.
Tecumseh's Return 2^2

CHAPTER XXV.
Hull's Surrender 240

CHAPTER XXVI.
Sieges and Battles at the Western Forts 251

CHAPTER XXVII.

Incidents of the War — Hand to Hand Encounter,

and Death of Logan 262

CHAPTER XXVIII.

Destruction of the Mississinewa Villages — Battle and

Massacre on the River Raisin 267

CONTENTS. 9

PAGE

CHAPTER XXIX.
The Siege of Fort Meigs 271

CHAPTER XXX.
The Second Attack on Fort Meigs 283

CHAPTER XXXI.
The Attack on Fort Stephenson 289

CHAPTER XXXII.
Anecdotes of Tecumseh 296

CHAPTER XXXIII.

Perry's Victory ^ 2oi

CHAPTER XXXIV.
Battle of the Thames — Death of Tecumseh 306

CHAPTER XXXV.
After Tecumseh's Death 310

Appendix ,29

TECUMSEH

AND

THE SHAWNEE PROPHET,

CHAPTER I.

TECUMSEH'S NATION.

Since the savages on this continent were known
to civilized men, the Indian race has produced no
more splendid genius than Tecumseh. He had cour-
age and fortitude in common with most Indians, but
to these he added an imagination capable of seeking
the largest results, a practical wisdom that laid hold
upon the readiest means of achieving his ends, and
an energy rarely equaled by any commander. To
this we must add the knowledge of human nature,
the tact to command, the art to persuade, and the
skill to mold men as he desired. He sought to unite
the Indians into one vast confederacy or empire, and,
putting himself at their head, to stay the progress of
the whites. He was defeated, but that defeat was the
result of the inherent superiority of civilization to
savagery. Had his gifts been exercised in a more
opportune field, he would no doubt have proven
himself one of the great leaders of men. And even
in his mistaken patriotism and foregone defeat, he
showed himself a shrewd diplomatist, a great com-
mander, a persuasive orator, a statesman, and a man
of indomitable patience, brilliant courage, and won-

TECUMSEII.

dcrful power of gaining and holding the allegiance
of his followers.

He came of one of the most energetic and war-
like of the Indian tribes. The Shawnees have always
been a restless people, more adventurous than any-
other Indians. They belong to that family of Indian
nations known as the Algonquin. This family was
the most numerous of all the Indian races, and spoke
a language not very different in the different tribes.
The tribes which the whites first encountered in Vir-
ginia and in Massachusetts spoke dialects of this Al-
gonquin speech. To this stock belong the Six Nations
of Canada, the Chippewas or Ojibbeways of Wiscon-
sin and Minnesota, celebrated in Longfellow's Hia-
watha, the Crees of British America, the Mohegans,
the Delawares, the Kickapoos, the Illinois, the Otta-
was, the Sacs and Foxes, and many other tribes well
known in the history of the settlement of the coun-
try. The Algonquin people are supposed to have
constituted half the population east of the Missis-
sippi at the time of the settlement of the country,
and to have numbered not less than ninety thou-
sand.

The language of the Algonquin Indians is very
complex, and to the ears of those who speak lan-
guages like our own it seems to be a very strange
speech. Words are joined to words, and still other

TECUMSEH S NATION.

words arc added to express various meanings, as to
time, place, person acting, person acted upon, and
so forth. One of the most curious things in the Al-
gonquin languages is that the words take on various
forms, not with reference to male and female, but
with reference to a division of things into superior
and inferior. In some of the dialects, all, or nearly-
all, animate beings are superior, while inanimate ob-
jects are put into another gender, so to speak. But
in one, at least, of the Algonquin tongues, the divi-
sion is more remarkable — God, the spirits or angels,
and incn^ are accounted superior; women and all
lower creatures arc another " gender."

The Algonquin is very stately and suited to ora-
tory, but not well suited to light and familiar speech.
It has many delicate and rhetorical turns. When a
Chippewa wishes to say that a man is dead, he
merely remarks that " they have put the sand upon
him." When the name of a dead person is spoken
they affix to it the termination of the past tense to
indicate that he is not living. Tecumseh after his
death becomes "Tecumseh-e-bun." Much as though
we should write, *' Has-been Washington," to im-
ply that the Washington of whom we speak was no
longer alive.

The history of the Shawnees, even after the settle-
ment of America, is wrapped in obscurity. They

TECUMSEII.

'! •

moved about so incessantly, and were so often
divided in their migrations, that we are unable to
track the various divisions. Some are of the opinion
that the Eries, who are said to have been destroyed
by the Iroquois in very early times, were none oth
ers than the Shawnees before their wanderings be-
gan. Certain it is that when we first hear of them in
early documents, they seem to be divided, wandering,
and of uncertain habitation. Wc hear of a war which
was being waged against them by the Iroquois at the
time of Captain John Smith's arrival in America in
1607. They wore at that time located to the west of
the Susquehanna, and on its banks. De Lact men-
tions them as on the Delaware in 1632. They are
also said to have been located at the South, and to
have come from near Lake Erie. We can only re-
concile these conflicting accounts by supposing them
to have already divided into several bands, some of
which were in motion, for other authorities place
their seat, in the latter part of the seventeenth century,
in the basin of the Cumberland River in Kentucky.
Later they are found on the Wabash, where Tecumsch
long afterward made a new settlement, and in 1708
they are spoken of as removing from the Mississippi
to South Carolina. The Swanee or Suwanee River,
in Florida, derives its name from a party of Shawnees
who had come from north of the Ohio. Yet another

TECUMSEIIS NATION.

authority speaks of a tribe of Shavvnccs that had
been wandering for four years in the wilderness, and
who were then returning to the country of the
Creeks From all of which we gather that the
Shawnces were in the earliest times what they proved
to be later — a people of restless energy, without fixed
unity or local habitation, very energetic and warlike,
breaking into small bands and reuniting again. Col-
den, in 174s, said that " the Shawnees were the most
restless of all the Indians," and that " one tribe had
quite gone down to New Spain," or Florida.

One thing that impresses us is the uselessness of
tradition among savages. The historic sense is not
developed in uneducated people, and fact soon gets
strangely mixed with fiction in all annals of races
not yet civilized. Some authors have quoted from
speeches of the Shawnees to show what their tra-
ditions of the creation are, but an Indian orator gets
up his account of the creation for the purpose of car-
rying his point at the moment, and his story is no
doubt quite as fresh to those of his own tribe who
may be present as to any others.

It is inferred that the Shawnees were present at
that first beneficent treaty of peace and friendship
negotiated by William Penn in 1682. But there is
no assurance of this fact, for to Penn and his associ-
ates but just arrived, all Indians were simply Indians.

I:!'

TECUMSEH.

fli

and the treaty makes no mention of their nation
or names. It is quite probable that the Indian lan-
guages were at that early day so imperfectly under-
stood that tlie treaty itself was apprehended by the
savages more in its peaceful import than in its details.
The presence of the Shawnees is inferred from the
fact that in Penn's later council with the Indians in
1 70 1, we find Wapatha, a chief of the Shawnees, ex-
pressly mentioned as representing his people ; and in
1722, in conference with the whites, the Shawnees
are said to have exhibited a copy of the first treaty,
though the two treaties of Penn may ho.ve been con^
founded. About 1698, nearly seventy families of
Shawnees, with the consent 'f the government of
Pennsylvania, removed from Carolii/r and settled
on the Susquehanna. They perhaps foLnd remain-
ing there that portion of their tribe which was con-
tending A^ith the Iroquois in the time of John Smith,
unless the Iroquois succeeded in q-iite driving thern
out. And these from Carolina may have been some
who had been expelled in the wars in which they
were almost always engaged, returning again to an
old home.

In the year 1706, Thomas Chalkley, a minister of
the Society of Friends, found Shawnees and Senecas
living at Conestoga, near the Susquehanna. He re-
lates that one of the tribes had a woman among

m-i-: ■^.

TECUMSEH'S NATIO]

the chiefs. " On informing them of oui

in this

m some

visit to them," he says, in his quaint Q\i^[k^QM%V^ P^^^^
"they called a council, in which they were grave,
and spoke one after another, without any heat or
jarring." Observing that there was a woman pres-
ent who took part in all deliberations, the missionary
inquired of the interpreter how it came that a woman
was admitted to council. He answered that some
vv^omen were wiser than some men — a proposition not
difficult even for white people to accept. This " an-
cient, grave woman" spoke much in council and gave
her influence heartily in favor of the missionaries, so
that good Thomas Chalkley adds that "the poor
Indians, and in particular some of the young men
and women, were under a solid exercise and concern
of mind."

As early as 1684 there were Shawnees in the
West, allied with the Miamis, and yet we afterward
hear of Southern Shawnees expelled from Georgia
emigrating to the West, and building a village at the
mouth of the Wabash. They applied to the Dela-
wares, who gave them territory in the valley of the
Wyoming, whither part of them removed. In 1742,
the famous Count Zinzendorf, the leader of the Mora-
vians, had a very curious adventure with these In-
dians. He went to Wyoming determined to try to
introduce Christianity among them. He was not

TECUMSEH.

well received ; the Indians suspected him of seeking
their lands, and some of them determined to assassin-
ate him privately. He sat in his tent at night, with
a small fire to keep him warm. The heat of the fire
had warmed into activity a rattlesnake, that stretched
itself across his leg the better to feel the fire, but
the pious Count was too deeply engaged in med-
itation to observe the reptile. The Indians raised
the blanket which served as door to his tent, but
seeing the venerable missionary sitting wrapped in
devout reflections and peacefully unconscious of the
presence of the snake, they were seized with super-
stitious terror. They hurriedly returned to their vil-
lage and told their associates that the old man was
under the special protection of the Great Spirit, for
they had found him with only a blanket for a door,
and had seen a large rattlesnake crawl over him
without doing him any harm.

When the war between England and France
broke out in 1754 it involved the English colonies in
America in a struggle with the French in Canada
and the West, and the Shawnees on the Ohio took
part with the French. But those residing in Penn-
sylvania rejected all sohcitations to join them; the
influence of Penn's treaties and Count Zinzendorf's
missionary labors had rendered them friendly to-
wards the whites.

tecumseh's nation.

About this time occurred the curious " grasshopper
quarrel," which, beginning in a contest between
children, ended in the expulsion of the Shawnees
from the Wyoming Valley. There seems to have
grown up a gradual estrangement between the Dela-
wares and Shawnees, which was fanned to a flame
by a most trivial circumstance. The women of
the two tribes were gathering berries by the river-
side, when some of the Shawnee children fell into a
wrangle with the Delaware children over the posses-
sion of a grasshopper. The mothers took sides with
their children, the Delaware women maintaining that,
though a Shawnee child had caught the grasshopper,
it was caught on the side of the river belonging to the
Delawares, hence the Delaware children were entitled
to it. From such arguments they came to blows;
upon which the Shawnee women were speedily driv-
en to their canoes by the superior numbers of their
angry assailants. On their return, the Shawnee hunt-
ers, influenced by the angry complaints of the squaws,
prepared to avenge the insult, but found the Dela-
wares ready to meet them. The battle began while
the Shawnees were crossing the river, and lasted after-
ward until many of the Delawares and full half of the
Shawnees were killed. Soon after this the latter
abandoned the Wyoming and settled with those
Shawnee tribes that had remained in the valley of

TECUMSEH.

the Ohio. It was here, in their villages on the Miami,
the Scioto, and the Mad River, that they became in-
volved in the savage conflict that raged so long be-
tween the Indians and the white settlers, in which
border warfare Tecumseh was cradled, educated, and
spent his life.

The Shawnees were at one time divided into twelve
bands or tribes, but the number gradually declined
to four. Besides these bands there is another divi-
sion, running through all the Algonquin tribes, into
what are called " totems," the word being a corruption
of " dodaim," a family mark. Each totem has some
name, usually of an animal; and it is said that no man
could marry a person of his own totem.

The present remnant of the once powerful Shaw-
nees is very small, many of them having become
absorbed by intermarriage with the whites no doubt.
Others may have mixed with the Indian tribes, but
the strength of this once powerful people has been
wasted in the almost ceaseless wars in which they
have been engaged, against the whites and against
other Indian nations. They have ever been eager to
take the sword, and they have perished by the sword.
The Shawnees were accustomed to boast of their
superiority to the other tribes, and their haughty pride
has had much to do with their conflicts and their de-
struction.

TECUMSEH'S NATION.

" The Master of Life," said one of their chiefs in
1803, "was himself an Indian. He made the Shaw-
nees before any other of the human race. They
sprang from his brain. He gave them all the knowl-
edge he himself possessed, and placed them upon the
great island (America), and all the other red people
descended from the Shawnees. After he had made
the Shawnees he made the French and English out
of his breast, the Dutch out of his feet, and the
Long Knives (Americans) out of his hands. All
these inferior races of men he made white, and placed
them beyond the stinking lake (the Atlantic Ocean)."

This arrogant pride and warlike ferocity made the
Shawnees one of the most formidable of all the tribes
with which the white settlers had to contend in the
Ohio Valley. They slew old and young, male and
female, without pity and without remorse. They re-
joiced in battle and carnage, in deception, stratagem,
and faithlessness. But in judging them we must not
forget that they were savage. Their whole educa-
tion made them what they were; and in too many
instances the white men, in the bitter struggles of
"the dark and bloody ground," easily forgot their
civilization, and fell into the cruelty, bad faith, and
revengefulness of savages.

Tecumseh had the pride, the energy, and the forti-
tude of his race. In intellect and humanity he was

TECUMSEII.

superior to them, but all their fierce antipathies were
in him. He confessed that he could not see a white
man without feeling the flesh of his face creep. He
was a savage, patriotically believing in savage life,
but he was none the less one of the very ablest men
that savage life has produced.

ipuS?.

CHAPTER II.

THE CHILDHOOD OF TECUMSEH.

There are always curious contradictions in the
accounts of an event that reach us only through the
traditions of Indians and frontier men. Tecumseh
was born, according to some accounts, in 1768, and
according to others, in 1 771, some say near Chilli-
cothe, though Tecumseh is reported to have said that
his birth occurred near the old Indian village of
Piqua. There is a story that he and his brother, the
Prophet, were twins, and even that a third brother
was born at the same time; though according to one
account the Prophet and a twin brother were some
years younger than Tecumseh. It seems more likely
that the earlier date — 1768 — was that of Tecumseh's,
and the later — 1771 — the date of the Prophet's
birth, who was perhaps a twin. There can be little
doubt that Tecumseh was born at the old Indian vil-
lage of Piqua, or Pickaway, on the Mad River, near
the Miami.

There is likewise a great contradictoriness in the
accounts given of the family history. It would be
easy to believe, from Tecumseh's superior mind, that

TECUMSEH.

there was white blood in his family. There is, how-
ever, pretty good evidence that the family was of
pure Shawnee extraction. The assertions of some,
that he had both Anglo-Saxon and Creek blood in
his veins, seem to be entirely founded on a boast of
Lauliwasikau, the Prophet, who excelled more in
bragging than he did in battle, and who was more
voluble than truthful. The story is interesting to
us as a small novel of the Prophet's own inven-
tion, rather than for any probable historical basis.

His paternal grandfather, according to this incredi-
ble tale, was a Creek Indian, who, with other In-
dians, went to one of the Southern cities, either
Savannah or Charleston, to hold a council with the
English governor. The governor's daughter was
present at some of her father's interviews with the
Indians. She had previously conceived a violent
admiration for the Indian character, of which she
took this opportunity to inform the governor. This
most obliging of fathers inquired of the Indians in
council, next morning, which of them was the most
expert hunter. Tecumseh's grandfather, then a
handsome young man, sitting modestly in a retired
part of the room, was pointed out to him. The gov-
ernor, on finding that his daughter was really desir-
ous of marrying an Indian, directed her attention, in
council the following day, to this young Creek war-

THE CHILDHOOD OF TECUMSEH.

rior, and she promptly fell In love with him. The
chiefs were informed of the young lady's attachment.
It seemed to them incredible, at first, but finding
that the governor was in earnest, they advised the
young Creek to accept this piece of fortune, to which
he seems to have made no objection. He was
immediately taken to another apartment, where a
train of black servants disrobed him of his Indian
costume, washed him, and presented him with a new
suit of European clothes, after which the marriage
ceremony was performed. It is customary with the
Indians to bathe a man on adopting him among
them, and this may be what suggested the soap and
water part of the story to the Prophet's mind, though
one cannot but think it possible that he appreciated
the necessity for washing an Indian before present-
ing him to a lady.

The young warrior did not return home with the
other Indians at the close of the council, but remained
with his romantic wife. He amused himself with
hunting, in which he was very successful, usually
taking two black servants with him to bring back
his large quantities of game. The Prophet's father,
Puckeshinwau, was a son of this marriage, and at his
birth the governor made great rejoicing, causing
thirty guns to be fired. This boy, who was permitted
to visit the Indians, was given by them his name,

TECUMSEII.

1111 N!;!!

Mill h|M!

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which means "something that drops." He afterwards
preferred to desert the governor's house for a Hfe
among the Indians. This is the Prophet's tale ; but
an account which is more credible states that Tecum-
sch's father, Puckeshinwau, was a full Indian belong-
ing to the Kiscopoke, while his mother was of the
Turtle tribe of the Shawnee nation. His mother's
name was Methoataske, and means "a turtle laying
eggs in the sand."

The parents of Tecumseh removed with others of
their tribe, under the lead of the great chief Black-
hoof, from the South to the valley of the Ohio, about
the middle of the eighteenth century. They estab-
lished themselves at first on the Scioto and afterwards
on the banks of the Mad River, one of the tributaries
of the Great Miami. Puckeshinwau was not a chief
by birth, but he rose to that rank, and was killed in
the battle of Kanawha in 1774. After her husband's
death, Methoataske, who is spoken of as a respectable
woman, returned to the South, where she lived to an
advanced age among the Cherokee Indians.

Though the Prophet is known by several names,
Tecumseh never had but the one, which means
'* a shooting star." The influences surrounding Te-
cumseh in babyhood and boyhood must have tended
to make him what he was in after life. The life of
an Indian child is pre-eminently one of hardship.

INDIAN BABY, (oii its mother's back, strapped to a board.)

iiiji !

'11

1
(

THE CHILDHOOD OF TECUMSEH.

We can imagine him as a baby bound hand and foot,
and strapped to a board and carried Hke a piece of
baggage on his mother's back for the first six months.
Then he must endure the long periods of famine
which come from the vicissitudes and improvidence
of an Indian hunter's Hfe. Like other Indian boys
who take to the water from the time they are babies,
Tecumseh, no doubt, enjoyed swimming in the Mad
and Miami Rivers during the warm summer days.
His first toy was probably a bow and arrow, and he
learned to hunt as naturally as to swim.

There were seven children in this remarkable In-
dian family, five of whom were people of more or
less distinction. Tecumseh's eldest brother, Chee-
seekau, is said to have taken great pains in the ed-
ucation of the fatherless boy. This is rather remark-
able, if it be true, for there is usually little that can
be called direct education among the Indians. We
must remomber that the only honorable occupations
for an Indian man are hunting and warfare ; all
else is work for squaws. Of course, Tecumseh's
education was mainly in the arts of the soldier and
the hunter, but Cheeseekau is said not only to have
labored to make Tecumseh a great warrior, but also
to have taught him a love for truth, a contempt for
everything mean and sordid, and the practice of those
cardinal Indian virtues, courage in battle and forti-

TECUMSEH.

*iH':, .:i!l.

tude in suffering. If Cheeseekau attempted the edu-
cation cf his other brother, the Prophet, in any of
these particulars, he must have failed signally, for he
possessed neither truth nor courage.

" From his boyhood Tecumseh seems to have had
a passion for war. His pastimes, like those of Napo-
leon, were generally in the sham battle-field. He
was the leader of his companions in all their sports,
and. was accustomed to divide them into parties, one
of which he always headed, for the purpose of fighting
mimic battles, in which he usually distinguished him-
self by his activity, strength, and skill. His dexter-
ity in the use of the bow and arrow exceeded that
of all the other Indian boys of his tribe, by whom he
was loved and respected, and over whom he exer-
cised unbounded influence. He was generally sur-
rounded by a set of companions who were ready to
stand or fall by his side." Such are the stones told
of Tecumseh's boyhood by some who knew him.
It seems very likely that he displayed in his youth
that skill in hunting and war, and above all the great
powers of leadership, which marked him so strongly
in after life.

That Tecumseh was capable of strong affection is
shown by his regard for his only sister, Menewaula-
koosee, or Tecumapease, the name Vy which she is
better known, and which was doubtless given to her

THE CHILDHOOD OF TECUMSEH.

later in life, according to Indian usage, to signify
her relationship to the great Tecumseh. She was
," sensible, kind-hearted, and uniformly exemplary in
her conduct," ard must have been a person of corr
manding character, for she is said to have exercised
a remarkable influence over the females of her tribe.
She was married to a brave called Wasegoboah, or
Stand Firm. Tecumapease was a great favorite
with her brother Tecumseh up to the time of his
death. He is said to have treated her always with
respect, making her many valuable presents.

In considering the influences which surrounded the
boyhood of Tecumseh, we must not forget the stories
told around the Indian camp-fires of the daily events
of the time ; and it will be necessary to recall here
what these events were. When he was very young
the war of the American Revolution began. Living
in the Far West of those days, he was not so entirely
removed from the Revolutionary War as not to feel
some influence from it. Great Britain, remote from
her rebellious colonies, was engaged in war with
France at the same time. She carried on the war
on this continent at great disadvantage, and it was
the policy of the mother country to use the savages
to harass the Americans.

That Tecumseh listened well to all he heard of cur-
rent events is shown in his after life, when he evinced

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I !

TECUMSEH.

a considerable knowledge of the past differences be-
tween the United States and England.

The news which came to the hearing of the boy
Tecumseh, as fresh as that which comes to us in our
newspapers to-day, consisted of accounts of perpetual
skirmishings, scalpings, and fightings. The successive
and exciting events of border warfare, in which the
Indians were very successful during Tecumseh's early-
childhood, entered fnto his education. His patriotic
feelings were all enlisted on the side of the Indians,
who were opposing themselves to the ever-increasing
stream of immigration which poured over the AUe-
ghanies during the last twenty-five years of the
eighteenth century, and which became a flood during
the first decade of the nineteenth.

Tecumseh was not more than six years old when
his father was killed, and his family were several
times sufferers from the war between the whites and
Indians. During all his childhood this fierce border
war was waging. Between 1783 and 1790, it Wcis
estimated that fifteen hundred men, women and chil-
dren were slain or taken captive by the Indians upon
the waters of the Ohio. The loss was also undoubt-
edly great on the Indian side, and the whites were
often ready to learn from the Indians lessons of inhu-
man cruelty and torture.

Tecumseh's childhood was thus rocked in the

THE CHILDHOOD OF TECUMSEH.

cradle of the Indian wars of the Revolutionary period,
and by all the strength of early impressions and
training he learned to love war, to regard the
English as allies, to hate the Americans, and to op-
pose himself to the tide of immigration west of the
AUeghanies.

Doubtless the boy Tecumseh, sitting by the camp-
fire and listening .o the stories of this savage war
and to reminiscences of the " good old times " when
the whites had not come among them with guns and
strong drink and the superfluous wants of civilization,
laid in his boyish mind the foundation for his great
plan, in the strong conviction that the whites had no
right to leave the home on the sea-shore, which the
Indians had allowed them, and to encroach still fur-
ther upon the wilderness^ He seems to have stored
up carefully all that he heard of broken trec-ties and
injuries inflicted on the Indians by their neighbors.
He certainly was well versed in all facts of this kind,
though he naturally did not take the same pains to
remember also the instances of perfidy on his own
side.

2»

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CHAPTER III.

WARS OF THE SHAWNEES IN TECUMSEH'S

CHILDHOOD.

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About the time of Tecumseh's birth (1768), the
Shawnee and Delaware nations concluded a peace
with the Cherokees, a Southern nation of Indians,
and remained at peace with both whites and Indians
until 1774. The cause of disturbance which sent
them on the war-path with the whites in this year
was the murder of Indians by lawless white men in
retaliation for the stealing of horses, without regard
to whether the Indians killed were the offenders or not.
The settlers along the frontier, feeling sure that the
Indians would avenge the death of their friends, pre-
pared for defence, and sent an express to the Assem-
bly of the colony of Virginia, then in session, asking
for assistance. Hostilities were begun by the cele-
brated Mingo chief, Logan, whose pathetic speech is
familiar to every schoolboy. He had always been
friendly to the whites, but, Indian-like, now de-
stroyed several settlers' families indiscriminately in
retaliation for the murder of his own relatives. The
Earl of Dunmore, at that time governor of Virginia,

WARS OF THE SHAWNEES.

raised several regiments west of the Blue Ridge,
which he placed under the command of General An-
drew Lewis, with instructions to proceed to the
mouth of the Great Kanawha River, where he was to
be joined by Lord Dunmore at the head of forces
raised in the interior. The Indians, consisting of
Shawnecs, Delawares, Mingos, and lowas, were
under the command of Cornstalk, a renowned Shaw-
nee chief General Lewis, after a march of nineteen
days through one hundred and sixty-five miles of
wilderness, reached the mouth of the Kanawha.
Kere he waited several days expecting the arrival
of Dunmore. He at length dispatched scouts over-
land to Pittsburg to see if anything could be heard
of the governor. Before the scouts returned, an
express arrived from Lord Dunmore, informing
Lewis that he had changed his plan and intended
to march directly against the Indian towns on the
Scioto. General Lewis, though not altogether pleased
with this change of plan, was preparing, early the
next morning, to obey the orders of the governor,
when he learned that a large body of Indians, which
"covered four acres of ground," was close at hand.
When Lewis, who was a man of remarkable cool-
ness, received this intelligence, he lighted his pipe
and ordered out two detachments to meet the en-
emy, one to march to the right, some distance from

Hill

TECUMSEH,

the Ohio, and the other to jjroceed along its bank.
About a mile from camp they met the Indians
under Cornstalk, by whom the two detachments
were almost simultaneously attacked, it being now
about sunrise.

The commanders of both these detachments being
in full uniform were soon severely wounded, one of
them mortally. The troops having been reinforced
from the reserve, the battle was waged stubbornly all
day long, and it is ranked among ** the most memo-
rable and well contested that has been fought on this
continent." The underbrush, ravines, and fallen trees
were favorable to the Indians. They succeeded in
carrying away their wounded and throwing most of
their dead into the Ohio, according to their universal
practice of concealing their slain in battle, whenever
possible.

There were many celebrated chiefs present at this
battle, among whom were Logan, Red Eagle, Elonip-
sico, and Cornstalk, who is styled " chief sachem of
the Shawnees and leader of the northern confeder-
acy." It is said that this chief, who was generally
friendly to the whites, had opposed this attack on
Cxeneral Lewis, but had been overruled. In battle
he fought with great bravery, being the floudest-
voiced and most conspicuous in encouraging the
Indians. When their linq^ began to waver he was

WARS OF THE SHAWNEES.

among them in a moment, crying, " Be strong ! "
" Be strong ! " He buried his tomahawk in the head
of one of his retreating warriors, and, shaming the
rest, completely rallied his forces.

It was during this day's battle that Tecumseh's
father, the chief Puckeshinwau, was killed. His eldest
son, Cheeseekau, fcught at his side. Toward the latter
part of the day, the Indian forces, having been at-
tacked in the rear by the Virginians, b'^.gan a slow
and orderly retreat, conducted by Cornscalk, the In-
dians advancing and falling back alternately, and
fighting stubbornly all the way. At length as night
came on the savages disappeared in the darkness.
After the battle they recrossed the Ohio and marched
to the valley of the Scioto. Here a council of war
was held to determine future movements. Cornstalk
rose in council and made this speech : " What shall
we do now ? The Long Knives (a name by which the
Indians called the whites because of their swords)
are coming upon us by two routes. Shall we turn
out and fight them ? " Here he made an impressive
pause, and no one answering he proceeded : " Shall
we kill all our women and children and then fight
until we are killed ourselves ? " All were silent.
TheivCornstalk, striking his tomahawk into the war-
post standing in the midst of the council, said with
great vehemence : " Since you are not inclined to

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TECUMSEH.

fight, I will go and make peace." And peace was
made.

Governor Dunmore had marched to within a few
miles of the camp, where he was met by messengers
from the Indians suing for peace. He sent an ex-
press to General. Lewis, who had crossed the Ohio
and was marching for the Shawnee towns on the
Scioto, ordering him to retreat across the river. The
general and his forces were so anxious to continue
the campaign and avenge the blood of their compan-
ions, that they disregarded the governor's order and
continued their march until Lord Dunmore met
them in person and repeated his command emphati-
cally.

Cornstalk was one of those able Indians of whom
the Shawnees had more than their proportion. He
was the earnest friend of the Moravian missions
among the Indians, and always encouraged any effort
which tended toward the moral and physical better-
ment of his people. He was also spoken of very
highly as an orator. When the treaty was concluded
between the Indians and Dunmore, Cornstalk made a
speech which showed his patriotism and sense of jus-
tice. He described the wrongs his people had suffer-
ed from the colonists, and contrasted the condition of
his nation before their intercourse with the whites,
with their degraded and miserable state at that time.

WARS OF THE SHAWNEES.

He spoke boldly of the dishonesty of the traders,
and proposed that no commerce with the Indians
should be carried on for individual profit, but that
honest men should be sent among them who would
trade for such things as they needed at a fair price ;
and, above all, that no "fire-water" of any kind
should be allowed to come among them.

This treaty with Governor Dunmore did not bring
a lasting peace. New difficulties were ever arising.
Cornstalk's friendship for the whites, and his desire
to avoid the disastrous effects of a war on his own
people, led him to his death. In 1777, two years
after the beginning of the Revolutionary War, an
offensive alliance was formed among the Indians
against Western Virginia. Cornstalk opposed this
with all his influence, but in vain. He determined to
give warning to the whites, in hope of thus prevent-
ing the war he so much dreaded for his people. He
went secretly to the fort at Point Pleasant, accom-
panied by Red Hawk, who was also friendly to the
whites, and another Indian. After fully explaining
all to the commander, he frankly said, in speaking of
the state of feeling among the Shawnecs : " The
current sets so strongly against the Americans, in
consequence of the agency of the British, that they
will float with it, I fear, in spite of all my exertions."

The commander, Captain Arbuckle, in violation

J- ^;-

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TECUMSEH.

of all good faith, detained the chiefs as hostages.
While they were there the officers in the fort held
many conversations with Cornstalk, and were much
surprised at his intelligence. He seemed to take
pleasure in giving them descriptions of his country.
One day as he was drawing a rude map on the floor
by way of illustration, a call was heard from the op-
posite shore, which he knew to be the voice of his
favorite son Elenipsico, a fine young Indian, who was
prominent in the battle at Kanawha. Elenipsico, at
his father's request, crossed the river and joined him
at the fort, where they greeted each other very affec-
tionately. Soon after two men belonging to the fort
went out hunting, and one of them having been
killed by some-Indians, the regiment to which he be-
longed rushed madly in to kill the captives at the
fort in revenge, believing Eleuipsico to have brought
with him the Indians who killed their friend. Corn-
stalk and his companions were warned by the inter-
preter's wife, who had been a captive among the In-
dians and felt an affection for them. Elenipsico
denied having anything to do with it, and seemed
much agitated, but his father encouraged him, saying,
** If the Great Spirit has sent you here to be killed,
you ought to die like a man." Which they both did,
being cruelly slain by the enraged soldiers.

CHAPTER IV.

THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR IN THE WEST-
COLONEL CLARK'S EXPEDITIONS.

The expedition of Colonel Clark against the Brit-
ish posts in the West illustrates so well the general
character of the West at that time, and the Western
methods of warfare, and is withal a story so full of
interest, that we give it briefly here. It has also cer-
tain relations to the life of Tecumseh, in so far as it
shows the early conflict between the United States
and Great Britain on this ground.

During the Revolutionary War the British wer«
in possession of many posts on the frontier, among
which was Kaskaskia, near the junction of the Kas-
kaskia River with the Mississippi, in what is now
the State of Illinois. This place was originally a
French post, founded in 1673, but it had been sur-
rendered to the British at the time of the fall of
Canada and the consequent overthrow of the French
power in America, and from this point the British
authorities during the Revolution furnished the In-
dians with the supplies which enablod them to harry
the American frontier.

■m

TECUMSEH.

In 1778, one of the first expeditions beyond the
Ohio was sent out from Virginia against Kaskaskia.
This expedition was placed under the command of
Colonel George Rogers Clark, a man of .t cour-
age, immense energy, and incredible powers of en-
durance. He had, besides, a peculiar talent for
Indian warfare. Indians seldom fight in the open
battle-field. Their great strength lies in surprises.
They make sudden movements and plan ambus-
cades with great craft. A lack of attention to these
peculiarities of a savage foe caused Braddock's de-
feat and many other disasters. But the skillful fron-
tier man, in all border skirmishes, adopted ^ Indian
methods. In nearly all frontier conflicts the iiumber
of men killed and wounded was small. Men were
scarce, and craft took the place of force. Many of
the expeditions sent from the East after that of
Colonel Clark, were disastrous failures, from the fact
that the large forces of regulars would march into
the country, allowing the wary Indians time to pre-
pare traps into which the troops would blindly
march only to be cut to pieces.

The object of Clark's expedition was kept a profound
secret. A regiment was authorized to be raised for
the protection of the Western frontier, and the confi-
dence in Colonel Clark was so great that no trouble
was found in raising three hundred men without delay.

COLONEL CLARK'S EXPEDITIONS.

This little force made a wilderness journey of
more than a thousand miles. They crossed the
mountains of the Monongahcla and descended by
water to the Falls of the Ohio. Here they were
met by some Kentucky volunteers ; for no conflict,
great or small, took place on the Western frontier in
which the warlike Kentuckians did not have a part.
The expeditionary force then proceeded down the
Ohio to a point about sixty miles above its mouth,
where they hid their boats to prevent their being dis-
covered by the Indians. Clark's little army was now
one hundred and thirty miles from Kaskaskia, and
the country to L 2 traversed — what is now Southern
Illinois — was, in its wild state, almost impassable.
Through this low prairie, covered with a dense vege-
tation, the brave colonel marched at the head of his
men, his rifle on his shoulder and his provisions on
his back. They waded through or crossed by the
quickest means available the numerous streams and
morasses on their route. They marched two days
after their provisions were exhausted, and arrived
before the fortifications of Kaskaskia in the night.
The long march had been accomplished without
alarming either the English or the Indians ; no one
had suspected his coming. Clark halted, formed his
men, and delivered a short and pointed speech, of
which the substance was that "the town was to

Trgn

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TECUMSEH.

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be taken at all events." But the surprise was so
great that the capture was effected by stratagem,
without resistance, on the night of the lourth of July.
The inhabitants were closely shut within their houses,
to prevent intelligence of the arrival of the Ameri-
cans becoming known in the other settlem.^nts. A
detachment was mounted on the horses of the
country and immediately pushed on up the Missis-
sippi to surprise the villages there. They were all
taken as secretly and suddenly as Kaskaskia, and the
power of Great Britain was entirely broken in the
Mississippi River country, by the sudden onslaught
of a few hundred men.

Winning the favor of the French at Kaskaskia by
kindness and shrewd management, dark get them
to take the oath of allegiance to the United States.
Then he dispatched a friendly priest, Father Gibault,
to sound the people at Vincennes, an old French set-
tlement on the Wabash which had become a British
post, and which now lay between Clark and the
American settlements.

Through the influence of this priest in the absence
of the governor, Vincennes declared for the Ameri-
cans; but on the approach of Governor Hamilton
with a British force, the American captain, who
with one private soldier constituted the garrison,
was forced to surrender. By planting a loaded can-

COLONEL CLARK'S EXPEDITIONS.

non in the gate of the fort, and standing over it with
a lighted match, the commander of this little garri-
son of two extorted the honors of war from his
captor.

Vincennes, having been considered within reach of
an attack from the Americans, had been strongly-
fortified, and was now well garrisoned, and under
the command of the English governor, Hamilton,
an experienced and excellent officer. He proposed
to march upon Clark as soon as possible, with a
certainty of success, for his force was greatly superior
to that of the Americans, and he had also under his
command a body of six hundred Indian warriors.
The season was such, however, as to make any move-
ment seem entirely impracticable. The interven-
ing country is low and level, and the rivers and
streams overflow their banks during heavy rains.
They were by this time greatly swollen. The British
commander reasc. ed that Colonel Clark would also
be unable to move for the same reason that detained
him, and that upon the shores of the Mississippi no
reinforcements could by any possibility reach him
from the distant settlements. As soon as the
streams should fall in the spring, Hamilton proposed
to attack the Americans at Kaskaskia with the assur-
ance of success ; and had Clark been a regular mili-
tary officer, or a common man accustomed to regard

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,18? llH,' ill!

TECUMSEH.

difficulties or even to respect impossibilities, Governor
Hamilton's plans would have been sure to bring
victory.

He reckoned badly, however, in feeling sure that
anything could detain so impetuous a man as Clark
anywhere. Shrewdly guessing what were the pur-
poses of the British governor, and having been in-
formed of the size of Hamilton's force, he quickly
saw that to await his arrival at Kaskaskia would be
fatal. The other expedient was almost equally des-
perate; but he decided, in spite of all obstacles, to be
himself the first to attack.

To carry out this arduous undertaking he would
have to pass, without a road, through o::e hundred
and sixty miles of " fertile soil, whose light, spongy
loam, saturated with water, afforded no firm footing
to the steps of the soldiery, and to cross the Kaskas-
kia, the Little Wabash, the Embarras, ?nd the Great
Wabash Rivers, besides a number of their tributa-
ries, all of which were swollen and margined by
wide belts of inundated land." He began the march
for Vincennes, however, having nothing but a few
pack-horses and the backs of the soldiers on which
to carry his provisions and ammunition. This march
was made in eleven weary days of plodding through
mud and water, the troops sleeping at night without
shelter on the damp ground. At one time the men

COLONEL CLARK S EXPEDITIONS.

refused to march through an icy river. Clark mount-
ed a little drummer boy on the shoulder of a tall ser-
gCc'.nt, and ordered the one to beat a march while the
other proceeded into the water. Clark drew bis
sword and fell in behind the sergeant, crying, " For-
v/ard ! " The men were amused and elated by the
scene, and of course followed the commander. This
dauntless man had each of the companies give a
" feast " on successive nights of the march, to which
the others were invited. By means of these frolics
the men were made to forget the awful perils and
hardships of their march.

, At last they reached the Great Wabash River,
which of itself seemed a barrier quite impassable.
On the high eastern shore of its bank stood the En-
glish fort with the swift current of the river sweeping
around its foot, while the western shore was low and
full of treacherous quicksands, where Hall, in his
" Sketches of the West," says he has seen the horse
sink under his rider and become instantly buried in
the mire. The prairie was now covered for five
miles with water, in some places too deep for fording,
in others too shallow for boats. Clark hesitated for
no difficulties. It took him five days to get his now
starving and exhausted troops across this waste of
water, maneuvering successfully to conceal his forces
from the enemy by keeping as nearly under shelter

■' ■ a

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III !

»!-lll

TECUMSEH.

of the timber as possible, sometimes wading breast-
deep, and at other times using canoes or constructing
rafts. At one time when the men faltered he diverted
them by blacking his face with powder, giving a
war-whoop, and making them follow his example.
Having at last achieved the passage of the river he
appeared before Vincennes, surprising the post as com-
pletely as he had surprised the more western forts.

Before attacking the post he sent secretly the fol-
lowing characteristic letter to the French inhabitants
of the town. One cannot but smile now at this man-
ifesto of a commander whose troops had eaten almost
nothing for five days, and who were now to contend
with a force greatly superior, a part of which was
composed of Indians who would show no mercy in
case they were victorious :

" 2'o the Inhabilants of Post Vincennes,

" Gentlemen : Being now within two miles of your vil-
lage with my army, determined to take your Fort this
night, and not being willing to surprise you, I take this
method to request such of you as are tr"e citizens and
willing to enjoy the liberty I bring you, to remain still in
your houses. And those, if any there are, that are friends
to the King, will instantly repair to the Fort, and join the
Hair-Buyer General, and fight like men. And if any
such as do not go to the Fort shall be discovered after-
wards, they may depend on severe punishment. On the
contrary, those who are true friends to liberty will be well
treated. G. R. Clark."

COLONEL CLARK'S EXPEDITIONS.

The nick-name of Hair-Buyer General applied td
tlie English commander doubtless refers to the British
use of the Indians as allies, and the practice, on the
part of the savages, of scalping those who fell into
their hands. It is but fair to state that Hamilton was
a courteous and magnanimous gewtleman, notwith-
standing Clark's contempt. The latter, like manjr
other brave and patriotic soldiers, was not remarka-
ble for observing the courtesies of life, nor indeed for
personal culture. His spelling is very eccentric. He
speaks of himself as having been very much " ad/u-
tated " at one time ; he says *' atacted," and hb
receives '* intiligence." But it does not take the ed-
ucation of the schools to make a daring and skillful
frontier commander, and this last he was.

By repeating Hannibal's stratagem of marching
his few soldiers roimd and round so as to make them
seem many more than they were, and by a series of
tricks, some of which seemed almost like practiqal
jokes and school-boy pranks, he outwitted the En-
glish commander in every way. He had so few men
that he could ill afford to Ipse one, and another forc^
that he had sent round by water had not yet conie.
He kept his men under shelter, had them now fire
rapidly and then slacken, so as to seem to be reliev-
ing one party with another. After a particularly
hot fire the men would shout and laugh as though it

•r- \i\

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TECUMSEH.

were only play. Fearing that some important dis-
patches intended for him had fallen into the enemy's
hands and would be destroyed, he concluded to force
a surrender at once, if possible. The demand was
made with characteristic effrontery, as follows :

" Sir : In order to save yourself from the impending
storm that threatens you, I order you immediately to sur-
render yourself, with all your garrison, stores, &c., &c. ;
for if I am obliged to storm, you may depend on such
treatment as is justly due a murderer. Beware of destroy-
ing stores of any kind, or any papers or letters that are in
your possession, or hurting one house in town, for, by
Heavens ! if you do, there shall be no mercy shown you.

