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6
WORKS BY SAMUEL ADAMS DRAKE
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JDccisitje €t)citt3 in American ijistorg •
BuRGOYNE's Invasion
OF 1777
WITH AN
OUTLINE SKETCH OF THE AMERICAN INVASION
OF CANADA, 1775-76
BY
SAMUEL ADAMS DRAKE
BOSTON 1889
LEE AND SHEPARD PUBLISHERS
10 MILK STREET NEXT "OLD SOUTH MEETING HOUSE"
NEW YORK CHARLES T. DILLINGHAM
71S AND 720 BKOADWAY
I !
COPYUIOIIT, 1889,
BV
LliK AND SlIEI'AUI).
BOSTON
S. J. Parkhill & Co., Printbrs
CONTENTS.
[chapter p^^g
Introduction o
PRELUDE.
T. The Invasion of Canada 15
II. The Invasion of Canada m
BURGOYNE'S INVASION.
I. The Plan of Campaign 27
II. Burgovne's Army ^,
III. The Fall of Ticonderoga 37
IV. Hubbardton 4c
V. Facing Disaster c6
VI. The March to Fort Edward 61
VII. Before Bennington 68
VIII. Battle of Bennington 77
IX. After Bennington 87
X. St. Leger's Expedition 00
XI. Our Army Advances ge
XII. Battle of Bemis' Heights loi
XIII. Lincoln's Raid in Burgoyne's Rear .... 113
XIV. Second Battle of Freeman's Farm .... 116
XV. Retreat and Surrender 126
XVI. Seventeenth of October, 1777 137
XVII. Consequences of Defeat 143
.. . $ - ■
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St John S
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MILITARY MAP, LAKE CHAMPLAIN.
|i
I ~
INTRODUCTION
Among the decisive events of the Revolutionary strug-
gle, Burgoyne's campaign deservedly holds the foremost
place, as well for what it led to, as for what it was in
inception and execution — at once the most daring, most
quixotic, and most disastrous effort of the whole war.
Burgoyne was himself, in some respects, so remark-
able a man that any picture of his exploits must needs
be more or less tinted with his personality. And this
was unusually picturesque and imposing. He acquired
prestige, at a time when other generals were losing it,
through his participation in Carleton's successful cam-
paign. But Burgoyne was something more than the
professional soldier. His nature was poetic ; his
temperament imaginative. He did nothing in a com-
monplace way. Even his orders are far more schol-
arly than soldier-like. At one time he tells his soldiers
that "occasions may occur, when nor difficulty, nor
labor, nor life are to be regarded" — as if soldiers, in
general, expected anything else than to be shot at ! —
at another, we find him preaching humanity to Indians,
repentance to rebels, or belter manners to his adver-
sary, with all the superb self-consciousness that was
Burgoyne's most prominent characteristic.
To the military critic, Burgoyne's campaign is insttuc-
9
lO
INrRODUCTIDN
tive, because it embodies, in itself, about all the opera-
tions known to active warfare. It was destined to
great things, but collapsed, like a bubble, with the first
shock of an adverse fortune.
This campaign is remarkable in yet another way. It
has given us the most voluminous literature extant,
that treats of any single episode of the Revolutionary
War. In general, it takes many more words to explain
a defeat than to describe a victory. Hence this ful-
ness is much more conspicuous upon the British than
upon the American side of the history of this campaign.
Not only the general, who had his reputation to defend,
but high officials, whose guiding hand was seen behind
the curtain, were called to the bar of public opinion.
The ministers endeavored to make a scapegoat o"" the
general; the general, to fix the responsibility for defeat
upon the ministers. His demand for a court-martial
was denied. His sovereign refused to hear him. It
was thus meanly attempted to turn the torrent of popu-
lar indignation, arising from the ill success of the ex-
pedition, wholly upon the unlucky general's head.
Burgoyne's heroic persistency at length brought the
British nation face to face with the unwelcome fact,
which the ministers were so desirous of concealing, —
that somebody besides the general had blundered ; and
if the inquiry that Burgoyne obtained from Parliament
failed to vindicate him as a captain, it nevertheless did
good service by exposing both the shortcomings of hisj
accusers, and the motives which had glided their con-
duct with respect to himself.
1 ictl
|own|
'reqi
INTRODUCTION
II
r way. It
re extant,
olutionary
to explain
:e this ful-
Jritish than
, campaign.
1 to defend,
leen behind
lie opinion.
Croat o' the
[y for defeat
:ourt-martial
ar him. 1^
nt of popu-
,s of the ex- |
ral's head,
brought the
Icome fact,
inceahng, —
[idered; and
Parliament
.rtheless did
mings of his|
;d their con-
Besides the official examination by the House of Com-
mons, we have several excellent narratives, written by
officers who served with Burgoyne, all of which materi-
ally contribute to an intelligent study of the campaign,
from a purely military point of view. These narratives
are really histories of the several corps to which the
writers belonged, rather than capable surveys of the
whole situation ; but they give us the current gossip of
the camp-fire and mess-table, spiced with anecdote, and
enlivened with the daily experiences through which the
writers were passing. And this is much.
In his defence. General Burgoyne vigorously ad-
dresses himself to the four principal charges brought
forward by his accusers : namely, first, of encumbering
himself with a needless amount of artillery ; secondly,
of taking the Fort Anne route, rather than the one by
way of Lake George ; thirdly, of sending off an expedi-
tion to Bennington, under conditions inviting defeat;
and, lastly, of crossing the Hudson after the disasters
of Bennington and Fort Stanwix had taken place.
The real criticism upon Burgoyne's conduct, so far
as it relates to the movement of his forces only, seems
to be that from the moment when the march was actu-
ally to begin, he found himself in want of everything
necessary to a rapid advance. Thus, we find him
I scarcely arrived at Skenesborough before he is ask-
|ing Sir Guy Carleton for reenforcements to garrison
Ticonderoga and Fort George with, to the end that his
lown force might not be weakened by the detachments
Irequired to hold those fortresses against the Ameri-
J I
I I
1 1
12
INTRODUCTION
cans, when he should move on. It would seem that
this contingency, at least, might have been foreseen
before it forced itself upon Burgoyne's attention. Yet
it was of so serious a nature, in this general's eyes, that
he expresses a doubt whether his army would be found
equal to the task before it, unless Carleton would as-
sume the defence of the forts referred to above.
At this time, too, the inadequacy of his transporta-
tion service became so painfully evident, that the
expedition to Bennington offcied the only practicable
solution to Burgoyne's mind.
These circumstances stamp the purposed invasion
with a certain haphazard character at the outset, which
boded no good to it in the future.
Carleton having declined to use his troops in the
manr/er suggested, Burgoyne was corr '-celled to leave a
thousand men behind him when he marched for Albany.
Carleton, the saviour of Canada, was justly chagrined
at finding himself superseded in the conduct of this
campaign, by an officer who had served under his
orders in the preceding one ; and, though he seems to
have acted with loyalty toward Burgoyne, this is by no
means the only instance known in which one general
has refused to go beyond the strict letter of his instruc-
tions for the purpose of rescuing a rival from a dilemma
into which he had plunged with his eyes wide open.
The Prelude with which our narrative opens, under-
takes first, to briefly outline the history of the Northern
Army, which finally brought victory out of defeat; and
next, to render familiar the names, location, and strate-
INTRODUCTION
13
seem that
foreseen
ion. Yet
eyes, that
be found
would as-
^e.
ransporta-
that the
racticable
invasion
set, which
ps in the
[to leave a
Albany,
lagrined
z\. of this
ander his
seems to
is by no
e general
s instruc-
dilemma
open.
s, under-
northern
eat; and
d strate-
gic value of the frontier fortresses, before beginning the
story of the campaign itself.
Few armies have ever suffered more, or more nobly
redeemed an apparently lost cause, than the one which
was defeated at Quebec and victorious at Saratoga.
The train of misfortunes which brought Burgoyne's
erratic course to so untimely an end was nothing by
comparison. And the quickness with which raw
yeomanry were formed into armies capable of fighting
veteran troops, affords the strongest proof that the
Americans are a nation of soldiers.
So many specific causes have been assigned for
Burgoyne's failure, that it is hardly practicable to discuss
all of them within reasonable limits. The simplest
statement of the whole case is that he allowed himself
to be beaten in detail. It seems plain enough that any
plan, which exposed his forces to this result, was neces-
sarily vicious in itself. Moreover, Burgoyne wofully
misestimated the resources, spirit, and fighting capacity
of his adversary. With our forces strongly posted on
the Mohawk, St. Leger's advance down the valley was
clearly impracticable. Yet such a combination of
movements as would bring about a junction of the two
invc.ding columns, at this point, was all essential to the
success of Burgoyne's campaign. To have effected
this in season, Burgoyne should have made a rapid
march to the Mohawk, intrenched himself there, and
operated in conjunction with St. Leger. His delays,
attributable first, to his unwise choice of the Fort Anne
route, next, to Schuyler's activity in obstructing it, and
14
INTRODUCTION
lastly, to his defeat at Bennington, gave time to render
our army so greatly superior to his own, that the condi-
tions were wholly altered when the final trial of strength
came to be made.
What might have happened if Sir W. Howe had
moved his large army and fleet up the Hudson, in due
season, is quite another matter. The writer does not
care to discuss futilities. In the first place, he thinks
that Burgoyne's campaign should stand or fall on its
own merits. In the next, such a movement by Howe
would have left Washington free to act in the enemy's
rear, or upon his flanks, with a fair prosr ^ct of cutting
him off from his base at New York. Of the two com-
manders-in-chief, Washington acted most effectively in
reenforcing Gates's army from his own. Howe could
not and Carleton would not do this. From the moment
that Burgoyne crossed the Hudson, he seems to have
pinned his faith to chance ; but if chance has sometimes
saved poor generalship, the general who commits himself
to its guidance, does so with full knowledge that ae is cast-
ing his reputation on the hazard of a die. As Burgoyne
did just this, he must be set down, we think, notwithstand-
ing his chivalrous defence of himself, as the conspicuous
failure of the war. And we assume that the importance
which his campaign implied to Europe and America,
more than any high order of ability in the general him-
self, has lifted Burgoyne into undeserved prominence.
render
J condi-
trength
ive had
in due
)es not
I thinks
on its
\( Howe
jnemy's
cutting
JO com-
ively in
e could
noment
to have
[letimes
limself
is cast-
rgoyne
hstand-
Dicuous
)rtance
nerica,
al him-
ence.
PRELUDE
I.
THE INVASION OF CANADA, 1775.
England took Canada from France in 1759, and
soon after annexed it to her own dominions. Twelve
years later, her despotic acts drove her Amer- Canada's
ican colonies into open rebellion. England attitude,
feared, and the colonies hoped, Canada would join in
the revolt against her. But, though they did not love
their new masters, prudence counselled the Cana-
dians to stand aloof, at least till the Americans had
proved their ability to make head against the might of
England.
That England would be much distressed by Canada's
taking sides with the Americans was plain enough to
all men, for the whole continent would then be one in
purpose, and the conflict more equal ; but the Ameri-
cans also greatly wished it because all New England
and New York lay open to invasion from Canada.
Nature had created a great highway, stretching
southward from the St. Lawrence to the Hudson,
over which rival armies had often passed to victory or
defeat in the old wars. Open water offered an easy
transit for nearly the whole way. A chain of forts ex-
15 ■
i6
PRELUDE
i
I
I
I
tended throughout its whole length. Chambly and
St. John's defended the passage of the Richelieu,
through which the waters of Lake Chainplain flow to
the St. Lawrence. Crown Point ^ and Ticonderoga '^
blocked the passage of this lake in its narrowest part.
Ticonderoga, indeed, is placed just where the outlet of
Lake George falls down a mountain gorge into Lake
Champlain. Its cannon, therefore, commanded that
outlet also. Fort George stood at the head of Lake
George, within sixteen miles of Fort Edward, on the
Hudson. These were the gates through which a hostile
army might sally forth upon our naked frontier. Much,
therefore, depended on whether they were to be kept
by friend or foe.
In natural and artificial strength, Ticonderoga was
by far the most important of these fortresses. At this
Ticon- plnce the opposite shores of New York and
deroga. Vermont are pushed out into the lake toward
each other, thus forming two peninsulas, with the lake
contracted to a width of half a mile, or point-blank
cannon range, between them: one is Ticonderoga;
the other. Mount Independence. Thus, together, they
command the passage of the two lakes,
Ticonderoga itself is a tongue-shaped projection of
quite uneven land, broad and high at the base, or
where it joins the hills behind it, but growing narrower
as it descends over intervening hollows or swells to its
farthest point in the lake. That part next the main-
land is a wooded height, having a broad plateau on
the brow — large enough to encamp an army corps
th
pe
tin
a
or
gai
thii
PRELUDE
17
ably and
lichelieu, ^
n flow to
ndcroga'^
vest part,
outlet of
nto Lake
ided that
[ of Lake
d, on the
h a hostile
r. Much,
3 be kept
ieroga was
. At this
York and
e toward
the lake
lint-blank
inderoga;
|ther, they
iection of
base, or
larrower
ills to its
[he main-
lateau on
ly corps
u[)on — but cut down abruptly on the sides washed by
the lake. This height, therefore, commanded the whole
peninsula lying before it, and underneath it, as well as
the approach from Lake George, opening behind it in
a rugged mountain pass, since it must be either crossed
or turned before access to the peninsula could be
gained. Except for the higher hills surrounding it,
this one is, in every respect, an admirable military
position.
Tiie French, who built the first fortress here, had cov-
ered all the low ground next the lake with batteries and
intrenchments, but had left the heights rising behind it
unguarded, until Abercromby attacked on that side in
1758. They then hastily threw up a rude intrench-
nient of logs, extending quite across the crest in its
broadest part. Yet, in spite of the victory he then
obtained, Montcalm was so fully convinced that Ticon-
deroga could not stand a siege, that he made no secret
of calling it a trap, for some honest man to disgrace
himself in.'
Ticonderoga, however, was henceforth looked upon
as a sort of Gibraltar. People, therefore, were filled
with wonder when they heard how Ethan Allen had
surprised and taken it on the 9th of May, 1775, with
only a handful of men ; how Seth Warner had also
taken Crown Point ; and how Skenesborough * and Fort
George, being thus cut off from Canada, had also
fallen into our hands without firins: a shot.^
Thus, in the very beginning of the war for independ-
ence, and at one bold stroke, we regained possession of
i8
PRELUDE
this gateway of the north; or in military phrase, we
now held all the strategic points by which an advance
from Lower Canada upon the United Colonies was
possible.
1 Crown Point, built by the French in 1731, greatly strength-
ened by the British, who took it in 1759.
2 TicoNDEROGA, familiarly called "Ty " because the early spell-
ing of the name was Tycondcroga. IJuilt 1755-56 by the French,
taken 1759 by the British, under Amherst. Three weeks before
the battle of Lexington, an agent of Massachusetts wag sent to
ascertain the feelings of the people of Canada. His first advice
was that "Ty" should be seized as quickly as possible.
3 Montcalm's rROPHECY came true in St. Clair's case in 1777.
* SKENESbOROUGH, now Whitehall, named for Philip Skene, a
retired British officer, who settled on lands granted him after the
French War. He had about fifty tenants, and a few negro slaves.
^ The Captured Artillery was taken to Cambridge on
sleds in midwinter, by Colonel Knox. It enabled Washington
to bring the siege of Boston to a favorable conclusion.
joii
II.
THE INVASION OF CANADA.
Success begets con-
invasion of
Canada.
The prompt seizure of the lake fortresses had a
marked effect upon the vvavering Canadians.^ Many
joined us. More stood ready to do so whenever the
signal for revolt should be given,
fitlcnce. The Americans were now led to
believe that by throwing an army into Can-
ada at once, the people would no longer
hesitate to free themselves from the British yoke. The
time seemed the riper for it, because it was known that
the strong places of Canada were but weakly guarded.
Could Quebec and Montreal be taken, British power in
Canada would be at an end.
With such promise held out before it, Congress re-
solved to make the attempt. Forces were ordered to
both places. One body, under General Montgomery,'^
mustered at Ticonderoga. Ethan Allen went before
it to rouse the Canadians, who were expected to receive
the Americans with open arms. This army moved down
the lake in October, taking St. John's and Chambly in
its way, and Montreal a little later. The other, led by
Colonel Arnold,' ascended the Kennebec to its head,
crossed over to the Chaudiere, which was followed to
the St. Lawrence, and came before Quebec at about the
19
20
PRELUDE
same time Montgomery entered Montreal. Montgomery
hastened to Arnold with a handful of men. Together
they assaulted Quebec on the morning of December 31.
The attack fail,,", and Montgomery fell. The Ameri-
Ourarmy cans lay before Quebec till spring, when the
retreats, arrival of fresh troops, for the enemy, forced
ours to retreat to Montreal. This, too, was abandoned.
Our army then fell back toward Lake Champlain, set-
ting fire to Chambly, and St. John's behind it. The
enemy followed close, recapturing thes;- places as our
troops left them. Very little lighting took place, but
the Americans were greatly disheartened by having con-
stantly to retreat, and by the loss of many brave
officers and men, who fell sick and died of the small-
pox. July I the army finally reached Crown
Point, ragged, sickly, and destitute of every-
tliing. Weakened by the loss of five thousand men
and three commanders, it was no longer able to keep
the field. Instead of conquering Canada, it had been
driven out at the point of the bayonet. The great
question now was, whether this army could hold its own
against a victorious and advancing enemy.
General Gates * took command of the army at this
critical time. Convinced that he could never hope to
hold both Crown Point and Ticonderoga, and knowing
Ticonderoga to be much the stronger, in a military
view, he decided to remove the army to that place at
once. This was promptly done.^ The soldiers were
set to work strengthening the old, or building new,
works, under the diiection of skilful engineers. Of
1776.