"G. R. Clark.
"To Gov. Hamilton."

Hamilton refused to surrender, but soon after pro-
posed a truce. This Clark refused, making up in
assurance what he lacked in force. Colonel Hamil-
ton at last capitulated, surrendering to Clark a force
much more numerous than the attacking party. By
this victory the great north-western region was added
to the territory of the United States.

Two years later the border war came directly to
Tecumseh's own home, in an affair that must have
left a strong impression on the boy's mind. The
Indian village of Piqua, picturesquely situated on a
precipitous cliff overlooking the Mad River, and bor-
dered by a beautiful prairie, was then quite populous.
It is said that there was within its limits a rude log

COLONEL CLARK'S EXPEDITIONS.

fort surrounded with pickets, and more than two
hundred acres of corn and other vegetables had
been planted there by the Indians.

This time Colonel Clark led an expedition of a
thousand Kentuckians against the Shawnees residing
on the Great Miami. He dropped upon them sud-
denly, as was his fashion, and they had scarcely time
to send to the woods for safety their squaws and
children, among whom, no doubt, was the young
Tecumseh. Though they defended their cabins for a
time, their villages were burned and the corn-fields
destroyed. "This seems," says James Hall, with
great justice, "to have been the most effectual
method for bridling the ferocity of the Indians ; the
death of a portion of their warriors only increased
their fury, but the destruction of their villages and
corn-fields chilled their courage by showing them
that war could be carried to their homes, while it
crippled their military power by forcing them to
engage in hunting to support their families."

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Si!j!lii||

iiiiiii

i II

liK li

iiii:

CHAPTER V.

EARLY BATTLES AND ADVENTURES OF

TECUMSEH.

In 1786, Captain Benjamin Logan led a party of
mounted men against the villages of Machachacs (or
Mequacakes), one of the four tribes into which the
Shawnees were divided at that time, and who lived
on the waters of the Mad River. His attack was
made on the villages while most of the warriors were
absent, which may account for the fact that two In-
dian youths, who afterwards became distinguished
on opposite sides, should have been among those
who defended the villages at this time. In one of
Logan's skirmishes, near .vhere the city of Dayton
now stands, Tecumseh, who was not more than six-
teen or eighteen years of age, came under fire for
the first time. He was under the charge of his
brother, the distinguished brave Cheeseekau. It is
said that the boy Tecumseh took fright and fled. A
similn.r story is told of the great Seneca chief. Red
Jacket, and of Frederick the Great. This is the only
instance on record in which Tecumseh showed fear or
lost his presence of mind in peril.

EARLY BATTLES OF TECUMSEH.

In this same skirmish, or in some other during
this expedition, Captain Logan captured Spemica
Lawba, who afterwards took Logan's own name and
became celebrated, not hke Tecumseh, as the enemy
of the white man, but as his friend. Captain Logan
having entered a village from which the warriors
were mostly absent, captured, with slight resistance,
thirty prisoners, mostly women and children. But
after the conclusion of the battle he was much an-
noyed by arrows shot by somiD one with an aim so
good as to greatly harass the men. Search was
made in the tall grass about the village until an
Indian boy was discovered with bow and quiver,
boldly persecuting the enemies of his people, though
he fought single-handed. He was made prisoner,
and lived in Captain Logan's family for some years,
until he was exchanged and returned to his own
people. His name, Spemica Lawba, meant ** The
High Horn," but after his captivity he was always
known as Logan, and was ever afterward a steadfast
friend of the whites. He is not to be confounded
with Logan, the famous Mingo chief.

The services which Logan was able to render to
the whites in the war of 1 8 1 2, were many and bril-
liant; but there was one earlier enterprise of this
most friendly and faithful savage that deserves men-
tion here.

r't

' , If <

TECUMSEH.

i[ ' [

ill!!:

liiWil

The Indians around Fort Wayne had been show-
ing signs of hostility, and the whites thought best
to remove the women and children, of whom there
were twenty-five, to a better protected place in Ohio.
This defenceless party was intrusted to the care and
guidance of Logan. After nearly a hundred miles
of perilous travel he brought them safely to their
destination. His sense of responsibility in this diffi-
cult and delicate mission was so great that he is said
not to have slept during the whole time of its per-
formance.

Tecumseh, a little later, took part in an attack
made by the Indians on some flatboats descending
the Ohio. The greater part of the commerce of the
Ohio River was, until very recent times, carried on
by large flatboats of peculiar construction, often
more than a hundred feet in length. These covered
flatboats, which still float on the large Western rivers,
are propelled by great oars, that require from two
to four men to the oar, and are moved by the men
walking forward on the deck of the boat as they
push the oars through the water. So that each boat
needs a crew of six or more. In the time of peril
from the Indians several of these boats were lashed
together in order that the force for defense might be
greater. The flatboat men and keelboat men of that
day led adventurous and dangerous lives. Voyag-

c/)

•.

" 1:

EARLY BATTLES OF TECUMSEH.

ing down the great Ohio and Mississippi Rivers,
they were a prey to the Indians and the fierce out-
laws who infested the river and the wilds of Tennes-
see and Kentucky, through which their return jour-
ney by land was made.

If Tecumseh had manifested any lack of bravery
and coolness in his previous battle, he seemed deter-
mined to wipe out the stain this time, for he showed
such courage as to leave in the background some of
the oldest and bravest warriors in the party. The
boats were captured and the men all killed with the
exception of one, who was taken prisoner and burnt
according to the barbarous Indian custom. Tecum-
seh silently witnessed the revolting scene, it being
his first experience of the kind. When it was over,
the youth expressed his abhorrence of it, and made
the Indians so eloquent and forceful a speech that
they all agreed with him in saying that they never
would burn another prisoner. And it is believed
that none of the party were ever afterward guilty
of participation in this fiendish practice. Nothing
could better indicate Tecumseh's wonderful power
over men. It was a very extraordinary thing for a
mere stripling to succeed in persuading Indians to
renounce a custom so fixed and so suited to the sav-
agery of the Indian temper. From this battle dates
the beginning of Tecumseh's renown as a brave. In

TECUMSEII,

mwm

III

hunting, which is the chief occupation of an Indian,
he early became famous.

About 1787, when he could not have been more
than nineteen years of age, he and his brother Chee-
fieekau, with a party of Kiscopokes — moved no doubt
b}'' the impulse to wander which was so strong in all
of the Shawnees — started westward on an expedition
in search of adventure.

They stopped for some time on the Mississinewa
River, in what is now the north-eastern part of In-
diana. Here the young men were near home. After
some months, growing bolder or more vagrant in
disposition, they crossed the country westwa^-d and
encamped on the Mississippi, opposite the mouth of
Apple Creek. After remaining for eight or nine
months, they started toward the country of the Che-
rokees, traveling to the south through Illinois to the
Ohio River, where they engaged in a buffalo hunt,
in which Tecumseh was thrown from his horse and
had his thigh broken. This accident detained them
for several months opposite Fort Massac. After his
recovery they continued their wanderings southward
under the lead of Cheeseekau. On their arrival in
the Cherokee country they found that tribe at war
With the whites. With true Shawnee love of battle
and adventure, they offered to join the Cherokees in
their attack on a fort, the name of which is unI:nown.

I I'll:

EARLY BATTLES OF TECLMSEH.

A day or two before the assp.uit took place, if we
may believe the story, Cheeseekau made a speech to
his followers, in which he predicted that at a certain
hour on a certain morning they would reach the fort,
and he would be shot in the forehead and killed. He
told them that they would succeed in the attack,
however, if they persevered. They tried to induce
him to turn back from the urdertaking, but he re-
fused. Cheeseekau was killed according to his pre-
sentiment. He fell with true Shawnee fanaticism, re-
joicing that it was his lot to die in battle, and saying
that he did not want to be buried at home like an old
woman, but preferred that the fowls of the air should
pick his bones. The Indians, always superstitious,
were panic-stricken, and fled in spite of the attempts
of Tecumseh and the Cherokee leaders to rally them.

The young Tecumseh had not yet had enough of
this adventurous li'e. He remained in the South
nearly two years. After his brother's death he seems
naturally to have taken the lead of his party. He
told th':;m that he was determined not to return to
his own country until he had done something worthy
of being told. So he took with him eight or ten men,
and going to the nearest settlement he attacked a
house, killed all the men, and took the women and
children prisoner*;.

Such is the adventure which an Indian could re-

' a

'St i

TECUMSEH.

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count with pride around the camp-fire on his return
home. Tecumseh visited many of the Southern
tribes at this time, probably learning something of
their languages, and gaining acquaintance and a rep-
utation among them as a brave, which was of use in
his visit to them in after life, when he was forming
his great confederacy. During the whole time he
led a daring life, joining in many forays of the
Southern tribes. His encampment was three times
attacked in the night, but so great was his careful-
ness, and so excellent his judgment in the choice of
a camping-ground, that no advantage was gained
over him. At one time a party of thirty whites
attacked him. Tecumseh, who had not yet laid
down, was dressing some meat. He was on his feet
in an instant, and ordered his little band to follow
him. Under Tecumseh's lead, they rushed boldly
upon the whites and killed two, putting the rest to
flight by the sheer impetuosity of their charge, with-
out the loss of a man. Tecumseh at last set out for
his own country with eight followers. On th'^ir
homeward journey they went through Western Vir-
ginia. Crossing the Ohio near the mouth of the
gcioto River, th^^ /isited the Machachac villages on
Mad River ; thence they went to the Auglaize,
which they reached in the fall of 1 790, having been
absent from Ohio for three years.

CHAPTER VI.

DEFEAT OF HARMER AND ST. CLAIR.

If Tecumseh had a budget of adventure to relate
to his friends around the camp-fires, the Indians in
Ohio had, on their part, the fresh news of a great
victory to recount. Just preceding Tecumseh's
return, a battle between General Harmer and the
Indians had bcv-n fought. It was now seven years
since the close of the Revolutionary War, but the
English still held posts in the Western country. It
had been stipulated, when the independence of the
United States was acknowledged by Great Britain,
that Americans should be held responsible for debts
due to British subjects, which had been contracted
before the war and repudiated after the Revolution
began. But under the earlier form of government,
the United States could not enforce the collection of
these debts in opposition to statutes enacted by the
several States to defeat the British creditor. This
failure of our government to comply with one of the
stipulations of the treaty gave the British govern^
ment a pretext for refusing to surrender the frontier
posts^ the holding of which kept the profitable fur

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"ill

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TECUMSEH.

trade in "the hands of English traders. These posts
were not surrendered until a new treaty had been
made, in 1794. Meantime the presence of this semi-
hostile military power, and of the English traders,
kept the Indians in a state of constant enmity to the
growing American settlements at the West.

Harmer had been sent into the West at the head
of about three hundred Federal troops and over
eleven hundred Kentucky volunteers. The sole
object of this expedition was to penetrate into the
Miami country and to destroy the corn-fields of the
Indians. This it accomplished successfully ; and had
ft attempted nothing more, all would have been well.
The forces were about to return, when some In-
dians were seen. Colonel Hardin, the commander
of the Kentucky troops, was sent out in pursuit, with
a small detachment. He followed the enemy for six
juiles directly into a trap. The Indians had retreated,
acnd after dividing themselves into two parties, had
Countemiarched at some distance on either side of
their own trail, and then approached it, concealing
themselves in the - all grass. When Colonel Hardin
and his men had walked into this snare, the savages
suddenly appeared on all sides and fired upon the
troops. Hardin bravely tried to rally his panic-
stridvcn men, but the Indians were greatly superior
in numbers to this detachm^t, and they charged

DEFEAT OF HARMER AND ST. CLAIR.

upon the soldiers with gun and tomahawk, destroying
all but those who saved themselves by flight.

Two days later the army again set out on its re-
turn. After marching about ten miles from the
ruined villages, Harmer sent back Colonel Hardin
with a detachment of four or five hundred militia
and about sixty regulars to the principal towns,
where he supposed the scattered Indians would
gather on the departure of the troops. But by this
movement Harmer again foolishly divided his army.
There were only a few Indians found at the village,
however, who fled on being attacked. The un.iis-
ciplined militia, eager for revenge, rushed off with-
out orders in pursuit of them, leaving the regulars at
the village. It was for some such subdivision that
the wily savages were waiting. No sooner were
the regular troops left alone than an immense num-
ber of Indians rose from an ambuscade. A fierce
battle followed, the enraged Indians throwing aside
guns and fighting with tomahawks, and the Amer-
icans with their bayonets, with which they made
great havoc in the Indian ranks for a time. The
savages greatly outnumbered them, however, and
these brave troops and tbiir commander, Major
Willis, were slain almost to the very last man.
The militia had been recalled, but though they
fought a brave battle, and themselves suffered con-

!. ) !

M*!-F

TECUMSEH.

siderable loss, they were too late to relieve the reg-
ulars. They retired at last in good order before
the superior numbers of the savages, who attacked
their ranks "like demons."

In this victory over General Harmer, Blue Jacket,
an influential Shawnee chief, and Little TurHe, a
chief of the Miamis, commanded the Indians.

The year following Tecumseh's return he spent
in hunting. In the fall of 1791, news reached
the Indians that General St. Clair was preparing to
march into their country. The young warrior Te-
cumseh was sent out with a party of spies to watch
the movements of this new expedition. St. Clair,
a brave and veteran soldier, began his march cau-
tiously at the head of fourteen hundred troops.
Two forts were erected about forty miles apart, on
the route, for places of deposit, and to secure safety
in case of retreat. While Tecumseh and his party
were lying on Nettle Creek, a stream which flows
into the Great Miami, St. Clair passed out through
Greenville to the head waters of the Wabash. In
this way it happened that Tecumseh, acting as a
scout, did not participate in the battle itself

General St. Clair, who had no skill in Indian war-
fare, was suddenly, at a moment when he fancied
himself secure, attacked on all sides by an over-
whelming force of Indians, who had long been

-««f A K-.}l

DEFEAT OF HARMER AND ST. CLAIR.

hanging upon his flanks, and had thus become
thoroughly acquainted with the numbers and dis-
position of his troops. The soldiers fought bravely,
but seeing themselves environed on all sides by
countless hordes of savages, they became panic-
stricken and fled, pursued by the Indians, who filled
the air with demoniac yells, while they killed all they
could lay their hands on. Weary with slaughter,
they turned back at last to enjoy the plunder of
the deserted camp.

The troops had been formed in close order; a
plan which was always bad, and which was wholly
given up in Indian warfare after this disaster. The
close order of the whites gave the Indians a great
advantage, and St. Clair's loss in this defeat amounted
to nearly eight hundred, while it is supposed that
the Indian loss did not much exceed ten men. The
whole country was plunged into grief and conster-
nation by this overthrow of an army regarded as
well-nisfh invincible.

I ?

CHAPTER VII.

SKIRMISHES WITH THE W HITES— TECUMSEH

AND KENTON.

"J!

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In'l '

In the month of December, 1792, Tecumseh was
encamped with ten warriors and a boy, near a place
called Big Rock. As the party sat smoking around
their camp-fire, early in the morning, they were
suddenly fired upon by a company of whites of
nearly three times their number, under command
of Robert McClelland. Tecumseh instantly gave
the war-whoop, and the Indians sprang to their
feet and returned the fire. He told the boy to run,
but looking around saw Black Turkey, one of his
warriors, running also. Tecumseh angrily called
him back, and although he was a hundred yards
away when Tecumseh saw him, he obeyed the order
and joined in the fight. Two whites were killed, of
whom one was slain by Tecumseh himself McClel-
land's party retreated, and while following them Te-
cumseh broke the trigger to his gun, and then gave
over the pursuit. The Indians came off with a loss

SKIRMISHES WITH THE WHITES.

of but tv'O wounded, one of whom was the runaway,
Black Turkey.

In Tecumseh's next adventures he came into con-
flict with Simon Kenton, one of the most famous of
all the frontier men and Indian fighters. In March,
1792, some horses were stolen from settlements in
Kentucky by Indians. A party of thirty-six whites
immediately gathered to pursue the marauders, and
of this party Kenton was the leader. Following the
trail of the Indians they crossed the Ohio River by
means of rafts, and continued to follow the Indian
trail all the next day in bad weather and over wet
ground. The following morning twelve men were
permitted to return, being unable to continue the
pursuit. The remaining twenty-four still followed
the trail until about eleven in the morning, when
they heard the tinkling of a bell, such as the frontier
men were accustomed to tie on the necks of their
horses. Supposing themselves to be near an Indian
encampment, all unnecessary articles of clothing and
baggage were laid aside, and two detachments sent
ahead to reconnoiter. The scouts advancing found
that the sound of the bell was coming nearer. A halt
was ordered, and the whites saw a solitary Indian ap-
proaching them. He was dispatched, and the scouts
were again sent forward by Kenton, who felt sure of
finding an Indian encampment close at hand. This

TECUMSEH.

they soon discovered on a fork of the Little Miami.
But the Indian force appeared to be so large that on
calling a council it was thought best to retire until
night came on, if a retreat could be effected with-
out discovery. This was done, two scouts being
left to watch the enemy's camp. At night, the men
being wet and cold, the party was marched into a
ravine, where a fire could be built without danger of
discovery by means of the smoke.

The men were then divided into three divisions,
which were to attack the Indians simultaneously.
They had approached very near the camp when an
7 idian rose and stirred the fire. For fear of discov-
ery he was instantly shot, and the attack began. The
whites had chosen " Boone " for their watchword.
This choice of a watchword was unfortunate, for
Boone's was a name which the savages had many
good reasons for knowing, and which was indeed
quite as familiar to their ears as to those of the whites.
The attack was made after midnight, and it was very
dark. In a few moments the whites and Indians
were mingled together; wild and confusing cries of
" Boone," and " Che Boone," arose on all sides from
both parties. Kenton expected the Indians to be
panic-stricken at the first dash of a night attack, but
the presence of Tecumseh had prevented this. At
the first alarm he had rushed forward and Iv'Ued a

SKIRMISHES WITH THE WHITES.

«7

white man with his war-club, and his presence of
mind and the confidence of the Indians in his leader-
ship quite defeated Kenton's hopes. By some it is
said that Kenton discovered another camp on the
opposite bank of the riv-*- buv 'hat account is the
more probable which teh, .ow u* he melee an In-
dian fell into the water; the splashing which he
made led the whites to believe that reinforcements
were coming. Kenton accordmgly ordered a retreat
after a few minutes of fighting. They were pursued
by the Indians through the remainder of the night
and a part of the next day.

On the day previous to this battle one of the white
men had succeeded in catching an Indian horse,
which he had tied in the rear of the camp. When a
retreat was ordered he mounted this horse and rode
off. Early the following morning Tecumseh and
four of his men started out in pursuit of the retreat-
ing Kentuckians. Discovering this man's trail, they
followed him, and at last came upon him where he
had stopped to cook some meat. He fled at sight
of the Indians, two of whom with Tecumseh pursued
him. Seeing that they would inevitably overtake
him, he turned and aimed his gun at them. The
two Indians who were in advance of Tecumseh im-
mediately sprang behind trees, but Tecumseh rushed
up and took him prisoner. He w^g tied and taken

i., 'fl '•' r I

TECUMSEH.

back to camp. Tecumsch then asked some of the
Indians to catch the horses, but as they seemed un-
willing to do it, he went himself with one other.

When he returned to the camp, he found that his
men had killed the prisoner. At this he was very
indignant, angrily denouncing it as cowardly to kill
a helpless captive. In this matter of the treatment
of prisoners, he was always far more humane than
the savages, and indeed more humane than many
of the white settlers.

Tecumseh's next skirmish was with another party
under Kenton. In 1793, a party of thirty-three men
was formed to cut off some Indians who had attack-
ed settlements in Kentucky, and were returning
through Ohio with their prisoners. In this expedi-
tion Kenton commanded one of the three divisions
into which the small party were divided. After
crossing the Ohio River, they encamped near Paint
Creek. Soon after their halt for the night, a noise
was heard, and an Indian camp was discovered close
at hand. This camp was not that of the marauders,
but of Tecumseh, who with a few followers, accom-
panied by their women and children, was engaged
in hunting on the banks of this creek. The whites
reconnoitered and found that the Indian horses were
between them and the Indian camp. It was decided
that no attack should be made on the Indians until

SKIRMISHES WITH THE WHITES.

«9

it should be light enough to shoot accurately. The
plan was for each of the three bodies of men to place
themselves on different sides of the encampment,
which would then be guarded, as the creek was on
the fourth side. The Kentuckians marched to the
enemy's camp very early. Before two of the parties
had reached their positions, a dog barked among
the Indians, and a gun was fired. On this alarm,
the whites instantly began their attack, the men
rushing to their positions ; but the plan was entirely
deranged by the first party's having taken th^^ wrong
side of the camp. It is said that Tccumseh called
out to his warriors, of whom their were but six or
seven, that the women and children must be defend-
ed. The Indians sent back the battle cry, and in-
stantly "treed," in Western parlance — that is, con-
cealed themselves behind trees. It was still quite
dark, and a good deal of random shooting and much
Indian shouting was done with little effect. At this
time Tecumseh sent some of his men around to the
rear of the whites to get the horses ; these were
brought to the front without discovery, and the In-
dians all quickly mounted and rode away, carrying
with them their only wounded man, a white man by
the name of John Ward. He had been captured
when three years old by the Indians, among whom
he had grown up, married, and raised several chil-

""fa

4h^

TECUMSEH.

dren. Curiously enough, he was the brother of
one of the men associated in this expedition with
Simon Kenton. John Ward died of the wound re-
ceived in this fight. So strange were the vicissitudes
of border life in that day.

iii

CHAPTER VIII. '

A SKETCH OF SIMON KENTON.

Simon Kenton lived one of the most eventful
of lives, and there is no frontier man whose adven-
tures give us a more vivid picture of bonier warfare,
and of the relations of the settlers and Indians at the
time of Tecumseh's advent, than his. In the present
chapter, therefore, we turn aside from Tecumseh to
give a sketch of some incidents in the life of one who
was several times his antagonist. Kenton fled from
Virginia at seventeen years of age, in consequence of
a fight with a young man who v/as his rival in the
affections of a country belle. The girl had been
unable to decide between the two ; or what is more
likely, had preferred the glory of having her lovers
fight it out. Kenton was but sixteen when the fight
took place, and, owing to foul play on the part of
the friends of his robust rival, he had been beaten.
A year after he sought another fight, in which his
antagonist, after throrwing him, kicked and taunted
him brutally. He however managed in the moment
of his humiliation to tie his enemy's hair, which was
very long, to some brush, after which he beat him

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TECUMSExI.

■•liiliii

5IHIi!|l

most unmercifully. Believing that the man would
die from the effects of the beating, Kenton fled to the
West and assumed the name of Butler. Here he
became renowned as a hunter and Indian fighter.
One of his adventures will illustrate the character
of the backwoodsman and that of the ordinary-
Indian, who was quite different from the exceptional
man like Tecumseh.

About 1777, Kenton, who was acting as a scout
under Boone, was sent in this capacity with two
other men to a Shawnee town on the Little Miami. In
this adventure, the spies made off with a number of
Indian horses. They were discovered and chased by
the Indians. The captured horses were led by two
men, who rode in front, while the other one rode
in the rear, lashing the horses with a whip to keep
them up to time. They dashed through the woods
thus, hearing behind them the cries of the pursuing
Indians. They rode forward, aiming a straight
course for the Ohio River, during the whole night,
without f,topping to rest, and after halting but
a short time in the morning traveled all that day
and the foUowIxig night. They thus reached the
river far ahead of their pursuers. Its waters, how-
ever, were so rough that it was impossible to force
the animals to cross. They were unwilling to let
them go, however, in order to save their ^ own lives.

SIMON KENTON.

" Death or captivity might be tolerated, but the loss
of so beautiful a lot of horses, after having worked
so hard for them, was not to b*^ thought of."

The Indians were upon them at the close of twen-
ty-four hours which they had wasted on this spot
Kenton's gun flashed when he fired, and he tried to
save himself by running through the woods, but an
Indian soon galloped up near him, extending his
hand and calling out affectionately, " Brother ! broth-
er !" Kenton said afterwards that if his gun, which
was wet, would have made fire he would have
**brothered" him to his heart's content. Making
him promise good treatment, however, Kenton sur-
rendered. He then received many proofs of broth-
erly kindness, the Indians using their ramrods over
his head and exclaiming with indignation, " Steal
Indian hoss, hey ! " Meantime, one of Kenton's
friends was shot while bravely riding to his rescue,
but the other made good his escape.

The captors secured their prisoner for the night by
forcing him to lie upon his back and putting a stout
pole across his breast, to which they fastened his
wrists with thongs made of buffalo hide His feet
were then made fast in the same manner to stakes
driven into the ground. A halter was tied around
his neck and secured to a sapling growing near.
Finally a strong rope was passed around his breast

TECUMSEH.

iii!i|

and tied to the stick to which his arms had been fas-
tened, his elbows also being tied to this pole. While
this operation was being performed they boxed his
ears soundly, calling him **A tief! a hoss steal! a
rascal !" and swearing profusely at the same time.
For, as the author of ** Western Adventure " says,
"all the Western Indians had picked up a good
many English words, particularly our oaths, which,
from the frequency with which they were used by
our hunters and traders, they probably looked upon
as the very root and foundation of the English lan-
guage."

The Indians with their prisoner were three days
in reaching their village of Chillicothe. During the
night he was confined in the way described, and in
the day time was tied, for their amusement, on a
fine, wild, and entirely unbroken colt, which was one
of the horses the Indians had recovered from Ken-
ton's party.

When they came near Chillicothe, the party halted
and a messenger was sent forward to inform the vil-
lage of their arrival. A chief by the name of Black-
fish soon came to meet them. He regarded Kenton
seve/ely.

"You have been stealing horses?" he shouted, in
good English.

" Yes, sir," answered Kenton.

SIMON KENTON.

"Did Captain Boone tell you to steal our horses?'*
demanded the chief.

"No, sir; I did it of my own accord," said
Kenton.

This enraged Blackfish so that he applied a
hickory stick with great force to Kenton's back
and shoulders.

On nearing the village he saw all the inhabitants,
men, women, and children down to the smallest,
running to meet him. He was now greeted with
torrents of abuse, and demands that he should be
immediately tied to the stake. This operation was
soon performed, the squaws assisting in it. They
then danced around him until midnight, whooping
and yelling, striking him freely ^vith their hands and
vv'th switches. They reserved the pleasure of burn-
ing him, however, until another time.

The following day he was made to run the gaunt-
let. -In this operation, a double row of men, women,
and boys extended about a quarter of a mile, each
holding some instrument of torture, such as clubs,
switches, hoe-handles, and tomahawks. At the be-
ginning of the line stood two warriors with butcher-
knives in their hr*nds, while at the end an Indian was
beating a drum. A little beyond the drum was
the council-house. The prisoner is forced to run the
Icngdi of this line, between the double row of wcU-

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TECUMSEII.

applied Indian vengeance, taking refuge in the coun-
cil-house.

The race being over, a council was held to decide
the question of whether the prisoner should be im-
mediately burned or taken first to the other villages
and exhibited to the tribes. The warriors sat en-
tirely silent, in a ring on the floor of the council-
house, while the vote was taken. The nianner of this
was to pass a war-club around the circle. Those who
were in favor of postponing the execution were to
pass the club on in silence, while those who were
" contrary minded " were to strike it violently on the
ground.

An Indian, furnished with a knife and piece of
wood, was appointed to count the votes. This he
did by making a mark on one side of the wood for
those of one opinion, and on the other side for the
other. He quickly announced that the execution
was postponed, and that the prisoner was to be taken
to a village called Waughcotomoco. Kenton in-
quired of the interpreter, when informed of this
decision, what they would do with him there. He
was fiercely informed that he was to be burned.

On the way to Waughcotomoco, Kenton meditated
an escape. He thought if he must burn anyway
they could do no worse to him if he were recaptured.
He could not make up his mind to this daring act,

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RUNNING THE GAUNTLET.

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SIMON KENTON.

however, until the Indians fired their guns and raised
the scalp halloo, which was answered by the deep
roll of a drum far ahead. With a loud cry Kenton
fled into the dense woods. He was instantly pur-
sued, but so swift was his flight that he would have
escaped had it not been that he stumbled into the
midst of another war party, which had come forth
from the village on hearing the firing.

At this village of Piqua, Tecumseh's birthplace,
he was again tied to the stake, the warriors assem-
bling in the council-house. After their debate the}'
surrounded the stake, dancing and yelling for some
hours.

At Waughcotomoco he was once more compelled
to run the gauntlet, in which he was severely hurt.
He was then taken to the council-house, whore his
fate was to be decided. He was sitting dejectedly
awaiting his death, when the council-house door
opened, and Simon Girty, a famous outlaw who had
joined the Indians, and excelled them in savagery,
appeared, along with some prisoners and scalps.
Kenton way removed from the council-house, and
after some hours was taken back and informed that
his fate had been decided. He divined from the
savage scowls of the Indians on his entrance that
there was no hope for him. He was ordered by
Girty to seat himself. Kenton seems to have felt

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TECUMSEH.

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somewhat stubborn about obeying in any hurry this
renegade white man, but Girty violently jerked him
down.

" Hew many men are there in Kentucky ? " de-
manded Girty.

** It is impossible for me to answer that question,"
said Kenton, " but I can tell you the number of offi-
cers, and you can judge for yourself"

"Do you know William Stewart?" was the next
inquiry.

" Perfectly well ; he is an old and intimate acquaint-
ance," answered the prisoner.

** What is your ov*;.: name ? "

" Simon Butler," replied Kenton.

As soon as Girty heard the name he sprang to
his feet and threw his arms around the neck of the
prisoner. Previous to Simon Girty's desertion of the
whites, they had been spies together in Governor
Dunmore's expedition, and Girty had formed a warm
attachment for Kenton.

Girty then made the astonished warriors a speech
in which he told them that their prisoner " was his
bosom friend ; that they had traveled the same war-
path, slept upon the same blanket, and dwelt in the
same wigwam." He earnestly pleaded for the life of
his friend. Several of the chiefs expressed their ap-
proval by a low guttural sound. Many others disap-

SIMON KENTON.

proved, saying they would be acting like squaws to
change their mind every hour, recounting Kenton's
misdemeanors, and pathetically pleading the disap-
pointment of those who had come from a distance
to see the burning.

Girty again urged vehemently his request, claim-
ing it as the reward of his own savage loyalty to
the Indian cause since he had come among them.

The debate lasted for an hour and a half, and then
the vote was taken. Kenton, who a few hours be-
fore had been despairingly resigned to his fate, now
watched with the greatest excitement the war-club
go around. He saw that there were many more
who passed the club in silence than those who struck
the ground with it.

For three weeks Kenton lived with his friend, be-
ing treated with great kindness. One day, however,
the war-whoop was heard, and they were obliged to-
go to the council-house — Kenton with dread in his
heart, having a great dislike to all council-houses.
It was unusually full, many chiefs and warriors from
a distance being present. Kenton saw that there
was an ominous look on the faces of the warriors.
Girty walked around the room offering his hand to
those present, and It was received with cordiality,
but when Kenton offered his it was rejected with
scowls. He tried six Indians in this way and then

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sat down in utter dejection. A warm debate fol-
lowed, in which the chiefs from a distance were
stern and indignant, and Girty's arguments seemed
to have Httle influence. He at last turned to Ken-
ton.

"Well, my friend, you must die ! " said he.

The prisoner was then started on his journey with
a halter around his neck. Wlaen they had gone
some distance, Girty passed them on horseback, tell-
ing Kenton he had friends at the next village whom
he hoped to influence in his favor. Girty, however,
could do nothing, and returned to Waughcotomoco
another way, not wishing to see his friend under the
circumstances.

They passed through the next village. On the
road Kenton was attacked by an Indian, who had
been sitting on a log smoking and directing his wife
in her labor of chopping, but who, on the approach
of the prisoner, seized the ax and dealt Kenton such
a blow as to wound him severely. He was repri-
manded by those Indians who accompanied Kenton,
for trying to destroy their own amusement by inter-
fering with their right to kill their prisoner.

They stopped at a village on the head waters of
the Scioto. Here Kenton saw the celebrated Mingo
chief, Logan. " Logan's form was striking and
manly, his countenance calm and noble."

SIMON KENTON.

" Well, young man, th. "e young men seem to be
very mad at you ! " said Logan, in correct English.

" Yes, sir, they certainly are," answered Kenton.

" Well, don't be disheartened," said Logan. " I
am a great chief. You are to go to Sandusky ; they
speak of burning you there, but I will send two run-
ners to-morrow to speak good for you."

The runners were sent, and during their absence
Kenton was treated with kindness, holding many
conversations with the friendly chief. When the run-
ners returned they were closeted with Logan, of
whom Kenton saw nothing until the next morning,
when the chief gave him a piece of bread, told him
that he was to go instantly to Sandusky, and turned
on his heel and walked away. At this, Kenton
naturally lost all hope.

He was taken to Sandusky, and was to be burned
the following morning. An English Indian agent,
however, interceded for him this time, saying that
he wished to obtain information for the commandant
at Detroit. The Indians were much opposed to
giving up their victim, and it was only with the
pleasant promise to return him after he had obtained
the information that the agent got possession of Ken-
ton. Ar. Detroit he remained a prisoner, though
kindly treated, for almost a year. He then laid a
plan to escape with two Kentuckians. They had

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I EH !

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TECUMSEH.

to pass through a hundred miles of country filled
with hostile Indians, but by taking a circuitous
route, and by journeying only at night, they arrived
at Louisville after thirty days.

In this strange adventure among the Shawnccs,
Simon Kenton was forced to run the gauntlet eight
times, and was three times tied to the stake to be
burned.

Kenton afterwards rose to the rank of general in
the militia, and died at the age of eighty-one, in a
populous country filled with cities and manufactories,
where he used to wander as a hunter and warrior,
and through which he had been led as a doomed
captive.

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CHAPTER IX,

WAYNE'S VICTORY OVER THE INDIANS.

The country was now greatly distressed by the
Indian war on the frontier. The administration of
President Washington was severely condemned by
the opposition for the defeats of Harmar and St.
Clair. The treasury was so low that the money
which had been expended on these expeditions — a
large amount for the times — was greatly regretted.
Those who had any liking for a military life looked
with horror upon the Indian war. Soldiers came to
have a superstitous dread of the savages. So great
indeed was this dread that bare intelligence of the
approach of Indians would throw them into a panic.
Under these circumstances, General Anthony Wayne
was placed in command of the North-Western army.
" Mad Anthony Wayne," as he was often called,
had distinguished himself by his services during the
Revolutionary War, in which he had fought from the
beginning to the end. He was known as "the hero
of Stony Point," he having stormed the fort of that
name, on the Hudson. Washington now seleCLcd
him to retrieve the fortunes of the United States in

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TECUMSEH.

'HI i ■■ ; I 'I' I

her Indian wars, and impressed upon his mind
"that- another defeat would be inexpressibly ruinous
to the reputation of the government."

The troops placed under General Wayne were
new and undisciplined. Without sufficient aid, and
with the greatest labor, he set out to instruct them
in military discipline, and to practice them especially
in shooting at a target, knowing that marksmanship
was of the very first importance in Indian warfare.
He stimulated their emulation by offering prizes to
be contended for in these rifle matches. He was also
very careful to keep whisky, which he called " ardent
poison," out of the reach of his camp.

In time they gave their commander much pleasure
by their progress, and the general and his army
were impatient to be engaged in active service.
This was not yet permitted, the government be-
ing anxious to make peace if possible, and feeling
very cautious about risking another great defeat
Many overtures for peace were made through Gen-
eral Wayne, but the Indians, elated by their brilliant
successes, and encouraged by the half-hostile English
authorities in Canada and in the Western posts yet
held by the British, rejected all advances.

Among other forts built by Wayne, one was erected
on the spot of General St. Clair's defeat, and named
Fort Recovery.

WAYNE'S VICTORY.

This fort was attacked in the summer of 1794 by a
large body of Indians of various tribes, estimated at
more than fifteen hundred. One of the Shawnces in
this attack was Tecumseh. The savages assailed a
body of ninety riflemen and fifty dragoons, who were
starting on their return after having escorted a large
amount of supplies to the fort An exciting battle
ensued, in which many of the of^cers and men were
killed before the retreat into the fort could be effect-
ed. After the troops had reached the fort, two offi-
cers were given up for dead, when they were seen
running from different directions, hotly pursued by
the Indians, and notwithstanding the fire of the en-
emy they reached the fort in safety. One of them
had escaped by knocking down an Indian who had
captured him.

The savages continued the attack for the remain-
der of the day, losing many of their number by the
artillery fire from the fort During the night they
carried off their dead by the light of torches, with
the exception of a few which were too near the fort
to be reached.

The attack was resumed the following morning,
but resulted in the final rout of the Indians.

Wayne had called upon the governor of Kentucky
for two thousand mounted volunteers. In July, 1794,
they arrived, under the command of Major- General

V':^

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TECUMSEH.

Scott. General Wayne now made demonstrations
which led the enemy to believe that he intended to
attack the villages on the Miami, but he moved sud-
denly and rapidly into the very heart of the Indian
settlements on the Grand Glaize. These lay almost
under the very guns of one of the frontier forts yet
held by British troops. Full of exultation, the gen-
eral wrote : —

" We have gained possession of the grand empo-
rium of the hostile Indians in the West without loss
of blood. The very extensive and highly-cultivated
fields and gardens show the work of many hands.
The margins of those beautiful rivers, the Miamis of
the Lake and the Au Glaize, appear like one con-
tinued village for a number of miles above and below
this place; nor have I ever beheld such immense
fields of corn in any part of America from Canada
to Florida."

Here — in the western part of what is now the
State of Ohio — ^Wayne built a fort, and named it
Defiance. He generously made one more offer of
peace to the Indians. In writing of this, he adds:
" But should war be their choice, that blood be
upon their own heads. America shall no longer be
insulted with impunity. To an all-powerful and just
God I therefore commit myself and gallant army."

The Indians, assembled in great force, held a coun-

I .

WAYNE'S VICTORY.

cil, composed of Miami, Pottawatomie, Delaware,
Shawnee, Chippewa, Ottawa, and Seneca chiefs. It
was proposed to attack General Wayne's encamp-
ment that night. This was decided in the negative.
The plan of meeting him next day in battle was then
discussed. The Miami chief, Little Turtle, was much
opposed to this, and favored peace.

" We have beaten the enemy twice under different
commanders," said he. " We cannot expect the
same good fortune always to attend us. The Ameri-
cans are now led by a chief who never sleeps. The
night and the day are alike to him ; and during all
the time that he has been marching upon our vil-
lages, notwithstanding the watchfulness of our young
men, we have never been able to surprise him.
Think well of it. There is something whispers me,
it would be prudent to listen to his offers of peace."

The Shawnee chief Blue Jacket, who had entire
command of the Indians in the ensuing battle, was
strongly in favor of giving battle. His influence
prevailed over the wiser advice of Little Turtle. In
the morning General Wayne advanced, not yet sure
whether the Indians intended to fight or not. A body
of his men were soon fired on, however, by the In-
dians who were secreted in the woods and tall grass.
Tecumseh, already distinguished as a brave, led a
party of Shawnees. At the beginning of the action

TECUMSEH.

iilH I

llilli

he and two of his brothers were in the advance guard.
Wayne found the ground covered with fallen trees,
probably the result of a tornado. This was partic-
ularly favorable to the Indian mode of fighting.

In General Wayne's own account of the battle, he
says that the Indians " were formed in three lines,
within supporting distance of each other, and extend-
ing nearly two miles, at right angles with the river."
He adds : "I soon discovered from the weight of
the fire, and the extent of their lines, that the enemy
were in full force in front, in possession of their favor-
ite ground, and endeavoring to turn our left flank. I
therefore gave orders for the second line in advance
to support the first, and directed Major-General Scott
to gain and turn the right flank of the savages, with
the whole of the mounted volunteers, by a circuitous
route. At the same time I ordered the front line to
advance with trailed arms, and to rouse the Indians
from their coverts, at the point of the bayonet ; and,
when up, to deliver a close and well-directed fire on
their backs, followed by a brisk charge, so as not to
give time to load again. I also ordered Captain Mis
Campbell, who commanded the legionary cavalry, to
turn the left flank of the enemy next the river, and
which afforded a favorable ground for that corps to
act in. All these orders were obeyed with spirit and
promptitude ; but such was the impetuosity of the

WAYNE'S VICTORY.

charge by the first line of infantry, that the Indians
and Canadian militia and volunteers were driven from
all their coverts in so short a time, that although
every exertion was used by the officers of the second
line of the legion, and by Generals Scott, Todd, and
Barbae, of the mounted volunteers, to gain their
proper positions, yet but a part of them could get up
in season to participate in the action ; the enemy
being driven, in the course of one hour, more than
two miles, through the thick woods, by less than
one-hilf their numbers."

During this battle Tecumsch fought for some time,
when in loading his rifle he put a bullet in before the
powder and thus lost the use of his gun. He was at
the same time forced to retreat by some infantry
which pressed him in front. This he did with his
party until he met another company of Indians,
whom he urged to stand fast, saying if any one
would lend him a gun he would show them how
to do it. With a fowling-piece which was handed
him he fought a while, until again compelled to
give ground. This time, while falling back, he met
a party of Shawnees whom he rallied and induced to
m^ikc a stand in a thicket. When the infantry press-
cd them close and fired their muskets into the
bushes, Tccumseh's party returned the fire, and then
retreated to the main force of the Indians. A

TECUMSEII.

brother of Tcctimsch's, named Sauvvascekau, a brave
warrior, was killed during the day.

In this famous battle Tecumseh was for the first
time opposed to William Henry Harrison, who was
afterward to become his chief antagonist. Harrison
was then a young man of about Tecumseh's own
age. Neither of th^m had any part in the plan of
the battle, but both a^ted their parts well. An im-
mense destruction of Indian villages and corn-fields
followed the victory of General Wayne.

ill il

CHAPTER X.

THE PEACE AT GREENVILLE— BLUE JACKET.