PRELUDE
2\
ontgomery
'I'ogelher
:eniber 31.
lie Ameri-
when the
ny, forced
bandoned.
iphiin, set-
1 it. The
:es as our
place, but
avingcon-
my brave
he small-
L'd Crown
of every-
jand men
to keep
had been
'he great
d its own
ly at this
• hope to
knowing
military
place at
ers were
ing new,
ers. Of
these new works the strongest, as well as most im-
portant, because they commanded Ticonderoga itself,
were those raised on the peninsula opposite the fortress
on the Vermont side, which was christened Mount In-
dependence on the day the army heard that the colonies
had declared themselves free and independent.
Having thrown a bridge across the strait, between
Ticonderoga and Mount Independence, the Americans
waited for the enemy to come and attack them, for
with such leaders as Gates and Stark they felt confi-
dent of gaining the victory.
The British were equally active on their side. After
driving the Americans from Canada, they next deter-
mined to make themselves masters of Lake Champlain,
recover the forts they had lost, and so gain a foothold
for striking a blow at our northern colonies.
For this purpose they set about building a fleet at
St. John's. Vessels were sent out from England, for
the purpose, which were taken to pieces below the
Chambly rapids, brought across the portage, and put
together again at St. John's. By working diligently, the
British got their fleet ready to sail early in October.
Well knowing the importance of keeping possession
of the lake, the Americans turned Skenesborough into
a dockyard, and were straining every nerve to get
ready a fleet strong enough to cope with the British.
As everything neede.d for equipping it had to be
brought from the sea-coast, the British had much the
advantage in this respect, yet all labored with so much
zeal, that our fleet was first ready for action. Gates.
22
PREiMDE
■■'il
1 1''
I !I
I 1
i i
:; I
gave the command of it to Arnold, who had once been
a sailor, and whose courage had been tried so signally
under the walls of Quebec.
By the middle of August, Ticonderoga was in fight-
ing trim. The enemy's delays had given time to make!
the defences so strong that an attack was rather hoped
for than feared. Ignorant of the great preparations
making at St. John's, the Americans also believed
themselves strongest on the lake. Our fleet, therefore,
went forward with confidence to the battle.
On the nth of October the British flotilla was seen
coming up the lake. The rival forces met at Valcour
Island, and the battle began. From noon till night the
combatants hurled broadsides at each other without
Naval ceasing. The British then drew off to repair
battle, damages, meaning to renew the fight in the
October II. j-j^Qr,-,ij-jg^ 'j'ljjg gave Arnold a chance to slip
through them unperceived, for his vessels were so
badly shattered that' all hope of gaining the victory
was given over. He was pursued and overtaken.
Near Crown Point the battle began again, but the
enemy's superior forces soon decided it in his favor.
Rather than surrender, Arnold ran his disabled vessels
on shore, set fire to them,, and with his men escaped to
the woods.
Having thus cleared the lake, the British commander,
Guy Carleton,^ sailed back to St. John's, leaving Ticon-
deroga unmolested behind him, to the great astonish-
ment of our soldiers, who said Carleton deserved to be
hanged for not following up his victory over Arnold.
!
Hi..
as in fight- 1
r
^ a o
\\
iD
NAVAL BATTLE, LAKE CHAMPLAIN.
A, American flotilla. B-C, British. D, Line of Retreat, when the British
wero forced back to £.
■7/
PRELUDE
25
1 The Wavering Canadians. The Massachusetts revolution-
ary authority had been at work upon the wavering Canadians
since I774> with only partial success. (See note 2, preceding
chapter.) The Americans thought the Canadians would seize the
opportunity of freeing themselves, but events proved this opinion
ill-grounded. A political connection between the Protestants of
New England and the Catholics of Canada, except for mutual de-
fence, could hardly be lasting, nor did the priests favor it. The
military advantages were equally questionable, though great stress
was laid upon them by Washington and Schuyler, even after the
allegiance of the Canadians had been confirmed to the Ikitish
side by the reverses our arms sustained. If we had conquered
Canada, it would doubtless have been handed over to France again
at the close of the war. •
2 General Richard Montgomery, of Irish birth, had served
under Amherst at the taking of Crown Point and Ticonderoga in
1759, settled in New York, been one of eight brigadiers created by
Congress in June, 1775; General Schuyler's illness threw the chief
command, for which he proved himself eminently fitted, on Mont-
gomery. His having served on this line was much in his favor.
3 Colonel Benedict Arnold had once been a soldier at Ticon-
deroga. He went there again with a commission from Massachu-
setts, when the ff -ress was taken by Allen. He had also spent
some time in Quebec. These facts had influence in procuring for
him a command in the invading expedition.
* General Horatio Gates, a retired British major, settled in
Virginia, was made adjutant-general of the army, June, 1775.
'^ The RfcMovAL of the Army from Crown Point to Ticon-
deroga was strongly opposed by Stark and others, and disap-
proved by Washington.
^ Guy Carleton, British governor of Canada, though driven
from Montreal by Montgomery, had successfully defended Quebec
against him. He reconnoitred Ticonderoga, but seems to have
thought it too strong to be attacked with his force.
t
thoug
trozer
found
Idange
fwas h
in a ;
BURGOYNE'S INVASION
I.
THE PLAN OF CAMPAIGN.
After the British had gone back to Canada, it was
hoLight they would return as soon as the lake should be
rozen hard enough to bear artillery. But when it was
ound that they had gone into winter quarters, and the
anger was past, part of the garrison of Ticonderoga
[was hurried off to Washington, who was then fighting
against great odds in the Jerseys. This winter was the
dark hour of the Revolution, upon which the victory at
Trenton ^ shed the first ray of light. So low had the
American cause fallen at this time, that, but for this
unlooked-for success, it is doubtful if another army
could have been brought into the field.
The British were really planning to invade New
York as soon as the lakes should be open again, in the
spring. P'or this campaign great preparations were
making, both in Canada and England. Quiet, there-
fore, reigned at Ticonderoga throughout the winter of
1776 and 1777.
General Burgoyne sailed for England in November,
to lay before the king a plan for subduing the colonies
in a single campaign. Burgoyne was a good soldier,
27
28
BURGOYNE'S INVASION
popular with the army and government, brave to rash-
ness, but vain and headstrong. He knew the Ameri-i
cans were not to be despised, for he had seen thein
fight at Bunker Hill, as well as in the campaign just
closed, in which he himself had taken part ; yet an
easy confidence in his own abilities led Burgoyne into]
committing many grave errors, not the least of which j
was underestimating this very enemy.^
Any plan that promised to put down the Americans,
was sure of gaining the king's ear. Justice was never
tempered with mercy in this monarch's treatment of
his rebellious subjects. His heart was hardened, his
hand ever ready to strike them the fatal blow. More-
over, the Americans had just now declared themselves
independent of Great Britain. They had crossed their
Rubicon. To crush them with iron hand was now the
king's one thought and purpose. No half
measures would do for him. He told his
ministers, in so many words, that every means
of distressing the Americans would meet with
his approval. Mercenaries, savages, refugees — all who
could fire a shot, or burn a dwelling, were to be enrolled
under the proud old banner of the isles. No more effect-
ual means could have been devised to arouse the spirit
of resistance to the highest pitch.
Burgoyne's ambition was kindled by the hope of
making himself the hero of the war. He combined the
qualities of general and statesman without being great
as either. He wrote and talked well, was eloquent
and persuasive, had friends at court, and knew how to
George III
wants the
war
pusned.
BURGOYNE'S INVASION
29
imake the most of his opportunity. On his part, the
Iking wanted a general badly. He had been grievously
Idisappointed in Sir William Howe, whose victories
Iseemed never bringing the war any nearer to an end.
Burgoyne brought forward his plan at the right mo-
Lnent, shrewdly touched the keynote of the king's
discontent by declaring for aggressive war, smoothed
every obstacle away with easy assurance, and so im-
pressed the ministers with his capacity, that they
believed they had found the very man the king wanted
I for the work in hand.
The plan proposed for making short work of the war
[was briefly this : The American colonies were to be
divided in two parts, by seizing the line of the Hudson
River; just as in later times, the Union armies aimed
to split the Southern Confederacy in two by getting
possession of the Mississippi. To effect this, two
armies were to act together. With one, Burgoyne was
to come down the lakes from Canada, and force his
way to Albany, while the other was coming up the
Hudson to join him. Once these armies were united,
with full control of the Hudson in their hands. New
England would be cut off from the other colonies by
forts and fleets, and the way laid open to crush out
rebellion in what was admitted to be its cradle and
stronghold.
Ever since Sir William Howe had been driven from
Boston, in the spring of 1776, the opinion prevailed
among American generals that, sooner or later. New
England would become the battle-ground.* This view
30
BURGOYNE'S INVASION
was sustained by the enemy's seizure of Newport, in
December of the same year, so that the Americans
were perplexed at finding themselves threatened from
this quarter, until the enemy's plans were fully de-
veloped.
There was yet another part to the plan concerted
between Burgoyne and the British cabinet. It was
seen that in proportion as Burgoyne moved down
toward Albany, he would have the fertile Mohawk
valley on his right. This valley was the great
thoroughfare between the Hudson and Lake Ontario,
Niagara, and Detroit. In it were many prosperous
settlements, inhabited by a vigorous yeomanry, who
were the mainstay of the patriot cause in this quarter.
The passage to and fro was guarded by Fort Stanwix,
which stood where Rome now is, and Fort Oswego,
which was situated at the lake. Fort Stanwix was held
by the Americans, and Oswego, by the British. Perceiv-
ing its value to the Americans not only as a granary,
St. Leger's but as a recruiting station, and in view of the
part. danger of leaving it on his flank, Burgoyne de-
cided to march a force through this valley, clear it of ene-
mies, and so effectively bring about a timely cooperation
between the two branches of the expedition. Freed
of fear for himself, he could materially aid in the work
intrusted to his auxiliary. It followed that the Ameri-
cans, with whom Burgoyne himself might be contend-
ing, would, of necessity, be greatly distressed by their
inability to draw either men or supplies from the Mo-
hawk Valley, no less than by the appearance of this
B UK GO J WE 'S INV \ISI0N
31
force upon their own flank. The command of it was
given to Colonel St. Leger, who was ordered to pro-
ceed up the St. Lawrence to Oswego, and from thence
to Fort Stanwix and Albany.
Jt must be allowed that this olan was well conceived:
yet its success depended so much upon all the parts
working in harmony together, that to have set it in
motion, without consultation or clear understanding
between the generals who were to execute it, is incon-
ceivable. At a distance of three thousand miles from
the scene of war, the British cabinet undertook to
direct complicated military operaiions, in which widely
separated armies were to take part. General liurgoyne
received his orders on the spot. General Howe did
not receive his until the i6th of August; his army
was then entering Chesapeake Bay. Burgoyne was
being defeated at Bennington, at the time Howe was
reading his despatch, and learning from it what he
had not known before ; namely, that he was expected
to cooperate wiui the army of Burgoyne. These facts
will so sufficiently illustrate the course that events were
taking, as to foreshadow their conclusion to the f jeblest
understanding.
In order to make the war more terrible to the Amer-
icans, the British cabinet decided to use the Indians of
Canada, and the Great Lakes, against them. Not even
tile plea of military necessity could reconcile some
P^nglisiimen to letting loose these barbarians upon the
colonists. Though enemies, they were men. Lord
Chatham, the noblest Englishman of them all, cried
32
/? URGO YNE 'S INVASIOIV
out against it in Parliament. "Who is the man," he
indignantly asked, "who has dared to associate to our
arms the tomahawk and scalping-knife of the savage ? '■
All knew he meant the prime minister, and, behind him,
the king himself. Had not King George just said that
any means of distressing the Americans must meet
with his approval ?
1 Victory at Trknton. After being driven from the Jerseys.
Washington suddenly turned on his pursuers, and by the two fine
combats of Trenton and Princeton, compelled much superior forces
everywhere to retreat before him, thus breaking up all the enemy's
plans for the ensuing campaign, saving Philadelphia, and putting
new life into the American cause.
2 Undkrestimatinc. His Enemy. Burgoyne candidly admits
as much in his letter to Lord G. Germaine. State of the Expedi-
tion, Appendix, xcii.
* New England the Kattle-G round. Sir William Howe
did propose, at first, operating against Boston from Rhode Island,
with ten tliousand men, while an equal force should effect a junc-
tion with the army of Canada, by way of the Hudson. This pur-
pose he subsequently deferred for an advance into Pennsylvania,
but Ikirgoyne asserts that he was not informed of the change of
plan when he sailed for Canada in April ; and, though Sir William
Howe afterward wrote him to the same effect (July 17th) a letter
which was received early in August, Burgoyne, nevertheless, per-
sisted in his intention of passing the Hudson, notwithstanding he
knew, and says (August 20th), that no operation had yet been
undertaken in his favor. State of the Expedition, 188, 189; Appen-
dix, xlvii.
II.
BURGOYNES ARMY.
/
Having thus outlined the jDlan of invasion, let us now
look at the means allotted for its execution. 'I'hcre
were in Canada ten thousand British soldiers; in New
York, thirty thousand. Burgoyne was to take with him
seven thousand, of whom three thousand were Germans
in the pay of England.^ In discipline, spirit, and equip-
ment, this was by far the best little army that had yet
taken the field in America.
Good judges said that England might be searched
through and through before such battalions could be
raised. Forty cannon, splendidly served and equipped,
formed its artillery train. All the generals, and most
of the soldiers, were veterans. In short, nothing that
experience could suggest, or unlimited means provide,
was omitted to make this army invincible. It was one
with which Burgoyne felt he could do anything, and
dare everything.
Besides these regular troops, we have said the gov-
ernment had authorized and even attempted to justify
to the world, the employment of Indians. Four hun-
dred warriors joined the army when it marched, and as
many more when it reached Lake Champlain. They
were to scour the woods, hang like a storm cloud about
33
34
BURGOYNE'S INVASION
the enemy's camps, and discover his every movement.
For this service they had no equals. In the woods
they could steal upon an enemy unawares, or lie in
wait for his approach. In the field they were of little
use. Much of the terror they inspired came from the
suddenness of their onset, their hideous looks and
unearthly war-cries, and their cruel practice of scalping
the wounded.
To these were added about an equal number of
Canadians, and American refugees, who were designed
to act as scouts, skirmishers, or foragers, as the occa-
sion might require. Being well skilled in bush-fighting,
they were mostly attached to Fr.izer's corps, for the
purpose of clearing the woods in his front, getting
information, or driving in cattle. With his Indians and
irregulars,'^ Burgoyne's whole force could hardly have
numbered less than ten thousand men.
Taken as a whole, this army was justly thought the
equal of twice its own number of raw yeomanry, sud-
denly called to the field from the anvil, the workshop,
or the plough. Its strongest arm was its artillery ; its
weakest, its Indian allies.
Burgoyne divided his force into three corps, com-
manded by Generals Frazer, Phillips, and Riedesel, —
all excellent officers. Frazer's corps was mostly made
up of picked companies, taken from other battalions
and joined with the 24th regiment of the line. As its
duty was of the hardest, so its material was of the best
the army could afford. Next to Burgoyne, Frazer was,
beyond all question, the officer most looked up to by
^/ /
BUKGOYA'E'S JXVASION
35
the soldiers ; in every sense of the word, he was a
thorough soldier. His corps was, therefore, liiirgoyne's
rii^ht arm. Phillips commanded the artillery; and
Riedesel, the Germans.
In the middle of June this army embarked on Lake
Champlain. Of many warlike pageants the aged
mountains had looked down upon, perhaps this was the
most splendid and imposing. From the general to the
private soldier, all were filled with high hopes of a
successful campaign. In front, the Indians, painted and
decked out for war, skimmed the lake in their light
canoes. Next came the barges containing Frazer's
corps, marshalled in one regular line, with gun-boats
flanking it on each side ; next, the Royal George
and Inflexible frigates, with other armed vessels form-
ing the fleet. Behind this strong escort, the main
body, with the generals, followed in close order : and,
last of all, came the camp followers, of whom there
were far too many for the nature of the service in
hand.
In the distance the American watch-boats saw this
gallant array bearing down upon them, in the confi-
dence of its power. Hastening back to Ticonderoga,
the word was passed along the lines to prepare for
battle.
P'or the Mohawk Valley expedition, St. Leger, who
led it, took with him about seven hundred regular troops,
two hundred loyalists, and eight guns. At Oswego,
seven hundred Indians of the Six Nations joined him.
With these, St. Leger started in July for Fort Stanwix,
36
B URGO YNE 'S INVASION
\\
which barred his way to the Hudson, just as Ticonde-
roga blocked Burgoyne's advance on the side of Lake
Champ] ain.
1 Soldiers were hired from the petty German princes for
the American war. The Americans called them all Hessians,
because some came from the principality of Hesse. George HI.
also tried to hire twenty thousand Russians of Empress Catharine,
but she gave him to understand that her soldiers would be better
employed. There was good material among the Germans, many
of whom had served with credit under the Great Frederick ; but
the British showed them little favor as comrades, rvhile the Ameri-
cans looked upon them as paid assassins. Not one in twenty
knew any English, so that misconception of orders was not unfre-
quent, though orders were usually transmitted from headquarters
in French. A jealousy also gtovv up out of the belief that Bur-
goynegave the Germans the hardest duty, and the British the most
praise. At Hubbardton, and on the igth of September, the
Germans saved him from defeat, yet he ungenerously, we think,
lays the disaster of October yth chiefly at their door.
2 Indians and Irregulars. It is impossible to give the
number of these accu:\itely, as it was constantly fluctuating.
Though Burgoyne started with only four hiuidred Indians, the
number was increased by five hundred at Skenesborough, a'-'7, 1777.)
Not doubting he would find Skenesboroiigh still in
our possession, St. Clair was pushing for that place
with all possible -speed. He expected to get there by
land, before the enemy could do so by water ; then,
after gathering up the men and stores saved from Ticon-
deroga, St. Clair meant to fall back toward Fort
Edward, where General Schuyler,* his superior offt-
cer, lay with two thousand men.