Fort Miami, the British fort which stood in the
midst of these Indian villages, was a great provoca-
tion to the American troops, who knew well that
the presence of an English force was one of the
chief causes of trouble. General Wayne made a re-
con noissance in force under the very walls of the fort,
and the English officers with difficulty restrained
their men from firing on him. Some angry corre-
spondence ensued between the two commanders, but
*' Mad Anthony Wayne " was a man of coolness and
self-control, and he could easily see that it was not
wise to plunge the infant nation into a new war with
the mother country. And, notwithstanding his cour-
age, there can be little doubt that the powerful arma-
ment of Fort Miami helped him to a prudent decision
in the matter. To have assailed so strong a work as
this with the means at his disposal, would have been
to have risked all the fruits of his victory in a most
desperate venture.

The Indians were beaten and anxious for peace.
In October, Blue Jacket, the Shawnee, headed a

TECUMSEH.

deputation of chiefs, for the purpose of bearing a flag
to General Wayne. EngHsh agents intercepted this
flag by inviting the chiefs of the combined army to
meet them at the mouth of the Detroit River. Here
they were urged to remain in hostihty to the United
States. In a speech to them, Governor Simcoe said : —

" Children : ^ am still of the opinion that the
Ohio is your right and title. 1 have given orders to
the commandant of Fort Miami to fire on the Amer-
icans whenever they make their appearance again.
I will go down to Quebec, and lay your grievances
before the great men. From thence they will be for-
warded to the King, you** father. Next spring you
will know the result of everything what you and I
will do."

The English in Canada did not know at what mo-
ment hostilities might break out again between Eng-
land and the Ur Hed States, and they succeeded by
such persuasions in delaying the conclusion of peace
between the Indians and the Americans.

During the following winter however, parties of
Wyandots, Ottawas, Chippewas, Pottawatomies, Sacs,
Miamis, Delawares, and Shawnees visited General
Wayne's headquarters, where they signed preliminary
treaties of peace, agreeing to meet Wayne at Green-
ville in June, with all their sachems and war-chiefs,
to conclude a definite treaty of peace.

THE PEACE AT GREENVILLE.

This treaty of Greenville was of the greatest im-
portance to the Western country. By it the Indians
relinquished large bodies of lands for settlement, and
the peace there established continued so long as the
memory of Wayne's victory remained fresh in the
minds of the savages. During the eighteen years of
peace which followed, the Wcsi'^rn settlements were
so firmly established that, on the rise of the new op-
position under Tecumseh and the Prophet, it was quite
beyond the reach of possibility for the Indians to
check for any considerable time the rapid develop-
ment of the W^st. Tecumseh heartily hated this
treaty of Green dlle ; it had given repose to the set-
tlements, and had confirmed the title of the whites to
the land on which new a, id powerful communities
had grown up.

The principal speaker on behalf of the Shawnees
in this council was the famous Blue Jacket, who
had commanded the Indian forces in the battle with
Wayne, and who had been a joint commander with
Little Turtle in the attack on St. Clair. When he
met Wayne at Greenville he made apologies for his
tardiness in not coming sooner, as he had promised,
and gave the most solemn assurance of his sincerity.
We get a curious glimpse of the relations subsisting
between the various Indian nations in his speech
on the second day of the council : ** Brothers, I

I. f

TECUMSEH.

hope you will not take amiss my changing my
scat in this council. You all know that the
Wyandots are our uncles, and the Dclawares our
grandfathers, and that the Shawnees are the elder
brothers of the other nations present. It is therefore
proper that I should sit next my grandfather li and
uncles."

This fictitious relationship between the various
tribes is quite often alluded to in the Indian trans-
actions among themselves. At the close of the coun-
cil Blue Jacket made another speech that brings out
the temporary character of the authority of a war-
chief. He began : " Elder brother, and you my
brothers present, you see me now present myself
as a war-chief to lay down that commission, and
place myself in the rear of my village chiefs, who
for the future will command me."

Notwithstanding all his protestations of peaceful
intentions for the rest of his life, he appears again in
the troubles fomented by Tecumseh.

There is a curious story that illustrates his duplic-
ity. In the year 1 800, he agreed to show to a com-
pany a valuable mine on the head waters of the Ken-
tucky River. But ever as their eagerness increased
did his demands become more exorbitant. As he
was during all these negotiations boarding at the ex-
pense of the company, he did not seem to be in any

BLUE JACKET.

hurry to conclude them. When at length the bargain
was made, and the horses, goods, and money were-
delivered, Blue Jacket and another chief who was
associated with him were escorted in great state to
Kentucky, their wives and children accompanying
them. They were treated in the most flattering way,
and all their wants were anticipated. When they
reached the region of the fabled mine, traveling with
great secrecy, he spent some time in ** pow-wow-ing,"
humbling himself with fasting and prayer, to get per-
mission from the Great Spirit to reveal the location
of this secret wealth. He got but a doubtful answer
in his dreams, and after many days of fruitless search
the mine could not be found. He laid the blame on
his eyes, which he said were dimmed by age. He
promised on his return home to send his son, who
was young, and who knew the exact spot, and would
disclose it to the company. But the son came not,
and the great Blue Jacket Mining Company never
found its mine.

K fit

CHAPTER XL

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DEATH OF WAWILLAWAY— TECUMSEH AS A

PEACE-MAKER.

"^Ve again find Tecumseh engaged in hunting, in
the spring of 1795, on Deer Creek. This occupation
he carried on more as pastime than as business.
It is said of him, on the authority of those captives
and half-breeds who knew him well, that he was not
avaricious, but that his generosity was proverbial.
The furs that he caught or the goods acquired by ex-
change were dispensed with a bountiful hand. He
did not hunt for the purpose of bettering his fortunes,
but from love for it as a manly and soldierly employ-
ment, and as a means of furnishing food to those
who were not able to hunt for themselves. No
doubt this generous temper had much to do with the
popularity he acquired among his people. While
encamped on Deer Creek, one of his brothers and
several other young Shawnees proposed to wager
Tecumseh that they could each kill as many deer in
three days as he could. This wager was probabl};
the result of that vain boasting to which the Indians
arc greatly addicted, and which is not uncommon

iili

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DEATH OF WAWILLAWAY.

amc ng hunters of all kinds. Tecumseh accepted the
challenge, and they all repaired to the woods. When
the time had expired, they all returned with the
skins of the deer in evidence of what success they
had had. The challengers had none of them more
than twelve deer-skins, while Tecumseh returned
with about thirty. From this time he was gener-
ally confessed the greatest hunter in his nation.

Wayne's treaty with the Indians of the North-West
was finally concluded at Greenville, in August, 1795.
The Indians ceded at this time to the whites a large
tract of land in consideration of annuities.

During the summer of 1795, in which a large
body of Indian lands was finally ceded to the whites
in exchange for annuities, Tecumseh began to form
a new band of his own and to call himseff a chief.
He did not attend Wayne's council at Greenville,
though he was certainly considered a man of influ-
ence and importance in his nation, for after this
treaty Blue Jacket visited him on Deer Creek and
told him the terms on which peace had been made.

In the spring of 1 796, Tecumseh and his followers
moved to the Great Miami. In this place they rais-
ed a crop of corn, moving the next fall to the upper
branches of the White Water, where, during the
spring ar ! summer of 1797, they raised another crbp
of corn. In 1798, Tecumseh received an invitation

Ww!^

TECUMSEH.

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from the Delawarcs, part of whom were residing on
White River in Indiana, to take up his quarters in
their neighborhood. This invitation was accepted,
and, like roving Shawnees that they were, the band
moved again. Here on the White River he remain-
ed for several years peacefully occupied in hunting.
During this time he was steadily extending his influ-
ence among the different tribes, and adding to his
band of followers.

Some difficulties had grown up between the In-
dians and the settlers on Mad River. In 1799, a
council was held by them near the place v/herc
Urbana now stands. Tccumseh, who with other
Shawnee chiefs attended this council, is said to
have been the principal orator, and his speech was
much admired for its eloquence. The interpreter,
Dcchouset, said " that he found it very difficult to
translate the lofty flights of Tccumseh, although be
was as well acquainted with the Shawnee language
as v/ith the French, which was his mother tongue."
The Indian eloquence is often very striking and re-
markable, especially for its poetical element, which is
well suited to " children of nature," as they are styled.
Single sentences in the speeches of Indian orators
often sparkle like gems, as for instance the saying of
a Winnebago chief, portraying the wrongs of his
])eoplc in an address to a ^jovcrnmcnt commissioner.

DEATH OF WAWILLAWAY.

"The very leaves of the forest," he cried, "drop
tears of pity on us as we walk beneath."

In 1803, the inhabitants of the Scioto Valley were
thrown into a panic which it took Tecumsch's elo-
quence to allay. Captain Herrod, one of the first
settlers, a man greatly beloved, was found dead and
scalped in the woods. This event put the whites,
who had no confidence in Indian fidelity to the
treaty, into great consternation, though it was be-
lieved by some to have been the deed of a certain
white man who had a grudge against the murdered
Captain Herrod. The inhabitants of the Scioto Val-
ley, however, residing five and fifteen miles apart,
moved together, and in many instances built block-
houses for protection, while the citizens of Chillicothe
collected for the purpose of fortifying the town.

A wicked and wanton retaliation, attempted by
some white men, greatly increased the panic. Wa-
willaway, a Shawnee chief and an unwavering friend
of the whites, was one day returning from Old
Town, where he had been for the purpose of trading
off his game and skins. He was an Indian of sober
habits, brave and intelligent, and well-known among
the whites.

He was met in the trail by an old hunter and set-
tler appropriately named Wolf and two men whom
Wolf had hired to go with him to his farm. Wawil-

Fli'. ii|f!f 'II \i"V'

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TEC UMSEH.

laway shook hands with them cordially, and asked
after their health and that of their families. Wolf
then proposed to exchange guns with the Indian.
While they were examining each other's guns with
reference to an exchange, he secretly took the prim-
ing from that of the chief and returned it, saying he
would not trade. The white men then asked if the
Indians had begun war.

" No, no ! " said Wawillaway, " the Indians and
white men are now all one — all brothers."

Wolf asked him if he had heard that the Indians
had killed Captain Herrod. Wawillaway seemed
much surprised at this story, and doubted its truth.
On being assured, however, that it was true, he
said,

" May be whisky, too much drink, was the cause
of the quarrel."

" Herrod had no quarrel with the Indians, nor is
it known by whom he was killed," said Wolf

" May be some bad white man kill Captain Her-
rod," suggested the Indian. Wawillaway now shook
hands all round and turned to go, when he was shot
from behind and mortally wounded by the dastardly
white man. The brave Shawnee turned upon his
assailants, killed one of them, and wounded Wolf and
the other man severely before he died. When this
occurrence became known it greatly augmented the

■:^m-^.

DEATH OF WAWILLAWAY.

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DEATH OF WAWILLAWAY.

lOI

excitement. The whites fled in one direction, and
the Indians, equally alarmed, in another.

In consequence of this distressing excitement some
prominent citizens rode into the Indian country near
Greenville. Here they found a large body of Indians,
and among them Tecumseh. A council was held
with these Indians, and the whites frankly related all
the circumstances connected with the death of Hcrrod
and Wawillaway. The Indians denied having any
knowledge of these things, and declared their inten-
tion of standing by the treaty which had been made
at that place. Tecumseh at last agreed to return
with the white men and make these peaceful declara-
tions in person to the settlers. On their arrival, a
day was appointed when this chief should address all
the people. A white man, who had been a prisoner
among the Indians, acted as interpreter. An im-
mense throng gathered to hear Tecumseh's speech,
which was, even when translated, full of telling and
eloquent passages.

He spoke in the strongest language of the friendly
relations existing betv^een the Indians and their white
brethren, and of the determination on the part of the
Indians to abide by this treaty forever. He hoped
that it would be kept inviolate by both parties, and
that brotherly love would be as long and lasting as
time between the white man and the Indian. When

102

TECUMSEII.

Ui|i||lli|||iii{|{{|ili|!|J!l|

Tccumsch closed, the sachems shook hands to ex-
press the friendship and fellowship existing between
the two people. After this speech of Tecumscli,
whose tall, commanding figure and noble dignity
impressed all who saw him, the people returned con-
tented to their quiet homes,. It seems a pity that
Tecumseh should ever have held other views about
the treaty at Greenville, than those expressed in
Chillicothe.

It is the right and duty of the nearest of kin
among the Indians, to kill the murderer of their rel-
ative, unless he purchase his life at a price agreed
upon by the family. The two sons of Wawillaway
had therefore vowed vengeance upon Wolf He,
however, moved to Kentucky, and employed an
agent to make terms with the young men. This
agent finally agreed to furnish each son with a horse,
a new saddle and bridle, and a new rifle, and they,
on their part, though not without much debate and
hesitation, agreed to bury the tomahawk and make
peace with the murderer and his family forever.

At the time fixed for the fulfillment of this con-
tract, a large gathering of people assembled at Old
Town to sec the Indian ceremonies. Rev. J. B. Fin-
ley, at one time an Indian missionary, thus describes
the scene : "A hollow square was formed, in which
were Wolf and his horses and trappings and the two

DEATH OF W A WILL AW AY.

103

young men. The Indians, in relinquishing their
claim to the life of the murderer, raised their hands
toward heaven invoking the Great Spirit, declaring
that to Ilim alone they transferred the blood and life
o^ Wolf, forfeited by the death of their father. 'J'hc
scene was full of the most impressive .solemnity, and
many were moved to tears. In token of their for-
giveness, they advanced and took Wolf by the hand
— the same bloody hand which sent their beloved
father to the grave and made them orphans. Then
saluting him as a brother, they lighted the calumet,
or pipe of peace, and smoked with him m the pres-
ence of the Great Spirit. They remained good
friends ever afterward, and often visited each other."
During this year a stalwart Kentuckian came to
Ohio to explore the lands on Mad River. He
stopped over night at the house of Captain Abner
Barrett, living on the head waters of Buck Creek.
He was evidently startled to hear that there were
Indians encamped in the immediate neighborhood.
Soon after learning this, the door of the dwelling
was suddenly opened and the noble form of Tecum-
sch appeared. He walked in with his usual stately
dignity and looked around him in silence. His eye
soon lit upon the alarmed Kentuckian, who was show-
ing the greatest agitation. Tecumseh regarded him
a moment, and then turning to Barrett exclaimed,

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TECUMSEH.

" A big baby ! a big baby ! " He then walked up
to the frightened fellow and patting him gently on
the shoulder repeated contemptuously, " Big baby !
big baby!" increasing the alarm of the poor man,
to the great amusement of those present

ini^!|!i !

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Urn

CHAPTER XII.

THE RISE OF THE PROPHET.

'i'HE immense tract of land between the Ohio and
Mississippi rivers, now divided into many states, con-
stituted the old Northwestern Territory. In 1801,
the State of Ohio was formed out of this, and the
remainder was called the Indiana Tenitory. Of this
territory William Henry Harrison was appointed
governor. There were then but three settlements
in the territory, and these were widely separated.
The first was on a grant of one hundred and fifty
thousand acres at the Falls of the Ohio, made to
General George Rogers Clark's successful troops;
the second, the old French settlement at Vincenncs,
and the third, the old settlement between Kaskaskia
and Cahokia on the Mississippi. The whole of this
vast territory then contained but five thousand peo-
ple. Tecumseh's brother, the Prophet, now for the
first time comes into notice. The earlier and latter
pai ts of his life were passed in entire obscurity. He
is only prominent during the time his notoriety as a
prophet served to further Tecumseh's ambitious
scheme. The Prophet is called by many different

io6

TECUMSEII.

names, or modifications of the same name. His
earlier name was Laulcwasikaw, or the Loud Voice,
possibly in reference to his self-assertion and boast-
fulness, as much as to his really stentorian voice.

Long before he divulged it to his followers, Te-
cumseh may have meditated his plan for gathering
the red men into a great confederacy, driving the
whites back across the Ohio, or at least arresting their
further progress, and thus preventing that extinction
of the Indian race which he so much dreaded. Or,
shall we regard him as an ambitious leader whose
ambition grew with his increasing influence and
success ?

In 1805, a part of the Shawnees were Hving at the
Tawa villages, at the head of the Auglaize River.
Wishing to unite their scattered nation, they sent a
deputation to Tecumseh's party on White River, and
to another party of Shawnees on the Mississinnewa,
inviting them to move to the Tawa towns and there
join their brethren. Both of the companies thus in-
vited resolved to accept the invitation. They im-
mediately set out for the Tawa villages, but at Green-
ville the two parties met, and through Laulewasi-
kaw's influence they decided to remain at that place.
It seems likely that Tecumseh was behind Laulc-
wasikaw in this, seeing in it a chance to increase the
number of his followers. Laulcwasikaw impressed

THE RISE OF THE PROPHET.

107

all who knew him wMth his craftiness ; Tccumseh's
shrewdness must have been of a much deeper and
more far-seeing kind, and it was hidden under a
noble dignity and reserve.

About this time there died an old Shawnee Indian
by the name of Penagashega, or The-Change-of-
Featbeis, "who had for some years been engaged in
the respectable calling of a prophet." Laulewasi-
kaw, who had seen the old prophet's influence with
the Indians for some time, now began himself to re-
ceive communications from the Great Spirit, and an-
nounced himself a prophet in place of the departed
Change-of-Feathers. Prophet- wise, he assumed a new
name, that of Tenskwatawa, which signifies " The
Open Door." This name pointed him out as a means
of deliverance to his people, and indicated the new
way he undertook to show forth in his teachings.

The Prophet is not an uncommon institution
among the Indians. Every body of Indians has its.
medicine-man. Prophecy, however, seems to be
somewhat higher than the calling of the medicine-
man, who is a sort of juggler, superstition-monger,
exorcist, and curer of diseases by means of " pow-
wows," mysterious incantations, and solemn hum-
buggery. A prophet adds to this the character of
a seer and a moral- reformer among his people.

We have already mentioned that more than a cen-

if"

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TECUMSEH.

tury before the times of Tecumseh the Indians at
Conestoga, part of whom were Shawnees, had among
them a venerable prophetess, whom they took with
them to all their councils, and to whom they paid
great respect. During Schoolcraft's residence among
the Chippewas, he found the widow of a man named
Soangageshick, or " Strong Sky," who followed the
profession of prophetess, or jossakeed. The jossa-
keed enters a lodge which is closed up, and from this
utters oracular things, like an ancient pythoness or a
modem ** trance-medium." Of another prophet,
Schoolcraft says that he was '* a tall, not portly, red-
mouthed and pucker- mouthed man, with an unusual
amount of cunning and sagacity, and exercising an
4inlimited popularity by his skill and reputation as a
jossakeed or seer." This man, like Mohammed, Brig-
ham Young, and other prophets, practiced polygamy,
having three wives. The better to impress his
clients, he "had an elaborately-built seer's lodge,
sheathed with rolls of bark carefully and skillfully
united, and stained black inside. Its construction,
which was intricate, resembled the whorls of a
sea-shell. The white prints of a man's hand, as if
smeared with white clay, were impressed on the
black surface. I have never witnessed so complete a
piece of Indian architectural structure, nor one more
worthy of the name of a temple of darkness."

THE RISE OF THE PROPHET.

109

That the curious reader may understand what the
seer's office was at the time of the setting up of " The
Open Door," and may see how far the office of
prophet was modified by him, we give another in-
stance. One Rue was made captive in 1781. He
was at Detroit, and meditating plans of escape.
During the drunken revels of the tribes gathered at
the trading-house there, an Indian lost a purse con-
taining ninety dollars in silver. Great excitement
ensued ; there were many accusations and recrimina-
tions among them, and the tribes became so far exas-
perated toward each other as to threaten the use of
knives and tomahawks, when the announcement was
made that there was a prophet present who belonged
to none of the bands engaged in the wrangle. Order
was immediately established, while this prophet un-
dertook to detect the thief by conjuration. Very
solemnly he unrolled a deer-skin, which he spread
upon the ground with the flesh side up. He then
emptied upon it a little bag of fine sand which he
drew from his belt. With a magic wand he spread
this smoothly upon the skin. The crowd were now
watching with eager, awe-struck faces. The prophet
gazed steadily at the sand for several moments, and
then muttered some inarticulate words. Taking an-
other long look, he exclaimed : "I see the thief and
the stolen treasure." The prophet was pressed to tell

1 10

TECUMSEII.

who the culprit was, hut this ho hciu?volcntly refused
to do, deckirinp^ that he feared that the itiforniation
would lead to the exteriniuation of one or more tribes
before the matter ended. It was very improper, he
said, to divulge a fact that mijjht produce results so
disastrous as he foresaw. lie said, however, that
none of those who had been accused were guilty, but
it was a member of a tribe other than those em-
broiled in the quarrel. He Ihus shrewdly restored
harmony among the Indians. Rue and his com-
panions now resolved to question the fortune-teller
regarding their friends at home. They visited him
in private, and, paying the fee, seated themselves
around the dccr-skin. After a long silence the
prophet announced that he saw Rue's family passing
through the door-yard, and gave their number, sex,
age, and appearance so well as to incline Rue to be-
lieve him a real wizard,

•* You two intend to make your escape, and you
\vill effect it soon," said the soothsayer, raising his
eyes. Looking again into the sandy future, he said,
** Yoit will meet many trials and hardships in pass-
ing over so wild a district of country, inhabited by
so many hostile nations of Indians. You will almost
starve to death, but about the time you have given
up all hope of finding game to sustain you in your
famished condition, succor will come when you least

"W'J.WJ

THE RISE OF THE rROPMET.

Ill

expect it. I sec dimly the carcass of some wild
animal taken as ^Mmc ; wliat it is I can't clearly see.
It will be of the male sex. After that you will find
plenty of ^ame, and will arrive safely at your
homes."

These things are said to have indeed happened to
the fu{,Mtivc captives pretty nearly according to the
Indian's prophecy.

But Laulewasikaw took hints from the mission-
aries, and got many things from the Shakers. lie
did not mutter from a darkened lodge, nor tell for-
tunes with sand. He was a preaching prophet.

In November, 1805, our Shawnee prophet gath-
ered together quite an assembly of his own nation,
with many Wyandots, Ottawas, and Senecas, at
Wapakonetta, on the Augkiize River, in Northern
Ohio, where he made them a .speech declaring his
new vocation. In this address he harangued against
witchcraft, a thing very much believed in by the
Indians. He said that all those who practiced it
or remained bewitched would not go to heaven or
see the Great Spirit. He next denounced drunken-
ness most vehemently. He said that since he had
become a prophet h(i had gone up into the clouds,
and the first place he came to was the dwelling of
the Devil. Here he saw all who had died drunkards,
with flames of fire issuing from their mouths. He

l:>-'>i.'ii*

113

TECUMSEII.

admitted that previous to this he had himself been a
drunkard, but his vision had frightened him so that
he drank no more. He then preached with a good
deal of earnestness against Indian women intermarry-
ing with the whites, saying this was one of the causes
of their unhappiness. He proposed community of
property — an adjustment of things which woukl well
have suited this indolent reformer. He also preached
that which Tecumseh so constantly practiced — the
duty of the young at all times supporting and cher-
ishing the aged and infirm. He denounced innova-
tions in the dress and habits of the red man, and
appealed to their national pride by boasting of the
superiority of the Shawnees over any other nation.
He promised to those who would follow him and
obey his injunctions all the comfort and happiness
enjoyed by their ancestors before the advent of the
whites among them. He closed by announcing the
power which had been given him by the Great Spirit
to confound his enemies, to cure all diseases, and to
prevent death either from sickness or on tlie battle-
field.

From this opening speech we can judge of the
nature of his teachings. We can see that his doc-
trines were many of them wild and fanatical, while
tlie denunciations of drunkenness and of the assump-
tion of the habits and dress of the whites by the

THE RISE OF THE PROPHET.

113

Indians agreed with the well known opinions of Tc-
cumsch. The natural boastfulness of the Prophet is
shown in his claims to supernatural power, which
were well calculated to excite the superstitious mind
of the savage. The Prophet was even a better
speaker than his brother; and though his face as
shown in his portrait is certainly not attractive, it is
said that his manner was more graceful than that of
any other Indian. Without Tccumseh's dignity, he is
said to have possessed more persuasion and plausi-
bility. He certainly possessed none of the noble
qualities of his brother. His main characteristics
were cunning and a certain showy smartness. He
was neither courageous, truthful, nor above cruelty.
It is, however, very probable that he believed even
more firmly in himself than did any of his followers.
As is often the case with impostors, he may have suc-
ceeded in deceiving himself more completely even
than he deceived his fellows. Some of his preaching
shows the influence of the white man's opinions
upon him. It is believed that he picked up some
scraps of his system from the Shakers, who made
their advent into Ohio at this time.

President Jefferson wrote his opinion of Laulc-
wasikaw after the close of his administration, to his
predecessor, ex- President Adams. He said : " The
Wabash Prophet is more rogue than fool, if to be a

1 ,

114

TECUMSEII.

rogue is not the greatest of all follies. He rose to
notice while I was in the administration, and became,
of course, a proper subject for me. The inquiry was
made with diligence. His declared object was the
reformation of his red brethren, and their return to
their pristine manners of living. He pretended to be
in constant communication with the Great Spirit ; that
he was instructed by Him to make known to the In-
dians that they were created by Him distinct from
the wliites, of different natures, for different purposes,
and placed under different circumstances, £idapted to
their nature and destinies ; that they must return
from all the ways of the whites to the habits and
opinions of their forefathers ; they must not eat the
flesh of hogs, of bullocks, of sheep, &c., the deer and
the buffalo having been created for their food ; they
must not make bread of wheat, but of Indian corn ;
they must not wear linen nor woollen, but must dress
like their fathers, in the skins and furs of animals ;
they must not drink ardent spirits ; and I do not re-
member whether he extended his inhibitions to the
gun and gunpowder, in favor of the bow and arrow.
I concluded from all this that he was a visionary,
enveloped in their antiquities, and vainly endeavoring
to lead back his brethren to the fancied beatitudes of
their golden age. I thought there was little danger
of his making many proselytes from the habits and

THE RISE OF THE PROrHET.

comforts they had learned from the whites, to tlic
hardships and priv^ations of savagism, and no great
harm if he did. 13ut his followers increased until the
Ikitish thought him worth corrupting, and found him
corruptible. I suppose his views were then changed;
but his proceedings in consequence of them were
after I left the administration, and are therefore un-
known to me ; nor have I ever been informed what
were the particular acts on his part which produced
an actual commencement of hostilities on ours. I
have no doubt, however, that the subsequent pro-
ceedings are but a chapter apart, like that of Henry
and Lord Liverpool, in the book of the Kings of
Enc^land."

There can be no doubt that the Prophet really
sought the good of his people. With all his vanity,
deception, superstition, and craft, he no doubt be-
lieved in the beneficial tendency of the measures he
advocated. This is quite consistent with the opinion
that he had ambitious projects in assuming the char-
acter of a prophet, and that Tecumseh's gradually
developing schemes had much to do with the Proph-
et's plans.

His influence soon began to show Itself. Many
followers gathered around him, most of whom were
young men and persons of wild and adventurous
tendencies from the various tribes. It is stated that

I'M

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ii6

TECUMSEH.

'i'

they entirely abstained from strong drink, and in
many other ways practiced their leader's precepts.
Opposition was naturally made to the innovations of
the new prophet by the neighboring chiefs, who felt
that he sought to undermine their power. An in-
quisition was now introduced by Tenskwatawa. A
course of fanatical persecution for witchcraft was be-
gun, shocking indeed in its cruelty and injustice, but
only too much resembling something which occurred
in Salem, among people of our own enlightened race.
The superstition of the Indians was so great that
if the Prophet denounced some chief who opposed
him, as a witch, a loss of reputation and perhaps of
life ensued. Several Delawares were among the first
victims. An old woman was burned to death, being
called upon many times by the Indians to give up
her charm and medicine bag. As she was dying,
she exclaimed that her grandson who was out hunt-
ing had it. He was pursued, tied, and brought into
camp. He confessed that he had borrowed the
charm, and by means of it had flown through the
air, over Kentucky to the banks of the Mississippi
and back again between twilight and bedtime. He
insisted that he had returned the charm, however, and
was finally released. The following day a very old
chief named Teteboxti was sentenced at a council
held for the purpose, at which he was present.

M-

THE RISE OF THE PROPHET.

117

Knowing there was no escape, he arrayed himself in
his finest clothes and calmly assisted in the building
of his own funeral pile. In consideration of his age,
the white-haired chief was treated mercifully, being
killed before his body was burned. An old " preach-
er" called Joshua — probably a Christian convert —
next met the same fate. A council was held over
the wife of Teteboxti and his nephew, Billy Patter-
son. The latter died like a Christian, singing and
praying. Preparations were then made for the burn-
ing of Teteboxti's wife, when her brother- i young
man of twenty, suddenly started up and bravely led
her by the hand out of the house. He returned to
the amazed council, and said " The Devil," (alluding
to the Prophet) " has come amongst us, and we are
killing each other." He then reseated himself.
This seemed to awaken the Indians to a realization
of what they were doing, and put a stop for a time
to further persecutions among the Delawares, while
it gave a check to the influence of the Prophet

"II'

CHAPTER XIII.

THE BAND AT GREENVILLE— THE PROPHET

IN COUNCIL.

As soon as Governor Harrison heard of this witch-
craft* delusion, he sent to the Delaware Indians the
following " speech " or letter, by a special messen-
ger : •—

" My Children : My heart is filled with grief, and
my eyes are dissolved in tears at the news which has
reacned me. You have been celebrated for your
wisdom above all the tribes of *:he red people who
inhabit this great island. Your fame as warriors has
extended to the remotest nations, and the wisdom of
your chiefs has gained you the appellation of grand-
fathers from all the neighboring tribes. From what
cause, then, does it proceed that you have departed
from the wise counsels of your fathers and covered
yourselves with guilt ? My children, tread back the
steps you have taken, and endeavor to regain the
straight road which you have abandoned. The dark,
crooked, and thorny one which you are now pur-
suing will certainly lead to endless woe and misery.
Ikit who is this pret'indcd prophet who dares to spc.ik

THE BAND AT GREENVILLE.

119

in the name of the great Creator ? Examine him.
Is he more wise and virtuous than you are your-
selves, that he should be selected to convey to you
the orders of your God ? Demand of him some
proofs at least of his being the messenger of the
Deity. If God has really employed him, He has
doubtless authorized him to perform miracles that he
may be known and received as a prophet. If he is
really a prophet, ask of him to cause the sun to stand
siill, the moon to alter its course, the rivers to cease
to flow, or the dead to rise from their graves. If
he does these things, you may believe that he has
been sent from God. He tells you that the Great
Spirit commands you to punish with death those who
deal in magic, and that he is authorized to point
them out. Wretched delusion ! Is then the Master
of Life obliged to employ mortal man to punish those
who offend Him ? Has He not the thunder and the
power of nature at His command ? And could He
not sweep away from the earth a whole nation with
one motion of his arm ? My children, do not believe
that the great and good Creator of mankind has
directed you to destroy ycui own flesh ; and do not
doubt that if you pursue this abominable wickedness
His vengeance will overtake you and crush you.

" The above is addressed to you in the name of
the Seventeen Tires. I now r<pca1c to you from my-

120

TECUMSEH.

self, as a friend who wishes nothing more sincerely than
to see you prosperous and happy. Clear your eyes,
I beseech you, from the mist which surrounds them.
No longer be imposed upon by the arts of an im-
postor. Drive him from your town, and let peace
and harmony prevail amongst you. Let your poor
old men and women sleep in quietness, and banish
from their minds the dreadful idea of being burnt
alive by their own friends and countrymen. I charge
you to stop your bloody career; and if you value
the friendship of your great father, the President ; if
you wish to preserve the good opinion of the Seven-
teen Fires, let me hear by the return of the bearer
that you have determined to follow my advice."

It is necessary to explain that by " Seventeen
Fires " is meant the United States, which consisted
at that time of seventeen states, or council-fires in
tlie Indian mode of speaking.

There is no evidence that Tecumseh wa3 in favor
of this persecution for witchcraft, and one authority
asserts that he was opposed to it, though it is not
unlikely that he was quite willing to serve his ends
by the Prophet's reign of terror.

The Prophet lost many followers among the
Shawnees at this time, there being only about forty
of tha' nation left in his village. He was not so suc-
cessful in gaining an ascendency among the Miamib

THE BAND AT GREENVILLE.

121

as he was with the Delawares, in whose midst he
had lived for some years. During the year 1806,
however, the Prophet and Tecumseh were established
at Greenville, where they were visited by very many
Indians, so that they again greatly augmented the
strength of their band of followers. The Prophet
exorcised his gifts with diligence, seeing visions and
dreaming dreams. It is probable that he had heard
beforehand from the whites of the great eclipse of
the sun which was to occur in 1806. Governor
Harrison's challenge that he should work wonders
was an unfortunate one, for nothing is easier than
miracles wrought among ignorant and credulous
people. He bolaly announced to his followers that
on a certain day he would make darkness come over
the sun as proof of his supernatural power. Accord-
ingly at the time appointed, the Prophet, standing in
the midst of his party at midday, cried out, when all
grew dark, " Did I not prophesy truly ? Behold !
darkness has shrouded the sun ! " This incident, of
course, made a great impression on the Indian mind,
and established the belief in his right to the claim of
intercourse with the Great Spirit

About April, 1807, great alarm began to be felt
on the frontier. At this time the Prophet had gath-
ered near four hundred Indians around him. These
savages were greatly excited by religious fanaticism,

122

TECUMSEII.

and were ready, it was believed, to join any enter-
prise into which the brothers should !'::ad them. Sev-
eral efforts were made to learn the objects of the
leaders in gathering together so many warriors, but
without success. The Indian agent at Fort Wayne,
William Wells, sent Anthony Shane, a half-blood
Shawnee, to them, with a request that Tecumseh and
the Prophet, with two of their other chiefs, should
visit him at Fort Wayne, in order that he might read
to them a letter which he had just received from their
great father, the President of the United States.

A council was called, and Shane delivered his mes-
sage. Tecumseh, who seems now to have risen to
the first place in the band, leaving his brother to
play Aaron to his Moses, arose, without consulting
any other member of the council, and, with an
assumption of kingly dignity, said, " Go back to Fort
Wayne, and tell Captain Wells that. my fire is kindled
on the spot appointed by the Great Spirit above ;
and if he has anything to communicate to me, he
must come Jicre. I shall expect him in six days
from this time."

With this message Shane was obliged to return to
the Indian agent, who, not feeling inclined to wait on
Tecumseh in person, sent Shane back at the appoint-
ed time with a copy of the President's communica-
tion. The substance of this was that they were

THE BAND AT GREENVILLE.

123

desired to remove from where they were established,
it being within the limits of the purchase from the
Indians. If they would move beyond the bounda-
ries agreed upon at the treaty of Greenville, assist-
ance would be given them by the government until
they were established in their new home. This was
all carefully interpreted to the Indians at a council
which was assembled for the purpose.

Tecumseh's dignity was much offended that Cap-
tain Wells had not visited him in person. He arose,
and turning to his followers, deeply excited, made
them a long, fiery, and eloquent speech, in which he
spoke of the injuries the red men had received from
the whites and of their constant encroachments. He
closed with these words : " These lands are ours ; no
one has a right to remove us, because wc were the
first owners ; the Great Spirit above has appointed
this place for us on which to light our fires, and here
we will remain. As to boundaries, the Great Spirit
above knows no boundaries, nor will his red people
know any."

He paused a moment, and then turning with dig-
nified indifference to the messenger, he said : —

"If my father, the President of the Seventeen
Fires, has anything more to say to me, he must send
a man of note as his messenger. I will hold no fur-
ther intercourse with Captain Wells."

llllt!

1 'y *

TECUMSEH.

Bfl'-Ilii

I |!=f'' ;

The Prophet then rose and spoke In the same lofty
and defiant strain, doing also some personal bragging
on his own account: " Why does not the President
of the Seventeen Fires send us the greatest man in
his nation ? I can talk to him — I can bring dark-
ness between him and me ; nay, more, I can bring
the sun under my feet ; and what white man can do
this ? "

The stir among the Indians went on increasing,
and at the last of May it was estimated that so
many as fifteen hundred Indians had passed and re-
passed Fort Wayne on visits to the Prophet. Many
of these were from very remote nations. There was
a great assembling of councils ; messengers were sent
from tribe to tribe with pipes and belts of wampum,
and it was evident that some uncommon movement
was afoot. English agents were also known to be
very active in assisting in the excitement, while the
object of all this was kept entirely secret from the
Americans and friendly Indian chiefs. It was esti-
mated by those familiar with Indian affairs, that in
the month of August the Prophet and Tecumseh
had gained the leadership of seven or eight hundred
Indians at Fort Wayne and Greenville. Many of
these were armed with new rifles.

These facts coming to the knowledge of the gov-
ernor of Ohio, he sent Thomas Worthington and

THE BAND AT GREENVILLE.

I2S

Duncan McArthur to Greenville to hold a council
with the Prophet and Tecumseh, in order to inquire
what was their intention in assembling so large a
body of Indians within the limits of the land they
had already ceded to the United States in 1795.
These commissioners were courteously received, and
a general council of the Indians was called, at which
Stephen Ruddell, who had lived among them seven-
teen years and understood the Shawnee tongue,
acted as interpreter. The governor's letter was first
read and interpreted in the Shawnee, Pottawatomie,
and Chippewa languages. The commissioners then
made a speech referring to the relations existing be-
tween the Indians and the United States in the past,
Great Britain's pohcy toward the latter, and the im-
portance of the Indians remaining neutral in the
event of a war between these two nations.

The council was continued the following day, when
it was announced that the Shawnee chief. Blue Jacket,
who was authorized by all the Indians present to
speak for them, would answer the commissioners.

" Brethren," said Blue Jacket, " we are seated
who heard you yesterday. You will get a true re-
lation, as far as we and our connections can give it,
who are as follows : Shawnees, Wyandots, Pottawat-
omies, Tawas, Chippewas, Winnepaus, Malominese,
Malockese, Secawgoes, and one more from the north

.r*' M

126

TECUMSEH.

of the Chippewas. Brethren, you see all these men
sitting before you who now speak to you.

" About eleven days ago we had a council at
which the tribe of Wyandots, the elder brother of
the red people, spoke and said, God had kindled a
fire, and all sat around it. In this council we talked
over the treaties with the French and the Americans.
The Wyandots said, the French formerly marked a
line along the Alleghany Mountains, southerly to
Charleston (S. C). No man was to pass it from either
side. When the Americans came to settle over the
line, the Enghsh told the Indians to unite and drive
off the French, until the war came on between the
British and Americans, when it was told them that
King George, by his officers, directed them to unite
and drive the Americans back.

"After the treaty of peace between the English and
the Americans, the summer before Wayne's army
came out, the English held a council with the In-
dians, and told them if they would unite as one man,
they might surround the Americans like deer in a ring
of fire and destroy them all. The Wyandot spoke
further in the council. We see, said he, there is
like to be war between the English and our white
brethren, the Americans. Let us unite and consid-
er the sufferings we have undergone from interfering
in the wars of the English. They have often prom-

THE PROPHET IN COUNCIL.

127

ised to help us, and at last, when we could not with-
stand the army that came upon us, and went to the
English fort for refuge, the English told us, ' I cannot
let you in; you are painted too much, my children.'
It was then we saw the English dealt treacherously
with us. We now see them going to war again.
We do not know what they are going to fight for.
Let us, my brethren, not interfere, was the speech
of the Wyandot.

" Further, the Wyandot said, I speak to you, my
little brother, the Shawnee at Greenville, and to you
our little brothers all around. You appear to be at
Greenville to serve the Supreme Ruler of the Uni-
verse. Now send forth your speeches to all our
brethren far around us, and let us unite to seek for
that which shall be for our eternal welfare, and unite
ourselves in a band of perpetual brotherhood.
These, brethren, are the sentiments of all the men
who sit around you ; they all adhere to what the
elder brother, the Wyandot, has said, and these are
their sentiments. It is not that they are afraid of
their white brethren, but that they desire peace and
harmony, and not that their white brethren could
put them to great necessity, for their former arms
were bows and arrows by which they got their liv-

ing

The commissioners made some explanations in

128

-TECUMSEH.

'l!,:l!!'lil,: i 111

iLiiL n i.i'hii!

reply to the speech of Bhie Jacket. They were then
told that the Prophet would tell the reasons why the
Indians had established themselves at Greenville.
** He then proceeded to inform us," say the commis-
sioners in their report, " that about three years since
he became convinced of the error of his ways, and
that he would be destroyed from the face of the earth
if he did not amend them ; that it was soon after
known to him what he should do to be right ; that
from that time he constantly preached to his red
brethren the miserable situation they were in by na-
ture, and endeavored to convince them that they
must change their lives, live honestly, and be just in
all their dealings ; kind toward one another and their
white brethren ; affectionate toward their families ; put
away lying and slandering, and serve the Great
Spirit in the way He had pointed out ; never think
of war again ; that tile Lord did not give them the
tomahawk to go to war with one another. His red
brethren, the chiefs of the Shawnees at Tawa town,
would not listen to him, but persecuted him. This
produced a division in the nation ; those who ad-
hered to him separated themselves from their brethren
at Tawa town, removed with him, and settled where
he now was, and where he had constantly preached
the above doctrine to all the strangers who came to
see them. They did not remove to this place be-

lli

THE PROPHET IN COUNCIL.

129

cause it was a pretty place or very valuable, for it
was neither, but because it was revealed to him that
the place was a proper one to establish his doctrines ;
that he meant to adhere to them while he lived ; they
were not his own, nor were they taught him by
man, but by the Supreme Ruler of the Universe ;
that his future life should prove to his brethren the
sincerity of his professions. He then told us that six
chiefs should go with us to Chillicothe."

CHAT'-^.R XIV.

TECUMSEH'S DEFIANT SPEECHES.

According to the Prophet's promise, four chiefs —
Tecumseh, Blue Jacket, Roundhead, and Panther —
returned with the commissioners to the seat of govern-
ment in Ohio. Here they remained about a week,
during which time a council was held. Curiously
enough, Tecumseh, wh seems to have reserved his
eloquence for some on more importance than the
commissioners, was the principal speaker at this con-
ference held with the governor of Ohio. He at one
time spoke for three hours. In this speech he un-
dertook to prove the nullity of the treaties under
which the Americans claimed any land north and
west of the Ohio. He reviewed all the treaties of
the whites with the Western tribes in their order, and
showed a thorough knowledge of them. He denied
their validity with great bitterness and scorn, and
boldly declared his intention of resisting any further
encroachments of the whites. While he so frankly
stated his opinions, he still disavowed any intention
of making war on the whites.

Tecumseh's eloquence is highly spoken of by

;

TECUMSEII'S DEFIANT SPEECHES.

131

those who heard this speech. " The utterance of
the speaker was rapid and vehement ; his manner
bold and commanding ; his gestures impassioned,
quick, and violent, his countenance indicating that
there was something more in his mind struggling
for utterance than he deemed it prudent to express."
The governor was satisfied at the close of this coun-
cil that there was no immediate danger to be feared
from these Indians at Greenville and Fort Wayne,
and disbanded the militia which had been called into
service.

In the fall of 1807, new apprehensions arose in
consequence of the murder of a white man near the
spot where Urbana now .stands, by some straggling
Indians. This event, and the fact that so many In-
dians were assembled under the Prophet, produced
a great alarm on the frontier, which led many fam-
ilies to return to Kentucky. The whites made a
demand on Tecumseh and the Prophet for the mur-
derers. They, however, denied any knowledge of
the affair. In order to quiet the increasing disturb-
ance, it was finally agreed that a council should be
held at Springfield.

In this council, which included in all nearly three
hundred Indians, were present two parties — one
from the north and that of Tecumseh, consisting
of sixty or seventy warriors, including Round-

''I

132

TECUMSEH.

head, Blackfish, and several other chiefs. Between
these two parties some jealousy existed, and each
was willing that the other should be blamed with
the murder. The commissioners wished the Indians
to leave their arms a few miles outside of Springfield.
With this request the northern party complied, but
Tecumseh, who was never wilHng to appear in any
council without proper dignity, refused. The con-
ference was held in a maple grove. After it was
opened, the commissioners, who feared some violence,
renewed their efforts to induce Tecumseh to lay aside
his arms. Fie refused again, saying his tomahawk
was also his pipe, and he might wish to use it as such
before they closed their session. (The tomahawk
had a pipe-bowl on the back.) At this point a long,
lank Pennsylvanian, who was among the spectators,
approaching Tecumseh with great caution, handed
him his pipe, a long-stemm,cd, dirty-looking; earthen
affair, intimating that Tecumseh might smoke it if he
would deliver up the dreadful tomahawk. The
kingly chief took it between his thumb and finger,
held it up, looked at it and then at the owner, who
was cautiously backing away, and then threw it with
an indignant sneer over his head into the bushes.

The oldest chief prescnl, Tarfee, or the Crane,
who was head chief of the Wyandots, took charge
of the opening ceremon«es in the council The

TECUMSEH'S DEFIANT SPEECHES.

^33

chiefs and braves were seated in a semicircle in
front of the agent's stand. The peace-pipe was
passed round in token of good-will. The old chief
of the Wyandots and the chief of the Ottawas re-
plied in a conciliatory tone, and all seemed to be
going on toward a peaceful termination. But un-
happily Tecumseh's part was no longer that of peace-
maker. The growth of his ambitious plans involved
the keeping ahve of hostile feeling towards the
whites ; and no doubt the hatred of his childhood
and the conflicts of his early manhood had left a
deep and bitter antagonism in his mind. Just at
this moment of reconciliation he rose and made a
speech of fiery eloquence, tracking the history of the
relations of the two races from the first settlements
to his own time. So tremendous was the effect of
this defiant oratory, that the younger warriors were
hardly able ^o keep their seats in the council, and
even the old men, who sat smoking, showed the
greatest excitement, so that the immediate breaking
up of the council seemed imminent. Tecumseh,
when he had closed, turned his back on the agent's
stand and walked to the remotest part of the semicir-
cle, where he took his seat among the young braves.
Here again, as elsewhere, the interpreter was obliged
to confess his inability to put Tecumseh's speech into
a foreign tongue. There were some parts that he

134

TECUMSEH.

purposely omitted, fearing that General Simon Ken-
ton, who was one of the agents at this council, would
not brook words that "were so defiant, so wrathful,
so denunciatory, so Tull of indignant abuse." But
the speech was not meant for the agents, but for the
Indians. The shrewd Tecumseh knew that all of the
Indians present would give admiring reports of his gal-
lant defiance of the whites, by every camp-fire. Thus
his ascendency would be extended in other tribes.
He was not unlike the congressman whose speech
is made for the newspapers.

The council afterward became more conciliatory,
and the affair was settled.

During their Stay at Springfield the Indians amused
themselves several times with games and athletic
sports. In these Tecumseh was generally victorious.
Those who attended the council admired his splendid
physical vigo' almost as much as his intellectual
character.

CHAPTER XV.

GENERAL HARRISON AND THE PROPHET.

William Henry Harrison was born in Vir*
ginia, in the year 1773. His father, Benjamin Har-
rison, was one of the signers of the Declaration of
Independence. When very young, Harrison was de-
sirous of joining the Western campaign under St.
Clair. For this purpose, Washington, who had been
an intimate friend of his father, gave him an appoint-
ment.

He set out, at the age of nineteen, with the com-
mission of ensign to join the army, and arrived im-
mediately after St. Clair's defeat. When General
Wayne came into control of the North- Western army
he noticed the spirit and wisdom of young Harrison,
and appointed him one of his aids-de-camp, m this
capacity he fought in Wayne's campaign in 1794,
and received flattering commendation from his com-
mander.

On the death of General Wayne, in 1 797, Harrison
left the army and was appointed secretary of the
Northwestern Territory. He declined to allow his
name to be brought forward for the governorship,

ill

13^

TECUMSEH.

because he was unwilling to be brought into compe-
tition with St. Clair. In 1801, on the erection of
the territory of Indiana, he was appointed governor
of the new territory, and ex-officio superintendent of
Indian affairs. He was made by President Jefferson
sole commissioner for treating with the Indians. It
was thus that he came to be so nearly connected
with the' history of Tecumseh.

The council with Tecumseh at Springfield in 1807
did not quiet the general alarm on the frontier.
Governor Harrison, in the autumn of this year, sent
a speech, by one of the Indian agents, named John
Connor, to the head chiefs of the Shawnees. These
chiefs, and probably Tecumseh among them, were
absent from Greenville when the speech was deliv-
ered. The Prophet listened patiently while it was
read, as follows, to him : —

" My Children : Listen to me. I speak in the
name of your father, the great chief of the Seventeen
Fires.

"My children, it is now twelve years since the
tomahawk, which you had raised by the advice of
your father, the King of Great Britain, was buried at
Greenville, in the presence of that great warrior,
General Wayne.

" My children, you then promised, and the Great
Spirit heaid it, that you would in future live in

GENERAL HARRISON AND THE TROPHET. 1 37

peace and friendship with your brothers, the Ameri-
cans. You made a treaty with your father, and one
that contained a number of good things, equally
beneficial to all the tribes of red people who were
parties to it.

" My children, you promised in tnat treaty to ac-
knowledge no other father than the chief of the
Seventeen Fires, and never to listen to the proposi-
tion of any foreign nation. You promised never to
lift up the tomahawk against any of your father's
children, and to give notice of any other tribe that
intended it. Your father also promised to do some-
thing for you, particularly to deliver to you every
year a certain quantity of goods, to prevent any
white man from settHng on your lands without your
consent, or to do you any personal injury. He
promised to run a line between your land and his, so
that you might know your own ; and you were to be
permitted to live and hunt upon your father's land as
long as you behaved yourselves well. My children,
which of these articles has your father broken ? You
know that he has observed them all with the utmost
good faith. But, my children, have you done so ?
Have you not always had your ears open to receive
bad advice from the white people beyond the lakes ?

" My children, let us look back to t'mes that are past.
It has been a long time since you called the King of

tr§^~W

138

TECUMSEH.

Great Britain father. You know that it is the duty
of a father to watch over his children, to give them
good advice, and to do everything in his power to
make them happy. What has this father of yours done
for you during the time that you looked up to him
for protection and advice ? Are you wiser and hap-
pier than you were before you knew him; or is your
nation stronger or more respectable ? No, my chil-
dren, he took you by the hand when you were a
powerful tribe ; you held him fast, supposing he was
your friend, and he conducted you through paths
filled with thorns and briars, which tore your flesh
and shed your blood. Your strength was exhausted,
and you could no longer follow him. Did he stay by
you in your distress and assist and comfort you ?
No, he led you into dangers and then abandoned
you. He saw your blood flowing, and he would give
you no bandage to tie up your wounds. This was
the conduct of the man who called himself your
father. The Great Spirit opened your eyes; you
heard the voice of the chief of the Seventeen Fires
speaking words of peace. He called you to follow
him ; you came to him, and he once more put you
on the right way — on the broad, smooth road that
would have led to happiness. But the voice of your
deceiver is again heard, and, forgetful of your former
sufferings, you are listening to him.

GENERAL HARRISON AND THE PROPHET. 1 39

" My children, shut your ears and mind him not,
or he will lead you to ruin and misery.

" My children, I have heard bad news. The sacred
spot where the great council-fire was kindled, around
which the Seventeen Fires and ten tribes of their
children smoked the pipe of peace — that very spot
where the Great Spirit saw his red and white children
encircle themselves with the chain of friendship —
that place has been selected for dark and bloody
councils.

" My children, this business must be stopped. You
have called in a number of men from the most distant
tribes to listen to a fool, who speaks not the words of
the Great Spirit, but those of the devil and of the
British agents. My children, your conduct has much
alarmed the white settlers near you. They desire
that you will send away those people, and if they
wish to have the impostor with them they can carry
him. Let him go to the lakes; he can hear the
British more distinctly."

When the reading of this speech was finished, the
Prophet dictated the following answer: —

" Father, I am sorry that you listen to the advice
of bad birds. You have impeached me with having
correspondence with the British, and with calling
and sending for Indians from the most distant part of
the country, * to listen to a fool that speaks not the

iJlU

i 3

ii;, .1

|! *wf',J:-

140

TECUM?EH.

words of the Great Spirit, but the words of the devil.'
Father, these impeachments I deny, and say they arc
not true. I never had a word with the British, and I
never sent for any Indians. They came here them-
selves to listen and hear the words of the Great
Spirit.

" Father, I wish you would not listen any more to
the voice of bad birds ; and you may rest assured
that it is the least of our idea to make disturbance,
and we will rather try to stop any such proceedings
than to encourage them."

A man by the name of John Tanner, who had been
faken captive by the Indians when a boy, was at this
time among the Chippcwas, or Ojibbeways, a nation
living then as now on Lake Superior and Lake
Michigan, and known to all readers of literature as
the people made famous by Longfellow's poem of
Hiawatha. He gives an interesting account of the
influence of the Prophet's reputation over the super-
stitious mind of the Indian.

He says that news reached this distant people that
the Shawnees had received a revelation from the
Great Spirit. A messenger brought this piece of
information, and appeared deeply impressed with the
solemnity of his mission. When he arrived he at
first maintained a long and mysterious silence before
announcing that he was the forerunner of the great

GENERAL HARRISON AND THE PROniET. 141

Prophet, who would soon shake hands with the Chip-
pcwas, reveal to them his inspired character, and set
forth the new manner of living which they were here-
after to adopt. He repeated the doctrines of the
Prophet to them, and solemnly enjoined the observ-
ance of his system of morals. A strong impression
was made by all this upon the principal men among
the Chippewas, and a time was appointed and a
lodge built, that the new doctrines might be accepted
in public. When the Indians had gathered in this
lodge, " we saw something," says Mr. Tanner, " care-
fully concealed under a blanket, in figure and dimen-
sions bearing some resemblance to a man. This was
accompanied by two young men, who, it was under-
stood, attended constantly upon it, niade its bed at
night, as for a man, and slept near it. But while we
remained no one went near it, or raised the blanket
which was spread over its unknown contents. Four
strings of mouldy and discolored beads were all the
visible insignia of his important mission. After a
long harangue, in which the prominent features of
the new revelation were stated and urged upon the
attention of all, the four strings of beads, which we
were told were made of the flesh of the Prophet,
were carried with much solemnity to each man in
the lodge, and he was expected to take hold
of each string at the top, and draw them gently

:Ui

llMP':^:'

142

TECUMSEII.

through his hand. This was called shaking hands
with the Prophet, and was considered as solemnly-
engaging to obey his injunctions and accept of his
mission as from the Supreme. All the Indians who
touched the beads had previously killed their dogs ;
they gave up their medicine bags, and showed a dis-
position to comply with all that should be required
of them. The influence of the Prophet was very
sensibly and painfully felt by the remotest Ojibbe-
ways of whom I had any knowledge, but it
was not the common impression among them that
his doctrines had any tendency to unite them
in the accomplishment of any human purpose.
For two or three years, drunkenness was much
less frequent than formerly, was less thought of,
and the entire aspect of things among them was
changed by the influence of this mission. But in
time these new impressions were obliterated, medi-
cine bags, flints and steels, the use of which had been
forbidden, were brought into use; dogs were reared,
women and children beaten as before, and the
Shawnee Prophet was despised."

Early in the year 1 808, great numbers of Indians
came flocking from the lakes to visit the Prophet.
With the characteristic improvidence of savages,
they prolonged their visit until their provisions were
entirely exhausted. Their religious excitement of

GENERAL HARRISON AND THE PROPHET. 143

the previous year had interfered with the more pro-
saic occupation of corn- raising. Governor Harrison
benevolently and prudently (for hungry Indians are
apt to be dangerous neighbors) ordered them to be
supplied from the public stores at Fort Wayne. The
Indian agent who carried out this order came to the
conclusion that the Prophet's followers had no hostile
designs against the United States. It seems very
likely that in the beginning the purpose of the
Prophet was simply the establishment of a new relig-
ion, with an accompanying reformation of morals,
and that he got many suggestions in a fragmv^niary
and distorted way from the missionaries who had
preached Christianity among the Indians. As with
Mohammed and other leaders, the political purpose
was an afterthought. It may have been the rising
influence of Tecumseh that gave this final bent to the
preaching of the Prophet. Tecumseh, about 1808,
visited the Mississinawa villages. The object of this
trip could not be discovered, but it was probably
connected with his incipient scheme of uniting the
Indians in a confederacy, of which he should be the
leader. The Indians in these towns promised to
meet him and his brother the following June, on the
Wabash, to which place they had decided to move.
An Indian agent, Mr. Jouett, wrote to the governor
that he feared this meeting would result in some

144

TECUMSEII.

hostile movement on the frontier, and advised that
the Prophet should be seized and imprisoned, in
order to extinguish his influence. General Harrison
rejected this proposition, probably because so violent
a measure would have precipitated hostilities with
Tecumseh's band.

The Pottawatomies and Kickapoos granted Te-
cumseh and the Prophet a tract of land on the Tip-
pecanoe, one of the tributaries of the Wabash River.
To this place, in the western part of what is now the
State of Indiana, Tecumscli and the Prophet, with
their party, started to remove in the spring of 1808,
much to the relief, no doubt, of their civilized neigh-
bors in Ohio. The Miami and Delaware nations
had strong objections to their establishing themselves
on the Wabash, and set out to prevent it. At this
time the number of the Prophet's immediate band
was still very small, there being only about forty
Shawnees and less *^> ui a hundred of other nations,
mostly Pott ' opewas, Ottawas, and Win-

nebagoer Avever, boldly met the de-

putatior chiel^ uoiii the Miamis and Delawares,
and turned then back from their purpose of stopping
his settlement in Indiana. Tl y returned to their
tribes, but with strong suspic , of the motives of
the brothers.

Tecumseh and his brother established a villar^e on

GENERAL HARRISON AND THE rROPIIET. I45

the Tippecanoe, which came lo be known as the
Prophet's Town. They now drew around them a
body of Northern Indians, much to the disgust of the
Miamis and Uclawares. The Prophet's followers
here, for the first time, began to combine warlike
sports with their religious exercises. Tecumseh's
genius for war was gradually asserting its ascendency
over the Prophet's gift for exciting religious fanatic-
cism.

The Prophet now announced that he intended to
visit Governor Harrison, in order to explain his
movements and to procure provisions for his band.
He said " these could not be consistently withheld
from him, since the white peopl(5 had always encour-
aged him to preach the word of God to the Indians,
and it was in this holy work that he was now
engaged"

In the latter part of June, 1808, he sent a small
deputation of Indians to Vincenncs with a " speech"
to the governor. This speech denied all the unfa-
vorable representations of his purposes which had
been circulated, saying that he and Tecumseh wished
to live in peace with the white people, and promis-
ing soon to visit the governor. The messenger
who bore this speech of the Prophet's, said, in a con-
ference with the governor : —

*' I have now listened to that man upward of three

;

146

TECUMSEH.

Ill

.1;

years, and have never heard him give any but good
advice. He tells us that we must pray to the Great
Spirit who made the world and everything in it for
our use. He tells us that no man could make the
plants, the trees, and the animals, but that they must
be made by the Great Spirit, to whom we ought to
pray and obey in all things. He tells us not to lie,
to steal, nor to drink whisky ; not to go to war, but
to live in peace with all mankind. He tells us also
to work and make corn."

In August, the Prophet made his visit, staying two
weeks at Vincennes, and holding frequent interviews
with Governor Harrison. To prove his sincerity and
earnestness, he frequently addressed the Indians, who
were with him in the presence of the governor,
dwelling upon the great evils resulting from war and
the use of liquor. Harrison soon formed a very
favorable estimate of the Prophet's talents. He
tested his influence over his followers by holding
conversations with them '*iid offering them whisky,
which they always refused The governor had long
been interested in the discussion of what was to be
done for the Indians, and had many times urged, in
hi^ letters to the government, the necessity for keep-
ing whisky from them. He now began to hope that
this preacher of temperance might better their con-
dition.

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PORTRAIT OF THE PROPHET.

GENERAL HARRISON AND THE PROPHET. 1 47

Before the close of his visit, the Prophet delivered
this speech before the governor : —

"Father: It is three years since I first began
that system of religion which I now practice. The
white people and some of the Indians were against
me, but I had no other intention but to introduce
among the Indians those good principles of religion
which the white people profess. I was spoken badly
of by the white people, who reproached me with
misleading the Indians, but I defy them to say
that I did anything amiss.

"Father, I was told you intended to hang me.
When I heard this, I intended to remember it and
tell my father when I went to see him and relate to
him the truth.

" I heard, when I settled on the Wabash, that my
father, the governor, had declared that all the land
between Vincennes and Fort Wayne was the prop-
erty of the Seventeen Fires. I also heard that you
wanted to know, my father, whether I was God or
man ; and that you said if I was the former I should
not steal horses. I heard this from Mr. Wells, but I
believed it originated with himself

"The Great Spirit told me to tell the Indians
that he had made them, and made the world —
that he had placed them on it to do good and not
evil.

148

TECUMSEH.

" I told all the redskins that the way they were in
was not good, and that they ought to abandon it.

" That we ought to consider ourselves as one man,
but we ought to live agreeably to our several cus-
toms, the red people after their mode and the white
people after theirs ; particularly that they should not
drink whisky; that it was not made for them, but
for the white people who knew how to use it, and
that it is the cause of all the mischiefs which the In-
dians suffer, and that they must follow the directions
of the Great Spirit, and we must listen to Him, as it
was He that made us ; determine to listen to nothing
that is bad ; do not take up the tomahawk should it
be offered by the British or by the Long Knives ; do
not meddle with anything that does not belong to
you, but mind y^ur own business and cultivate the
ground, that your women and children may have
enough to live on.

" I now inform you that it is our intention to live
in peace with our father and his people forever.

" My father, I have informed you what we mean
to do, and I call the Great Spirit to witness the truth
of my declaration. The religion which I have estab-
lished for the last three years has been attended by
all the different tribes of Indians in this part of the
world. Those Indians were once different people;
they are now but one ; ihey are all determined to

GENERAL HARRISON AND THE PROPHET. 1 49

practice what I have communicated to them, that has
come immediately from the Great Spirit through me.

** Brother, I speak to you as ? warrior. You are
one. But let us lay aside this character and attend
to the care of our children, that they may live in
comfort and peace. We desire that you will join us
for the preservation of both red and white people.
Formerly, when we lived in ignorance, we were fool-
ish ; but now, since we listen to the voice of the Great
Spirit, we are happy.

" I have listened to what you have said to us.
You have promised to assist us. I now request you,
in behalf of all the red people, to use your exertions
to prevent the sale of liquor to us. We are all well
pleased to hear you say that you will endeavor to
promote our happiness. We give you ev ery assur-
ance that we will follow the dictates of the Great
Spirit.

" We are all well pleased with the attention you
have shown us, also with the good intentions of our
father, the President. If you give us a few articles,
such as J .eedles, flints, hoes, powder, etc., we will take
the an'mals that afford us meat with powder and
ball."

This speech has the characteristic Indian perora-
tion. A bit of begging is in almost every speech of
the kind, and the close of this plea of the Prophet's

H-

ISO

TECUMSEH.

attests its genuineness. Nor can one read this part
of Tenskwatawa's life without feehng that beneath all
his ignorance, persecuting fanaticism, and imposture,
there was a real ambition to be a benefactor to the
Indians. Like many another so-called prophet, he
did not hold out so /ell as he began. His system of
religion was a farrago compounded of Indian preju-
dices and scraps of ideas gathered here and there
from the missionaries. But it seems to have been a
genuine advance on the superstitions that it had be-
gun to supplant, and under more favorable circum-
stances it might have been a stepping-stone to a
genuine enlightenment by the removal of old preju-
dices and the reformation of morals. The Prophet
and his followers received a supply of provisions and
returned to the Tippecanoe, leaving the governor in
doubt as to whether the new sect really had any hos-
tile intentions toward the United States. Harrison
believed afterward that the Indian seer had played
him false in this movement, and that this display of
piety was a mere ruse to allay his fears and put him
off his guard.

.^i^.A , F-^"**, -•'f

CHAPTER XVI.

PLANS AND CHARACTER OF TECUMSEH.

In all these events Tecumseh stood in the back-
ground, while the Prophet seemed to be the leader.
So much was this so that, at the time, the Prophet
was supposed by the white people, including the gov-
ernor and President Jefferson himself, to be the sole
mover of this excitement among the Indian tribes.
Tecumseh's greatness is shown in nothing more
than in his ability to wait. He must have had a
consciousness of talents far transcending the craft
of his brother. And yet he quietly saw the grow-
incf fame and influence of the latter. When the
time came he asserted his ascendency, and turned
even the Prophet's fame and power to his own pur-
pose, which was a far less practicable one than that
of Tenskwatawa — being nothing less tlian the for-
mation of a vast confederacy of the Indian tribes to
restrain the white race within limits, or, if possible,
to force them to retreat beyond the Alleghanies.
It was in his failure to estimate the resources of
the whites and the relative persistency of civiliza-

152

TECUMSEH.

' i

1 1

tion and savagery that the weakness of the Indian
mind shows itself.

But the scheme of Tecumseh should be judged from
his own standpoint. He had seen the whites over-
thrown under Harmar and St. Clair, and in many skir-
mishes besides. And that too without any very large
combinations among the Indians. If now he could
succeed in bringing together all the Indians, so that
the Southern border should be harassed at the same
time that the Western border was being overwhelmed,
there seemed to Tecumseh a great likelihood that the
whites could be finally defeated and brought to sue
for peace at the hands of the Indians.

We cannot give Tecumseh credit for originality in
this scheme. The idea was an old one with energetic
Indian warriors. Pontiac, before Tecumseh's birth,
had planned a similar rising against the whites, and
had allied himself with the French against the Eng-
lish, as Tecumseh after this formed an alliance widi
the English against the Americans. But with the
Tippecanoe chieftain originated the idea of making
use of religious fanaticism and superstition as a mo-
tive to union and action. It is hardly likely that
Tecumseh and his brother deliberately adopted
prophecy as a ruse. Tenskwatawa, indolent and
lacking in courage, was inferior in the hunt and on
the battle-field. What more natural than that his

PLANS OF TECUMSEH.

153

crafty spirit should seek an ascendency of another
kind, and that the death of his predecessor, the
Prophet Change-of- Feathers, should have suggested
the means. That he soon came to believe in his own
mission is not unlikely. Such cases of self-delusion
are common enough.

It seems probable that Tecumseh, ambitious of
military fame, and desirous of leading a larger band
than the small company about him, saw in the flock-
ing of the tribes to the preaching of his brother the
opportunity he desired. From step to step his im-
agination rose to his large scheme, which was not to
form a temporary alliance, such as had been sought
by Pontiac and others, but a great and permanent
confederation — an empire of red men, of which he
should be the leader and emperor.

To this end he fostered his brother's influence.
He raised the Prophet to the highest position among
his followers, and affected always the greatest respect
for him, as though he were a superior being, and
added much to his brother's power by his own noble
presence and influence over the minds of others.
But though the Prophet seemed to govern, Tecumseh
ruled with a quiet but imperious will. It is probable
that he distrusted the Prophet's judgment, for, though
Tenskwatawa is said to have been a more pleasing
speaker even than Tecumseh, it was rarely the case

: Tfm

154

TECUMSEH.

kth

kiLi ..

that he uttered a word in council when Tecumseh
was present.

Tecumseh was despotic, but not a tyrant. His
mind was large, foreseeing the probable destruction
of the Indian tribes through the force of civilization.
He was largely patriotic — not a Shawnee, but a red
man — loving all red people and working for their
advancement. He was a remarkable leader of men,
possessing a strong influence over them ; he was
brave in battle, calm and dignified in every presence,
acknowledging no man as his superior by the slightest
action, and fond of a certain regal dignity without
pomp ; but he was never known to be cruel or re-
vengeful to those who were helpless in his power.

Tecumseh never allowed his portrait to be painted.
He *' was near six feet in stature, with a compact,
muscular frame, capable of great physical endurance.
His head was of a moderate size, with a forehead
full and high, his nose slightly aquiline, teeth large
and regular, eyes black, penetrating, and overhung
with heavy arched brows, which increased the uni-
formly grave and severe expression of his counte-
nance. He is represented by those who knew him
to have been a remarkably fine-looking man, always
plain but neat in his dress, and of a commanding
personal presence."

An English writer on the war of i8i2 says that

CHARACTER OF TECUMSEH.

155

Tcctimseh was endowed " with more than the usual
stoutness, and possessed all the agility and perseve-
rance of the Indian character. His carriage was dig-
nified, his eyes penetrating, his countenance, even in
'c th, I 'ng indications of a lofty spirit. The In-
t ,.is i ^ .leral are full as fond as other savages of
the gaudy decoration of their persons, but Tecumseh
vvcs an exception. Clothes and other valuable arti-
cles of spoil had often been his, yet he invariably
wore a deer-skin coat and pantaloons. He had fre-
quently levied subsidies to comparatively a large
amount, yet he preserved little or nothing for him-
self It was not wealth but glory that was Tecum -
seh's ruling passion,"

There are two stories with regard to the marriage
of Tecumseh, one being that he was married to sev-
eral wives, but never to more than one at a time ;
while the other is that he had but one wife. The
latter is probably the truth, for it is on the testimony
of men who knew him all his life. His marriage
took place at the age of twenty-eight, and was in
compliance with the wishes of his friends. His wife,
Mamate, was older than himself, and seems to have
been a mediocre person, both physically and mentally.
Tecumseh's only child was a son named Pugesha-
shenwa, which means " A-panther-seizing-its-prey."
Mamate died soon after his birth, and he was left to

156

TECUMSEII.

the care of his aunt, Tecumsch's beloved sister, Tc-
cumapeasc.

An intelligent Shawnee who knew Tecumsch from
childhood states that " he was kind and attentive to
the aged and infirm, looking personally to their com-
fort, repairing their frail wigwams when winter ap-
proached, giving them skins for moccasins and cloth-
ing, and sharing with them the choicest game which
the woods and the seasons afforded. Nor were these
acts of kindness bestowed exclusively on those of
rank or reputation. On the contrary, he made it his
business to search out the humblest objects of charity
and in a quiet, unostentatious manner relieve their
wants."

" From the earliest period of his life," says one of
the Indian agents wh6*liad a great deal to do with
hin;, " Tecumseh was distinguished for virtue, for a
strict adherence to truth, honor, and integrity. He
was sober and abstemious, never indulging in the
use of liquor or eating to excess."

A man who lived nearly twenty years among the
Indians as a prisoner, part of the time in Tecumseh's
family, says, " I know of no peculiarity about him
that gained him popularity. His talents, rectitude
of deportment, and friendly disposition commanded
the respect and regard of all about him. In short, I
consider him a very great as well a very good man,

CHARACTER OF TECUM SEH.

157

who, had he enjoyed the advantages of a liberal
education, would have done honor to any age or
nation."

Benjamin Drake, in his life of Tecumseh, says:
" When Burns, the poet, was suddenly transferred
from his plow, in Ayrshire, to the polished circles of
Edinburgh, his ease of manners and nice observance
of the rules of good breeding excited much surprise
and became the theme of frequent conversation.
The same thing has been remarked of Tecumseh.
Whether seated at the tables of Gen -irals McArthur
and Wortliington, as he was during the council at
Chillicothe in 1807, or brought in contact with
British officers of the highest rank, his manners were
entirely free from vulgarity and coarseness ; he was
uniformly self-possessed and with the tact and ease of
deportment which marked the poet of the heart, and
which are falsely supposed to be the result of civili-
zation and refinement only. He readily accommo-
dated himself to the novelties of his new position,
and seemed more amusQd than annoyed by them."

We can never know just when Tecumseh formed
his scheme for a union of the red men, to offset
the union of the "Seventeen Fires" of the whites;
but the plan now began to reveal itself to the gov-
ernment in various ways. Operations so extensive as
his could not long be entirely hidden. He had been

sf. ''

-^^.-\::J.^J:

158

TECUMSEH.

for some time engaged in visiting various tribes and
trying by the power of his masterful oratory to in-
duce thera to join his confederacy. For at least
three or four years he traveled almost ceaselessly for
the accomplishment of his purpose. Ho was at one
time away up among the lakes in the remotest part
of the old Indiana Territory ; at another time he was
moving through the South; and at still another he
was in that then almost unknown world lying beyond
the Mississippi. What history we have of these
travels of Tecumseh is in the merest scraps, such as
came to the knowledge of the whites from time to
time. Tirelessly he journeyed through the wilder-
ness, eloquently he labored with his red brethren,
returning often to his headquarters, where the Pro-
phet reigned in his absence.

.rni!t^.-v^-

■:.^vA' ^/

CHAPTER XVII.

FORMATION OF TECUMSEH'S CONFEDERACY.

Until i8io, Tecumseh seemed to be quietly
strengthening his influence among the tribes with-
out distinctly announcing his ultimate purpose.

Early in the year 1809, accompanied by Captain
Lewis, a well-known Shawnee chief, he attended a
council of Indians held at Sandusky. Here he tried
to persuade the Wyandots and Senccas to remove to
his settlement at Tippecanoe. Among other induce-
ments, he said that the country on this river was
better than what they now occupied, that it was fur-
ther removed from the whites, and that they would
have more game and be happier there. The wary
Indians, however, had a suspicion that Tecumseh
meant something more than he said, and their ex-
perience in Wayne's campaign had given them a
wholesome fear of rashly offending the United
States. The Crane, an old chief of the Wyandots,
answered, " that he feared Tecumseh was working
for no good purpose at Tippecanoe ; that they would
wait a few years, and then if they found their red

r .^M:rr'

1 60

TECUMSEH.

brethren at that time contented and happy, they
would probably join them."

In April, 1809, the United States agent at Fort
Wayne informed Governor Harrison that, according
to reports, the Indians had been required by the
Prophet to take up arms against the government, to
exterminate the inhabitants of Vincennes and of the
settlements along the Ohio ; this being the order of
the Great Spirit, who threatened destrv :t'on to those
who disobeyed. It was also reported that the Chip-
pewas, Pottawatomie?, and Ottawas were deserting
the Prophet in consequence of this order. Whether
this was true or not, and whether in any case it was
Tecumseh's plan, or only an ambitious undertaking
of the Prophet's in Tecumseh's absence, is not known.
The agent said that there were not more than a hun-
dred warriors remaining with the Prophet ; but the
Governor had information that there were within
fifty miles of his headquarters four or five times that
number who were his devoted followers. Harrison
immediately organized two companies of volunteer
militia with which he garrisoned Fort Knox, which
was situated within two miles of Vincennes. If
there had been any warlike purpose on the part of
the Prophet, this show of force put a stop to it, for
Indians do not often strike an enemy who stands on
guard.

FORMATION OF THE CONFEDERACY.

161

In July, the Prophet and about forty followers vis-
ited Vincennes, at that time the capital of the terri-
tory and the residence of the governor. He meekly
denied any part in the combination to attack the
white settlements. He claimed, indeed, that the plot
was entirely confined to the tribes of the Mississippi
and Illinois Rivers, and that he had dissuaded them
from their intended hostilities.

Governor Harrison was not to be so easily de-
ceived again by the Prophet's plausibili*^y, for he
writes to the Secretary of War : " I must confess
that my suspicions of his guilt have been rather
strengthened than diminished at every interview I
have had with him since his arrival. He acknowl-
edges that he received an invitation to war against
us from the British, last fall, and that he was apprised
of the intention of the Sacs and Foxes, &c., early in
the spring, and was warmly solicited to join their
league. But he could give no satisfactory explana-
tion of his neglecting to communicate to me circum-
stances so extremely interesting to us, and towards
which I had a few months before directed his atten-
tion, and received a solemn assurance of his cheerful
compliance with the injunctions I had impressed
upon him. The result of all my inquiries on the sub-
ject is that the late combination was produced by
British intrigue and influence, in anticipation of war

'ii.:

1 62

TECUMSEH.

'ill

with the United States. It was, however, prema-
ture and ill-judged. . . . The warlike and well-
armed tribes of the Pottawatomies, Ottawas, Chippc-
was, Delawares, and Miamis, I believe, neither had
nor would have joined in the combination ; and al-
though the Kickapoos, whose warriors are better
than those of any other tribe, the remnant of the
Wyandots excepted, are much under the influence
of the Prophet, I am persuaded that they were
never made acquainted with his intentions, if they
were really hostile tov/ard the United States."

In 1809, at a council at Greenville, Governor
Harrison purchased a large tract of land lying on the
cast of the Wabash River from the Indian owners —
the Miami, Eel River, Delaware, and Pottawatomie
tribes. He also made a treaty with the Kickapoos,
who confirmed the grant and sold another large piece
of land. When he made these treacles. Governor
Harrison invited all Indians to be present who were
considered to have any claim to the land.

By April, 18 10, there was a general conviction on
the part of the whites that the plans of Tecumseh
and the Prophet were really hostile to the United
States. A trader who had been for some time at
Tippecanoe informed Governor Harrison that there
were at least one thousand souls, perhaps four hun-
dred men, in that place under the control of the

FORMATION OF THE CONFEDERACY.

163

Prophet. It was plain that there was strong hostile
feeling toward the government among these Indians.
They refused to buy any ammunition from American
traders, saying that they had a plentiful supply, and
intimated that they could get more from the English
without paying for it.

About the middle of May, the governor was in-
formed that the Prophet's followers amounted to six
or eight hundred men, and that it was probable that
this force could be doubled from those tribes over
which the Prophet had influence. All this led to
much fear for the safety of the small, exposed settle-
ments in Indiana.

A large meeting of Indians was held at this time
on the St. Joseph's River. To this meeting Gover-
nor Harrison sent an appeal through the Delawarcs,
pointing out the inevitable destruction of those tribes
who should take up the hatchet against their fathers,
and the great danger to the friendly tribes through
the difficulty of distinguishing friend from foe.

The Prophet now succeeded in gaining the Wyan-
dots over to his side. This nation had always pos-
sessed great influence among the Indians, the mem-
bers of it being called " uncles," and venerated for
their talents and valor. The great belt, which had
been the symbol of union between the tribes in dicir
previous war, was committed to the care of this tribe.

■ K

1 64

TECUMSEH.

They also possessed the original copy of the treaty of
Greenville. The negotiations between this tribe and
the Prophet are a good example of Indian diplomacy.
The Prophet sent a deputation to them saying that
he was surprised that the Wyandots, who had always
directed the councils of the Indians, in consequence of
their talents and bravery, should sit still and sec the
property of the Indians usurped by a part.

Flattered by this message, the Wyandots answered
that they had carefully preserved the belt which for-
merly united the Indians as one nation. This belt,
they said, had remained so long in their possession
without being called for, that they supposed it was
forgotten. They assured the Prophet that they were
glad, however, that at last it was wanted. As for
themselves, they were tired of the situation ; nothing
was nearer their hearts than the union of the tribes
again as one man. They looked upon everything
that had been done since the treaty of Greenville as
nothing ; that they would join with the Prophet in
endeavoring to bring together all tlie tribes for the
purpose of stopping the encroachments of the white
people, and recovering that which had been unjustly
taken from them.

This answer was exactly according to the wishes
of the Prophet. He immediately circulated it among
all the Indian nations, and it proved a powerful in-

M^^mm^

FORMATION OK THE CONl'EDERACV.

1 65

fluence in favor of Tecumseh's scheme. The Wyan-
dots soon started to make a visit to Tippecanoe. On
their way they held a conference with the Miami
chiefs. They showed the great belt, and reproached
the Miamis with having united with the whites
against their Indian friends. The Miamis were so
intimidated that they joined the Wyandots on their
journey to the Prophet's Town, inviting the Weac to
go with them.

An old Piankishaw Indian named Grosble, who
was very much attached to Governor Harrison and
to the United States, asked at this time permission
to move beyond the Mississippi, saying that he had
heard nothing but rumors of war among the Indians,
and as he would not engage in it he wished to be out
of danger. He told the governor that which he
heard from other sources — that the Prophet intended
to attack Vincennes, and boasted that he would follow
the footsteps of the great Pontiac.

The governor had stationed a person as spy at the
Prophet's Town, by whom he was now informed that
there were about three thousand men within thirty
miles of this place, who carried on a great deal of
secret counseling, and who were at least resolved to
prevent the survey of any land west of the Wabash
River.

In June, a boat was sent up the Wabash with salt

1 i'

; J

I,!

I i

iitj

1 66

TECUMSEII.

for the Indians, as part of their annuities. The Pro-
phet refused to receive the salt, and the men who
brought it were treated rudely and told to go back
to Vincennes.

About the time when the salt was refused, the in-
defatigable Tecumseh was among the Shawnees on
the Auglaize ; but the new leader was without hon-
or among his own people. He tried in vain to in-
duce them to join his scheme, but they even refused
to go into council with him. The Shawnee chiefs on
the Auglaize had received a letter from Governor
Harrison some months previous to Tccumseh's arri-
val, which no doubt had something to do with their
peaceful disposition. This letter Tecumseh took from
from the hand of the interpreter and scornfully
threw it into the fire, declaring that if Governor
Harrison were present he would serve him in the
same way.

He told the Indians that the white people were
deceiving them; that for his part he would never
put any confidence in the whites. He said that if
he were dead the cause would not die with him. But
he went away . luch dissatisfied with his ill success
among the Shawnees.

Tecumseh owed his failure with this tribe in great
part, no doubt, to the influence of the great Shawnee
chief, Black Hoof. This Indian had been 'born in

FORMATION OF THE CONFEDERACY.

167

Florida, and was old enough at the time of the re-
moval of his nation to Ohio to remember bathing in
the salt water of the ocean. He had been present at
the defeat of Braddock, in 1755, during the French and
English war, and had been very actively engaged in
all the wars in Ohio until Wayne's treaty with the In-
dians. It is said that his wisdom and energy in the
planning and executing of his military expeditions
was so great that he was never at a loss for braves to
fight under his lead.

Black Hoof had been the orator of his tribe dur-
ing most of his life, and had fought bravely in the
vain hope of staying the tide of white emigration to
the valley of the Mississippi. But after the disastrous
defeat of the Indians by Wayne, the old chief, grown
wise by the experience of years, became convinced
of the futility of all attempts to drive back the whites.
He signed the treaty of Greenville, and from that
time actively opposed all war with the settlers. As
he was the head chief of the Shawnee nation, the
influence of his office and of his personal character
gave him a great ascendency in the councils of his
people.

Every persuasion was brought to bear by Tecum-
seh on Black Hoof to induce him to join his scheme,
but all failed ; the chief and the greater part of his
tribe remained faithful to the treaty of Greenville.

I fir ff

I-

!:i^r

1 68

TECUMSEH.

In the war which succeeded between the United
States and Great Britain, he was firmly attached to
the American cause, ahhough he took no active part
in the conflict.

Like Tccumseh, this great chief was opposed to
polygamy and the burning of prisoners. He is said
to have lived for forty years with one wife, and to
have raised a large family of children, who loved and
respected him. He was of a cheerful disposition
and sprightly in conversation. Black Hoof was
rather small, being about five feet eight inches in
height. He died at Wapakonetta, Ohio, in 1 831, at
the age of one hundred and ten. Up to the time of
his death his health was good and his eyesight un-
dimmed.

Governor Harrison was visited in June by a depu-
tation of Pottawatomie Indians, headed by the chief
Winnemac, to inform him of the result of the council
held at the St Joseph's of Lake Michigan. It had
been attended by all the neighboring Indians, and by
the Delawares, who were to have gone there for the
purpose of dissuading the Indians from joining the
Prophet. This they succeeded in doing, and Win-
nemac was sent to inform the governor of all they
knew of the Prophet's plans, which was that every
exertion was to be made on the part of the Prophet's
party to induce the trans- Mississippi tribes to join

FORMATION OF THE CONFEDERACY.

169.

the confederacy; and that Detroit, Fort Wayne,
Chicago, St. Louis, and Vincennes were all to be sur-
prised. It was reported that the Prophet had even
suggested to his young men the murder of some of
the neighboring chiefs in order tliat their own hands,
might be free to carry forward their purposes,

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CHAPTER XVIII.

EXECUTION OF LEATHERLIPS FOR WITCH-
CRAFT.