This was plainly St Clair's true course. Indeed,
there was nothinir else for him to do, unless he decided
to abandon the direct route to Albany altogether. So
St. Clair did what a good general should. He resolved
to throw himself between Burgoyne and Schuyler, whose
force, joined to his own, would thus be able, even if
not strong enough to risk a battle, at least to keep up a
bold front toward the enemy.
Though Burgoyne really knew nothing about Schuy-
ler's force, he was keenly alive to the importance of
cutting off the garrison of Ticonderoga from its line of
retreat, and, if possible, of striking it a disabling blow
before it could take up a new position. St. Clair
counted on stealing a march before his retreat could
45
46
BU/C COYNE'S INVASION
July 6.
be interfered with. He also depencled on the strength
of the obstructions at the bridge "^ of Ticondercga to
delay the enemy's fleet until his own could get safely to
Skenesborough. In both expectations, St. Clair wjs
disappointed.
In the first place, Burgoyne had sent Frazer out in
pursuit of him, as soon as the evacuation was discov-
ered ; in the second, Burgoyne's gunboats
had hewed their way through the obstruc-
tions by nine in the morning, and were presently
crowding all sail after the American flotilla, under
command of Burgoyne himself.
Riedesel's camp, we remember, lay on the Vermont
side, and so nearest to Mount Independence, and St.
Clair's line of retreat. Burgoyne, therefore, ordered
Riedesel ^ to fall in behind Frazer, who had just
marched, and give that officer any support he might
be in want of.
Thus, most of the hostile forces were in active move-
ment, either by land or water, at an early hour of the
sixth. Let us first follow Frazer, in his effort to
strike the American rear.
Frazer had with him eight hundred and fifty men of
his own corps. He pushed on so eagerly that the slow-
moving Germans were far in the rear when the British
halted for the night, near Hubbardton. The day had
beer, sultry, the march f aligning. Frazer's men threw
themselves on the ground, and slept on their arms.
St. Clair had reached Hubbardton the same after-
noon, in great disorder. He halted only long enough
B UK GO YNE 'S INVASION
47
July 7.
for the rearguard to come up, and then hastened on,
six miles farther, to Castleton, leaving Warner,^ with
three regiments, to cover his retreat. Instead of
keeping within supporting distance of the main body,
Warner foolishly decided to halt for the night where
he was, because his men were tired, thus putting a gap
of six miles between his commander and himself.
Warner did not neglect, however, to fell some trees
in front of his camp, and this simple precaution, per-
haps, proved the salvation of his command the next
day.
At five in the morning, Frazer's scouts fell upon
Warner's pickets while they were cooking their break-
fasts, unsuspicious of danger. The surprise
was complete. With their usual dash, Frazer's
men rushed on to the assault, but soon found themselves
entangled among the felled trees and brushwood, be-
hind which the Americans were hurriedly endeavoring
to form. At the moment of attack, one regiment made
a shameful retreat. The rest were rallied by Warner
and Francis,* behind trees, in copses, or wherever a
vantage-ground could be hdd. As the combat took
place in the woods, the Britisii were forced to adopt
the same tactics. Musket and rifle were soon doing
deadly work in their ranks, every foot of ground was
obstinately disputed, and when they thought the battle
already won they found the Americans had only just
begun to fight.
For three hours, eight hundred men maintained a
gallant and stubborn fight against the picked soldiers
48
liURGO YNE 'S INVASION
of Burgoyne's army, each side being repeatedly driven
from its ground without gaining decided advantage
over the otiier. Nor would Frazcr have gained the
day, as he at length did, but for the timely arrival
of the Germans. Indeed, at the moment when the
British were really beaten and ready to give way, the
sound of many voices, singing aloud, rose above the
din of battle, and near at hand. At first neither of
the combatants knew what such strange sounds could
mean. It was Riedesel's Germans advancing to the
attack, chanting battle hymns to the fierce refrain of
the musketry and the loud shouts of the combatants.
P'ifty fresh men would have turned the scale to either
side. This reiinforcement, therefore, decided the day.
Being now greatly outnumbered, the Americans scat-
tered in the woods around them.
Although a defeat, this spirited little battle was
every way honorable to the Americans, who fought on
until all hope of relief had vanished. A single com-
pany would have turned defeat into victory, when to
the British, defeat in the woods, thirty miles from help,
meant destruction. Even as it was, they did not know
what to do with the victory they had just won, with the
loss of two hundred men, k'^led and wounded, seven-
teen of whom were ofhcer? :y had neither shelter
nor medicines for the w^ , nor provisions for them-
selves. The battle h. .chausted their ammunition,
and every moment was expected to bring another swarm
of foes about their ears.
The Americans had three hundred men killed and
Ticonde
H^bbUfdton
" o
"'^ RuHand ^
SambgaO)
ST. CLAIR'S RETRIiAT — UURGOYNE's ADVANCE ON
FORT EDWARD.
,*.«p(a
woun
who
'J'icoi
dom
the c
the n
Wl
befor
the I
reach
the I
boats
vesse
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they
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takin
His
were
had 1
gone,
hi in SI
Edw;
Riitli
ceedi
he h;
the s
BURGOYNE'S INVASIOiY
51
wounded, and many taken. The brave Colonel Francis,
who had so admirably conducted the retreat from
Ticonderoga, was killed while rallying his men. Sel-
dom has a battle shown more determined obstinacy in
the combatants, seldom has one been more bloody for
the numbers engaged.
While Frazer was thus driving St. Clair's rearguard
before him on the left, the British were giving chase to
the American flotilla on the lake. This had hardly
reached Skenesborough, encumbered with the sick,
the baggage, and the stores, when the British gun-
boats came up with, and furiously attacked, it. Our
vessels could not be cleared for action or make effec-
tive resistance. After making what defence they could,
they were abandoned, and blown up by their crews.
Skenesborough was then set on fire, the Americans
making good their retreat to Fort Anne,^ with the loss
of all their stores.
St. Clair heard of Warner's defeat and of the
taking of Skenesborough almost at the same hour.
His first plan had wholly miscarried. His soldiers
were angry and insubordinate, half his available force
had been scattered at Hubbardton, his supplies were
gone, his line of retreat in the enemy's hands. Finding
himself thus cut off from the direct route to Fort
Edward, he now marched to join Schuyler by way of
Rutland, Manchester, and Bennington. This he suc-
ceeded in doing on the twelfth, with about half the men
he had led from Ticonderoga. Warner, too, brought off
tiie shattered remnant of his command to Bennington.
;,: : y
52
B URGO YNE 'S INVASION'
July 7.
On his part, Schuyler had promptly sent a reenforce-
ment to Fort Anne, to protect St. Clair's retreat, as
soon as he knew of it. These troops soon found other
work on their hands than that cut out for them.
Burgoyne was determined to give the Americans no
time either to rally, or again unite their scattered
bands in his front. Without delay, one regi-
ment was pushed forward to Fort Anne, on
the heels of the fugitives whc had just left Skenes-
borough in flames. When this battalion reached the
fort, instead of waiting to be attacked, the Americans
sallied out upon it with spirit, and were driving it
before them in full retreat, when the yells of some
Indians, who were lurking in the neighboring woods,
spread such a panic among the victors that they gave
up the fight, set fire to Fort Anne, and retreated to Fort
Edward with no enemy pursuing them. The defeated
British then fell back to Skenesborough, so that each de-
tachment may be said to have run away from the other.
General Buro^ovne had much reason to be elated
with his success thus far. In one short week he had
taken Ticonderoga, with more than one hundred can-
non ; had scattered the garrison right and left ; had
captured or destroyed a prodigious quantity of warlike
stores, the loss of which distressed the Americans long
after: had annihilated their naval armament on the
lake, and had sown dismay among the neighboring colo-
nies broadcast. It was even a question whether there
was any longer a force in his front capable of offering
the least resistance to his march.
>l^**-v:"
BLOCK HOUSE, FOTvT ANNE.
Wit
may b
favore
stage
fool o
deserv
withhe
1 Ge]
first ere
the Fre
ment, ii
Februai
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2 Olii
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3 Sei
St. Cla;
previou
ner's or
* Coi
Massacl
the Brit
6 FOF
War to
consiste
navigati
Skenest
B URGO YNE 'S INVASIOiV
55
With these exploits, the first stage of the invasion
may be said to have ended. If ever a man had been
favored by fortune, Burgoyne was that man. The next
stage must show him in a very different light, as the
fool of fortune, whose favors he neither knew how to
deserve when offered him, nor how to compel when
withheld.
1 General Philip Schuyler, one of the four major-generals
first created by Congress, June, 1775. Had seen some service in
the French War ; was given command of the Northern Depart-
ment, including Ticonderoga, Crown Point, Fort Stanwix, etc.,
February, 1777, as the one man who could unite the people of New
York against the enemy. Gates declined to serve under him.