On the evening of the first day of June, six Wy-
andots, equipped in the most warlike manner, ap-
peared at the house of a white man on the Scioto,
near where the city of Columbus, Ohio, now stands.
They were much agitated, and inquired after an old
Wyandot chief named Leatherlips, whom they had
been seeking. When they found that he was en-
camped two miles further up the river, they immedi-
ately started off, saying they intended to kill him,

A Mr. John Sells was told of the visit of the In-
dians the next morning, and started off for Leather-
lips* camp. He came upon the six warriors, who
were headed, it is believed, by the chief Roundhead,
seated in council in a grove of sugar maples a short
distance from Leatherlips' lodge. The old chief,
with his arms tied with a slight cord, sat calmly in
iheir midst. A few white neighbors were also pre-
sent and a sullen and gloomy Indian, who had
been Leatherlips' companion, sat apart in the camp.
Going up to the Indians, Mr. Sells found them in

EXECUTION OF LEATHERLIPS.

171

earnest debate. They were trying the white-haired
Lcatherlips for witchcraft. With this he had been
previously charged by some of the Indians present,
who believed they had lost some of their friends
through his evil powers.

For two or three hours the council lasted. The
accusers spoke with much ceremony, but evidently
very bitterly. The prisoner answered eloquently,
but without passion, occasionally smiling disdainfully.
The council was closed with a sentence of death.
Some of the white men inquired as to the time of the
execution. The captain of the accusers pointed to
the sun, indicating one o'clock. Mr. Selis asked him
what Leatherlips had done.

"Very bad Indian," answered he; "make good
Indian sick ; make horse sick ; make die ; very bad
chief" Mr. Sells tried to induce tlie white men to
interfere for the safety of the chief, but they refused,
fearing the results of Indian animosity on their un-
protected settlements. He then tried to purchase
the life of Leatherlips with a very fine horse, worth
three hundred dollars. This staggered the Indians
at first, but after a long council their fanatical zeal
triumphed, and the offer was refused.

After the close of the council, five of the Indians
amused themselves with athletic sports, such as run-
ning, jumping, etc. In these. Roundhead took no

' '^■IHI

172

TECUMSEH.

lillp!

flUli

part. He now indicated the hour of four as the time
of execution. Leatherlips then walked slowly to
his camp, ate a dinner of jerked venison, washed and
dressed himself in his best apparel, which was very
rich, and finally painted his face. His graceful fig-
ure and gray hair gavo him a very impressive look.
He requested that the company should draw around
him at the lodge. He had noticed that Mr. Sells
had exerted himself for him, and now handed him a
paper, which was a recommendation from Governor
Hull. This paper was read to the company and
then fixed to a tree at the prisoner's desire. He
shook hands silently with the whole company, but
on coming to Mr. Sells he grasped his hand warmly,
spoke a few words in the Wyandot tongue, and
pointed to the sky. He then turned, and, in a voice
of wonderful strength and melody, began chanting
his death-song. He was followed by the six warriors,
keeping time to the wild melancholy dirge with their
slow steps. " The white men also silently fell into this
procession. At about eighty yards from the camp
Ihey came upon a shallow grave. Here the vener-
able Leatherlips kneeled down and solem.nly prayed
to the Great Spirit. This was followed by a prayer
from the leader. Mr. Sells now told him that if he
did this deed he ought at least to go beyond the
limits of the white settlements.

EXECUTION OF LEATHERLIPS.

173

" No I " he answered sternly and with much dis-
pleasure ; " no ! good Indian 'fraid ; he no go with
this bad man ; mouth give fire in the dark night ;
good Indian 'fraid ; he no go."

Mr. Sells reluctantly gave up the old man's cause.
Up to this time there was no weapon visib^2.
Lcatherlips again sank on his knees and prayed ss
before. In this position he remained, after he had
finished praying, until the fatal blow was struck, with
a tomahawk suddenly drawn from beneath the blan-
ket of the leader.

Leatherlips, in all his rich clothing and decorations,
was then buried, and the executioners returned as
they had come.

This execution is believed to have taken place
by order of the Prophet. It is thought that the
six Wyandots came immediately from Tippecanoe to
the banks of the Scioto. Whether or not motives
of policy dictated the charge of witchcraft against
Lcatherlips, we do not know. It is quite possible
that the hostile chiefs now found it needful to strike
with terror all those leaders who held aloof from their
movement

i- ■

CHAPTER XIX.

MEETING OF HARRISON AND TECUMSEH AT

VINCENNES.

In the month of June, 1810, Governor Harrison
sent two confidential agents to Tippecanoe to discover
more fully if possible the designs of the Prophet.
One of these agents, a Mr. Dubois, was received
kindly. He told the Prophet that Governor Harrison
had sent him to find out what was the reason of his
warlike preparations and his enmity against the
United States. He told the Prophet that his move-
ments had so alarmed the white people that warriors
in Kentucky and Indiana were arming themselves,
but that the Governor wished him to say that this
was only for defence, and that no attempt should be
made against him until there was no more doubt of
his intentions. The Prophet said that he did not in-
tend to make war, that he had been unjustly accused,
and that he was fixed in that place by the express
commands of the Great Spirit. The agent urged
him to state his complaints against the government.
The Prophet replied that the Indians had been
cheated of their lands ; that a sale to be valid must be

tS^BB

MEETING AT VINCENNES.

175

sanctioned by all the tribes. Mr. Dubois told him
that he ought to go to Vincennes and present his
complaints to the governor.

The Prophet declined doing this, saying that he
had been badly treated on his former visit. Mr.
Dubois also visited the Wea and Eel River tribes.
They were fearful that war would break out, and that
they would be involved in it.

On the 4th of July, four canoes filled with some
of the Prophet's followers descended the Wabash.
One of these canoes, containing some Kickapoos,
came down as low as a settlement above Vincennes,
where they stopped and attended a Shaker meeting
on Sunday. After this act of piety they wound up
their Sabbath by stealing five horses in the night.

A few days later, a party of Indians who had been
visiting the Sac and Fox Indians on the Mississippi,
told Governor Harrison that these tribes had taken up
the hatchet and said they were ready to act with the
Prophet whenever he should desire. It was also said
that a Miami chief, who had been on his annual visit
to the English post at Maiden, after receiving his
supplies, was addressed thus by the English agent :•—

" My son, keep your eyes fixed on me. My
tomahawk is now up; be you ready, but do not
strike till I give the signal."

Governor Harrison sent a confidential agent, Mr.

N 1

176

TECUMSEH.

Baron, with a letter to Tippecanoe. When this mes-
senger reached the Prophet's Town he was received
in very dramatic fashion. He was first conducted
ceremoniously to the place where the Prophet, sur-
rounded by a number of Indians, was seated. Here
he was left standing at the distance of about ten feet
from the Indian prophet. " He looked at me," said
Mr. Baron, " for several minutes, without speaking
or making any sign of recognition, although he knew
me well. At last he spoke, apparently in anger.
'For what purpose do you come here?' said he.
*Brouilette was here; he was a spy. Dubois was
here ; he was a spy. Now you have come. You
too are a spy. There is your grave ! look on it ! '
The Prophet then pointed to the ground near the
spot where I stood."

Tecumseh, who seems to have been accustomed
to check his brother's fondness for stage acting, now
came out of one of the lodges, greeted Mr. Baron
coldly, told him that his life was in no danger, and
asked him to state the object of his visit. Mr. Baron
then read the following letter : —

"William Henry Harrison, Governor and Com-
mander-in-chief of the Territory of Indiana, to the
Shawnee chief and the Indians assembled at Tippeca-
noe : Notwithstanding the improper language which
you have used towards me, 1 will endeavor to open

MEETING AT VINCENNES.

-^n

% \

your eyes to your true interests. Notwithstanding
what white men have told you, I am not your per-
sonal enemy. You ought to know this from tlic
manner in which I received and treated you on your
visit to this place.

" Although I must say that you are an enemy to
the Seventeen Fires, and that you have used the
greatest exertions to lead them [the Indians] astray.
In this you have been in some measure successful ;
as I am told, they are ready to raise the tomahawk
against their father, yet their father, notwithstanding
his anger at their folly, is full of goodness, and is
always ready to receive into his arms those of his
children who are willing to repent, acknowledge
their fault, and ask his forgiveness.

** There is yet but little harm done, which may be
easily repaired. The chain of friendship which united
the whites with the Indians may be renewed, and be
as strong as ever. A great deal of that work de-
pends on you — the destiny of those who are under
your direction depends upon the choice you may
make of the two roads which are before you. The
one is large, open, and pleasant, and leads to peace,
security, and happiness ; the other, on the con-
trary, is narrow and crooked, and leads to misery
and ruin. Don't deceive yourselves ; do not believe

that all the nations of Indians united are able to re-

178

TECUMSEH.

sist the force of the Seventeen Fires. I know your
warriors are brave, but ours are not less so. But
what can a few brave warriors do against the in-
numerable warriors of the Seventeen Fires ? Our
blue-coats are more numerous than you can count;
our hunters are like the leaves of the forest, or the
grains of sand on the Wabash. Do not think that
the red-coats can protect you ; they are not able
to protect themselves. They do not think of going
to war with us. If they did, you would in a few
moons see our flag wave over all the forts of Canada.
What reason have you to complain of the Seventeen
Fires ? Have they taken anything from you ? Have
they ever violated the treaties made with the red
men ? You say they have purchased lands from
those who had no right to sell them. Show that this
is true and the land will be instantly restored. Show
us the rightful owners. I have full power to arrange
this business ; but if you would rather carry your
complaints before your great father, the President,
you shall be indulged. I will immediately take
means to send you, with those chiefs that you may
choose, to the city where your father lives. Every-
thing necessary shall be prepared for your journey,
and means taken for your safe return."

The Prophet made no answer to this speech, but
promised to send Tecumseh to visit the governor.

MEETING AT VINCENNES.

179

Mr. Baron had much conversation with Tccumsch,
however. He said that he did not intend to make
war, but he solemnly declared that it was impossible
to remain friends with the United States unless they
would give up the idea of making settlements further
to the north and west, and would acknowledge the
principle that the Western country was the common
property of all Indian tribes.

" The Great Spirit," said Tecumsch, " gave this
great island to his red children ; he placed the white*
on the other side of the big water. They were not
contented with their own, but came to take ours from
us. They have driven us from the sea to the lakes :
we can go no further. They have taken upon them
to say this tract belongs to the Miamis, this the Dela-
wares, and so on ; but the Great Spirit intended it as
the common property of all. Our father tells us
that we have no business upon the Wabash — the land
belongs to other tribes ; but the Great Spirit ordered
us to come here, and here we will stay."

Tecumseh said, however, that he was much pleased
with the governor's speech. He had never been to
see him, but he remembered him as a very young
man sitting by the side of General Wayne. He had
never troubled the white people much, he said, but
he would now go to Vinccnncs and show the gov-
ernor that he had been listening to bad men, when he

§'

i8o

TECUMSEII.

m m)

P ¥

was told that they meditated war against the United
States.

From Mr. Baron's report we gather that some dis-
satisfaction and jealousy had arisen in the Prophet's
paradise at Tippecanoe, probably through the unwise
ovcr-boastfulness of the seer with regard to his divine
power. A 1 _ ttawatomie chief tola Baron, in the
Prophet's presence, that he had promised them that
there should be no more deaths at his town, but that
three Kickapoos had been buried in as many days.
The Prophet did not understand what the chief said,
and asked Baron to repeat it. When he heard what
it was, he siid that the Pottawatomie had lied, for no
one had died.

" I will not say," the chief answered, with Indian

sarcasm, " that any have died, but I know that you
promised that none should die, and I have seen three
bodies buried within three days; but they may have
been dogs or persons long since dead, who have been
taken up to be buried over again."

Tecumseh told Mr. Baron that he would probably
bring thirty of his principal men to Vincennes with
him, and as the young men were fond of attending
on such occasions, there would probably be a hun-
dred in all. The Prophet added that they might ex-
pect to see a great many more than that.

This idea did not please the governor, and he sent

MEETING AT VINCENNES.

I8l

an Indian messenger requesting that but a few should
attend Tecumsch on his visit.

Tecumseh, however, descended the Wabash on
the 1 2th of August, with four hundred warriors,
armed with their tomahawks. Captain Floyd, the
commander at Fort Knox, describes the passing of
this chief in a letter, thus: —

" Nothing new has transpired since my last letter
to you except that the Shawnee Indians have come ;
they passed this garrison, which is three miles above
Vincennes, on Sunday last, in eighty canoes. They
were all painted in the most terrific manner. They
were stopped at the garrison by me, for a short time.
I examined their canoes, and found them well pre-
pared for war in case of an attack. They were
headed by the brother of the Prophet, Tecumseh,
who perhaps is one of the finest looking men I ever
saw — about six feet high, straight, with large, fine
features, and altogether a daring, bold looking fellow.
The governor's council with them will commence to-
morrow morning."

In this council, Harrison and Tecumseh each dis-
trusted the other's good faith at first. The governor
had intended that it should be held on the portico
of his own house, which was fitted up with seats for
the purpose. Here he placed himself, attended by
tlic judges of the Supreme Court, some officers of the

l82

TECUMSEII.

army, a sergeant with wvvelve men from Fort Knox,
and a large number of citizens. At the time ap-
pointed, Tecumseh, who was encamped outside of the
town, appeared with forty warriors. He approached
within thirty or forty rods, and stopped. Governor
Harrison sent out an interpreter to request him and
his followers to take seats on the portico. Tecumseh
refused to do this, saying he did not think it a proper
place to hold the council, and that he preferred a
grove of trees which stood a short distance from the
house. The governor answered that he had no ob-
jection to the grove, but that there were no seats
there. Tecumseh replied that it would only be ne-
cessary to bring out chairs enough to accommodate
the white men, saying, " The earth is my mother, and
on her bosom will I repose."

The governor yielded the point, chairs and benches
were removed to the grove, but the Indians, accord-
ing to their habit, sat upon the grass.

As Tecumseh s speech on this occasion is very re-
markable, indicating his modes ^ of thought, we give
passages from it as follows : —

" Brother : I wish you to listen to me well. As I
think you do not ckarly understand what I before
said to you, I will explain it again. . . .

" Brother, since the peace was made, you have killed
some of the Shawnecs, Winnebagoes, Delawares, and

MEETING AT VINCENNES.

183

Miamis, and you have taken our land from ui, and I
do not see how we can remain at peace if you con-
tinue to do so. You try to force the red people to
do some injury. It is you that are pushing them on
to do mischief. You endeav^or to make distinctions.
You wish to prevent she Indians doing as we wish
them — to unite, and let them consider their lands as
the common property of the whole ; you take tribes
Gside and advise them not to come into this measure ;
and until our design is accomplished we do not wish
to acc?pt of your invitation to go and see the Presi-
dent. The reason I tell you this, you want, by your
dhtinctions of Indian tribes in allotting to each a
particular tract of land, to make them to war with
each other. You never see an Indian come and en-
deavor to make the white people do so. You are
continually driving the red people; when, at last,
you will drive them into the Great Lake, where they
can't either stand or walk.

" Brother, you ought to know ^hat you are doing
with the Indians. Perhaps it is by direction of the
President to make those distinctions. It is a very
oad thing, and we do not like it. Since my residence
at Tippecanoe we have endeavored to level all dis-
tinctions — to destroy village chiefs, by whom all mis-
chief is done. It is they who sell our lands to the
Americans, Our object is to let our affairs be trans-
acted by warriors.

! I 111

.il!l

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184

TECUMSEH.

** Brother, this land that was sold and the goods
that were given for it were only done by a few.
The treaty was afterwards brought here, and the
Weas were induced to give their consent because of
their small numbers. The treaty at Fort Wayne
was made through the threats of Winnemac ; but in
future we are prepared to punish those chiefs who
may come forward to propose to sell the land. If
you continue to purchase of them it will produce war
among the different tribes, and at last, I do not know
what will be the consequence to the white people.

" Brother, I was glad to hear your speech. You said
that if we could show that the land was sold by peo-
ple that had no right to sell, you would restore it.
Those that did sell did not own it. It was me. These
tribes set up a claim, but the tribes w»th me will not
agree with their claim. If the land is not restored
to us you will see, when we leturn to our homes,
how it will be settled. We shall have a great council,
at which all the tribes will be present, when we shall
show to those who sold that they had no right to the
claim that they set up ; and we will see what will be
done to those chiefs that did sell the land to you. I
am not alone in this determination ; it is the deter-
mination of all the warriors and red people that listen
to me. I now wish you to listen to me. If you do
not, it will appear as if you wished me to kill all the

MEETING AT VINCENNES.

185

chiefs that sold you the land. I tell you so because
I am authorized by all the tribes to do so. I am
the head of them all ; I am a warrior, and all the
warriors will meet together in two or three moons
from this ; then I will call for those chiefs that sold
you the land and shall know what to do with them.
If you do not restore the land, you will have a hand
in killing them.

" Brother, do not believe that I came here to get
presents from you. If you offer us any, we will not
take. By taking goods from you, you will hereafter
say that with them you purchased another piece of
land from us. . . . It has been the object of
both myself and brother to prevent the lands being
sold. Should you not return the land, it will oc-
casion us to call a great council that will meet at the
Huron village, where the council-fire has already
been lighted, at which those who sold the lands shall
be called, and shall suffer for their conduct.

" Brother, I wish you would take pity on the red
people and do what I have requested. If you will
not give up the land and do cross the boundary of
your present settlement, it will be very hard, and
produce great troubles among us. How can we have
confidence in the white people ? When Jesus Christ
came on earth, you killed him and nailed him on a
cross. You thought he was dead, but you were mis-

1 86

TECUMSEH.

■;.ll

I; :v'J'

taken. You have Shakers among you, and you
laugh and make light of their worship. Everything
I have said to you is the truth. The Great Spirit
has inspired me, and I speak nothing but the truth
to you. . . . Brother, I hope you will confess
that you ought not to have listened to those bad
birds who bring you bad news. I have declared
myself freely to you, and if any explanation should
be required from our town, send a man who can
speak to us. If you think proper to give us any
presents, and we can be convinced that they are
given through friendship alone, we will accept them.
As we intend to hold our council at the Huron vil-
lage, that is near the British, we may probably make
them a visit. Should they offer us any presents of
goods, we will not take them ; but should they offer
us powder and the tomahawk, we will take the
powder and refuse the tomahawk. I wish you,
brother, to consider everything I have said as true,
and that it is the sentiment of all the red people that
listen to me." .

All this was not calculated to promote a peaceful
or friendly feeling in the council. Each side felt
exceedingly distrustful of the other. Tecumseh had
awakened in his own mind, and in the minds of his
companions, the bitterest feeling of injury from the
United States, while he had increased the suspicions

MEETING AT VINCENNES.

187

of treachery on the part of the inhabitants of Vin-
cennes who were present.

Governor Harrison now arose and denied that the
Indians were one nation. He said that when the
white people had come to America, the Miamis oc«
cupied all the country on the Wabash, and the
Shawnees lived in Georgia, from which place they
had been driven by the Creeks. These lands had
been bought from the Miamis, who were the owners.
It was ridiculous to say that the Indians were all one
nation. If the Great Spirit had meant it to be so, he
would not have put different tongues into their heads,
but would have taught them to speak a language
that all could understand. The Miamis thought it to
their interest to sell part of their land for a further
annuity, the benefit of which they had for a long
time experienced from the punctuality with which
the Seventeen Fires had paid them. The Shawnees
had no right to come from a distant country and
control the Miamis in the disposal of their property.

The governor sat down, to allow the interpreter
time to explain this. He had interpreted it to the
Shawnees, and had begun to do so to the Pottawat-
omies, when Tecumseh rose up and began to speak
very vehemently. The governor was surprised at
his violent gestures, but thinking he must be making
some explanation, turned his attention to the friendly

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TECUMSEH.

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: i

chief, WInnemac, who was priming his pistol, which
he kept concealed from the Indians, but which was in
full sight of the governor. Just then he heard Gen-
eral Gibson, who understood the Shawnee language,
say to Lieutenant Jennings,

"Those fellows intend mischief; you had better
bring up the guard."

The governor looked at the Indians, who at that
moment seized their arms and sprang to their feet
around their leader with their eyes upon Harri-
son. He rose immediately from his arm-chair and
drew a small sword which hung at his side, while
Captain Floyd drew a dirk and Winnemac cocked
his pistol. The unarmed citizens, of whom there
were quite a number present, laid hold of clubs and
brickbats, while Mr. Winans, a Methodist minister,
ran to the governor's house, got a gun, and stood at
the doorway to defend the family. During this
strange scene no one spoke a word. The guard
soon came running up, and were about to fire, when
the governor ordered them not to do so, and asked
the interpreter to explain what had happened. He
replied that Tecumseh had interrupted him, saying
that all that the governor had said was false, and
that the Indians had been cheated and imposed upon
by him and the Seventeen Fires.

The governor then told Tecumseh that he was a

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MEETING AT VINCENNES.

189

bad man, and that he would have no further com-
munication with him, that he might go in safety,
since he had come under protection to the coun-
cil-fire, but that he must immediately leave the
neighborhood.

The following morning Tecumseh sent for the in-
terpreter. Through him he earnestly entreated the
governor to give him an opportunity to explain his
action, saying that he did not intend to attack him,
and that he had acted under the advice of white
people.

The governor at last consented to receive the In-
dian chief, each party having the same force as be-
fore. Harrison and his friends took pains to be
better armed, however.

At this interview Tecumseh behaved very differ-
ently, being cool and dignified. When the governor
asked him if he intended to prevent the survey of
the land on the Wabash, he answered that he was
determined the old boundary should continue.

When Tecumseh finished speaking, Wyandot,
Kickapoo, Pottawatomie, Ottawa, and Winnebago
chiefs all spoke, saying that they had joined Tecum-
seh's confederacy, and appointed him their leader,
and that they would support him.

Governor Harrison then told Tecumseh that as he
had been candid in acknowledging his intentions, he

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TECUMSEII.

would be so too. He would send to the President
a faithful statement of what he had said in disputing
the claim to the lands in question, and tell Tccumsch
his answer when he received it, but he was sure the
President would never admit them to be the prop-
erty of any other than those tribes who had occu-
pied them since the white people came to America,
and that as they had come by their title by fair pur-
chase, he might be sure that it would be supported
by the sword. The council then adjourned.

The governor was exceedingly anxious to have a
more satisfactory conversation with Tecumseh. He
accordingly went to visit him at his encampment
next day, accompanied only by an interpreter. Te-
cumseh received the governor very politely, and
talked with him for a long time. Governor Harri-
son asked him if his intentions were such as he had
declared in council. Tecumseh said they certainly
were ; that it would be with great reluctance that he
would make war upon the United States, of whom
he had nothing to complain but their purchase of
Indian lands. He was anxious to be their friend,
and if the governor would prevail upon the Presi-
dent to give up the land recently bought, and ap":ee
never to make another treaty without the consent
of all the tribes, he would be their faithful ally, and
assist them in all their wars with the English. He

MEETING AT VINCENNES.

191

said he knew that the British were always urging
the Indians to war for their own advantage, and not
for the good of the red men ; and clapped his hands
and imitated the halloo of a man setting a dog on to
fight, to represent the way in which the British urged
the Indians on to the Americans. But, he con-
tinued, he would rather be the friend of the Sev-
enteen Fires. If they did not comply with his
terms, however, he would be obliged to take the
other side. Probably this was all true, for there was
very little credulity about Tecumseh, and if he hated
the Americans, he equally despised the English.

Governor Harrison again said that he would tell
the President of all his propositions, but that there
was not the least probability that he would accede to
his terms.

*' Well," said Tecumseh, "as the great chief is to
determine the matter, I hope the Great Spirit will
put sense enough into his head to induce him to di-
rect you to give up this land. It is true, he is so far
off he will not be injured by the war; he may sit in
his town and drink his wine, while you and I will
have to fight it out."

The governor then said that he had one thing to
request of Tecumseh, that in case it came to war he
would put a stop to that cruel and disgraceful mode
of warfare which the Indians were accustomed to

192

TECUMSEH.

wage against women and children, and those who
were no longer in a situation to resist. Tecumseh
very readily agreed to this, and he kept his pro-

mise.

CHAPTER XX.

THE LAST COUNCIL BETWEEN HARRISON
AND TECUMSEH.

In the fall of 1810, a Kickapoo chief visited the
governor and told him that the designs of Tecumseh
and the Prophet were certainly hostile. At the same
time, Governor Clark of Missouri wrote to Harrison
that belts had been sent to the tribes west of the
Mississippi with an invitation to join in a war against
the United States, which was to begin with an attack
on Vincennes. He said that the Sacs had joined the
confederacy, and had sent a party to the English
post. Maiden, for arms and ammunition. The in-
terpreter at Chicago also sent word that the Indian
tribes in that part of the country were fully deter-
mined upon war. In these various reports from dif-
ferent tribes we see the extent of Tecumseh's travels,
and of the influence he had acquired over distant
Indians.

During 18 10, one of the surveyors who undertook
to run the lines on the new purchase of land on the
Wabash was driven off by some Wea Indians, who
took two of his men prisoners.

194

TECUMSEH.

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Early in the spring of 1811, Governor Harrison
sent a boat up the Wabash loaded with salt for the
different Indian tribes on that river, including an
allowance for the Prophet's Town. Tecumseh had
been absent for some time, on a visit to the lakes,
when the boat arrived at Tippecanoe. The Prophet
called a council to decide what should be done. The
year before the Indians had punished themselves by
refusing to take any salt ; now they decided to seize
it all. They sent word to the governor not to be
angry with what they had done, for the Prophet had
two thousand men to feed, and had not received any
salt for two years. There were then about six hun-
dred men at Tippecanoe, and Tecumseh was daily
expected with reinforcements. These facts increased
the uneasiness and alarm which had been felt for
some time in consequence of the actions of the
brothers. It was now conjectured that an attack
was meditated upon Vincennes, with eight hundred
or a thousand warriors, a much larger force than the
governor could collect.

For making this attack, Tecumseh was admirably
well situated. He was far enough away to avoid close
observation, centrally situated among the tribes he
wished to unite immediately, and placed so that in
high water his large force, in their light canoes, could
glide silently down the Wabash in twenty- four hours,

THE LAST COUNCIL.

195

and appear before Vinccnncs without any warning.
For no messenger could travel overland with equal
expedition.

Governor Harrison sent a request to the govern-
ment that a regiment stationed at Pittsburg under
Colonel Boyd should be ordered to Vincennes. He
also asked for authority to act offensively against the
Indians when it should be discovered that their in-
tentions were decidedly hostile, believing that it was
best to crush an outbreak in the beginning.

There were various little troubles constantly aris-
ing between the settlers and the Indians. Some
horses had been stolen, but four of these were re-
turned on application to Tecumseh. Some murders
had been committed by certain Pottawatomies. The
Indians felt little inclined to trouble themselves about
redressing these wrongs, because similar aggressions
often took place on the part of the whites. Govern-
or Harrison says; "I wish I could say the Indians
were treated with justice and propriety on all occa-
sions by our citizens, but it is far otherwise. They
arc often abused and maltreated, and it is rare that
they obtain any satisfaction for the most unprovoked
wrongs." A Muskoe Indian was killed in Vincennes
by an Italian innkeeper without any just cause. The
governor ordered that the murderer should be ap-
prehended, but so great was the antagonism to the

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TECUMSEII.

Indians amonj^ all classes, that on his trial the jury
acquitted the homicide almost without any delibera-
tion.

About the same time, twoWea Indians were badly
wounded near Vincennes by some whites, without
the slightest provocation. Such facts exasperated
the Indians, and led to their refusal to deliver up
Indians who hza committed like offences against
white men. When the governor made a demand on
the Delaware Indians for White Turkey, who had
robbed the house of a Mr. Vawter, the chiefs refused
to give him up, saying that they would never deliver
up another man until some of the whites were pun-
ished wliO had murdered their people. They put
White Turkey to leath themselves, however.

In June, Tecumsch had returned from a visit to
the Iroquois and Wyandot Indians. Governor Har-
rison sent to him and the Prophet, along with the
other chiefs at Tippecanoe, the following speech : —

" Brothers : Listen to me. I speak to you about
matters of importance both to the white people and
yourselves ; open your ears, therefore, and attend to
what I shall say. Brothers, this is the third year
that all the white people in this country have been
alarmed at yo'ir proceedings ; you threaten us with
war ; you invite all the tribes to the north and west
of you to join against us.

THE LAST COUNCIL.

197

" Brothers, your wa riors who have lately been
here deny this, but I have received information from
every direction ; the tribes on the Mississippi have
sent me word that you intended to murder me, and
then to commence a war upon otir people. I have
also received the speech you sent to the Pottawato-
mics and others to join you for that purpose ; but if
I had no other evidence of your hostility to us, your
seizing the salt I lately sent up the Wabash is suffi-
cient. Brothers, our citizens are alarmed, and my
warriors are preparing themselves, not to strike
you, but to defend themselves and their women and
children. You shall not surprise us as you expect to
do ; you are about to undertake a very rash act. As
a friend, I advise you to consider well of it ; a little
reflection may save us a great deal of trouble and
prevent much mischief; it is not yet too late.

** Brothers, what can be the inducement for you to
undertake an enterprise when there is so little prob-
ability of success ? Do you really think that the
handful of men that you have about you arc able
to contend with the Seventeen Fires, or even that the
whole of the tribes united could contend against the
Kentucky fire alone ? Brothers, I am myself of the
Long Knife fire [Virginia and Kentucky]. As soon
as they hear my voice you will see them pouring
forth their swarms of hunting-shirt men, as numerous

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TECUMSEII.

as the mosquitoes on the shores of the Wabash.
Brothers, take care of their stings. Brothers, it is
not our wish to hurt you ; if we did, we certainly
have power to do it. Look at the number of our
warriors to the east of you, above and below the
Great Miami ; to the south on both sides of the Ohio,
and below you also. You are brave men, but what
could you do against such a multitude ? — but we wish
you to live in peace and happiness.

** Brothers, the citizens of this country are alarmed.
They must be satisfied that you have no design to
do them mischief, or they will not lay aside their
arms. You have also insulted the government of
the United States by seizing the salt that was in-
tended for other tribes ; satisfaction must be given for
that also. Brothers, you talk of coming to see mc,
attended by all your young men ; this, ho\^'ever,
must not be so. If your intentions are good, you
have need to bring but a few of your young men
with you. I must be plain with you ; I will not suf-
fer you to come into our settlements with such a
force.

" Brothers, if you wish to satisfy us that your in-
tentions are good, follow the advice I have given you
before : that is, that one or both of you should visit
the President of the United States and lay your
grievances before him. He will treat you well, will

THE LAST COUNCIL.

199

listen to what you say, and if you can show him that
you have been injured, you will receive justice. If
you will follow my advice in this respect it will con-
vince the citizens of this country and myself that you
have no design to attack them. Brothers, with re-
spect to the lands that were purchased last fall, I can
enter into no negotiations with you on that subject ;
the affair is in the hands of the President. If you
wish to go and see him, I will supply you with the
means.

" Brothers, the person who delivers this is one of
my war officers. He is a man in whom I have en-
tire confidence. Whatever he says to you, although
it may not be contained in this paper, you may be-
lieve comes from me.

" My friend Tecumsch, the bearer is a good man
and a brave warrior. I hope you will treat him well.
You are yourself a warrior, and all such should have
esteem for each other."

Captain Wilson, the bearer of this message, was
well received at Tippecanoe, and Tccumseh, who had
much appreciation for a brave warrior, treated him
with particulai friendship.

He sent this answer back to the governor : —

"Brother : I give you a few words until I will be
with you myself Brother, at Vincennes, I wish you
to listen to me whilst I send you a few words, and

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i

200

TECUMSEH.

I hope they will ease your heart. I know you look
on your young men and young women and children
with pity, to see them so alarmed. Brother, I wish
you now to examine what you have from me. I
hope it will be a satisfaction to you, if your intentions
are like mine, to wash away all these bad stories that
have been circulated. I will be with you myself in
eighteen days from this day.

" Brother, we cannot say what will become of us,
as the Great Spirit has the management of us all at
tiis will. I may be there before the time, and may
not be there until the day. I hope that when we
come together all these bad tales will be settled. By
this I hope your young men, women and children
will be easy. I wish you, brother, to let them know
when I come to Vincennes and see you, all will be
isettlcd in peace and happiness. Brother, these are
only a few words to let you know that I will be with
you myself; and when I am with you I can inform
you better. Brother, if I find I can be with you in
less than eighteen days, I will send one of my young
men before me to let you know the time I will be
with you."

Early in July, Governor Harrison received word
from Illinois that some murders had been committed
in that territory, it was believed by Shawnees. He
also received information that the attack was to be

THE LAST COUNCIL.

201

begun in Illinois to cover the main object, an attack
on Vincennes. Both territories were now thrown in-
to a state of alarm, and the inhabitants sent official
notification to the Secretary of War that they would
protect themselves if the government did not take
measures to protect them.

In a letter to the Secretary of War, Governor
Harrison said, with regard to Tecumseh : " Upon
being told that I would not suffer him to come with
so large a force, he promised to bring with him a few
men only. I shall not, however, depend upon this
promise, but shall have the river watched by a party
of scouts after the descent of the chief, lest he should
be followed by his warriors. I do not think this
will be the case. The detection of the hostile de-
signs of an Indian is generally for that time to de-
feat them. The hopes of an expedition, conducted
through many hundred miles of toil and difficulty,
are abandoned frequently upon the slightest suspi-
cion, their painful steps retraced, and a more favor-
able moment expected. With them, the surprise of
an enemy bestows more eclat upon a warrior than
the most brilliant success obtained by other means.
Tecumseh had taken for his model the celebrated
Pontiac, and I am persuaded he will bear a favorable
comparison in every respect with that far-famed

warrior.

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202

TECUMSEH.

' : : h

- M :

ii ;,
iiL ■

i! : '

,! 1

1
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't i ii

Tecumseh made his visit to Vinccnnes during the
latter part of July. He could not travel without a
proper retinue, and was accompanied at this time by
three hundred Indians, of whom thirty were women
and children.

An arbor was built for the council. At this the
chief was attended by one hundred and seventy war-
riors, without guns, but armed either with knives
and tomahawks or bows and arrows.

The governor opened the council. He made refer-
ence to the murders in Illinois and the alarm Tecum-
seh had created on the Wabash by his passage with
so large a force. He said he would listen to what
Tecumseh or any of the other chiefs might have to
say about the purchase of land on the Wabash, but
he could enter into no negotiation about it, as the
matter was in the hands of the President. He then
spoke of the seizure of the salt, and demanded an
explanation. Tecumseh replied, admitting that the
salt had been seized, but he said it was during his
absence, and that he was also away the spring before
when the salt was refused. He said it seemed im-
possible to please the governor: last year he was
angry because the salt was refused, and this year he
was just as much displeased because it was taken. At
this point the council adjourned for the day. When
it was opened the next day a long speech was made

THE LAST COUNCIL.

203

by a Wea chief with regard to all the treaties that had
been made by the governor of Indiana. The gov-
ernor then told Tecumseh that if he would give up
the two Pottawatomies who had murdered the white
men, it would show him to be sincere in his profes-
sions of friendship to the United States and of desire
to preserve peace. Tecumseh replied that he had
been at great pains to induce all the Northern tribes
of Indians to unite and place themselves under him ;
that the whites were alarmed unnecessarily at his
measures, which meant peace. He said the United
States had set him the example of forming a union
among all the Fires. The Indians, he said, did not
complain of it, and their white brethren ought not to
complain of the Indians doing the same thing among
their tribes. As soon as the council was over, he
said he intended to set out on a visit to the Southern
tribes of Indians to prevail upon them to unite with
the Northern. He said the murderers were not at
his town, and if they were, he could not deliver them
up ; he had set the whites an example of forgiveness
of injuries, and they ought to imitate him. He said
he hoped that nothing would be done toward settling
the new purchase until his return the following spring.
A great number of Indians were coming, he said, to
settle at Tippecanoe, and would need the land for a
hunting ground ; and if they did no more injury, they

/'if 111

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204

TECUMSEII.

III

■ ;i

might at least kill the cattle and hogs of the white
people, and that this would make disturbances, and
he wished all to remain quiet until his return, when
he would visit the President and settle all difficulties
with him. It was now night, and the governor closed
the council, saying that the moon which they saw
would sooner fall to the ground than the President
would suffer his people to be murdered with impunity,
and that he would put petticoats on his warriors
sooner than give up a country which he had fairly
bought from its true owners. Harrison had ordered
a parade of the whole militia of the country on the
day of Tecumseh's arrival ; and by the maneuvering
of the garrison, in making frequent reliefs of one
company by another, he made it appear stronger
than it was, and he hoped to convince the chief that
Vincennes was guarded by a vigilance that defied
surprise.

A Pottawatomie, called the Deaf Chief, from his
being hard of hearing, was present at this council.
He told the governor, in the presence of other In-
dians, after it was over, that if he had been called
upon he would have confronted Tecumseh when he
denied that his intentions were hostile. This was
quickly reported to Tecumseh, who calmly intimated
to the Prophet that on his return to Tippecanoe the
Deaf Chief must be put out of the way. He was

THE LAST COUNCIL.

205

Informed of his danger by a friend, but was not in
the least intimidated. He returned to his camp, put
on his war dress, painted himself elaborately, armed
himself with rifle, tomahawk, war-club, and scalping-
knife, and paddled in his canoe to the camp of Te-
cumseh. The interpreter, Mr. Baron, was there in
conversation with Tecumseh. The Deaf Chief re-
proached Tecumseh for having ordered his death,
saying it was an act unworthy of a warrior.

" Here I am now," said he ; " come and kill me."

Tecumseh made no answer.

" You, and your men," continued the Deaf Chief,
" can kill the white people's hogs and call them bears,
but you dare not face a warrior."

Tecumseh remained calmly silent. The Pottawat-
omie abused him in every way he could, in order to
rouse his anger and tempt him to fight, calling him
a slave of the red-coats, and finally using a term of
reproach that can never be forgotten by an Indian.
Tecumseh, however, did not for a moment lose his
calm dignity, and the Deaf Chief gave the war-
whoop of defiance and paddled off. There is rea-
son to suppose thnt Tecumseh's orders were not dis-
obeyed, however, for the Pottawatomie was never
again seen at Vincennes.

Tecumseh set off from Vincennes for the South in
a few days, attended by twenty warriors. He was

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TECUMSEII.

jif

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now ncaring the accomplishment of his great plan.
On his return from this visit he would have his con-
federacy formed and be ready to act. But Harrison
had determined not to await Tecumseh's readiness.

I; .'i
I' 'I

•

: ) ,•' :• ;.

CHAPTER XXI.

GETTING READY FOR WAR.

In a letter to the War Department with regard to
this council, Governor Harrison speaks of " the im-
plicit obedience and respect which the followers of
Tccumseh pay to him," as wonderful. He says :
" If it were not for the vicinity of the United States,
he would perhaps be the founder of an empire that
would rival in glory Mexico or Peru. No difficul-
ties deter him. For four years he has been in con-
stant motion. You see him to-day on the Wabash,
and in a short time hear of him on the shores of
Lake Erie or Michigan, or on the banks of the Mis-
sissippi ; and wherever he goes he makes an impres-
sion favorable to his purpose. He is now upon the
last round to put a finishing stroke to his work. I
hope, however, before his return," says the general,
"that that part of the work which he considered
complete will be demolished, and even its founda-
tion rooted up."

It appears that though the power of Tecumseh
over most of his followers was founded on their af-
fection for him, some were subdued by fear alone,

208

TECUMSEII.

and the moment Tccumsch had left Vincennes for
the South they took occasion to express their strong
discontent.

We have only some fragments of the history of
Tccumseh's visit to the Southern Indians. One
traveler among the Creeks or Muskogees heard that
Tecumseh " came more than a thousand miles, from
the borders of Canada," to visit that nation and to
persuade them to go to war with the English against
the Americans whenever he gave notice. A mid-
night council of the chiefs was held, an eloquent
speech was made by Tecumseh, and the Creeks
unanimously decided to "take up the hatchet" when
he should command.

From another writer we get an account of Tccum-
seh's work with the Seminoles and neighboring tribes
in Florida. Among them he was also successful.
He told them that on a particular day a certain ves-
sel of the "red-coats," filled with arms and supplies
for the Indians, would be off the coast of Florida.
Tecumseh prepared them a calendar, showing the
day on which they were to strike the white settle-
ments. This he did by making little bundles of
sticks which he painted red. Each bundle contained
sticks equal to the number of days that would pass
before the one arrived which he had indicated to
them. Ev6ry morning they were to throw away a

GETTING READY FOR WAR.

209

stick. Thus it came to pass that the Scminolcs, in
the war which followed, became widely known under
the name of "Red Sticks." Tecumseh was very
cautious in his operations. He directed the Indians
to answer any inquiry that might be made as to why
he had come from so far, saying that he had told
them to till the ground, to abstain from the use of
"fire-water," and to live peaceably with the white
people.

From Florida he journeyed to Alabama, where he
visited the Creeks of that region. Here yc again
hear of Tecumseh working upon the su^^^rstitious
fears of the Indians. He was very successful until
he reached the town of Tuckabatchce, on the Talla-
poosa River. In this place he addressed the council
of the nation, and met a silent opponent in the prin-
cipal chief, Big Warrior. Tecumseh divined the feel-
ings of this chief. He angrily stamped his feet on
the ground, and looking into the eyes of Big War-
rior, said : —

'* Your blood is white. You have taken my talk,
and the sticks, and the wampum, and the hatchet,
but you do not mean to fight. I know the reason.
You do not believe the Great Spirit has sent me.
You shall know. I leave Tuckabatchee directly and
shall go straight to Detroit; when I arrive there, I
will stamp on the ground with my foot, and shake

,,, 'If 'MS

2IO

TECUMSEH.

|:::| :,

! ■]]

down all the houses in Tuckabatchee." Tecumsch
left them, and it chanced in a few weeks that the
famous earthquake of New Madrid, in which a large
tract of land on the Mississippi sank, occurred, and
demolished every house in Tuckabatchee. The In-
dians exclaimed, " Tecumseh has got to Detroit ! "
How much fact there is in the story we do not
know, but such a story will grow, and the later ver-
sions of this one have it that the earthquake took
place on the very day of Tecumseh's arrival in De-
troit. Without this addition the coincidence was
sufficiently remarkable for Indian superstition. War-
riors took up their rifles and prepared for war;
prophets and witches became numerous, and mur-
ders were committed on the frontier. A company
of Indians under Little Warrior, who had been on a
visit to Tecumsch, butchered several families in Ten-
nessee on the return journey.

Tecumseh was very successful in his Southern mis-
sion, and turned toward home with his plans at last
matured for the accomplishment of his great purpose.
He passed through the tribes in Missouri, and on the
Des Moines River, . nd crossed rapidly to the Wa-
basii to find his capital destroyed and his plans come
to naught.

Tecumseh had told Governor Harrison that he
would remain a year in the South. The governor

GETTING READY FOR WAR.

211

had information, however, that Tecumseh did not in-
tend to stay more than three months. A Pottawat-
omie chief, who still remained friendly to the United
States, said he was present "vhen a message was de-
livered to the Prophet from the agent of the English
government to the effect that it was time to take up
the hatchet, and inviting him to send to Maiden for
the supplies that were needed.

The last council with Tecumseh was not at all sat-
isfactory to the inhabitants of Indiana. The great
chief had gone to the South to extend his hostile
confederacy, and every bit of tidings that reached
the settlements from the Indians tended to increase
the alarm. The citizens of Vincennes and its vicinity
met and sent memorials to the President, requesting
his protection, and saying that if this were not ac-
corded they would be obliged to defend themselves.

The President ordered the Fourth Regiment, un-
der Colonel Boyd, to service under the governor of
Indiana, but strongly impressed upon him the desira-
bility of maintaining peace if possible. The govern-
ment did not wish, however, that murder or robbery
should be committed by the Indians without punish-
ment, or that a confederacy should be allowed to
"avail itself of success," because of neglect in meeting
and defeating it. It would have been better to have
extinguished Tecumseh's empire even at an earlier

212

TECUMSEH.

\\ \

IHif

day. Every sign of weakness or tardiness is unfortu-
nate in dealing with savages. In August, Harrison
sent speeches to all the neighboring Indian tribes,
demanding that those who had murdered American
citizens should be delivered up, and that the Miamis
in particular should prove that they had no connec-
tion with the confederacy. He directed his agent to
use every influence to bring the Indians to a sense of
duty, and to warn them that those who took up the
tomahawk against the United States would be se-
verely punished. This brought a party of Indians
from the Prophet's Town, in September, with great
professions of peace.

About the same time, however, some horses were
stolen, and tracked to Tippecanoe. Here they were
returned to the pursuing party, but were again re-
captured by the Indians, who seemed to regret
having given them up.

On the 26th of September, Governor Harrison,
in command of a military expedition against the
Tippecanoe confederacy, left Vincennes. He en-
camped at a spot on the Wabash where, according
to Indian tradition, a battle had been fought between
the Illinois and Iroquois Indians. This place was
called by the French settlers " Bataille des Illinois."
Here a fort was built, and called Fort Harrison by
request of the soldiers.

GETTING READY FOR WAR.

213

The governor had sent to the Delawares asking
that some of their chiefs should meet his army upon
the Wabash, in order that they might act in missions
to the different tribes who were implicated in the
Prophet's confederacy. All the chiefs of this friendly
nation who were able to march set out to comply
with the governor's request. They had gone but a
few miles when they were met by a party from Tip-
pecanoe, asking " whether they would or would not
join them in the war against the United States,"
and saying " that they had taken up the tomahawk,
and would not lay it down but with their lives.
They had, however, positive assurances of victory,
and when they had beaten the Americans, these
tribes which refused to join them would have cause
to repent it." Sending a messenger to Harrison to
inform him of this, the Delaware chiefs set out to
visit the Prophet.

About this time a sentinel in Harrison's camp was
fired upon by the Indians and severely wounded.

The governor was now desirous of attacking the
Prophet immediately, knowing that Tecumseh might
soon return, and feeling no doubt that the Prophet
was determined on war. Harrison was delayed,
however, by defective arrangements in regard to
provisions for the expedition, and by this delay he
was much annoyed.

214

TECUMSEH.

|!i

The governor had hoped that the advance of hli
army would frighten the Tippecanoe Indians into
submission. This, however, was not the case, though
it made a strong impression upon some of the tribes.
The Miami chiefs started to visit the governor, and
the Weas said that they would never return to the
Prophet.

On the 27th of October, the Delaware chiefs, who
had gone to make a visit to the Prophet, returnccr
They said that the Prophet had insulted them, mak-
ing contemptuous remarks upon them and scoffing at
the governor. The Prophet had received them with
bad grace, treated them ill, and finally dismissed
them. They left him practicing his " infernal rites,"
while he and his followers danced the war-dance
every night. While they were there the Indians
who had wounded the sentinel in Harrison's camp
returned. The Delawares said they were Shawnees
and near friends of the Prophet.

The Prophet had threatened to burn the first
prisoners he should take. The interpreters were so
frightened that it was almost impossible to get them
to the front of the army. The governor therefore
accepted an offer made by some of the Delawares
and the Miamis to carry a message to the Prophet's
Town. Governor Harrison demanded of them that
Wiiiiicbagocs, Pottawatomics, and Kickapoos, who

Mill

GETTING READY FOR WAR.

215

were at Tippecanoe, should return to their tribes ;
that stolen horses should be restored, and murderers
of white people delivered up.

The deputation which bore this message never
returned. It is supposed that the Miamis took part
in the battle which followed, as they afterwards con-
fessed to having been near when the action took
place.

CHAPTER XXII.

THE BATTLE OF TIPPECANOE.

On the 29th of October, 181 1, the army marched
out of Fort Harrison, leaving behind them a garrison
of invahd soldiers. Governor Harrison's force con-
sisted of about nine hundred men, including some
volunteers from Kentucky, who, with a love of con-
flict characteristic of Kentuckians, had requested the
privilege of joining in the expedition, and who met
him on the way. There were two routes used by
the Indians in journeying to Tippecanoe. The one
on the south-east side of the Wabash was the shorter,
but it was woody and very favorable to Indian am-
buscades. Harrison thought best, for this reason, to
take the route on the north-west bank of the river,
but in order to deceive the enemy, who were closely
watching him, he had the route on the south-east
side of the river reconnoitered and opened into a
wagon road. Upon this the army marched for a
short distance, when, suddenly crossing the Wabash,
they took the other route. No signs of Indians were
seen until the troops reached a very dangerous pass
at Pine Creek. This creek ran between high cliffs of

"TTT

THE liATTLE OF TIPPECANOE.

217

rock surmounted with pine and cedar trees. The
crossing of the trail on which the troops were ijiarch-
ing was very difficult, and afforded a chance for a
few Indians to successfully oppose a large force. In
1786, and again in 1790, the Indians had availed
themselves of this bad crossing for the purpose of re-
sisting in the first instance an expedition under Gen-
eral Clark, and in the second a detachment of Gen-
eral Harmar's troops. The governor sent out a body
of men in the night to search for a better pass. They
returned the next day and reported that they had
found a good ford, which had evidently been used by
tlie Indians, where a prairie skirted the creek. The
army crossed at this place in safety, and were filled
with admiration at the beauty of the great prairie,
which stretched away nearly a hundred miles to the
Illinois River,

On the night of the I'lh of November, the troops
encamped within ten m'los of the Prophet's Town.
Still no Indians were seen, although there were every-
where traces of scouting parties. On the following
day, however, within five or six miles of the town,
some parties of Indians were seen, and the interpre-
ters in front of the army were directed to communi-
cate with them. The Indians gave them no answer
but threatening and insulting gestures.

When they arrived within a mile and a half of the

ifM

2l8

TECUMSEII.

town, General Harrison resolved to encamp for the
night. He was urged to attack the town imme-
diately, but his instructions were to avoid war if pos-
sible ; and he also hoped for the return of the friendly-
Indians whom he had sent to the Prophet's Town to
meet him. He decided to advance, however, send-
ing Captain Dubois forward with a flag of truce.
Dubois did not succeed in opening any negotiation
with the Indians, who refused to answer his inter-
preter, and tried to cut him off from the main army.
General Harrison now hesitated no longer about at-
tacking the Indians. They, however, had no thought
of fighting without a surprise. Harrison was soon
met by a deputation of three Indians, one of whom
was the Prophet's chief counselor. They innocendy
inquired the reason of the army's advancing upon
them. The Prophet, they said, wished to keep peace
if posFible, and had sent a specific message by the
chiefs who had come to him from the governor, but
that they had unfortunately returned on the south
side of the Wabash, and thus missed him. The gen-
eral readily agreed to suspend hostilities and to meet
the Indians the next day for the purpose of treating
for peace. He told the deputation that he would go
to the Wabash and encamp there for the night. The
army marched on toward the town in order to find a
ood place for encampment. When they nearcd the

ffi

THE BATTLE OF TIPPECANOE.

219

town the order of troops was changed to suit the
uneven character of the country. This maneuver
alarmed the suspicious savages, who immediately-
prepared for defence. The governor rode forward,
called some Indians to him, and assured them that he
had no intentions of attackint> them. Some officers
were sent out to select a suitable place for the camp,
and this having been decided upon, the army settled
itself for the night in order of battle, the men sleeping
on their arms. They were much dissatisfied that
there was no prospect of fighting. Some of those
who were more experienced in Indian ways were not
so suic of this, however.

A strange and exciting night was this in the town
of the Indian Prophet. This place thus rudely in-
vaded was a sacred spot, the very centre and capital
of the new religious fanaticism, where all its mysteri-
ous rites were performed. It was, according to their
leader, a place chosen for them by the Great Spirit ;
like Jerusalem among the Jews, the peculiar home of
religion and of patriotism. The fortifications which
surrounded the town were impregnable to white
troops, so the Prophet told them. And now the
strength of their faith and of their arms was to be
tested.

Had Tecumseh been at home, matters might have
ended differently. He had left orders that war was

220

TECUMSEII.

to be avoided during his absence at all hazards.
Whether or not there had sprung up a jealousy be-
tween the brothers, apparently so firmly united, we
shall never know. But it would have taken more
magnanimity than the Prophet possessed to have
seen with composure the rapid rise of Tccumseh's
fame and power, eclipsing and absorbing the glory of
his spiritual influence. He found himself surrounded
by impetuous warriors, among them the flower of the
Winnebago braves, and his force was in no way infe-
rior to that of the white troops under Governor Har-
rison, who were in an unfortified camp. His men
were worked up to the highest pitch of fanatical zeal,
and never were Indians known to be so fierce and
brave. Early in the evening the Indians held a coun-
cil and formed a plan. The Indian chiefs were to
meet the whites in council the next day. They were
to agree to all of Harrison's proposals. They were
then to retire a short distance to where their warriors
were to be stationed. Two Indians were to remain
behind and assassinate the governor. To this pur-
pose some Winnebagoes had religiously devoted their
lives. The battle was then to begin. The night was
dark and cloudy ; the moon did not rise until late, and
a drizzling rain soon set in. The Indians probably
occupied the time in war preparations, and in the ob-
servance of the juggling ceremonies by which the

! A

: I

THE BATTLE OF TirPECANOE.

221

Prophet so well succeeded in exciting their savage
passions, while he, at the very summit of his import-
ance, doubtless prophesied and boasted as usual. It
is said that he concocted a composition, said incanta-
tions over, and then told his followers that one-half
of Harrison's army was now dead, and that the other
half was crazy, and it would be a small matter for the
Indians to finish their destruction with their toma-
hawks. During this dark night the plan was changed,
and before four o'clock the whole force of the
Prophet's braves were creeping through the grass
upon the sentinels around the American camp.

Governor Harrison was accustomed to arouse his
men an hour before daylight and keep them on their
guard until the sun rose. On the morning of the
7th of November he had just risen and was pulling
on his boots before a camp-fire and conversing with
several of his officers, while the drummer was being
roused preparatory to calling up the men. Suddenly
a single shot was heard, followed by the wild Indian
yell which was the nightmare of all who slept in the
Indian country. A sentinel had discovered an In-
dian creeping upon him and had fired. Immedi-
ately the war-whoop sounded on all hands, and the
whole Tippecanoe force, commanded by White Loon,
Stone Eater, and Winnemac, the Pottawatomie chief
who had professed so much friendship for the governor,

'IC!I!

222

TECUMSEII.

was upon them in an instant. The guard gave way at
the point of attack, but the men who had been sleep-
ing on their arms v"^ *^ immediately prepared to re-
ceive the Indians t /ely, although the suddenness
of the charge was sufficient to have excited a panic.
The camp-fires were instantly put out, in order that
the Indians might not have the assistance of their
light. In two minutes every soldier was on his feet
prepared for action ; officers hurried to their posts,
and the battle soon raged on all sides. The Prophet,
in virtue of his sacred office, and perhaps, as is sug-
gested, unwilling " ♦• ittest at once the rival powers
of a sham prophecy . i a real American bullet," did
not take part in the battle, but stationed himself on a
small hill near at hand where he chanted a war-song,
and presided like an evil genius, as the Indians soon
had reason to think, over this battle in the darkness.
With characteristic fanaticism or infatuation, he had
prophesied that the American bullets would rebound
harmless from the bodies of the Indians, and that they
would be provided with light, while all would be
'* thick darkness " to their enemies. He had evi-
dently heard of Moses and Pharaoh. Both parties
were embarrassed by the terrible darkness.

Messengers informed the Prophet soon after the
battle began that his followers were falling in the
most natural way. He sent back orders for them to

THE BATTLE OF TIPPECANOE.

223

persevere, saying that his prophecy would soon be
fulfilled. His wild, inspiring war-song then rose
above the crack of firearms and the Indian war-
whoop.

The Indians made use of deer hoofs instead of
drums to signal an advance or retreat ; making with
them certain rattling sounds. Never were savages
known to battle more desperately. They quite
abandoned their practice of fighting stealthily and
from behind shelter. Under the influence of the
fierce fanaticism in which they had so long been
steeped, they braved the whites in open battle, rush-
ing right upon their bayonets. They were also stim-
ulated by the superior bravery of the Winnebagoes
who were among them. The conflict lasted until
shortly after daylight, when with a last charge the
troops succeeded in putting the Indians to flight

1!i|i

iijii

CHAPTER XXIII.

INCIDENTS OF THE BATTLE.

During the battle Harrison rode from one side of
the camp to another, disposing his troops and con-
ducting them in person so as to give the best sup-
port to the side attacked. He was begged not to
expose himself so much, and his officers even took
hold of his bridle rein to detain him. But he per-
sisted in being where the fire was hottest, and his
courage and coolness did much to keep the men
steady under this deadly fire in the darkness of the
night, and in the ghastly gray dawning of that
bloody morning.

At one time Harrison saw an ensign, a French-
man, standing behind a tree. He reproached him
with cowardice, and told him he ought to be ashamed
to be under shelter when his men were exposed.
The Frenchman, when the battle was over, com-
plained bitterly. " I was not behind de tree," he
said ; ** de tree was before me. Dere was de tree,
here was my position , how can I help ? I cannot
move de tree; I cannot leaf my position."

Toward the close of the action, the troops in

INCIDENTS OF THE BATTLE.

225

charging passed over the body of a major who had
been killed. He was lying on his face ; in person
and uniform he was much like the governor, and
Harrison having been seen not long before in that
part of the field, word was soon passed along the
line that the governor had been killed ; but a min-
ute later the men saw him riding down the front of
their line and greeted him with cheers of joy.

And indeed Harrison escaped narrowly several
times. It was part of the plan of the Indians to kill
him at all hazards. Besides the conspiracy to slay
him treacherously by assassination in the council the
next day, there were other attempts of the same
kind. While the troops were taking position for the
night, three Indians were reported to the governor as
having followed them, and as being within the lines
at that time. Whether they came only as spies, or,
as is more likely, to kill the commander, cannot be
known. They were immediately sent back to the
Prophet's Town with a message to the Prophet to
return to the governor a negro who had deserted
under suspicious circumstances.

This negro's name was Ben. He was employed as
bullock driver by the contractor. While the troops
were passing the Indian town to find their place of
encampment, he declared that he was not afraid to go
in. Two negroes who were with him doubted this,

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■!■ 1 ■■•■ !' •

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226

TECUMSEH.

and he immediately started to the town, whereupon

two Indians came out and conducted him in. The

governor immediately directed the interpreter to call

the Indians and tell them to send him back. This

they promised to do. The three Indians who had

followed the army denied that they knew of the

negro's having gone into the town, but said that he

should be sent out as soon as they could reach the

town. But Ben did not appear until some time after

dark, when a Captain Wilson discovered him near the

tent of the commander, apparently examining its

situation. He seized him, and with the assistance of

others, dragged him up to the fire. The negro said

that the Indians took him into the town by force, and

had sent him back on the return of the three Indians

from Harrison's camp. He had passed the sentinels

without being challenged, he said, and had come to

report to the governor. But as he had not been in

the quarters of the contractor's men, and had not

spoken to any one since his return, it seemed clear

that he was acting in the interest of the Indians. It

is probable that he either meant to slay the governor

himself in the battle, or, what is more likely, to guide

Indians to his tent. Harrison himself says that this

would not have been difficult to do. Captain Wilson

remembered seeing him throw something out of his

hand when he was seized. He went to the place and

INCIDENTS OF THE BATTLE.

227

found a high cap, made to look on the outside Hke
the cap of a grenadier. Ben said that an Indian had
taken away his hat and had given him this cap.

Ben was secured by General Wells and Colonel
Owen, who were old Indian fighters, in the Indian
manner, they not having any handcuffs to put on
him. He was thrown on his back, then his ankles
were inserted in notches cut in a split log, which was
then closed around them and held together by forks
driven over the log into the ground ; his arms were
extended and tied to stakes. He was sentenced to
death for desertion, by a drum-head court-martial,
held the next day, and the sentence was approved
by the general, but never executed ; for as the poor
negro lay in his uneasy position by the evening's
fire, he kept turning his eyes imploringly on Harri-
son, and the tender heart of the commander was so
much affected that he could not afterward give the
final order for his execution ; but he got together all
the commissioned officers, and told them tlicy should
decide the negro's fate. Some were for executing
him; and he would no doubt have been shot had it
not been for Captain Snelling, who pleaded for his life.
" Brave comrades," he said, " let us save him. The
wretch deserves to die; but as our commander,
whose life was more particularly his object, is will-
ing to spare him, let us also forgive him." The

^'.<:

! !

228

TECUMSEH.

negro was discharged when the troops reached Vin-
cenncs.

Harrison had two horses : the one on which he
would have ridden during the battle was white. This
white mare was saddled and bridled ready for mount-
ing. In the night she pulled up the picket to which
she was tied and got loose. The governor's servant
tied her to the wagon wheel, but the fellow was
so ** confoundedly frightened," to use Harrison's ex-
pression, that he could not remember, when the bat-
tle began, where he had put her. Major Taylor lent
Harrison his horse ; and one of Harrison's aids, who
rode a remarkably white horse, was killed before they
reached the point first attacked. It is believed that
he was killed by one or two Indians who had entered
the lines, and who mistook him for the governor.

Harrison's hat rim was perforated, and his hair
grazed by a ball during the night.

The loss in killed was fifty, including those who
llied soon after, and the total loss was one hundred
md eighty-eight in killed and wounded. The Indians
left thirty-eight dead upon the battle-field, which with
those they carried with them must have made the
loss equal to that on the American side. This large
loss on their part was quite surprising, for in their
ordinary mode of fighting, by firing from lurking
places and in ambuscade, it is not possible to kill

INCIDENTS OF THE BATTLE.

229

many Indians. The Indians chewed their bullets so
as to make a lacerated wound ; to this is attributed
the large proportion of the wounded who died.

Some of the militia evinced great daring. One
young man, finding the lock of his gun out of order,
in spite of the remonstrances of his comrades, went up
to the fire, and, having made a light, remained there
until he had fixed it. The light made him a good
target ; a great number of shots were fired at him,
but he escaped unhurt. A Winnebago chief also
went up to a fire at a point where the American lines
had been pushed back. He sat there pecking his
flint, but a rifle ball killed him, and he fell forward
into the fire. We are sorry to have to say that a
regular soldier went out to scalp him, but the soldier
being a New Englander did not understand the barba-
rous practice. He was a long time accomplishing his
object, and when he returned with his hideous trophy
he brought back also his death-wound. Though the
body of the chief lay in close proximity to the Amer-
ican lines, it was borne off by the Indians, and was
afterward found in the town.

The battle was fought in the early morning of the
7th. The whole of that day was spent in caring for
the wounded, and in fortifying the angles of the camp.
The soldiers had no meat this day but broiled horse-
flesh.

mfmn r

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■]

■ I

230

TECUMSEII.

On the morning of the 8th, General Wells, with
the dragoons and mounted riflemen, reconnoitcred
the famous town, but the Prophet's capital was de-
serted. There was found a great quantity of corn,
which was most acceptable to the troops ; there were
also hogs and some domestic fowl, for these Indians
were somewhat more civilized than the wild bands of
the plains which we know to-day. The pork and
fowls were kept for the wounded. The town had
been abandoned in a panic; all household uten-
sils were left, and many arms, some of which were
new and yet wrapped in the coverings in which
they had been imported.

The only living human being in the village was a
chief with a broken leg. The General and his men
burned the Indian houses, destroyed their corn and
brass kettles. The whites dressed the wounds of the
chief, and made other provision for him, and told him
to say to the Indians that if they would leave the
Prophet and return to their own tribes they would
be forgiven.

After everything which the army needed was
taken, the brass kettles were destroyed and the town
was burned. The troops slowly returned, greatly en-
cumbered with their wounded, who filled all the
wagons. The governor ordered the destruction of

INCIDENTS OF THE BATTLE.

231

baggage, and set his officers the example by throw-
ing all his camp furnivure into the fire.

Though small parties of Indians appeared, the
troops were not molested on their return. The
Prophet's influence was broken forever, and in Te-
cumseh's absence there was none to rally the scat-
tered savages.

l^^fWT

II ■ 3 1

CHAPTER XXIV,

TECUMSEH'S RETURN.

Governor Harrison did not strike too soon.
A few days after the battle of Tippecanoe Tccumsch
returned, to find his town destroyed, his followers
scattered, and the Prophet in disgrace. Great must
have been his disappointment at the overthrow of
his plans. One does not wonder that when he first
met his disobedient and unwise regent, the Prophet,
he reproached him with severity for having disre-
garded his command to keep peace with the United
States at all hazards. The Prophet tried to excuse
himself, but the exasperated Tecumseh took him by
the hair and shook him, threatening to kill him.

Sudden indeed was the fall of Tenskwatawa, and
deep his disgrace. On returning from battle the
Indians accused him of being a murderer.

" You are a liar," said a Winnebago to him, " for
you told us that the white people were dead or
crazy, when they were all in their senses and fought
like the devil."

The Prophet answered in dejection, that there had
been some mistake in the compounding of his con-

TECUMSEH'S RETURN.

233

coction. The Indians bound him and threatened to
take his Hfe, but he never received any punishment
at their hands, although, to prove their peaceful in-
tentions, they told the governor many stories about
what they meant to do to him. He lost the popu-
larity which his position as a prophet and wonder-
worker, the spiritual superior of the warrior Tecumseh,
and the defender of Indian rights, had given him, and
became the mere Indian boaster ; he was found to
be like ^sop's braying donkey dressed in a lion's
skin.

Tecumseh's confederacy, the work of years of
peril and difficulty, seemed crushed at the first blow;
and indeed his own immediate band was scattered
and his headquarters destroyed, but the chief had
wide influence over distant tribes. Though his plans
were defeated and his combination in a measure de-
stroyed, the indefatigable Tecumseh still persevered
in his labor.

After leaving the scene of the battle, the Indians
had gone about twenty miles, to Wildcat Creek.
Here most of them dispersed, going to the villages
of their different tribes, while the Winnebagoes started
for their northern home. The Prophet sent a mes-
sage asking to be allowed to go back to his town, but
the governor warned him not to return.

On the 2 2d of November, the annual meeting to

ii-i;m!

234

TECUMSEH.

\l\

■t
y

distribute annuities to the Indians was held. Chiefs
and representatives from the Delaware, Miami, Pot-
tawatomie, and Shawnee nations were present, while
some Indians who had fought in the battle of Tippe-
canoe boldly came and asked their part in the goods
which were distributed. They said that the Indians
had imprisoned the Prophet and intended to punish
him with death. They succeeded in deceiving the
Indian agent, but their story was not strictly in ac-
cordance with fact, for the Prophet was at the time
enjoying his liberty at the village of Mississinewa.
The agent made a speech to the Indians, saying that
the President wished to be friendly and at peace wit!
them, and would pardon them if they desired. The
great Black Hoof answered that they all wished to live
in peace with the United States. In this the Shaw-
nees and most of the Delawares were sincere, but
the Pottawatoniies had no such purpose. The aged
Little Turtle of the Miamis was strongly in favor of
peace, but Tecumseh had much more influence
among them than he did. Their chief aim now was
to secure their annuities.

Stone Eater, two Winnebagoes, a Kickapoo, and a
Piankishaw made their appearance at Fort Harrison
before Christmas, and delivered a very contrite
speech to the commandant. They wished to be
allowed to go to Vincennes and visit the governor.

TECUMSEIl'S RETURN.

235

and this they were permitted to do. Stone Eater's
story was that the Prophet was disgraced and had
escaped to the Hurons.

In the winter Governor Harrison was visited by
numbers of repentant Indians^ but neither Tecumseh
nor the Prophet, nor indeed any of the most hostile
savages, made their appearance.

Little Turtle sent Governor Harrison a letter in
January, 1812, in which he said that the Prophet
was deserted by all his band with the exception of
two camps of Shawnees which Tecumseh had just
joined with but eight men.

Soon after this the governor received a message
from Tecumseh saying he had returned from the
South and would now visit the President. The gov-
ernor replied with a permission to go to Washington,
but said that no other Indians would be allowed to
go with him. A sense of pride would not allow this
great chief, who aimed to be ruler over a confederacy
like that of the white men, to visit the chief of the
Seventeen Fires without a proper retinue. Tecum-
seh refused to go, and this was the last of his inter-
course with Harrison.

As the spring of 1 8 1 2 came on, the frontier was
again alarmed by Indian depredations and murderp.

Governor Harrison sent out Major Floyde to in-
duce the more friendly tribes to drive off the Prophet

;J f

236

TECUMSEH.

and other disaffected Indians. This had some effect,
for a council of twelve tribes was held in May at Mis-
sissinewa, in which Tccumseh and his band were
first mildly reproved by the Wyandots. Tecumsch
made a speech in answer as follows : —

" Elder Brothers : We have listened to what
you have said to us. We thank the Great Spirit for
inclining your hearts to pity us ; we now pity our-
selves. Our hearts are good — they never wero bad.
Governor Harrison made war on my people in my
absence ; it was the will of God that he should do so.
We hope it will please God that the white people
may let us live in peace. We will not disturb them,
neither have we done it, except when they came to
our village with the intention of destroying us. We
are happy to state to our brothers present that the
unfortunate transaction that took place between the
white people and a few of our young men at our
village, has been settK , between us and Governor
Harrison ; nnd T - ii'.'^her state that had I been at
home tb '"^ ' jeen no bloodshed at that
Lime. .i^dKis. ^

"We a.e sort-/ to find that the same respect has
not been paid to the agreement between us and Gov-
ernor Harrison by our brot^^ . the Pottawatomies.
However, we are not accoun jle for the conduct of
those over whom we have no ontrol. Let the chiefs

TECUMSEII'S RETUHN.

237

of that nation exert themselves and cause their war-
riors to behave themselves, as we have and will con-
tinue to do ours.

" Should the bad acts of our brothers the Potta-
watomies draw on us the ill-will of our white brothers,
and they should come again and make an unpro-
voked attack on us at our village, we will die like
men, but we will never strike the first blow."

This exasperated the Pottawatomics, who excused
the murders which had been committed by members
of their tribe, saying they were due to the influence
of the Shawnee Prophet, and were committed by
young men over whom they had no control. They
spoke in contemptuous terms of the " pretended
Prophet." Tecumseh retorted thus: —

" It is true, we have endeavored to give all our
brothers good advice, and if they have not listened
to it we are sorry for it. We defy a living creature
to say we ever advised any one, directly or indirectly,
to make war on our white brothers. It has constantly
been our misfortune to have our views misrepresented
to our white brethren ; this hps been done by pre-
tended chiefs of the Pottawatomics and others, that
have been in the habit of selling land to the white
people that did not belong to them "

Here the Delawares called Tecumseh to order,
saying : —

238

TECUMSEH.

I'.l ': ■ i

■ 1 :

'-.

" Wc have not met at this place to listen to such
words. . . . Our \vhite brethren are on their feet,
their guns in their hands ; there is no time for us to
tell each other you have done this, and you have
done that ; if there was, wc would tell the Prophet
that both red and white people had felt the bad effects
of his counsels."

The Miamis then made a speech in which they
threw all the blame upon the other tribes, saying : —

" We hope our brothers, the Pottawatomies, Shaw-
nees, Kickapoos, and Winnebagoes, will keep their
warriors in good order, and teach them to pay more
respect to their women and children than they have
done by going and murdering the innocent white
people."

The Kickapoos then defended themselves in a
speech, with which the council closed. The tone of
all the speeches was no doubt modified by the pres-
ence of white people.

In June, Tecumseh v'sit'^d Fort Wayne, where he
demanded ammunition. His bearing was very
haughty, and he was firm in his old opinions. He
evidently felt much bitterness toward Harrison for
the part he had had in the overthrow of Tippecanoe.
The agent made him a speech, endeavoring to induce
him to remain at peace with the Aniericans, but
ammunition was refused hlri. Tecumseh said that

TECUMSEH'S RETURN.

239

he world not be denied by his British father, and to
him he would go. He remained thoughtful for some
time, and at last gave a war-whoop and left. Tecum-
seh went immediately to Maiden, where he joined
the English.

'"/

CHAPTER XXV.

HULL'S SURRENDER.

The main cause of dispute between England and
America which brought about the war of 1812, was
the " right of search " which England claimed over
American vessels — that is, the right to stop and
search any American ship on the high seas. Every
British subject found in the crew of the searched
vessel was seized and impressed into the English
navy.

The people of the United States were divided into
two parties. The war party still nursed the bitterness
of the Revolution ; but the Federalists, who opposed
war, held that the injuries of France were quite as
great as those of England. And indeed the country,
new and poor, was in no condition for a war with
Great Britain, and President Madison's better judg-
ment was against it He, however, yielded to the
dominant public sentiment, which was for war. Eng-
land was at the time engaged in a severe struggle
with Napoleon, and it was urged by those who ad-
vocated war that the acquisition of the British pos-
sessions in America would be an easy thing. Some

HfT

hull's surrender.

241

concession was made on the part of England, but too
late, and in the month of June, 18 12, war was de-
clared.

In anticipation of this, a body of twelve hundred
militia had been raised in Ohio for the invasion of
Upper Canada, The command of this expedition
was given to General Hull, an old Revolutionary-
officer, and the governor of Michigan Territory.
He was joined at Urbana by the Fourth Regiment,
which had fought with Harrison at Tippecanoe.
This, with the militia of his own territory, raised
General Hull's force to about eighteen hundred.
The Indians were much inclined to follow Tecum-
seh's lead, but were awe-struck by the march of
so large a force as that under Hull toward Brit-
ish America. He arrived at Detroit, and soon after
crossed into Canada, issuing a boastful proclamation
to the inhabitants, offering protection to those who
would remain quiet. The capture of Maiden, weakly
garrisoned, was now open to General Hull, but that
incompetent officer delayed undertaking this until
he should have fortified his camp and waited for his
proclamation to take effect

Meanwhile Tecumseji, with a few followers at Mai-
den, was actively engaged on the British side. On
the 1 2th of June, the Prophet, whom the chief seems
to have taken into favor enough to use in any way

'42

TECUMSEII.

he could, appeared at Fort Wayne with about a
hundred Winncbagoes and Kickapoos, assuring the
agent that he was friendly. Soon after he received
an express from Tecumseh. The messenger had
stolen a horse at the River Raisin, and ridden day
and night. The message was an order from Tecum-
seh to unite the Indians immediately, and send the
women and children toward the Mississippi, while
the warriors struck Vincennes. Tecumseh promised,
if he lived, to meet them in the Winnebago country.
The Prophet sent two Kickapoos on stolen horcs to
rally the Indians. He then went sorrowfully to the
agent and said that two of his bad young men were
gone, and he was afraid they had stolen horses from
the whites. He sent two Indians on foot to catch
the offenders.

When Hull crossed into Canada, Tecumseh was
at Maiden with a band of thirty Shawnees and
Pottawatomies. A council of the neutral Indians
was held at Brownstown, opposite Maiden. Tecum-
seh was invited to attend this council.

"No," said he; "I have taken sides with the
Kmg, my father, and I will suffer my bones to bleach
upon this shore before I will recross that stream to
join in any council of neutrality."

A small detachment sent out by General Hull to
escort the mail and meet a convoy of provisions

IIIIH

HULL'S SURRENDER.

243

under Major Brush at the River Raisin was surprised
by about seventy Indians and forty British soldiers in
ambush. The detachment, under Major Van Home,
retreated with considerable loss. This, the first ac-
tion in the war of 18 12, was commanded on the part
of the British by Tecumseh.

Meanwhile General Hull heard of the surrender of
Fort Michihmackinac or Mackinaw. This was an
important post, being the only check to the Indians
of the upper lake region, and it should have been
well garrisoned by the United States government.
But through some astonishing neglect, such as was
too common at this time, the garrison was weak, and
the commandant had not so much as received infor-
mation of the declaration of war. His first knowl-
edge of the fact was the attack made on him by the
English. This event so alarmed the old American
general, Hull, that he seems to have lost heart and
head, and to have abandoned every thought of offen-
sive operations. It had a very stimulant effect upon
Tecumseh, however, who immediately sent messen-
gers in every direction to the Indians with the news
that Mac/dnaw had fallen, that a detachment of
Americans had been defeated, that they would not
attack Maiden, that success was certain on the part
of the English, and if the braves wished to share in
the plunder they must join his side immediately.

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244

TECUMSEH,

The Indians, ever susceptible to the influence of suc-
cess, and especially to the chance for spoils, flocked
to Maiden, and Tecumseh before long commanded a
body of seven hundred magnificent warriors.

It is related in the life of the famous chief Shaubcna,
that he and his 1 and of Pottawatomies were prepar-
ing to go on the winter hunt when two runners from
Tecumseh arrived at his village on the Illinois River.
One of these men was a half-breed and the other
a petty chief. They bore a package of presents, to be
distributed principally among the squaws. These
were rings, beads, and various ornaments. Tecum-
seh sent the wampum to Shaubena with an invitation
for him and his band to join in the war against the
United States, with promise of large pay. Hunting
was abandoned, and Shaubena with twenty-two war-
riors started for Maiden. Shaubena became Tecum-
seh's aid, and was with him until his death.

Meanwhile General Hull's brave men were in a
fever to attack Maiden, believing it could yet be
taken. A " round robin " was even proposed among
the dissatisfied American soldiers, by which the colo-
nels were requested to displace their weak general
and put the next officer in rank in his place. Great
was the mortification when on the 7th of August a
retreat from Canada was ordered. General Hull,
however, sent out a detachment of six hundred men

HULL'S SURRENDER.

245

WO war-

to open communication with Ohio if possible. They
came upon a large force of English and Indians
under Muir and Tecumseh, behind a breastwork of
logs. From this shelter the English fired, and the
American commander immediately advanced his
whole line, fired upon the enemy, and then charged
with fixed bayonets. The English retreated ; the
Indians under Tecumsch's command held out obsti-
nately, but were nevertheless driven from their posi-
tion. Tecumseh and the British commander, Muir,
were both wounded. This was known as the battle
of Brownstown. About this time Tecumseh was
made a brigadier- general in the British army. It is
supposed that his stubborn bravery at Brownstown
was the cause of his appointment.

Major- General Brock, a brave and generous gen-
tleman, was now in command of operations at Mai-
den. He was as much honored and respected by the
Americans as his successor. General Proctor, was
afterwards despised. General Hull sent out three
hundred and fifty men on the 14th of August, under
Colonels McArthur and Cass, to reach the convoy
under Captain Brush.

General Brock, after holding a council with Te-
cumseh, marched to Sandwich, a place opposite De-
troit. He sent a summons to General Hull to sur-
render. This was refused. General Brock asked

246

TECUMSEH.

Tecumseh what kind of a country they mu^t pass
through if they crossed to the American side. The
chief took a roll of elm bark, spread it on the ground,
and fastening it there with four stones, took his
scalping-knife and drew a map of the country, rcprc-
jcnting its hills and woods, rivers, swamps, and roads.
When the troops came to embark for crossing, Te-
cumseh, on his own motion, induced the Indians to
cross first.

The American army had been impatient for a de-
cisive engagement with their enemies. This the timid
policy of their leader had denied them. The soldiers
were now anxious at least to do something worthy
of soldiers in defending the fort. They were severely
disappointed, however, for soon after the opening of
the British batteries, on the i6th of August, General
Hull surrendered, in opposition to the wishes of all
his officers and men. Many of the men shed tears on
hearing of it, and threw down their arms in rage.

Colonel McArthur's detachment returned soon
after, being unable to reach their destination for want
of provisions, and having had nothing to eat for sev-
eral days. Great was their astonishment at finding
the English flag flying over Detroit, and the Indians
engaged in killing the cattle which had been pro-
vided for the American army. Colonel McArthur
and his associate Colonel Cass, seeing no hope for

W I

hull's surrender.

247

them in resistance, sent in a flag of truce. Wlicn
the articles of capitulation were shown to them,
Colonel Cass, afterward eminent in American history,
thrust his sword' into the ground with indignant
tears and broke it to pieces.

General Brock asked Tecumseh not to allow the
Indians to abuse the prisoners.

'* No ! " answered Tecumseh, " I despise them too
much to meddle with them."

On the 17th of August, the success of the British,
which even they did not call a victory, was celebrated.
They had recovered at this surrender some British
cannon taken during the Revolutionary War. These
pieces were welcomed with joy and even kisses by
the British officers. The recaptured cannon were
fired at the British celebration, and their fire was
answered by the English war vessel " Queen Char-
lotte," which was much admired by the Western
soldiers, being the first they had seen. Some few
months after this celebration General Brock was
killed at the battle of Queenstown, and the American
forts fired their guns during his funeral in token of
the respect which they felt for him. But the be-
loved brass cannon came back to the Americans in
the battle of the Thames, and the "Queen Charlotte"
also fell into the hands of the Americans.

General Brock had been so pleased with Tecum-

!■

248

TECUMSEII.

seh's map-making, and with his boldness in causing
the Indians to cross the Detroit River first, that he
took off his sash in pubHc and fastened it around the
body of the great chief Tecumseh evinced much
pleasure. But the EngHsh commander was surprised
to see him without the sash the next day. General
Brock, afraid that the chief was offended for some
reason, sent his interpreter to ask why he did not
wear the sash. The shrewd and politic Tecumseh,
knowing well the Indian love for display and the
tendency in human nature to jealousy, had trans-
ferred the mark of honor to the Wyandot chief.
Roundhead, who, as he told the interpreter, was an
older and abler warrior than himself

Colonel Hatch, one of the officers in General Hull's
army, describes Tecumseh's appearance at the time
of the surrender of Detroit. He says that he was
about five feet nine inches in height, had an oval face,
a straight and handsome nose, and a beautiful mouth,
*' like that of Napoleon I. as represented in his por-
traits." He makes the curious statement, which we
have seen nowhere else, that Tecumseh's eyes were
hazel, being clear and pleasant when in conversation,
but ** like balls of fire" when he was excited by anger
or enthusiasm. His teeth were very white, and his
complexion light — more brown than red. This com-
plexion. Colonel Hatch asserts, was a characteristic

hull's surrender.

249

of the whole Shawnee tribe. He was in the prime
of life, straight and finely formed.

The same writer describes the modest costume in
which Tecumseh always appeared. It was made cn-
tirel of the Indian-tanned buckskin, and consisted
S V til ting shirt, perfect in fit, which descended to
his knees ; short pantaloons, and neatly fitting leg-
gins and moccasins. This costume was finished
with a cape and belt, with a mantle of the skin
thrown over his left shoulder, which mantle served
as a blanket. The edges of his cape and shirt were
trimmed with a leather fringe, which also served as a
finish around his neck. In his belt were his side
arms, a silver-mounted tomahawk, and a knife in a
leather sheath. " Such was his dress," says this offi-
cer, "when I last saw him on the 17th of August,
1812, on the streets of Detroit, mutually exchang-
ing tokens of recognition as former acquaintances in
years of peace, and passing on, he to see that his
Indians had all crossed to Maiden as commanded,
and to counsel with his white allies in regard to the
next movement of the now really commenced war
of 1812."

Thus ended Hull's expedition into Upper Canada.
For his conduct he has been very severely censured,
and he was, no doubt, inefficient and cowardly. The

only extenuations of his offence were his advanced

II*

t I
ill

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250

TECUMSEII.

age and the failure of the government to support
him properly. Though Hull might, as is believed,
easily have taken Maiden and secured other suc-
cesses to the American arms. Upper Canada could
not have been taken and held unless the command
of Lake Erie had been obtained by means of a fleet.
The old general was tried two years later by a court-
martial, on charges of cowardice and treason. He
was found guilty of the former offence and sentenced
to be shot, but was pardoned by the President, in
consideration of his age and Revolutionary service.
By the failure of this badly planned and wretch-
edly conducted campaign, the settlements were left
exposed to the ravages of hordes of Indians ever
ready to join the victorious side.

CHAPTER XXVI.

SIEGES AND BATTLES AT THE WESTERN

FORTS.

Fort Dearborn, or Chicago, then a lonely post
in the wide wilderness, was surrounded by bands of
Pottawatomies and Winncbagoes. Tecumsch had
been endeavoring to induce these Indians to join the
English. They wavered, however, and were waiting
to see which side bade fair to be successful. General
Hull, on hearing of the surrender of Fort Mackinaw,
ordered the garrison at Chicago to dismantle the fort
and abandon it. A number of Miami Indians were
sent to protect the retreating party. Meanwhile,
though presents were made to the Indians of the
goods of the posts, one of the chiefs, Black Part-
ridge, said, "leaden birds had been singing in his
ears." The evening before the fort was evacuated a
runner arrived from Tecumseh telling the Indians of
his victory over Major Van Home's party, of the re-
treat of General Hull to Detroit, and of the proba-
bility of the success of the English. This news of
success decided the Indians, as Tecumseh expected,
to join the British standard, and they commenced

.ft.