2 OnsTRUCTioNS AT THE Ijridge. The Americans had
stretched a boom of logs, strongly chained together, across ''^e
strait.
3 Seth Warner was on the way to Ticonderoga when he met
St. Clair retreating. The rearguard, which Colonel Francis had
previously commanded, was then increased, and put under War-
ner's orders.
* Colonel Ebenezer Francis of Newton, Mass., colonel, nth
Massachusetts Regiment. His bravery was so conspicuous that
the Uritish thought he was in chief command of the Americans.
^ Fort Anne, one of the minor posts built during the French
War to protect the route from Albany to Lake Champlain. It
consisted of a log blockhouse surrounded by a palisade. Boat
navigation of Lake Champlain began here, fourteen miles from
Skenesborough, by Wood Creek flowing into it.
t
FACING DISASTER.
One of Washington's most trusted generals said, and
said truly, that it was only through misfortune that the
Americans would rise to the character of a great peo-
ple. Perhaps no event of the Revolution more signally
verified the truth of this saying, than the fall of
Ticonderoga.
Let us see how this disaster was affecting the North-
ern States. In that section, stragglers and desert-ers
were spreading exaggerated accounts of it on every side.
In Vermont, the settlers living west of the mountains
were now practically defenceless. Burgoyne's agents
were undermining their loyalty ; the fall of Ticonde-
roga had shaken it still more. Rather than abandon
their farms, many no longer hesitated to put themselves
under British protection. Hundreds, who were too
patriotic to do this, fled over the mountains, spreading
consternation as they went. From Lake Champlain to
the New England coast, there was not a village which
did not believe itself to be the especial object of
Burgoyne's vengeance. Indeed, his name became a
bugbear, to frighten unruly children with.
Of those who had been with the army, many believed
it their first duty to protect their families, and so went
56
BURGOYNE'S INVASION
S7
linme. Numbers, who were on the way to Ticonderoga,
tmncd back, on hearuig that it was taken. To Ikir-
g()\ nc, these results were equal to a battle gained, since
he was weakening the Am':iricans, just as surely, in this
way, with entire safety to himself.
\\\ desiD."ir, those settlers who stood faithful among
the fait!-i-ss, turned to their New Hampshire brethren.
'• If we are driven back, the invader will soon be at
your doors," they said. "We are your buckler and
shield. Our humble cabins are the bulwark ot your
happv firesides. But our hearts fail us. Help us or
we perish ! "
Could Schuyler do nothing for these suffering peo-
l)le ? To let them be ruined and driven out was not
only bad policy, but worse strategy. He knew that
IJur
pointed them in the conduct of the campaign, up to
this time.
In the words of one distinguished writer, " The evacua-
tion of Ticonderoga was a shock for which no part of
the United States was prepared." In the Ian- john
guage of another, " No event throughout the Marshall,
whole war produced such consternation, nothing could
have been more unexpected."
It was not so much the loss of the fortress itself,
— as cosily as it was to the impoverished colonies, that
could have been borne, — but the people had been led to
believe, and did believe, it was next to impregnable ;
nor could they "inderstand why those who had been
intrusted with its defence should have fled without
striking a blow, or calling for assistance until too late.
Congress immediately ordered all the generals of the
6o
B URGO YNE 'S IN VASION
Northern army'^ to Philadelphia, in order that their
conduct might be looked into. John Adams holly
declared that they would never be able to defend a
post until they shot a general. But Washington, always
greatest in defeat, hastened to show how such a step
was doubly dangerous to an army when fronting its
enemy, and wisely procured its suspension for the
present. He first set himself to work to soothe Schuy-
ler's wounded pride, while stimulating him to greater
activity. " We should never despair," he nobly said.
And again : " If nev/ difficulties arise, we must only put
forth new exertions. I yet look forward to a happy
change." It was indeed fortunate that one so stout of
heart, with so steady a hand, so firm in the belief of
final triumph, so calm in the hour of greatest danger,
should have guided the destinies of the infant nation at
this trying hour.
* The Threatened Point. Baffled in his purpose of taking
Philadelphia by Washington's success at Trenton, Sir William
Howe had decided on making another attempt ; but his manoeuvres
led Washington to believe Howe was going to Newport, R.I., with
the view of overrunning Massachusetts. See Note 3, " Plan of
Campaign " (p. 32).
2 Generals of the Northern Army. Schuyler and St.
Clair were chiefly inculpated. Brigadiers Poor, Patterson, and
De Fermoy, who were with St. Clair at Ticonderoga, were includcil
in the order. All had agreed in the necessity for the evacuatit)n,
and all came in for a share of the public censure. Poor and
Patterson nobly redeemed themselves in the later operations
against Burgoyne.
VI.
THE MARCH TO FORT EDWARD.'
It is a well-known maxim of war, that the general
wlio makes the fewest mistakes will come off conqueror.
In his haste to crush the Americans before they
could combine against him, Burgoyne had overshot his
mark. His troops were now so widely scattered that
he could not stir until they were again collected. l>y
the combats of Hubbardton and Fort Anne, nothing
material had been gained, since St. Clair was at Fort
Edward by the time Frazer got to Skenesborough, and
the Americans had returned to Fort Anne as soon as
the British left the neighborhood.
After the battle of Hubbardton, Riedesel was posted
at Castleton, in order to create the impression that the
Ihitish army was moving into New England. By this
bit of strategy, Burgoyne expected to keep back reen-
forcements from Schuyler. Riedesel's presence also
gave much encouragement to the loyalists, who now
joined Burgoyne in such numbers as to persuade him
that a majority of the inhabitants were for the king.
The information they gave, proved of vital consequence
in determining Burgoyne's operations in the near future.
Two routes were now open to Burgoyne. Contrary
to sound judgment, he decided on marching to Fort
6i
62
li UK GO YNE 'S INVASION
F.dward, by way of Fort Anne, instead of going back
to Ticonderoga, making that his depbt^ and proceed-
ing thence up Lake George to Fort Edward and the
Hudson. Unquestionably, tiie latter route would
have taken him to Albany, by the time he actually
reached Fort Edward, and in mucii better condition to
fight.
Jiiirgoyne had said he was afraid that going back to
Ticonderoga would dispirit his soldiers. It could have
been done in half the time required for bringing the
supplies up to it at Skenesborough, to say nothing of
the long and fatiguing marches saved by water carriage
across Lake George.
Be that as it may, from the moment Burgoyne de-
cided in favor of the Fort Anne route, that moment the
possession of Fort Anne became a necessity to him.
Had he first attacked it with fifteen hundred men, in-
stead of five hundred, he would have taken it ; but even
i^ he had occupied it after the fight of the eighth, the
Americans would have been prevented from blocking
his way, as they subsequently did with so much effect.
In Burgoyne's case, delays were most dangerous. It
seems only too plain, that he was the sort of gen-
eral who would rather commit two errors than retract
one.
Let us see what Burgoyne's chosen route offered of
advantage or disadvantage. The distance by it to Fort
Edward is only twenty-six miles. By a good road, in
easy marches, an army should be there in two days;
in an exigency, in one. It was mostly a wilderness
OLD FORT EDWARD.
A, Magazine. B, Barracks. C, Storehouse. D, Hospital.
■
maga;
B UK GO YNE 'S I WVASIO.Y
65
country, and, though generally level, much of it was a
bog, which could only be made passable by layiiig down
a corduroy road. There were miles of such road to be
repaired or built before wagons or artillery could be
dragged over it. Indeed, a worse country to march
tlirough can hardly be imagined. On the other hand,
of this twenty-six miles. Wood Creek, a tributary of
Lake Chamj^lain, afforded boat navigation for nine or
ten, or as far as Fort Anne, for the artillery, stores,
and l">aggage.
But while Burgoyne was getting his scattered forces
again in hand, and was bringing everything up the lake
to Skenesborough, the garrison of Fort Edward had
been spreading themselves out over the road he meant
to take, and were putting every obstacle in his way that
ingenuity could devise or experience suggest. Hun-
dreds of trees were felled across the road. The navi-
gation of Wood Creek was similarly interrupted. Those
trees growing on its banks were dexterously dropped
so as to interlock their branches in mid-stream. Farms
were deserted. All the live-stock was driven out of
reach, to the end that the country itself might offer the
most effectual resistance to Burgoyne's march.
lUirgoyne could not move until his working parties
had cleared the way, in whole or in part. From this
cause alone, he was detained more than a week at
Skenesborough. This delay was as precious to the
Americans as it was vexatious to Burgoyne, since it
gave them time to bring up roenforcements, form
magazines, and prepare for the approaching struggle,
f|!
66
BURGOYNE'S INVASION
July 35.
while the enemy's difficulties multiplied with every mile
he advanced.
At length the British army left Skenesborough. It
took two days to reach Fort Anne, and five to arrive
at Fort Edward, where it halted to allow the
heavy artillery, sent by way of Lake George,
to join it ; give time to bring up its supplies of food and
ammunition, without which the army was helpless to
move farther on ; and, meanwhile, permit the general
to put in execution a scheme by which he expected to
get a supply of cattle, horses, carts, and forage, of all of
which he was in pressing want.