- I

iii:!!

I'i!

i-'-.Mi^

252

TECUMSEII.

operations by attacking the party of seventy men,
women, and children, which was making its way out
of Fort Dcui'born. The Miamis who had undertaken
its protection, being Indians, now began to feel
strong inclinations towards the winning side. They
refused to defend the whites and soon went o^'er to
the hostile Indians. The little garrison, attacked af-
ter it had left the fort, and knowing that there was
no escape, fought bravely, and did not surrender
until there were but few left alive. An Indian
threatened to tomahawk the commander's wife, Mrs.
Heald^ who was already wounded. A quiclw-witted
frontier woman, she understood Indian nature.
Calmly looking the savage full in the face, she smiled
and said, " Surely you will not kill a squaw." The
Indian whom tears and cries would not have touched,
dropped his tomahawk at a bit of ridicule. The fate
of the prisoners was not yet decided, however. In
the evening a council was held, and it was concluded
to deliver them to the English commander at Detroit,
as they had agreed to do on the surrender of the
survivors. Many warriors from a distance had
arrived, however, and they were determined on
further massacre. The cLief Shaubena and a num-
ber of other Indians were on tb*" porch of the house
which contained some of the prisoners, standing
guard with their rifles crossing the doorway. The

''^'.■' ^<

AT FORT DEARBORN.

253

hostile Indians outnui.ibcred them, however, and
rushed past them into the house. The parlor and
sitting-room were soon filled with these painted
savages with their tomahawks and scalping-knivcs,
waiting the signal of the chief. Meanwhile the wo-
men and children sat in the little bedroom weeping.
Black Partridge said to them, " We have done every-
thing in our power to save you, but now all is lost ,
you and your friends at the camp will be slain."

At this moment a loud war-whoop was heard.
Black Partridge ran to the river, where he called out
to the approaching canoe,

" Who are you, friend or foe ? "

A tall Indian stood in the bow of the boat, his
head surmounted with eagle feathers and his rifle in
his hand. As the boat touched shore, he sprang out,
saying, "I am Shauganash."

" Then hasten to the house," said Black Partridge,
" for our friends are in danger, and you alone can
save them.*'

Billy Caldwell, as Shauganash v/as commonly call-
ed, ran to the house, and by dint of threatening and
entreating prevented the massacre. After much suf-
fering the little body of survivors reached civilization
in safety.

Greiit was the disappointment of the war party in
the United States, aggravated by the taunts of the

.1:

■ra^

254

TECUMSEH.

.^ r

opposition at the loss of all the outermost frontier
posts in the North-West, and the utter defection of
almost all the Indian tribes to the English side. The
aged Miami chief, Little Turtle, who had been so
steadfast a friend of the whites, was dead, and
there Avas nothing to check the tendency of the Mi-
amis to join the rest under the victorious lead of Te-
cumseh, who seemed now in a fair way to retrieve
the fortunes of his confederacy, and to annihilate the
settlements in the North- West, so that be could re-
establish " the old line of the Ohio River." Fort
Wayne and Fort Harrison were the chief obstacles.
It was accordingly planned to have Fort W^ayne cap-
tured by the Pottawatomies and Ottawas, aided by
Tecumseh and the English, while Fort Harrison was
to be captured by Miamis and Winnebagoes.

Tecumseh was at Maiden making preparations to
set out in September to assist in this enterprise.

Meanwhile, recruits were enlisting with great en-
thusiasm in Ohio and Kentucky. The Kentucky
troops insisted that Governor Harrison should com-
mana them. Contrary to law, Harrison not being
a citizen of Kentucky, he was appointed brevet major-
general in the militia of that State.

Early in September Fort Wayne was closely in-
vested by the neighboring Indians. It was built of
wood, and its garrison numbered about seventy men.

!:<•■- - V.

:! ' il

AT FORT WAYNE.

255

Some Ohio troops who had been sent to the relief of
Detroit before its loss was known, had been ordered to
Fort Wayne, but having enlisted for the conquest of
Upper Canada, they were disheartened at Hull's sur-
render, and showed no spirit in endeavoring to get
to Fort Wayne. A young man by the name of
Oliver, who lived at Fort Wayne, was on his way to
that place when he heard of the siege. He immedi-
ately joined the Ohio miUtia, but seeing no chance of
reaching the fort in time to do any good at the pace
at which they were advancing, he returned to Cin-
cinnati, where he informed General Harrison of the
siege of Fort Wayne. The general promised him
that he would immediately march to its relief OHver
then returned and overtook the Ohio troops.

Thomas Worthin-^ton, an Indian commissioner,
and Oliver, resolved to try to communicate with the
garrison of the besieged fort. They persuaded sixty-
eight of the soldiers and sixteen Shawnees to go with
them. Among these Indians was the Shawnee
Logan, the story of whose early life we have already
given. Previous to the breaking out of the vvar, Te-
cumseh had sat by the camp-fire with him all of one
night trying to persuade him to join the British in the
coming struggle, while Logan on his part tried to in-
duce Tecumseh to side with the Americans.

On the second day of the journey, thirty-six of the

55;
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mi'

256

TECUMSEH.

relief party returned to the army. Not being strong
enough to risk a fight with the Indians, the re-
mainder stopped within twenty-four miles of the fort,
while Mr. Oliver, with the Indians, Logan, Captain
Johnny, and Bright Horn, endeavored to reach the
garrison. Within five miles of the fort, Logan dis-
covered that there were holes dug along the roadside.
These were used by the Indians in night watching,
each hole being large enough to hold a man. Lo-
gan's party therefore left the road, and by another
route rode to within half a mile of Fort Wayne.
They then reconnoitered to see whether whites or
Indians wore in possession of the fort, and having
discovered that it had not yet been surrendered,
they rode rapidly toward it.

Meanwhile the hostile Indian chiefs iiad devised
a plan fcr taking the fort by stratagem. During
a truce of some days they had perhaps discovered
that the officer in command, Captain Rhea, was often
intoxicated and unfit for the position. They gathered
the warriors into a semicircle on two sides of the
fort, while five of the chiefs, with knives and pistols
hidden beneath their blankets, started out for the fort,
bearing a flag of truce. These were to hold a council
with the officers for the pretended purpose of treat-
ing with them. They would then assassinate all the
officers, with the exception of Rhea, whom they

AT FORT WAYNE.

257

believed they could induce to open the gates to
save his own life. In consequence of the drawing
off of the savages for this maneuver, Oliver and
his companions found no resistance on the side of
the fort by which they approached. Finding one
gate locked they went on to the next. On pass-
ing around an angle of the fort they came face to
face with the five chiefs, among whom were Win-
ncmac and Five Medals, bearing their white flag.
The two parties shook hands, but the chiefs were
decidedly startled by this sudden appearance, which
meant, they did not doubt, that a large force was
near at hand. Winnemac turned and went back to
his camp. His companions, however, entered the
fort, where they were told that Oliver, Logan, and
the two Indians had come to stay. They had in-
deed arrived at an opportune moment — an hour
later would have been too late ; and for many days
previous it would have been impossible to reach the
garrison through the Indian ranks.

Mr. Oliver now wrote a hurried despatch to Woilh-
ington, and die brave Logan and his men, with new
rifles, prepared for fresh perils. They took the letter
and started from the gate of the fort. They were
immediately seen by the savages, who pursued the
flying scouts. The race was eagerly watched by the
garrison. As they crossed the cnemy'c line in safety,

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258

TECUMSEH.

Logan gave a triumphant shout, which reached the
ears of the anxious soldiers in the fort.

The scouts delivered the letter to Worthington,
but still the troops delayed their march. Meanwhile
the Indians, encouraged at seeing no force coming,
and hoping for the arrival of Tecumseh, kept up a
constant fire. Several times the wooden fort was in
flames from burning arrows. The garrison was
watchful, however, and succeeded in extinguishing
the fire. The garrison saw, at one time, that the
besiegers were preparing for some extraordinary ef-
fort The Indians managed at length to get pos-
session of a trading-house near the fort. From this
they informed the garrison that they had been re-
inforced with British cannon and artillerists, and
demanded a surrender, promising to protect the
garrison, but threatening a massacre if they were
forced to storm the works. This demand was refused,
and the garrison prepared for the utmost resistance.
The commander having been suspended for incapa-
city, Lieutenant Curtis directed the defence. Every
man able to do duty was furnished with several
stands of loaded arms, arms being more abundant
than men. They were ordered not to fire until the
Indians were close upon the fort, and then to use
their guns in rapid succession. This fierce fire
forced the Indians to retreat within twenty minutes

W' Ml

AT FORT HARRISON.

259

with a loss of eig?iteen warriors. The boasted can-
non burst — one on the first, the other on the second
fire. They had been made of wood and hooped
with iron by some ingenious English traders.

Governor Harrison overtook the sluggish troops
marching for Fort Wayne, and reached the belea-
guered garrison on the 12th of September, two days
before Tecumseh started from Maiden to the assist-
ance of his warriors. The Indians gathered together
in a swamp five miles from the fort the day before
Harrison's arrival, to give him battle. They discov-
ered by means of scouts that his force was too large
for them, however, and after building great fires that
the garrison at the fort might think a battle was
raging, from the clouds of smoke, they fled by the
fort in great disorder, acting the part of a " defeated
force." By this means they designed to draw out
the garrison in pursuit. Failing in this, their final
ruse, they raised the siege at Fort Wayne.

Tecumseh's plan did not succeed better at Fort
Harrison. This place was commanded by Captain
Zachary Taylor, afterwards the hero of Buena Vista,
in the Mexican War, and the twelfth President of the
United States. His garrison consisted of about fifty
men, one- third of whom were sick. On the 3d of
September a body of Kickapoo and Winnebago In-
dians, with their women and children, came to Fort

IB!

26o

TECUMSEH.

Harrison. They requested to be admitted, sayln"^
they wished to hold a council and were under great
necessity for want of provisions. Two young men
had been killed the evening before near the fort, and
Captain Taylor was decidedly suspicious of these
Indians. He gave them food, but refused to open
the gates of the fort to them. They lingered around,
protesting their friendliness, until the next day, when
they suddenly set fire to one of the block-houses
which composed the line of the fort. At the same
time a large band of Indians, who had previous to
this been in ambush, opened a rapid fire on the
burning block-house, and through the gap which it
left into the fort. The garrison answered vigorously.
The fort was now in great danger from the breach
which the burning house would leave in the fortifica-
tions. Captain Taylor, however, pulled down a
cabin, with which he made a breastwork over the
opening. The Indians charged desperately several
times, trying to fire the other buildings and to get
over the breastwork, but they were bravely repulsed
at every point by the little garrison. So inevita-
ble, however, seemed death by fire or the toma-
hawk to those who remained inside, that two men
tried to escape at the breach to the hostile Indians.
One was killed, and the other, wounded by the In-
dians, retreated to the fort, where he concealed him-

AT FORT HARRISON.

261

self behind some barrels until morning, when he
could be readmitted.

The Indians hovered around the fort for seven
or eight days, but could gain nothing. Taylor im-
mediately repaired the fortifications as best he could,
and put things in readiness for a siege. The breach
produced by the burning of the house subjected the
garrison to more than one danger. It had contained
the provisions of the fort, and the men seemed now
likely to starve. They lived on some corn that had
been cultivated in the neighborhood of the fort for
several days. Captain Taylor at last succeeded in
sending a messenger through the Indian lines in the
night. The savages were much exasperated by their
failure to take Fort Harrison, and a large body of
them attacked the settlements at Pigeon Roost, a
branch of White River. Here, with an inventive
brutality known only to Indians, they massacred
twenty-one men, women, and children.

' ; - i

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CHAPTER XXVII.

INCIDENTS OF THE WAR— HAND TO HAND
ENCOUNTER, AND DEATH OF LOGAN.

While the army, from which so much had been
expected, was unfortunate, the Httle United States
navy, to which no one looked for success, hat^ gained
several victories on the sea. An American frigate,
the Constitution, commanded by Captain Hull, a
nephew of the general, and a brave man, took the
British frigate Gucrriere, while other important victo-
ries were gained on the part of the United States
vessels. The Americans were quite as much sur-
prised at this as were the English, who had beaten
every other nation into acknowledging England's su-
premacy on the seas.

Meanwhile, General Van Rensselaer was defeated
on the New York frontier at Queenstown in October,
and nothing was accomplished there during the
whole winter.

Ignorant of the wishes of the Kentucky volunteers
and the plans and promises already made for them,
the government appointed another old Revolutionary
ofikor, General Winchester, to the command of the

INCIDENTS CF THE WAR.

263

army in the West. The soldiers were much dissatis-
fied, and it was with difficulty that Governor Harri-
son succeeded in persuading them to accept the
strange general, when he overtook them at Fort
Wayne. Harrison immediately returned to Piqua,
where he undertook to organize a body of volunteers,
to make an attack on Detroit. The government,
however, on hearing of the previous arrangements of
the volunteers, gave Harrison the chief command,
while that of the left wing was given to Winchester.
General Harrison busied himself in pushing forward
provisions preparatory to the retaking of Detroit.
An expedition under General Hopkins against some
Kickapoo villages entirely failed, on account of the
incompetence of the guides, a deficiency in the food
supplies, and the insubordination of the troops.
Some Indian towns above Peoria were destroyed,
however, by Governor Edwards of the Illinois Terri-
tory, with whom Hopkins was to have co-operated.
General Hopkins conducted another expedition
against the Indian towns on the Wabash. They suc-
ceeded in destroying several of these from which the
Indians had fled, and among them the Prophet's Town,
on the ruins of which forty cabins had been built.

Meanwhile Harrison could accomplish but little
on account of the mud, which made it impossible to
forward provisions and artillery for his expedition.

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TECUMSEH.

The Shawnee Logan was acting the part of scout,
and did great service to his American friends. In
November, 181 2, General Harrison told him to rc-
connoiter in the neighborhood of the Rapids of tlic
Maumee. Logan took with him his old comrades in
danger, Captain Johnny and Bright Horn. They were
pursued by a body of the enemy, and made their
escape with difficulty to the wing of the army under
command of General Winchester. Logan reported
to this officer his discoveries. He was accused at
this time by some persons in the army of treachery.
This suspicion of his fidelity to the American cause
so hurt the feelings of the faithful Indian that he re-
solved to wipe it away. He visited the camp of his
friend Oliver, and informed him of his intention.
He consequently started down the Maumee with his
inseparable companions. Captain Johnny and Bright
Horn. They were surprised at noon by a party of
Indians, among whom was the treacherous chief
Winnemac. Logan, with quick presence of mind,
boldly offered his hand to Winnemac, who knew
him well, saying that he was just going to the British
to give information. Winnemac, however, was too
much of an Indian himself to be entirely deceived
by this stratagem. They took away the arms of
Logan and his companions, and guarded them care-
fully while they marched toward the British fort at

DEATH OF LOGAN.

265

the Rapids. Logan, aft - a time, succeeded in im-
pressing the Indians with the idea that he was sin-
cere in his declaration that he had deserted the
American cause. Winnemac restored to the cap-
tives their arms, but the Indians still kept a close
watch upon them. Logan now resolved to brave
his captors in a fight. This idea he managed to com-
municate to Captain Johnny and Bright Horn as they
marched along. In order to reload their arms
quickly they stealthily put bullets in their mouths.
Captain Johnny afterward saj.d that, seeing the man
at his side noticed the motion, he calmly remarked,
" Me chaw heap tobac."

When night came on the Indians encamped, some
of them going off in search of black haws, a delicate
little fruit much esteemed in Indiana. As soon as
they were out of sight Logan and his men opened
the attack. They killed three of the Indians im-
mediately. Their fire was returned by the remain-
der of the party, who were near at hand, and both
parties treed. Logan now received a mortal wound.
Bright Horn was also wounded, and they mounted
two of the enemy's horses, and, after fatally wound-
ing two other Indians, they started for General Win-
chester's camp, twenty-five miles away, leaving Cap-
tain Johnny to follow on foot. This party of three

had killed five out of six or seven of the enemy,

266

TECUMSEII.

among whom was the chief, Winnemac. Logaii
paid dearly for his honors, but it was no doubt a
great pleasure to him that he had vindicated himself
Those who had made the charge against him deeply
repented it, and he was the idol of the camp during
the two days that he lived in great siiffering. Before
his death he was seen to smile in spite of his pain.
He was asked what he was smiling at. Indian- like,
he answered that he could not help laughing when
he thought of the way in which Bright Horn took
the scalp of the dead Winnemac, while he kept his
eye on the movements of the enemy at the same
time.

' "n

CHAPTER XXVIII.

DESTRUCTION OF THE MISSISSINEWA VILLAGES— BAT-
TLE AND MASSACRE ON THE RIVER RiVISIN.

In December General Harrison sent out an expe-
dition against the Miami villages on the Mississinewa
River. On the march of General Hopkins' force in-
to their country the Miamis had become anxious for
friendship with the United States. But their friend-
ship cooled with its retreat, and when it was well out
of the way they resolved on hostility. It was now
highly important to defeat them in order to save Fort
Wayne from their attacks. The detachment marched
eighty miles over frozen ground, and arrived at the
first Indian village. Many of the Indians had al-
ready escaped. They were pursued, and eight war-
riors were killed, while forty-two prisoners were taken
and the town destroyed. The village of Silver Heels
and two others were also destroyed. When the
soldiers encamped at night Indians were discov-
ered near at hand, and the men were awakened be-
fore dawn, that being the Indian hour for attack.
A fierce engagement soon ensued, lasting until day-
light, the Indians making strenuous efforts to reach

268

TECUMSEII.

and release the captives. But they were at last
driven off by a charge, leaving fifteen dead behind
them besides the bodies thrown into the river. The
effect of this expedition was very wholesome. The
Delaware tribe and all the other Indians who were
friendly to the United States immediately accepted
the invitation of the governor and moved within the
limits of the American frontier.

The troops under General Winchester were ordered
in January to occupy the Rapids of the Maumcc,
otherwise called the Miami of the Lakes. This had
been twice before attempted. Winchester reached
the Rapids after a severe march through the snow.
Here he received messages from Frenchtown, on the
River Raisin, thirty miles ahead, entreating assist-
ance. A party of three hundred British and Indians
had occupied the town and threatened to burn down
the houses and carry away the people. General
Winchester held a council of war in which it was
unanimously agreed to send forward an ample detach-
ment to the River Raisin. This was a most unwise
undertaking, for Frenchtown had but eighteen miles
of frozen lake between it and Maiden, and Harrison,
as soon as he heard of it, pushed forward with all his
might to stop it. He was, however, too late, for a
detachment of over six hundred men marched to
Frenchtown, surprised the British and Indians, and

J-'- 'I'

MASSACRE ON THE RIVER RAISIN.

269

after a sharp battle drove them from the town.
When General Winchester heard of this he marched
to Frenchtown with two hundred and fifty men.

At daylight, the morning after his arrival, he was
attacked by Colonel Proctor at the head of ;.. force of
two thousand men, the Indians being commanded by
Roundhead and Walk-in -the- water. The Americans
were taken at a disadvantage and great numbers
were killed, those who endeavored to escape being
tomahawked by the Indians. Vv^inchestcr himself
was soon made prisoner. The British were repulsed,
however, by that part of the American troops which
had been encamped within the town. They resisted
bravely, preferring to die thus than to be massacred
by the Indians. Winchester was urged by the En-
glish to order them to surrender, since the artillery
might easily destroy the village, and they would then
be at the mercy of the savages. Winchester gave
the order, but the troops did not surrender until they
had secured a promise of protection from the Indians.
After the surrender. General Proctor started for Mai-
den, leaving the American wounded in the town
with but one officer as guard, promising, however, to
send for them so soon as his own wounded were
transported. This he did not do, and they were
most barbarously murdered by the Indians. Most
of them were burned alive in the two houses in

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TECUMSEII.

which they had been left, those who attempted to
escape being pushed back into the flames. The In-
dians started for Maiden with all those whom they
judged able to walk, tomahawking them when they
gave out. The road was thus strewed with dead
men. Nearly three hundred perished in the battle
and subsequently by the tomahawk and burning, be-
sides the six hundred who were taken* prisoners.
This loss was terribly felt by the Americans, and it is
little wonder that the bitterest feelings were enter-
tained toward Proctor for suffering such a massacre
to take place. Even the Indian general, Tecumseh,
abhorred this savage treatment of the helpless. Had
he been present, the lives of the prisoners would un-
doubtedly have been saved. But he was still in tlic
Wabash collecting warriors.

CHAPTER XXIX.

THE SIEGE OF FORT MEIGS.

General Harrison was now forced to give up
all idea of attacking Maiden for the present. Besides
General Winchester's disaster, there had been great
loss from sickness, and the term of service of most of
the troops would soon expire. The siege of Maiden
was wisely deferred by the government until later,
when the command of Lake Erie should be obtained
through a fleet which was now in preparation. Fort
Meigs was the depot of the artillery and military
stores for the next campaign. General Harrison's
main object at present was to hold this fort, situated
at the Rapids of the Maumee, or Miami of the Lakes,
opposite to where the English Fort Miami, which
proved such a temptation to General Wayne, had
stood. Tecumseh, with the assistance of the Proph-
et, had been collecting Indians from the different
tribes during the winter. As spring came on, and
the ice disappeared from Lake Erie, General Har-
rison was in constant expectation of an attack from
Maiden. His force was now very much reduced on
account of the expiration of the terms of service of

2/2

TECUMSEII.

his soldiers. What men he had worked bravely,
however, at the fortifications, which were still in an
unfinished condition. In the latter part of April,
1 813, the English, commanded by Proctor, and the
Indians, under Tecumseh, appeared before Fort
Meigs. They immediately began to erect three bat-
teries on a high bank on the opposite side of the
river. Meanwhile the engineer within Fort Meigs
had suggested a plan which General Ilarrison imme-
diately accepted, and the whole army was turned out
to work under the engineer's orders. The ground
immediately around the fort had been cleared of its
heavy forest From behind a few trees which were
still standing, and from the trunks which lay on the
ground, the Indians would now and then succeed in
getting a shot at some of the garrison. On one side
of the fort the trees had not been cleared away to so
great a distance. Here the Indians were accustomed
to climb into the tree-tops and annoy the Americans
with their sl^'.^ts. This ^re, however, served as a
stimulus to the mihtia, and it was remarked on this
occasion that their movements were much quick-
ened " by a brisk fire of musketry about their ears."
The English had finished their batteries, and on the
morning of the first of May the Americans saw that
they were loading and adjusting their guns upon
objects within the fort. In a few minutes an im-

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FORT SANDUSKY AND KNVIRONS.

FORT MEIOS AND ENVIRONS.

^^FT

THE SIEGE OF FORT MEIGS.

273

mcnsc wall of earth, as by magic, was presented to
the v'cw of the English gunners, and not a man or a
tent was to be seen within Fort Meigs. This was
the result of the engineer's scheme, and the day and
night toil of the soldiers. A grand traverse, or earth
wall, twelve feet high, had been built on the elevated
ground in the center of the fort This had been care-
fully hidden from view by the tents, which were now
quickly moved behind it. For five days the fort was
cannonaded and bombarded, with but little effect and
not much loss of life. The fire was returned from
the fort, but economically, for ammunition was scarce.
When the fire from the batteries slackened, the Amer-
ican soldiers would appear above the embankment
giving three cheers and swinging their caps in the
air. Much amusement was created within the fort by
the yells and demonstrations of delight on the part of
the Indians when they thought serious damage was
done by tho bursting of a shell in the American
camp. This mode of fighting was new to the In-
dians, and they admired it very much. Tecumseh
always called the bomb-shells " double balls," and felt
a great respect for them. The English tried the effect
of a fire from the opposite side of the fort, but here
their guns were silenced by the American batteries.

General Green Clay was now near at hand with a
reinforcement of twelve hundred Kentucky volun-

12"

274

TECUMSEII.

t I

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tecrs. It was necessary for him to descend the river
in eighteen flats. This he intended to do on the
night of the 4th of May, reaching Fort Meigs by
daylight. An officer and some men were sent ahead
to inform Gen-sral Harrison of his intentions. Harri-
son resolved to make a sally against the enemy on
Clay's arrival. He sent Captain Hamilton to meet
the reinforcements with directions to General Clay to
detach about eight hundred men, which should be
landed on the left bank of the river, where they were
to attack the English batteries, spike the cannons
and destroy the carriages, after which they were to
immediately cross to the fort. Meanwhile the re-
mainder of the troops wer'^ to land on the side of the
river where the fort stood, and fight their way to it
through the Indians. Captain Hamilton did not
meet the reinforcements until after daylight. They
had been detained by their pilot, who refused to pro-
ceed until morning.

When General Clay approached Fort Meigs, Colo-
nel Dudley was detached to execute General Har-
rison's orders in regard to the English batteries.
The remainder of the boats were to fall into line be-
hind General Clay. In attempting this they were
driven ashore. After some confusion and annoyance
from the Indians, General Clay landed with the fifty
men who were in his boat. They marched to the

THE SIEGE OF FORT MEIGS.

275

fort without loss, under a fire from Tecumseh'3 In-
dians and with a discharge of grape-shot from the
EngHsh batteries. The rear boats effected a landing
in spite of a fire from the Indians. The troops ini-
mediately formed and returned the volley. They
now received orders from Harrison to march in open
order to the gates of the ^ort. Here they were met
by a detachment sent out by Harrison. The force
then turned and marched against Tecumseh's Indians,
who were greatly superior in number, hut whom
they drove at the point of the bayonet for some dis-
tance. General Harrison, who was watching with a
glass the operations of the troops, saw that this de-
tachn.ent was in danger from a body of English and
Indians who were fih'ng along the edge of the woods
preparatory to attacking them in the rear. He im-
mediately despatched his aid to recall the detachment.
The aid's horse was shot from under him, however,
and another ofiEicer repeated the order. The pursu-
ing Americans were extremely reluctant to return,
and it was with difficulty that they were induced to
do so. In their retreat they were pursued by the In-
dians, who succeeded in killing more men than they
had done before during the whole action. General
Harrison could now see the detachment under Colo-
~nel Dudley carrying out their orders at the English
batteries. The general ordered a sortie under Colo-

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276

TECUMSEII.

':!

ncl Miller against the batteries on the side of the
river where the fort stood. This detachment attack-
ed the batteries, spiked the cannon, took about forty
prisoners, and routed the enemy, although the En-
glish were greatly superior in numbers. The oncmy
rallied and pressed Colonel Miller hard as he return-
ed to the fort. Colonel Miller's loss was considera-
ble while the English and Indians suffered severely.
Meanwhile Colonel Dudley had landed on the oppo-
site side of the river, m hed two miles to the bat-
teries, and raising the Indian yell had captured them.
As the Americans cut down the English flag they were
greeted by shouts from the garrison of Fort Meigs.
General Harrison now signaled them to retreat to
their boats according to his order. They remained
at the batteries, however, interested in looking at the
place, but spiking only a part of the cannon and
without destroying the carriages. General Harrison
now offered a reward to any one who would cross the
river and order a retreat. Lieutenant Campbell un-
dertook to do this, but was too late. A body of
Indians in ambush had fired upon Colonel Dudley's
scouts. He had ordered reinforcements to their
assistance. Numbers of the eager soldiers imme-
diately rushed into the woods in pursuit of the Indians,
leaving the remainder of the force under Colonel
Dudley to hold the batteries.

THE SIEGE OF FORT MEIGS.

277

Meanwhile the Englisli gunners who had fled on
the attack of the Americans, reported to General
Proctor. He supposed the attack to have been from
the main force of the American army, and imme-
diately sent for the most of his troops from the op-
posite shore. Tecumseh was so eager that he swam
across the river, and, following the English force
which had already attacked Dudley, fell fiercely upon
the rear of the routed Americans. The detachment
which had pursued the Indians returned only in time
to join in the confusion of a hopeless rout. The
greater part of the men were killed or captured by
the Indians. Colonel Dudley himself fell by the
tomahawk, and less than two hundred men out of
eight hundred reached Fort Meigs in safety.

The American prisoners were taken to the old
Fort Miami, inside of which they were confined. Gen-
eral Proctor allowed the Indians to select their vic-
tims from among the prisoners, whom they shot,
tomahawked, or murdered in any way which suited
their savage taste. Proctor is said to have witnessed
this operation, which lasted some two hours, during
which time about twenty men were murdered. Te-
cumseh now came down from the batteries, where
he had been, not knowing what was going on. A
British officer who was present described Tecumseh's
conduct on this occasion to an American gentleman.

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278

TECUMSEH.

He said that suddenly a thundering voice was heard,
speaking in the Indian tongue. He looked around
and saw Tecumseh riding as fast as his horse could
carry him, to a spot where two Indians had an
American, killing him. Tecumseh sprang from his
horse, and catching one Indian by the throat and the
other by the breast, threw them to the ground. The
chief then drew his tomahawk and scalping-knife,
and, running between the prisoners and the Indians,
brandished the weapons madly, and dared any of the
hundreds of Indians around him to touch another
prisoner. His people seemed much confounded.
Tecumseh exclaimed, passionately,

" Oh, what will become of my Indians ! "

He then inquired where General Proctor was,
when, suddenly seeing him at a short distance, he
demanded of the commander why he had allowed
this massacre.

**SIr," said General Proctor, "your Indians cannot
be commanded."

" Begone !" answered the chief, sneerlngly; "you
are unfit to command ; go and put on petticoats ! "

Not long after this the great Indian general's
attention was attracted by some one to a group of
Indians with something in their midst, at which they
were looking intently.

" Yonder are four of your nation who have been

THE SIEGE OF FORT MEIGS.

279

taken prisoners," said Colonel Elliott; "you may do
with them as you think proper."

Tccumsch walked up to the little company and
found in their midst four Shawnee Indians — Big Jim
and Soldier, and two brothers named Perry.

" Friends," said Tecumseh, ** Colonel Elliott has
placed you under my charge, and I will send you
back to your nation with a talk to our people."

This he did, discharging them on parole not to
fight again during the war with the English. He
sent some friendly messages to the chiefs of the
Shawnee nation, and dispatched two of his followers
to accompany the released Indians.

When the firing had ceased, an English officer
with a flag of truce was seen crossing the river.
He was met on landing by an aid-de-camp of Gen-
eral Harrison. He said that his object was to de-
mand the surrender of the fort. The aid said that
he might as well have spared himself the trouble,
but that he would report to his commander. Gen-
eral Harrison, being anxious with regard to the fate
of the prisoners, had the English officer. Major
Chambers, blindfolded and admitted to the fort.

" General Proctor has directed me to demand the
surrender of this post," said Major Chambers. " He
wishes to spare the effiision of blood."

"The demand, under present circumstances," an-

28o

TECUMSEIT.

swcred the general, " is a most extraordinary one.
As General Proctor did not send me a summons to
surrender on his first arrival, I had supposed that he
believed me determined to do my duty. His present
message indicates an opinion of me that I am at a
loss to account for."

" General Proctor could never think of saying
anything to wound your feeHngs, sir," Major Cham-
bers politely remarked. " The character of General
Harrison, as an officer, is well known. General
Proctor's force is very respectable, and there is with
him a larger body of Indians than has ever before
been embodied."

" I believe I have a very correct idea of General
Proctor's force," said General Harrison ; " it is not
such as to create the least apprehension for the re-
sult of the contest, whatever shape he may be pleased
hereafter to give it. Assure the general, however,
that he will never have this post surrendered to him
upon any terms. Should it fall into his hands, it
will be in a manner calculated to do him more honor,
and to give him larger claims upon the gratitude of
his government, than any capitulation could possibly
do."

Arrangements were then made for the exchange
of prisoners.

An incident happened during this siege which

THE SIEGE OF FORT MEIGS.

281

shows the contempt in which General Hull was held.
An American soldier being near the river bank, an
English soldier called out to him " that they would
better hang out the white flag and surrender."

" General Hull has not arrived yet," answered the
American ; " until he comes you may save yourself
the trouble of asking for a surrender."

General Harrison's force did not now amount to
more than twelve hundred, owing to the loss in the
engagement on the 5 th of May. General Proctor
had under his command about six hundred regulars,
eight hundred Canadian militia, and about eighteen
hundred Indians. The Indians, however, were in-
capable of strict subordination, and they now began
to desert the English cause in large numbers. They
had looked for some signal success at Fort Meigs,
and they now saw little chance of it. It is said that
General Proctor had offered large rewards in case
the fort was taken. The Prophet, who seemed still
to be a tool in his brother's hands, though he never
fought in the war, was promised Michigan Territory
for himself and his followers. Tecumseh was prom-
ised General Harrison, if this officer was captured.
Whether this statement be true 01 not is not known.
No doubt the proud Tecumseh would have been
delighted to see in his power the man who had foiled
his dearest plans, and had ever been his chief obsta-

282

TECUMSEII.

cle and antagonist. Wc cannot help believing, how-
ever, that Tecumsch's enemy would have been
treated with mercy if helpless in his hands.

New? now reached the English forces of the cap-
ture of Fort George, in Upper Canada, by the
Americans, under General Dearborn, and Proctor
began to think it unwise to remain longer at Fort
Meigs while Upper Canada was unprotected. Early
on the morning of the 9th of May the Americans
saw tlic enemy moving away.

■1:!

CHAPTER XXX.

THE SECOND ATTACK ON FORT MEIGS.

It was with great reluctance that the United
States government consented to the employment
of Indians in the War of 1812, it having been a
constant source of complaint against the English
government that they had used the savages. Gov-
ernor Howard of the Missouri Territory had dis-
missed a company of rangers which the Osage
Indians had been permitted to raise among them-
selves in his absence. This powerful nation was so
displeased that there was much fc r of its turning
against the American settlements.

An English trader named Robert Dickson had
been sent in the spring of 18 13 among the Indian
tribes on the Mississippi and Illinois Rivers. He
gathered together at Chicago nearly a thousand In-
dians, among whom was a great Pottawatomie chief,
named Mai- Pock, who wore a belt of scalps around
his waist. In the months of July and August nearly
all the Indian warriors of the North and North-West
were collected around Maiden. Their camps ex-
tended from Brownstown to Detroit. They had

284

TECUMSEII.

their families with them, and as they neither hunted
nor planted corn, their support must have been a
great burden upon the English government. The
main force of the British in Upper Canada consisted
of these Indians.

In the month of June, 1813, General Harrison,
who was now in the interior, was informed that Fort
Meigs was again likely to be invested. Before he
returned to his outposts he held a council with the
chiefs of the Delaware, Shawnee, Wyandot, and
Seneca tribes. These nations still remained friendly
to the United States. Harrison made them a speech,
in which he told them that it was time for all the
neutral Indians to take the one side or the other.
He told them of a proposal that General Proctor had
made to exchange his American prisoners for the
Indians friendly to the United States. Harrison told
them that this looked as though General Proctor had
received some hint that they were willing to take up
the tomahawk against the United States. The Pres-
ident wanted no false friends, and if they wished to
prove their friendship they must either move into
the interior or join him in the war. This last the
chiefs unanimously agreed to do. They said they
had been waiting for an invitation to fight for the
Americans. A speech was made by Tahe, the old-
est Indian in the West. He spoke in behalf of all

SECOND ATTACK ON FORT MEIGS.

285

the tribes present, and professed the greatest friend-
ship for the United States. General Harrison said
that he would let the Indians know when they were
wanted ; " but," said he, " you must conform to our
mode of warfare. You are not to kill defenceless
prisoners, old men, women or children." General
Harrison then told them that he had been told that
General Proctor had promised to dehver him into
the hands of Tecumseh if they succeeded in their
attack on Fort Meigs. " Now, if I can succeed in
taking Proctor," said General Harrison, " you shall
have him for your prisoner, provided you will agree
to treat him as a squaw, and only put petticoats upon
him, for he must be a coward who would kill a de-
fenceless prisoner."

Early in July, 181 3, the Indians began to appear
in the neighborhood of Fort Meigs. They attacked
small parties who went out of the fort, and some men
were lost in skirmishes with them.

On the evening of the 20th of July, the English
and Indians, about five thousand strong, were again
seen approaching Fort Meigs, of which General Clay
was now the commander. Previous to the siege he
had busied himself with clearing off the trees to a
greater distance, and burning the trunks which had
been left on the ground. The English forces now
encamped below Fort Miami, and the Indians soon

<f>

286

TECUMSEH.

took possession of the woods in the rear of Fort Meigs.
Here they could effect nothing, as the grape and can-
ister shot from the fort kept them at a distance. In
the night an express was sent to General Harrison to
inform him of the siege. General Clay expected that
the English would immediately erect batteries. Most
of the men were occupied through the night in
throwing up new traverses, and preparing all for re-
sistance. Those who were permitted to rest slept on
their arms. On the 23d of July, eight hundred
mounted Indians, commanded by Tecumseh, went up
the river. It was supposed at the fort that Tecumseh
intended to attack Fort Winchester. Everything still
remained quiet around Fort Meigs. On the evening
of the 24th, Colonel Gaines of the garrison, with two
hundred men, made a circuit of the fort to see if the
English had begun to erect any batteries A stronger
detachment was sent from the English camp to inter-
cept him, but he succeeded in regaining the fort be-
fore he was overtaken. The next morning the En-
glish moved to the side of the river on which the fort
stood, and encamped behind a point of woods. This
movement led General Clay to suppose that they
intended to storm his position.

The express from Fort Meigs found General Har-
rison at Lower Sandusky. He thought that the
movement of Tecumseh toward Fort Winchester was

SECOND ATTACK ON FORT MEIGS.

287

a feint to attract attention in that direction, while
Fort Stephenson, at Lower Sandusky, would prove
to be the real point of attack. As this post had
been pronounced untenable and was unimportant,
Harrison directed his main attention to Fort Mcij^s
and Upper Sandusky. He moved his headquarters
to Seneca Town, leaving Fort Stephenson in charge
of Major Croghan. From this point he would be
ready to relieve either of the important posts. He
sent the express from Fort Meigs back with the
message that he had not a sufficient force to march
immediately to the relief of that fort, but that he
would inform the governor of Ohio, and troops
would soon be collected for that purpose if the enemy
persevered.

Meanwhile Tecumseh had devised a stratagem by
means of which he hoped to decoy the Americans from
the fort. On the afternoon of the 26th of July, a
heavy firing of rifles and musketry, followed by the
Indian yell, was heard upon the Sandusky road. A
body of Indians could be seen attacking a column of
men who were at one time thrown into confusion,
then rallied again, and the Indians gave way. This
contest seemed to be approaching the fort. It had
the intended effect upon the garrison, who seized their
arms and demanded to be led to the assistance of
their friends. Fortunately the express had arrived

prr^

288

TECUMSEII.

that morning with Harrison's message, and General
Clay concluded that there could be no reinforcements
in the neighborhood. A few discharges from the
cannons at the fort and a heavy shower of rain ter-
minated this sham battle, which had lasted an hour.

On the 28th of July the siege of Fort Meigs was
raised, and the English embarked in their vessels and
sailed around into Sandusky Ba" while a number of
the Indians crossed by land.

;!li!:J :

"1:= '''i

•Mm

CHAPTER XXXI.

THE ATTACK ON FORT STEPHENSON.

This movement had been anticipated by General
Harrison. He had examined Fort Stephenson and
found a hill in the neighborhood which commanded
the fort, and to which he thought of removing it
Major Croghan offered to carry out this plan, but
General Harrison thought it would probably be at-
tacked before the removal could be accomplished.
General Harrison was convinced that the fort could
not be defended against the English artillery, and
told Major Croghan that if the fort was approached
by water, it would be presumable that the enemy
had brought heavy artillery, and he must effect a
retreat if possible after burning the fort. If, how-

ever, he should be attacked by land, it would be sui-
cidal to attempt to escape through the Indian forces.
On the 29th of July General Harrison was in-
formed by an express from General Clay of the
movement of the enemy. In a council held with
his officers, it was decided that Fort Stephenson was
untenable, since the English could bring any number
of battering cannon against it. General Harrison

! (

290

TECUMSEH.

;

immediately sent Major Croghan a peremptory order
to abandon and burn the fort and effect a retreat.
The bcarci's of this message having lost their way in
the night, it did not reach Fort Stephenson for twen-
ty-four hours. When it arrived at the fort the In-
dians were already hovering about, and in a council
of officers it was decided to hold the fort until further
orders should be received. The commander of the
post, who was a nephew of the famous General
George Rogers Clark, wrote the following note to
Harrison : —

" Sir: I have just received yours of yesterday, ten
o'clock P. M., ordering me to destroy this place and
make good my retreat, which was received too late
to be carried into execution. We have determined
to maintain this place, and by heavens we can ! "

The impudence of this note is accounted for hy
the fact that Major Croghan expected it to fall into
the hands of the enemy. It reached General Harri-
son, however, and he did not understand this. He
sent Colonel Wells to relieve Major Croghan, and
summoned that gentleman to appear before him and
answer for his disobedience. This was done satis-
factorily, and the Major was permitted to return to
his post.

A reccnnoitering party first discovered the ap-
proach of the enemy by water on the 31st of July.

ATTACK ON FORT STEPHENSON.

291

They returned to the fort about noon the following
day, and a few hours afterward it was invested.
Major Croghan was but twenty-one years of age ; he
had but one piece of artillery, a six-poundcr, and
his garrison consisted of one hundred and sixty men.
The Indians first showed themselves over the hill.
They were greeted by the six-pounder. Half an
hour afterward the English gunboats appeared and
the Indians were seen in every direction. The soli-
tary six-pounder was fired at the boats a few times,
and was answered by the English artillery. The
enemy effected a landing with one piece a mile be-
low the fort. Major Chambers then approached the
fort with a flag. Major Croghan sent Ensign Shipp
to meet him. Major Chambers said that he had in-
structions from General Proctor to demand the sur-
render of the fort, that he was anxious to prevent
the effusion of blood, which could not be done if he
were forced to reduce the fort by the large force of
regulars and Indians and the artillery under his com-
mand. Shipp answered that it was their determina-
tion to defend the fort, which they would do if they
buried themselves in its ruins, and no force could in-
duce them to surrender. Major Chambers said that
if the fort were taken, of which event they had no
doubt, their Indians could not be restrained from
massacring the inmates. The Indian agent, Dickson,

''lliil-

292

TECUMSEH.

who accompanied Major Chambers, then remarked
that it was a pity that such a fine young man should
iall into Indian hands.

"Sir, for God's sake, surrender and prevent the
dreadful massacre that will be caused by your resist-
ance," he said.

Shipp answered that when the fort was taken there
would be none to massacre. An Indian at this mo-
ment came out of a ravine near by and attempted to
wrest the American's sword from him, but was pre-
vented by the Englishmen, who conducted Shipp
safely to the fort. This last scene was believed by
the Americans to have been a bit of stage play to
illustrate the point to the ensign's mind.

The forces of the EngHsh consisted of about five
hundred regulars and eight hundred Indians under
Dickson. Tecumseh with two thousand Indians was
stationed on the road to Fort Meigs to intercept any
leinforcement.

The English now fired upon the fort from the
cannon on their gunboats and the piece on shore.
This firing continued all night with little effect. Ma-
jor Croghan occasionally fired his little six-pounder,
moving it from place to place to make the enemy be-
lieve that he had more than one piece. He was
sparing in the use of it, however, as his ammunition
was scarce. The English directed their fire against

ATTACK ON FORT STEPHENSON.

293

the north-western angle of the fort. Major Croghan
thought from this that they would endeavor to make
a breach and storm his works at that point. He had
the solitary cannon secretly moved to a block-house
where it would command this angle, masked the em-
brasure, and loaded the gun.

Early the next morning, the English opened from
their howitzer and three six-pounders, which they
had planted in the woods during the night. In the
afternoon they again concentrated their fire on the
north-western angle. Major Croghan immediately
strengthened the palisades at this point with bags of
sand and flour. Later the smoke of the firing had so
enveloped the fort that nothing could be seen from
it. Feints were now made toward the southern an-
gle, but the troops at the north-western angle main-
tained their position. Suddenly a body of three
hundred and fifty men were discovered within twenty
paces at this point. A heavy fire of musketry from
the fort threw them into some confusion, but the
commanding officer, Colonel Short, soon rallied his
men. He bravely led them to the ditch, and then
jumped in, his troops following him. When the
ditch was full the masked embrasure was opened and
the cannon did such effective work that but few es-
caped. The officers attempted to rally their men,
but in vain ; they were utterly routed.

294

TECUMSEH.

The loss of the little garrison was one killed and
seven wounded. The English loss was great. Night
came on soon after the assault, and the wounded
could not be relieved completely by either side. All
those who were able returned to the English lines.
Major Croghan conveyed water to the wounded
English in the ditch by means of buckets over the
wall of the fort. He also had a ditch opened under
the palisades, through which those who were able
crawled into the fort. The Indians succeeded in car-
rying away many of their own dead and wounded.

Before daylight on the morning of the 3d of
August, the English and Indians retreated. They
left a boat containing some clothing and military
stores, and seventy stands of arms, while some braces
of pistols were picked up around the fort. They had
retreated precipitately, expecting an attack from
General Harrison, who, however, had deferred march-
ing to the relief of the fprt, seeing that the English
had only brought light artillery with them. News
had been sent to Harrison that the English were
preparing to retreat, and he immediately set out
for the fort with a body of dragoons. He arrived
there early in the morning after the enemy had
disappeared. He did not pursue them, however, for
he feared an attack from Tecumseh upon Fort Meigs
or upon the reinforcements which were coming from

ATTACK ON FORT STEPHENSON.

Ohio. In his official report, General Harrison called
the youthful Major Croghan "a hero worthy of his
gallant uncle."

On the day following the assault the Americans
buried the English dead — among whom was the
brave Colonel Short — with suitable honors.

A small party of Wyandot Indians were sent down
the bay as scouts after the retreat of the enemy.
They succeeded in surprising and capturing a few
English soldiers. They brought their prisoners back
ill safety, with an evident sense of deserving extra-
ordinary commendation for having abstained from
cruelty. They were often seen telling the story to
other warriors, and laughing over the terror of their
prisoners, who, no doubt, expected to be tomahawked
or burned.

I'M

I i

fff

CHAPTER XXXII.

ANECDOTES OF TECUMSEH.

At every defeat of General Proctor the Indians
became more and more dissatisfied. When the first
siege of Fort Meigs was abandoned, they pressed the
commander to make a new effort. The success of
the American arms in various skirmishes elsewhere
was kept from them. A trader at length divulged it,
and for this he was arrested by General Proctor, but
the Indians demanded his release, and the commander
felt obliged to comply with their wishes. The sav-
ages at this time held secret councils, and would give
the general no information of their proceedings.

After his retreat from Fort Stephenson, Proctor
and his forces proceeded to Maiden by water, while
Tecumseh with his warriors marched around the head
of Lake Erie and met him there.

An American citizen. Captain Le Croix, had been
arrested by General Proctor, and was at this time
secreted on board an English vessel until he could be
sent to Montreal. Tecumseh had an especial friend-
ship for Le Croix, and it may have been because of
his influence with Tecumseh that he was seized. Te-

:« '

ANECDOTES OF TECUMSEII.

297

cumseh, suspecting that Le Croix had been impris-
oned, visited General Proctor, and asked if he knew
anything of his friend. He even ordered General
Proctor to tell the truth. " If I ever detect you in a
falsehood," said Tecumseh, " I, with my Indians, will
immediately abandon you."

General Proctor acknowledged that he held Captain
Le Croix as a prisoner. Tecumseh then demanded
that his friend should be instantly set at liberty, and
the general wrote a note ordering the release of the
prisoner, saying that the " King of the Woods " de-
manded it, and it must be done.

Tecumseh treated the American commander with
equal contempt. A recent writer, we do not know
on what authority, gives a challenge which Tecumseh
sent to Harrison at the first siege of Fort Meigs. It
ran thus: —

" General Harrison : I have with me eight
hundred braves. You have an equal number in your
hiding place. Come out with them and give me
battle. You talked like a brave when we met at
Vincennes, and I respected you ; but now you hide
behind logs and in the earth, like a ground-hog.
Give me answer. Tecumseh."

Tecumseh was very careful that his dignity as an
Indian chief and an English general should be re-
spected. He knew enough of the English language

13*

'UliKl

298

TECUMSEH.

to hold a conversation on any ordinary topic. He
never was known, however, to use anything but the
Shawnee tongue in council or in conversing with the
EngHsh officers or agents. Indeed he would not
speak English except with those towards whom he
felt very friendly. During the War of 18 12 he al-
ways kept an interpreter with him.

At one time while the English and Indians were
encamped at Maiden, provisions became scarce. The
Engiish soldiers were supplied with salt beef, while
horseflesh was given to the Indians. Tecumseh was
incensed at this treatment of his people. He visited
General Proctor and complained of the arrangement
by which, he considered, an insult was offered to him
and his men. The commanding general, however,
seemed indifferent to Tecumseh's remonstrance.
The chief than struck the hilt of Proctor's sword,
and touched his own tomahawk, saying with dignity,

" You are Proctor — I am Tecumseh," thus indi-
cating a way of settHng the point if it were not at-
tended to. General Proctor yielded.

The Americans always had great confidence in
Tecumseh, though he was an enemy. Once when
the English and Indians were encamped near the
River Raisin, some Sauks and Winnebagoes entered
the house of a Mrs. Ruland and began to plunder it,
She immediately sent her little daughter to ask Te-

ANECDOTES OF TECUMSEII.

299

cumsch to come to her assistance. The chief was in
council and was making a speech when the child en-
tered the building and pulled the skirt of Tecumsch's
hunting-shirt, saying,

" Come to our house, there are bad Indians there."

Tecumseh did not wait to finish his speech, but
walked rapidly to the house. At the entrance he
met some Indians dragging a trunk away. He
knocked down the first one with a blow from his
tomahawk. The others prepared to resist.

"Dogs !" cried the chief, "I am Tecumseh !" The
Indians immediately fled, and Tecumseh turned upon
some English officers who were standing near :

" You," said he, " are worse than dogs, to break
your faith with prisoners."

The officers immediately apologized to Mrs. Ru-
land, and offered to put a guard around her house.
She declined this offer, however, saying that she was
not afraid so long as that man, pointing to Tecum-
seh, was near.

After the retreat from Fort Stephenson, Tecum-
seh, discouraged by the ill-success of the English,
and having losi: confidence in General Proctor, as-
sembled a council of the Shawnee, Wyandot, and
Ottawa Indians who were under him, and proposed
that they should abandon a struggle which seemed
to promise them no good. He told them that when

300

TECUMSEII.

they had taken up the tomahawk and joined their
father, the King, they were promised plenty of white
men to fight with them ; " but the number is not now
greater," said Tecumseh, "than at the commence-
ment of the war ; and we are treated by them like
the dogs of snipe-hunters ; we are always sent ahead
to start the game. It is better that we should return
to our own country, and let the Americans come on
and fight the British." Tccumseh's immediate fol-
lowers all agreed with him in this decision, but the
Sioux and Chippcwas, when they discovered his in-
tention, went to him and told him that he had been
the first to unite with the English, and had induced
them to join in the war, and now he ought not to
leave them. This decided Tecumseh to remain.

'^.^,

CHAPTER XXXIII.

PERRY'S VICTORY.

1. 1'

"'A

Commodore PLrry had for some time been busy
superintending the building of two new vessels at
Erie. Late in the summer of 1813 the American
fleet was at last ready for action.

Perry sailed to Maiden and dispi.yed his vessels
before the English fleet, which was in that harbor.
Tecumseh was on the Island of Bois Blanc at the
time. He was much delighted when the American
vessels appeared, and told the Indians that the En-
glish fleet would soon destroy them. The great army
of Indians who were on the island hastened to the
beach to witness the battle. Tecumseh was much
disappointed when he saw no signs of fighting. The
imperious chief immediately launched his canoe and
paddled over to Maiden to inquire into it. He
visited General Proctor, and said,

" A few days since you were boasting that you
commanded the waters — why do you not go out
and meet the Americans ? See, yonder they are
waiting for you and daring you to meet them ; you
must and shall send out your fleet and fight them."

302

TECUMSEH.

When Tecumseh returned to the island he told
the Indians, with evident mortif -ation, that "<-he big
canoes of their great father were not yet ready, and
that the destruction of the Americans must be de-
layed for a few days."

On the loth of September the engagement be-
tween the two fleets took place. 1 ocumseh and the
Indians witnessed this novel mode of warfare from
the shore with the deepest interest. Early in the
morning the English vessels were discovered stand-
ing out from Maiden, preparatory to giving battle to
the American fleet at Put-in-Bay.

Commodore Perry sailed out to meet them. The
wind was so light, however, that the battle did not
begin until nearly noon. The English vessels opened
fire first, and it was much the more destructive, ow-
ing to their superiorty in long guns. Commodore
Perry's flagship was named the " Lawrence," after
the brave captain by that name whose vessel had
been taken by an English vessel at the mouth of
Boston harbor. For two hours and a half the " Law-
rence " sustained nearly all the fire from the English
fleet. At the end of thL time there was nothing
left of her but a battered hull, and most of her crew
were killed or wounded. The wind had increased by
this time, and the " Niagara " came up in gallant
style. Commodore Perry now left the " Lawrence "

perry's victory.

303

in charge of Lieutenant Yarncll. He attempted to
cross in an open boat to the " Niagara," standing
erect and bearing his flag, on which was the last
words of Captain Lawrcnc , " Don't give up the
ship." His men, who did not approve of the ardent
young commodore's thus making a target of himself,
pulled him down, however. The remnant of his
crew upon the " Lawrence " gave three cheers when
their commodore reached the ** Niagara " in safety.
Perry now told the commander of this ship, Captain
Elliott, that he feared the day was lost, on account of
the lighter vessels having remained so far in the rear.
Captain Elliott immediately set out in an open boat,
and, going from vessel to vessel, brought them up
into the position where they could do the most exe-
cution. He was completely drenched with water,
thrown up by the balls which struck on all sides of
him. Meanwhile Commodore Perry r solved upon
Galling through the enemy's lines, and succeeded
in doing this, thus bringing all the ** Niagara's " guns
to bear upon the English fleet, while the smaller ves-
sels, brought up by Captain Elliott, did good service.
Stich a fire as this could not long be sustained by
the English ships, and the whole fleet at last surren-
dered. During the contest, soon after Perry had left
the '* Lawrence," her flag went down. The English
had forced her to strike, but they were themselves

304

TECUMSEH.

too much shattered to board her, and Lieutenant
Yarnell soon hoisted his flag again.

After the battle was over a war of courtesy took
place between the English and American officers.
Commodore Barclay, the brave commander of the
English fleet, and his officers, refused to retain their
swords ; and Commodore Perry refused to accept the
sword of the veteran commander, for whom he could
not but feel the highest respect. The swords passed
back and forth many times, and the English officers
were at l^st compelled to retain them.

On the day after the battle the English and Amer-
icans held one funeral service over the English and
American dead. They were buried on the shore of
Put-in-Bay, and the crews of both fleets were pres-
ent The day was pleasant and the lake was entirely
calm. A solemn dirge was played, and the minute
guns fired as the slow procession of boats carried the
bodies to their graves.

General Harrison received at his headquarters,
where he had heard the cannonading, the following
modest note from the young commodore, announc-
ing the result of his first battle : —

*' Dear General : We have met the enemy and
they are ours — two ships, two brigs, one schooner,
and a sloop.

" Yours, with great respect and esteem,

" Oliver Hazard Perry."

perry's victory.

305

The Indians did not understand the movements of
a naval battle, and General Proctor, who doubtless
dreaded the influence of a defeat upon them, said to
Tecumseh,

" My fleet has whipped the Americans, but the ves-
sels being much injured have gone to Put-in- Bay to
refit, and will be here in a few days."

The suspicions of Tecumseh were soon aroused,
however, when he thought he perceived indications
of a plan to retreat from Maiden,

CHAPTER XXXIV.

BATTLE OF THE THAMES— DEATH OF

TECUMSEH.

Tecumseh was doubtless a very difficult ally to
manage. Imperious and willful, it was natural to
him to rule, and not easy for him to submit. Gen-
eral Proctor feared his outspoken disapproval, and
dealt with him by a cringing and maneuvering pol-
icy, which roused still more the indignation of the
sensitive chief Proctor now told him that he was
only going to send all his valuables up the Thames,
where they would be met by a reinforcement and be
safe. Tecumseh, however, felt sure that the com-
mander was meditating a retreat. He demanded, in
the name of his Indians, that he be heard by General
Proctor. Audience was granted him on the 1 8th of
September, and the Indian orator delivered his last
ppeech, a copy of which was afterward found in Gen-
eral Proctor's baggage when it was captured : —

" Father, listen to your children," said Tecumseh ;
" you have them all before you. The war before
this, our British father gave the hatchet to his red
children, when our old chiefs were alive. They are

DEATH OF TECUMSEH.

307

now dead. In that war our father was thrown on
his back by the Americans, and our father took
them by the hand without our knowledge ; and we
arc afraid that our father will do so again at this
time. Summer before last, when I came forward
with my red brethren and was ready to take up the
hatchet in favor of our British father, we were told
not to be in a hurry, that he had not yet determined
to fight the Americans. Listen ! When wa»- was
declared our father stood up and gave us the toma-
hawk and told us that he was then ready to strike
the Americans ; that he wanted our assistance, and
that he would certainly get our lands back which the
Americans had taken from us. Listen ! You told
us at that time to bring forward our families to this
place, and we did so ; and you promised to take care
of them, and they should want for nothing while the
men would go and fight the enemy ; that we need
not trouble ourselves about the enemy's garrisons ;
that we knew nothing about them and that our father
would attend to that part of the business. You also
told your red children that you would take good
care of your garrison here, which made our hearts
glad. Listen ! When we were last at the Rapids
(Fort Meigs) it is true we gave you little assistance.
It is hard to fight people who live like ground-hogs.
Father, listen ! Our fleet has gone out ; we know

lii^T

308

TECUMSEH.

ihey have fought ; we have heard the great guns ;
but we know nothing of what has happened to our
father with one arm (Confimodore Barclay had lost
an arm in a previous battle). Our ships have gone
one way, and we are very much astonished to see our
father tying up everything and preparing to run
away the other without letting his red children know
what his intentions are. You always told us to re-
main here and take care of our lands ; it made our
hearts glad to hear that was your wish. Our great
father, the King, is the head, and you represent him.
You always told us you would never draw your foot
off British ground ; but now, father, we see that you
are drawing back, and we are sorry to see our father
doing so without seeing the enemy. We must com-
pare our father's conduct to a fat dog that carries its
tail on its back, but when affrighted it drops it be-
tween its legs and runs off. Father, listen ! The
Americans have not yet defeated us by land ; neither
are we sure that they have done so by water ; we
therefore wish to remain here and fight our enemy,
should they make their appearance. If they defeat
us, we will then retreat with our father. At the
battle of the Rapids, last war (Wayne's battle), the
Americans certainly defeated us, and when we re-
turned to our father's fort at that place (Fort Miami),
the gates were shut against us. We were afraid that

DEATH OF TECUMSEII.

309

it would now be the case, but instead of that we
now see our British father preparing to march out of
his garrison. Father, you have got the arms and
ammunition which our great father sent to his red
children. If you have an idea of going away, give
them to us and you may go and welcome. For us,
our lives are in the hands of the Great Spirit. We
arc determined to defend our lands, and if it be His
will, we wish to leave our bones upon them."

General Proctor refused to follow the advice of
Tccumseh. It is even reported that this haughty
chief called the commander "a miserable old squaw."
Tccumseh had hoped to obtain assistance from the
English in righting the wrongs of the Indians, but
his contempt for white people extended beyond the
American nation : it included the race. Tccumseh,
though haughty and unbending, would doubtless
have conducted himself differently toward a com-
mander like General Brock, one who was capable
of inspiring respect for nis courage and wisdom in the
mind of such an Indian. As it was, Tccumseh cowed
Proctor. Some English officers afterward told Colo-
nel Chambers of the American army that Proctor
preserved a copy of Tecumseh's speech to show his
officers the insolence to which he was forced to sub-
mit in order to prevent that chieftain's withdrawing
from the struggle.

310

TECUMSEH.

i ;

Finding that General Proctor insisted upon a
retreat of the British and Indian forces, Tecumsch
once more threatened to leave the English service.
The Sioux and Chippevvas again objected, and Tc-
cumseh said that he was at home on the battle-field,
that he had no fear of death, and that he would
stand by them if they insisted.

The English army began its march up the Detroit
River, and on the 26th of September Maiden wa?.
destroyed.

The next day Harrison and his army crossed to
Maiden in the American fleet, expecting a battle with
the enemy on landing. Great was their astonishment
at finding only the ruins of the fort. General Harri-
son, with some regulars, over two hundred Indians,
and a body of militia, consisting mostly of Kentucky
volunteers, was desirous of immediately pursuing
General Proctor. There was little hope of overtaking
him, however, for he had nearly one thousand horses,
while Harrison had none. Only one indifferent ani-
mal could be procured. On this, Shelby, the aged
governor of Kentucky, who had joined the army
under Harrison, was mounted. The deficiency was
soon supplied, however, by the arrival of Colonel
Richard M. Johnson's mounted regiment. A scout-
ing party sent out from this regiment had captured
an Indian, whom they found asleep in a house on the

DEATH OF TECUMSEH.

311

River Raisin. His name was Missclcmetaw ; he was
a chief counselor of Tecumseh and an uncle of Logan,
but more truly Indian than either of these celebrated
men, for he had been engaged in the massacre at
Pigeon Roost. He told Colonel Johnson that the
Indians who were allied with the English amounted
to about seventeen hundred, that they intended to
give him battle at the River Huron, and that they
still did not know the fate of the English fleet. This
Indian was a man of some intelligence. He was
under the impression that the Americans would put
him to death, and he gave what was believed to be
a frank account of the transactions among the Indians
since Wayne's treaty. He said that the English
agents had given them encouragement previous to
the battle of Tippecanoe ; that now he thought that
the Indians had been deceived. He said that he him-
self was forsaken in his old age by the Great Spirit
in consequence of his cruelty and wickedness.

General Proctor promised Tecumseh from time to
time that he would halt and give battle, first at one
place, then at some other place further on. When
the chief started upon the retreat, he made this re-
mark to young Jim Blue Jacket: "We are now
going to follow the British, and I feel well assured
that we shall never return."

312

TECUMSEII.

Ho seemed to feci homesick at leaving the country
for which he had struggled so long.

On the retreat the Wyandot chief, Walk-in-thc-
water, deserted the English cause with sixty warriors.
He visited General Harrison and wished to make
peace. He was tok^ only to abandon Tecumsch,
and keep out of the way of the American army —
terms which were gladly accepted.

General Proctor continued his retreat toward the
Thames, Tecumseh was undoubtedly most impa-
tient for fighting. At Dalson's Farm, a place where
an unfordable stream falls into the Thames, it was at
one time decided to give battle. Tecumseh and
Proctor, riding together in a gig, examined the place
for a battle-ground. The two generals approved of
it, and Proctor said that here they would either de-
feat General Harrison or leave their bones. This
idea pleased Tecumseh, and he said " it was a good
pkce, and when he should look at the two streams
they would remind him of the Wabash and the Tip-
pecanoe." General Proctor afterward changed his
mind, however, and left Tecumseh with a small
party to defend the pass. The chief arranged his
forces judiciously, and a skirmish ensued, during
which Tecumseh was wounded in the arm. The
Americans brought up ten cannons, and the Indians
dispersed.

DEATH OF TECUMSEH.

313

Battle was at last given on the 5 th of October,
near the Moravian town, a village of the Delaware
Indians who had been converted by the Moravians.
Tecumseh refused to retreat further, and indeed the
place was well situated for defence, protected as it
was on one side by the river and on the other by a
marsh.

Shaubena, Tecumseh's aid, says that on the morn-
ing of the battle day, while Tecumseh, Billy Cald-
well and himself were seated on a log near the camp-
fire, smoking their pipes, a messenger came to Te-
cumseh saying that General Proctor wished to see
him immediately. The chief rose and hastened to
Proctor's headquarters. He soon returned with a
melancholy expression on his face. He was silent
until Billy Caldwell said to him,

" Father, what are we to do ? Shall we fight the
Americans ? "

'• Yes, my son," answered Tecumseh, sadly ; " be-
fore sunset we will be in their smoke, as they are
now marching upon us. But the general wants you.
Go, my son ; I will never see you again."

The English and Indians arranged themselves in
order of battle preparatory to meeting the Ameri-
cans when they should appear.

The English forces were posted between the
swamp and the river with their artillery. Tecumseh

t :;

( ii'

314

TECUMSEH.

and his warriors were stationed in the swamp on
some high ground. After his Indians were in posi-
tion Tecumseh said to the chiefs who stood around
him : —

"Brother warriors , are now about to enter into
an engagement from which I shall never come out —
my body will remain on the field of battle."

Unbuckling his sword and handing it to one of
the chiefs, he said,

" When my son becomes a noted warrior and able
to wield a sword, give this to him."

General Harrison's army had risen early to resume
the pursuit of the flyi ''• enemy. His army crossed
the river where it ^ fordable, in singular style,
each horseman taking one of the infantry on behind
him, and the remainder crossing in canoes. When
the mounted regiment came within sight of the
enemy it halted. General Harrison, on coming up
and conferring with Colonel Johnson, suddenly
changed his plan of battle. He determined to try
breaking through the English lines at once with a
charge of the mounted infantry. When Colonel
Johnson began forming his regiment according to the
general's orders, he found that there was not room
for more than the first battalion of his regiment to
act between the river and the swamp. He therefore
resolved to put himself at the head of his second

DEATH OF TECUMSEII.

315

battalion, and with it to attack the Indians on the
other side of the marsh. The whole army advanced
until the first battalion of mounted infantry, under
Colonel Johnson's brother, was fired upon from a
distance. This startled the horses and produced
some confusion. The English thus had time to load
and deliver a second fire. But the mounted infant-
ry, now completely in motion, charged and broke
through the English line, which was instantly thrown
into disorder. The horsemen wheeled right and left
and did such destructive work that in a moment the
battle at this point was over.

The struggle with the Indians was more obstinate.
There had been eight or nine hundred of the En-
glish troops, while there were more than a thousand
Indians under Tecumseh's command. According to
the account of the famous Black Hawk, who as a
young man fought at Tecumseh's side, the mounted
regiment *' came bravely on," but the Indians made
no move until the Americans were so close that they
could see the flints in their guns. Then Tecumseh
sprang forward, gave the Shawnee war-whoop and
fired. This was the signal for the battle to begin.
The shout was answered from the American line, and
the fire returned. Colonel Johnson's advance guard
was nearly all cut down by the first fire, and he was
himself severely wounded. As the ground was un-

3i6

TECUMSEH.

favorable for fighting on horseback, the colonel order-
ed his men to dismount and form on foot. In this
way a fierce coniiict was waged for seven or eight
minutes, when the Indians, hearing no more the en-
couraging battle-cry of Tecumseh, fled into the
marsh. " Tecumseh fell dead, and we all ran," was
the testimony of a Pottawatomie chief Johnson was
himself too severely wounded to remain to the end
of the battle, but he said to those around him, " My
brave men, the battle continues; leave me and do not
return until ycu bring me an account of the victory."

Commodore Perry was present in this battle, act-
ing as aid to Harrison. But few of the men on foot
cculd take part, however. The victory was gained
by the single dash of Colonel Johnson's regiment
and the death cf the great Indian.

Tecumseh had been killed, and at his side fell his
sister's husband, Wasegoboah. A bitter and com-
plicated discussion was long waged as to who killed
Tecumseh. Shaubena and some others say that Colo-
nel Johnson shot him with his pistol at the moment
when the chief attacked the colonel with his toma-
hawk. The discussion was so aggravated by polit-
ical rivalries and party bitterness at the time of Col-
onel Johnson's election to the vice-presidency, that
it is now quite impossible to decide the question.
The conflicting testimon}^ then produced has hope-

DEATH OF TECUMSEH.

31/

Icssly confused it For in that day, skill in Indian
fighting was regarded as a prime qualification for
dignified political office, and men are often selected
nowadays on no better grounds. It may be doubted
whether anybody ever did know who fired the shot
that killed the great chief Those who saw him shot,
from the American side, did not know him from any
other Indian, and the Indians who saw him fail did
not know his slayer. His death was not certainly
known in the American army for a long time. Many
mistook the body of a gayly dressed and painted
warrior for that of Tecumseh. It is a shameful fact
that from this body much of the skin was stripped
by some American frontier men, who had become
as barbarous as the savages against whom they had
waged a life- long warfare.

General Harrison did not announce the death of
Tecumseh in his report of the battle, since no one
could be sure that the chief had been killed. Colo-
nel Johnson had killed an Indian who was essaying
to tomahawk him. It is quite likely that this Indian
was none other than Tecumseh, who would natural-
ly, with his quick observation, find out the leader
of this cavalry charge, and seek to kill him.

Of one thing only are we certain. Tecumseh,
dressed in his simple buckskin suit, with no orna-
ment but an English medal hung about his neck,

SiS

TECOMSEH.

Z ; . "" ' '"'°' '''°' '^°" ^ »- °" '--back.
The Indians recovered his body during the night

though .t lay in the Hght of the American camp.'

and"!"!,' I'°f '°'^''°''' ^^'"^ °f 'Se, and in body
and mmd the finest flower of the aboriginal Ameri^
can race.

'• 1

CHAPTER XXXV.

AFTER TECUMSEH'S DEATH.

The war continued with varying fortune for more
than a year after the defeat of Proctor ; peace being
finally concluded by the treaty of Ghent, though,
the last battle, at New Orleans, was fought in Jan-
uary, 1815, after the treaty had been signed, but be-
fore the close of the war was known. If we are to
judge by the treaty of Ghent tiie War of 18 12 was
a drawn battle, none of the vexed questions which
brought it about being specifically settled in that doc-
ument. Its practical results, however, were very
considerable and wholesome. Great Britain, after
the war, though not bound by treaty to do so, put a
stop to the irritating and unjust practice of searching
vessels flying the American flag. ind warlike
Americans, from that day to this, have not dreamed
of easily conquering any part of the British prov-
inces.

The character of Tecumseh had excited the admi-
ration of the English as well as of the Americans. The
Prince Regent, in 18 14, sent a sword to Tecumseh's

320

TECUMSEII.

son, Pugeshashenwa, and settled upon him an annual
pension in consideration of his father's services. We
know nothing of the son but that he removed to the
Indian Territory with the remnant of the Shawnee
nation. He did not figiirs as a man of any influence
in the later history of his people.

The Prophet also received a pension from the Brit-
ish government, though not for valor. He was in
the neighborhood of the battle of the Thames, but
did not participate, either out of regard to his sacred
character, or out of respect to the preciousness of his
life. His portraits show him to be a man of repulsive
face, having but one eye, and well calculated to im-
press the savage imagination as one who had myste-
rious dealings with the other world.

Most of the Indians living near the settlements
submitted to the Americans after the battle of the
Thames. The tribes have since been removed to the
West, and have become partly civilized, though still
retaining a tribal government. Many whites have
intermarried with them ; from this admixture of white
blood and from other causes, the Indian nations have
generally declined in numbers — more by a gradual
absorption into the more numerous white communi-
ties than from extinction. The moment a half or
quarter blood Indian removes from the reservation of
his tribe, he becomes to all intents and purposes a

AFTER TECUMSEH'S DEATH.

321

white man, and in two or three generations the last
signs of Indian descent are obliterated.

The Prophet lived for twenty-two years after the
death of Tecumseh, dying in 1834 among his people
in their new home in the Indian Territory. He had
sunk into a great obscurity long before his death,
though he continued to exercise his prophetic gifts
for many years after the overthrow of the movement
that he had led. For no amount of failure ever quite
discredits an impostor — there are always ignorant
dupes eager to follow an impudent pretender or a
fanatic.

In the spring of 1823, Isaac Harvey, a member of
the Society of Friends, who was connected with the
Friends* Mission at Wapakonetta, as superintendent
of mills, visited one day an Indian who was suffering
from pulmonary consumption. He found the door
of the Indian's cabin shut and fastened, but after a
time it was opened and he saw the sick man lying
face downwards, his bared back cut in several places,
so that he was in an exhausted state from the loss of
blood. There was present none other than our old
friend Tenskwatawa, the Shawnee Prophet, who was
exercising his functions as a prophet or clairvoyant
doctor. He informed the Quaker that the man was
bewitched, and that these openings were made in his

body to let out the combustible matter that had

14*

322

TECUMSEH.

been thrown into him. The good Quaker drove the
Prophet out of the house and dressed the sick man's
wounds.

On the following night the friendly superintendent
of the mills was awakened by some one at his door
wishing to get in. He heard a woman's voice crying in
broken English, "They kill-ee me! they kill-ee mc!"
It was an Indian woman with her little girl. Mr.
Harvey took her to the house of the United States
interpreter, where she explained that a little messen-
ger had brought her word that the chiefs were in
council, and that she had certainly been condemned
to die on a charge of having bewitched the poor
consumptive on whom the Prophet had operated
with knives. She begged the " Qua-ke-lee " to pro-
tect her, and said she would do all that he com-
manded. The shrewd Quaker, not relying on the
friendliness of the interpreter, answered the woman
coldly, but having secured another interpreter in the
person of the blacksmith's son, he talked with her
again and finally hid her and her daughter between
two beds on a bedstead in the upper room of his
house. He also killed with his own hands a small
dog that had followed her. The life of Harvey's
family depended, perhaps, quite as much as that of
the Indian woman's, on their success in keeping her
hidden. Every part of the Quaker's house was

AFTER TECUMSEH'S DEATH.

323

searched, even this upper room, where there stood
nothing but this innocent-looking bed with all the
covers spread.

In the middle of that anxious day there came to
the house of Isaac Harvey, his friend, the chief Wea-
secah, otherwise called Captain Wolf. He told the
superintendent what had happened among them, as
though he did not at all suspect his friend of any part
in the matter. The Quaker earnestly remonstrated
against the Indian belief in witches and witchcraft,
and expostulated with him on the cruelty of putting
people to death on an unproven charge of this kind.
This disturbed the mind of Weasecah ; he was sur-
prised to find that the " Qua-ke-lee " did not agree
with him on so important a matter.

About an hour afterward he returned and ex-
pressed his belief that Harvey knew more about the
matter than he professed to. As the Quaker tried
to evade, Weasecah urged him to tell what he knew,
promising that so far from betraying him he would
defend him to the utmost of his power.

It was a desperate resort, but Isaac Harvey felt
that the case was a desperate one. Without frankly
confessing all that he knew of the matter, he admitted
to the chief that he believed the condemned woman
was out of the reach of the Indians who were
seeking her, and that they would never see her face

324

TECUMSEIl.

again unless they altogether abandoned the idea of
executing her. This was a shrewd way of putting
the case, but the Quaker added what startled the
chief yet more, that he had made up his mind to
close up the mission and take his family and go
home.

After some thought, the chief proposed to Harvey
that he should go with him direct to the council-
house, where the chiefs were then in session. He
thought if the " Qua-ke-lee " would promise the
chiefs that he would be answerable to them for the
condemned woman, he could prevail on them to par-
don her. Isaac Harvey resolved to go, though it
was like going into a den of wild beasts, thus to
brave the angry chiefs in council. He asked the
blacksmith, whose son had been his second interpre-
ter the night before, and who had himself offered as-
sistance, to let the boy go with him no a'. The smith
did not believe in his success, but said that he had
promised to help Harvey, and he would also go with
his son. Entered now into the council-house these
four — the- chief, Isaac Harvey the Quaker, the black-
smith and his son.

" Be still and hear ! " said Weasecah. He then
told them of his interviews with his friend the " Qua-
kc-lee," and of the occasion of their coming. The
Indians, some of whom were painted and armed in a

AFTER TECUMSEH'S DEATH.

325

way that made them quite appalling to the Quaker,
now moved round talking one to another.

Isaac Harvey then addressed them through his in-
terpreter, telling them with great composure that he
had come with Wcasecah and Simmeta (the black-
smith) to intercede for the woman ; but seeing they
had resolved to follow their own course, he was pre-
pared to offer himself in her stead ; that he had no
arms and was at their mercy — they might do with
him as they thought best.

At this the noble chief Weasecah took hold of
Harvey's arm and said, " Me Qua-ke-lee friend."
He begged the chiefs not to suffer their friend the
Quaker to be harmed. But if they were still deter-
mined not to submit to the proposition, he offered
his life instead of his friend's.

This heroic attitude of the Quaker, with the loyal
and brave act of the chief, checked the tide of hostile
feeling, and for a minute all were in suspense. Then
chief after chief to the number of six or eight .step-
ped up to the Quaker, each offering his hand and say-
ing, " Me Qua-ke-lee friend." The blacksmith also
declared himself the Quaker's friend, so that the
good man was surrounded by quite a number.
Weasecah then argued with them eloquently, so that
at last the whole council offered their hands in
friendship. The only exception was Tenskwatawa,

326

TECUMSEII.

the Prophet, who sullenly left the councU-house in
defeat.

It was hard for the Quaker to prevail on the poor
woman to come out of hiding. " They kill-ee me,"
she cried. Even Weasecah could not persuade her
to leave her place of concealment. She remained
several days in the Quaker's house, when she return-
ed to her own people, and lived in peace.

By this interference of Isaac Harvey, persecution
for witchcraft among the Shawnees was destroyed.
The gradually increasing enlightenment of the nation,
under the lead of missionaries of several denomina-
tions, has done away with many of their old super-
stitions.

All dreams of perpetuating savage life in opposi-
tion to civilization are futile. Civilization produces
a dense population. It is not desirable that a savage
race which spreads itself thinly in squalid hunting
bands should possess a fertile country capable of
supporting a hundred times as many people in the
comfort and enlightenment of civilization. Tecum-
seh's impulse was a patriotic on® ; but it was a mis-
taken patriotism. The later chiefs of the Shawnees,
Delawares, Wyandots, and Miamis, who saw plainly
that it was only by learning the arts of civilized life
that their people could be saved from destruction,
were wiser than he. But the tribute which we al-

. ' J I !Ll.lllJllll > -,l W .l liii lW,

AFTER TECUMSEH'S DEATH.

327

ways pay to courage, eloquence, administrative gen-
ius, and the most devoted patriotism, rightly belong
to the great Tecumseh, who, had his lot fallen to
him in a more favorable time, might have produced
results more permanent than a confederacy of sav-
ages. It is in the nature of all confederations of
savage tribes to fall asunder. Vainly Tecumseh la-
bored, for the very laws of nature were against him.
But he serves to show how great even a savage may
be.

THE END.

APPENDIX.

AUTHORITIES FOR THE LIFE OF
TECUMSEH.

Life of Tecumseh and of his Brother the Prophet. With an His-
torical Sketch of the Shawanoe Indians. By Benjamin Drake. Cin-
cinnati, 1841.

History of the Shawnee Indians, from the year 1681 to 1854
inclusive. By Henry Harvey, a Member of the Religious Society
of Friends. Cincinnati, i855<

History of the Late War in the Western Country, comprising a
full Account of all the Transactions in that quarter, from the Com-
mencement of Hostilities at Tippecanoe, to the Termination of the
Contest at New Orleans on the Return of Peace. By Robert B.
McAfee. Lexington, Ky., 1816.

A Historical Narrative of the Civil and Military Services of Major-
General William H. Harrison, and a Vindication of his Character
and Conduct as a Statesman, a Citizen, and a Soldier. With a detail
of his Negotiations and Wars with the Indians, until the final Over-
throw of the celebrated Chief Tecumseh and his Brother the Prophet.
The whole written and compiled from original and authentic docu-
ments furnished by many of the most respectable characters in the
United States. By Moses Dawson, Editor of the Cincinnati Adver-
tiser. Cincinnati, 1834.

330

APPENDIX.

Sketches of Western Adventure : Containing an Account of the
Most Interesting Incidents Connected witl: the Settlement of the
West, from 1755 to 1794; with an Appendix, By John A. McClung.
Also Additional Sketches compiled by the Publishers: a Biography
of John A. McClung. By Henry Waller. Covington, Ky., 1872.
[First Edition, 1832.]

Biographical Sketches of General Nathaniel Massey, General Dun-
can McArthur, Captain William Wells, and General Simon Kenton ;
who were Early Settlers in the Western Country. By John Mc-
Donald of Poplar Ridge, Ross County, Ohio. Dayton, O., 1852.

A History of Indiana, from its Earliest Explorations by Eu-
ropeans to the close of the Territorial Government in 1816 ; compre-
hending a History of the Discovery, Settlement, and Civil and Mili-
tary Affairs of the Territory of the United States North- West of the
River Ohio, and a General View of the Progress of Public Affairs in
Indiana from 1816 to 1856. By John B. Dillon. Indianapolis, 1859.

Biography and History of the Indians of North America : a His-
tory of their Wars, with ap Account of their Antiquities, Manners,
Customs, Religion and Laws. By Samuel G. Drake. Boston, 1848.
[First Edition, 1832.]

Life and Services of General Anthony Wayne. Founded on docu-
mentary and other Evidence furnished by Colonel Isaac Wayne. By
H. N. Moore. Philadelphia, Leary, Getz & Co., 1859.

A Memoir of the Public Services of William Henry Harrison,
of Ohio. By James Hall. Philadelphia, 1836.

Sketches of the Civil and Military Services of V/illiam Henry Har-
rison. B) Charles S. Todd and Benjamin Drake. Cincinnati, 1840.

Life and Adventu»^es of Daniel Boone, the First Settler of Ken-
tucky, interspersed with Incidents in the Early Annals of the Coun-
try. By Timothy Flint. New Edition, 1868.

APPENDIX.

331

The Colonial History of Vincennes, under the French, British,
and American Governments, from its First Settlement down to the
Ter-'itorial Administration of General William Henry Harrison, being
an Address Delivered by Judge Law, before the Vincennes Histori-
cal and Antiquarian Society, February 22d, 1839. With Additional
Notes and Illustrations. Vincennes, 1858.

Recollections of the Early Settlement of the Wabash Valley. By
Sanford C. Cox. Lafayette, i860.

Historical Sketches of the Late War between the United States
and Great Britain, blended with Anecdotes illustrative of the Indi-
vidual Bravery of the American Soldiers, Sailors, and Citizens. By
John Lewis Thompson. Philadelphia, 1816.

Romantic Passages in Southwestern History : including Orations,
Sketches, and Essays. By A. B. Meek. Third Edition. Mobile,

1857.

Sketches of History, Life, and Manners in the West. By James
Hall. Philadelphia, 1835.

History of the Indian Tribes of North America, with Biographi-
cal Sketches and Anecdotes of the Principal Chiefs. Philadelphia,
1842.

A Full and Correct Account of the Cliief Military Occurrences of
the Late War between Great Britain and the United States of Ame-
rica. London, 1818.

The History of Kentucky : An Account of the Modem Discovery,
Settlement, and Progressive Improvement, Civil and Military Trans-
actions, and the Present State of the Country. By Humphrey Marsnall.
Frankfort, 1824.

A Chapter of the History of the War of 1812 in the Northwest,
embracin* the Surrender of the Northwestern Army and Fort at De«

332

APPENDIX.

troit, August 1 6, 1812, with a Description and Biographical Sketch
of the celebrated Chief Tecumseh. By Colonel William Stanley
Hatch, Acting Assistant Quartermaster- General of that Army. Cin-
cinnati, 1872.

( Early History of Western Pennsylvania and the West, and of West-
ern Expeditions and Campaigns from mdccliv. to mdcccxxxiii. By
a Gentleman of the Bar. Pittsburg, 1846.

Memories of Shauhena, with Incidents Relating to the Early Set-
tlement of the West. By N. Matson. Chicago, 1878.

Personal Memoirs of a Residence of Thirty Years with the Indian
Tribes of the American Frontiers. By Henry R. Schoolcraft. Phila-
delphia, 1 85 1.

Autobiography of Rev. James B. Finley. Cincinnati, 1853.

A Narrative of the Captivity and Adventures of John Tanner, dur-
ing Thirty Years' Residence among the Indians in the Interior of
North America. Edited by Edwin James. London, 1S30.