Still another body of savages joined Burgoyne at
Fort Edward. Better for him had thev staid in their
native wilds, for he presently found himself equally
powerless to control their thirst for blood, or greed for
plunder.
Not yet feeling himself strong enough to risk a
battle, Schuyler decided to evacuate Fort Edward on
the enemy's approach. He first called in to him the
garrison at Fort George. Nixon's brigade,
which had just been obstructing the road
from Fort Anne, was also called back. All told,
Schuyler now had only about four thousand men.
With these he fell back ; first, to Moses's Creek, then
to Saratoga, then to Stillwater.
^ Fort Edward, a link in the chain of forts extending between
Canada and the Hudson, — first called Fort Lyman, for Colontl
Phineas Lyman, who built it in 1755, — stood at the elbow of the
Hudson, where thj^ river turns west, after approaching within six
BUKCOViVE'S INVASION
67
teen miles of Lake George, to which point there was a good mili-
taiy road. The fort itself was only a redoubt of timber and earth,
surrounded by a stockade, and having a casern, or barrack, inside,
capable of accommodating two hundred soldiers. It was an im-
portant military position, because this was the old portage, or
carrying-jilace, from the Hudson to Lake George, though the fort
was no great matter.
VII.
BEFORE BENNINGTON.
On the 9th of August, Frazer's corps moved clown to
Duer's house, seven miles from Fort P^dwarcl, and
Frazer seven from Saratoga. This was done to
advances, cover the expedition Burgoyne had planned ;
first, to confirm the belief that he was about to fall on
New England, and, next, for supplying his army with
horses, cattle, carts, provisions, forage — everything, in
short, of which he stood in want. Both objects would
be gained at once, since fear of the first would make
easy the second.
Burgoyne ached to strike a blow at New England.
The successes he had just met with tempted him on
T, . ..• . toward his wishes ; yet he dared not go too
Real object _ ' •' »
of the far, because the king's orders forbade his lurn-
Bennington -j^^ aside from his main object, to march into
raid. * . ■• '
• New England, as he himself had asked for
discretionary power to do, when laying his plan before
the ministers. Still, as New England was to be the
final object of the campaign, Burgoyne was impatient
to set about humbling her in good earnest. Events
were woi' ing so favorably for him, that he now saw his
chance to go at least half way toward his desires. So
the expedition to Bennington was certainly far frotn
68
BURGOYKE'S INVASION
69
being the effect of any sudden decision on Burgoyne's
part, or wholly due to the pressing want of supplies.
It would, we think, have been undertaken in any
event.
On the other hand, the victualling of his army was the
one obstacle to Burgoyne's advance to Albany. So long
as every pound of bread and meat had to be brought
from Quebec to Skenesborough, and from Skenesbor-
ough to his camp, the farther the army marched, the
greater the difficulty of feeding it became. It was
now living from hand to mouth, so to speak. Nobody
but Tories would sell it a pound of beef or an ear of
corn. What gold could not buy, Burgoyne determined
to take by force. If enough could be gleaned, in this
way, from the country round, he could march on ; if
not, he must halt where he was, until sufficient could be
brought up over a road every day growing longer and
more dangerous. Burgoyne would never submit to the
last alternative without trying the first.
For the moment then, the problem, how to feed his
army so as to put it in motion with the least possible
delay, was all-important with General Burgoyne. The
oldest, and most populous, of the Vermont settlements
lay within striking distance on his left. He knew that
rebel flour was stored in Bennington. He had been
told that half the farmers were loyal at heart, and that
the other half would never wait for the coming of Brit-
ish veterans. Burgoyne was puffed up with the notion
that he was going to conjure the demon of rebellion
with the magic of his name. Already he saw himself
70
BURGOYNE'S INVASION
not only a conqueror, but lawgiver to the conquered.
On the whole, the plan seemed easy of accomplishment.
Burgoyne was like a man starving in the midst of
plenty. Supplies he must have. If they could be
wrung from the enemy, so much the better.
An expedition chiefly designed to rob barnyards,
corn-cribs, and henroosts promised little glory to those
engaged in it. This may have been the reason why
Burgoyne chose to employ his Germans, who were
always excellent foragers, rather than his British sol-
diers. Perhaps he thought the Germans would inspire
most fear. Be that as it may, never did a general
make a more costly mistake.^
The command was given to Colonel Baum, who, with
about a thousand Germans, Indians, Canadians, and
Baum refugee loyalists, started out from camp on
marches for his maraud, on the eleventh, halted at Batten-
enning on. j^.jj qj^ jj^g twelfth, and reached Cambridge
on the thirteenth. He was furnished with Tory guides,
who knew the country well, and with instructions look-
ing to a long absence from the army.
Burgoyne then began manoeuvring so as to mask
Baum's movements from Schuyler.
Frazer was marched down to Batten-Kill, with his
own and Breyman's corps. Leaving Breyman here to
Frazer support either Baum or himself, in case of
crosses the need, Frazer crossed the Hudson on the four-
Hu son. teenth, and encamped on the heights of Sara-
toga that night. The rest of the army moved on to
Duer's, the same day. By thus threatening Schuyler
^ Q Ducris Hoos«
'Burgoynft
Manchester
Oj
POSITION OF BELLIGERENTS BEFORE BENNINGTON.
B UR CO YNE V? INVASION
71
willi an advance in force, of which Frazcr's crossing
was conclusive proof, Burgoyne supposed Bauni would
he left to plunder at his leisure, but he seems to have
thought little of the opposition which Bauni, on his side,
might meet with from the settlers themselves ; though
this too was provided against in Baum's orders, and by
posting Breyman on Baum's line of march.
If liaum succeeded to his wishes, Burgoyne meant to
throw the whole army across the Hudson immediately.
Already Frazer was intrenching at Saratoga, with the
view of protecting the crossing. Having now so placed
his troops as to take instant advantage of BaunTs
success, of which he felt no manner of doubt, Bur-
goyne could only sit still till Baum should be heard
from.
Meanwhile, the New England militia were flocking
to Manchester in squads, companies, or regiments.
Washington had said they were the best yeomanry in
tlie world, and they were about to prove their right to
this title more decisively than ever. Ministers dis-
missed their congregations with the exhortation, *' He
that hath no sword, let him sell his garment, and buy
one." Some clergyuKm even took a musket and went
into the ranks. Apathy and the numbness that suc-
ceeds defeat were dissipated by these appeals and
these examples.
It was Washington's policy to keep a force on Bur-
goyne's flank, which might be used to break up his
communications, cut off his provision trains, or other-
wise so harass him as to delay his march. In General
74
B UK GO YNE 'S INVASION
Lincoln "^ he found an officer, at once capable and brave,
who had the confidence of the New England peo[)K.
Lincoln was, therefore, sent to take command of the
miliiia now mustering at Manchester.
At the same time, New Hampshire called upon the
veteran Stark* to lead her forces into the field. Stark
had left the army in disgust, because Congress had
promoted other officers over his head, not more .>rthy
than himself. He was still smarting under '.. nse
of wrong, when this command was offered hun. He
was like Achilles, sulking in his tent.
Stark said that he asked nothing better than to
fight, but insisted that he would do so only upon
condition that the State troops should be exclu-
sively under his orders. To agree to this would be
practically an exercise of State sovereignty. But time
pressed, Stark's name was a host in itself : it was
thought best to give his wounded vanity this sop :
for, by general consent, he was the only man for the
crisis.
Lincoln found six hundred men assembled at Man-
chester, most of whom belonged to Stark's brigade.
On the seventh, Stark himself arrived with
eight hundred more. By Schuyler's order,
Lincoln desired Stark to march them to the main army
at once. Stark replied that, being in an independent
command, he would take orders from nobody as to how
or where he should move his troops.
Though plainly subversive of all military rules, Stark's
obstinacy proved Burgoyne's destruction ; for if Schuyler
Aug. 6.
BURGOYNE'S IXVASIOI^
75
liad prevailed, there would never have been a battle of
JJciinington.
riiough undoubtedly perplexed by the situation in
wliich he found himself placed, of antagonism to the
regularly constituted military authority of the nation,
Stark's future operations show excellent military judg-
imnt on his part. He was not going to abandon
Scluiyler, or leave Vermont uncovered ; still less was
he disposed to throw away the chance of striking
ISiugoyne by hanging on his flank, and of thus achiev-
ing something on his own account. Stark's sagacity
w.is soon justified to the world.
He determined to march with part of his force to
I'xnnington, twenty-five miles south of Manchester,
aiul about the same distance from StUlvvater.
In this position he would easily be able to
carry out either of the objects he had in view, assist
Schuyler, cover Bennington, or get in a telling blow
somev.here, when least expected.
Burgoyne's expectation of surprising Bennington was
thus completely frustrated.
Baum learned at Cambridge that the Americans were
at Bennington, to the number of eighteen hundred.
He immediately wrote Burgoyne to this effect. On
tlie next day, he marched to Sancoic, a mill-
Aug. 14.
Stream falling into the Walloomsac River in
North Hoosac, and after again writing Burgoyne, con-
tiiniing the account he had previously sent about the
force in his front, moved on toward Bennington, under
tlie impression that the Americans would not wait to
be attacked.
Aug. 9.
76
B UKGO YNE 'S IN VASION
^ A Costly Mistake to give the command to an officer who
could not speak English; still another, to intrust an expedition in
which celerity of movement was all-important, to soldiers loaded
down with their equipments, as the Germans were, instead of to
light troops. Colonel Skene went with Haum. See note 4, p. \'f\.
2 Genkral Benjamin Lincoln, born at Ilingham, Mass., 1735.
Made a major-general, February, 1777. Joined Schuyler, July 29,
at Fort Miller, while our army was retreating; sent thence to Man-
chester. One of those captains who, while seldom successful, are
yet considered brave and skilful commanders.
3 General J
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BURGOYNE'S INVASION
8i
i
his t'.vo ficld-picccs. His ('anadians ami loyalists took
11)) .1 position across and lower down the stream, in his
front, tiie better to cover the road by which his reenforce-
iiiL'iils must come, or the Americans attempt to cut off
his retreat. These dispositions were all that time, the
si/c iA his force, and the nature of the ground, would
peiinit.
k.iin also kept back the reenforcenjcnts that each
side wijs so impatiently expecting;. Stark chafed at
the delay, Jiaum grew more hopeful of holding out
until iielp could reach him. liurgoyne had, indeed,
(iispnlched lireyman to Haum's assistance at eight
o'clock in the morning, with eight himdred and fifty
iiicM ;m)(I two guns. 'J'iiis corps was toiling on, through
iimd and rain, at the rate of only a mile an hour, when
111 hour, niore or less, was to decide the fate of the
(•x|)cdilion itself. 'I'lie fatigue was so great, that when
iir;;c'(i on to the relief of their comrades, the weary
(Jcrni.uis would grumble out, "Oh, let us give them lime
to get warm ! "
Warner's regiment could not leave Manchester till
liii; morning of the fifteenth, but by niarching till
jnmliiighi, it was near Bennington on the morning of
the sixteenth. IJreyman put so little energy into his
jmovcinents that he was nowhere near Haum at that
liour. Stark, however, was strengthened by the arrival
>f several hundred militia from Massachusetts, who
ainc full of fight, and demanding to be led against the
iicmy without delay. Stark's reply was characteristic :
"1)0 you want to go out now, while it is dark and
82
B URCO YNK 'S INVASION
Aug. i6.
rainy?" he asked. "No," the s|)()kc'si>ian rejoiiK^d.
"Tlien," continued Stark, "if ti»e Lord siioiiid <;ive us
sunshine once more, and I do not j;ive you figiuiiijj'
enough, I will never ask you to turn out ag;iin."
The day l>roke clear and pleasant. IJoth panics
prepared for the coming battle. Stark had
the most men, but liaum the advantage; of
fighting behind intrenchinents, and of liaving arlilkry,
while Stark had none.
At midday. Stark formed his men for the att;i(k.
All were yeomanry, in homespun, rudely ecpiipped with
]K)uches and powder-horns, and armed with the old
brown firelocks, wiihout bayonets, they had br(>ii;;lit
from their houses. Some had served in the preceding;
cami)aign, but not one in fifty had ever fired a shoi in
anger, while many were mere lads, in whom enthusiasm
for their leader and cause supplied the want of exp'-
rience. The work now required of them was such as
only V(;terans were thought capable of doing. They
were to storm intrenchinents, defended by the trnincd
soldiers of Kurope ; yet not a man flinched when Stark,
* with a soldier's bluntness and fire, j)ointed his sword
toward the enemy's redoubt and exclaimed, " Tiicto.
my lads, are the Hessians! To-night our flag floats
over yonder hill, or Molly Stark is a widow ! "
His men answered wilh loud cheers, grasped their
weapons, and demanded to be led against the enemy.
Stark then gave the wished-for order to march.
Meanwhile, dismay reigned in Bennington. Everv
man who could load a musket had gone out to fi;;lii
liUKGO YNh \S INVAS. ON
83
with Stark. Their houscliold goods had been loaded
ii|»on waj^ons, ready to move o(T in case tlie day
\\ent against them. Their wives and little ones stood
liind in hand along the village street, lhroiij;J|jout that
l»)i)g summer afternoon, listening to the peal of cannon
and musketry, in fear for those who had gone forth to
the battle, and expecting the moment that was to make
tht in homeless wanderers.
ihe story of the battle is soon tf)ld. Stark so
(Hvided his force as to attack the eneniy in front,
ll.iiih, and rear, at once. The nature of the grouml
was such as to hide the march of the several detach-
iiKMits from liaum's view, but he had no other idea than
to keep close in his intrenchments.
At three in the afternoon, firing began in l^aum's
rear. This was the signal that the several attacking
columns had reached their allotted stations. All the
AiiK-ricans then rushed on to the assault, llaum found
liiiuself everywhere assailed with uidoriked-for vigor.
Never had he expected to see raw rustics charging up
to the nnizzles of his guns. In vain he plied them
uiih grape and musketry. The encircling line grew
tighter and tighter; the fire, hotter and hotter. Vox an
hour he (Ujfended himself valiajitly, hoj)ing for night or
hnyman to come. At last his fire slackened. The
Americans clambered over the breastworks, and poured
into the redoubt. For a few moments there was shaip
hand-to-hand fighting. The (iermans threv down their
nuiskcts, drew their broadswonls, and desperateK at-
iciiipied to cut their way out. Must of them were
84
/; UKGO VA'/i \S INV^lSfON
beaten back or taken. A few only escaped. The
'J'ories and Canadians fared no better. 'I'lic victorv
was complete and decisive.
Now^at tlie eleventh hour, IJreynfian was marcliin,'
on the field to llie sf)und of the firing. He had taken
tliirty-two hours to get over twenty-four miles. Sii|)«
posing the day won, .Stark's men were scattered about
in disorder. Not even Stark himself seems to have
thought of a rescuing force. Some were guarding ilie
priso!irrs, some caring for the wounded, and some
gathering up the b(K)ty. All had yielded to the de
moralization of victory, or to the tcmj)tation to pliin
der. Most opportunely, Warner's men now came fn.sh
into the fight, 'i'his gallant little band flung itself
boldly in the path of the advancing foe, thus giving'
Stark the time to rally those nearest him, and lead
them into action again.
At first lireyman gained ground. With steady tread
his veterans fired and moved on, pushing the Ameri-
cans back, toward the scene of the first encounter ; but
iJaum was no longer there to assist, the scattered mili-
tiamen were fast closing in round Iheyrnan's flanks,
and Stark had now brought one of Haum's cannon to
bear, with destructive elTect, upon the head of tlic
eneniy's advancing column.
In no long time the deadly fire, poured in on all
sides, began to tell upon lireyman's solid battalions.
Our marksmen harassed his flanks. His front \va>
hard j)ressed, and there were no signs of liaum. Km
raged by the thought of having victory torn from their
nUKUOYNIi'S INVASION
8S
j:;rasp, the Americans {;ave ground fof)t by foot, and
inch i)y inch. At last the combatants were firing in
each other's faces ; so close was the encounter, so deadly
the strife, that Ikeyman's men were falling round him
by scores, U!ider the close and accurate aim of their
assailants. Darkness was closing in. His artillery
horses were shot down in their traces, his Hanks driven
in, his advance stopped.
As soon as they perceived their advantage, the
AuKjricans redoubled their efforts. The firing grew
tKMnendous. It was now IJrcyman who was forced
l)a(k. Soon all order was lost. Favored by the
darkness, he began a disorderly retreat. In an instant
his guns were taken. Exhausted by fighting two bat-
lies in one afternoon, no longer able in the darkness to
icll friend from foe, the Americans soon gave over the
pursuit. IJut, for the second time, they stood victors on
the hard-fought field. All felt it to be a narrow escape
fronj defeat, for if lireyman had loitered by the way,
he had fought like a lion in the toils of the hunter.
Thus Washington's sagacity had been vindicated,
Stark's insubordination nobly atoned for, Schuyler's
woist fears set at rest, by the fortunes of a single
day.
Four cannon, one thousand stand of arms, and seven
liimdred prisoners, were the trophies of this victory.
'I lie enemy left two hundred (jf his dead on the field,
hium's corps was virtually destroyed, Breyman's badly
cut up, Burgoyne's well-laid plans scattered to the
winds.
86
fi URGO YNE \S IN V AS ION
^ Uatti.k of liF.NNirTcrroN. lloth actions acttially occurred in
the town of lloosic, N.Y. (wc cannot be held responsible f<»r tlic
absurd variations in spcllint; this name), though the troops were
formed for the attack within the limits of I'.cnnington, and Stark's
despatch announcing his victory is dated at this place. A battle
monument, designed to be three hundred and one feet hi^h, is now
l>eing built on a connnanding site at liennington Centre, which is
the old village. No more beautifid spot than this hill-environed
valley, overlooked by Mount /vnthony, could possibly c<;nunenn».
rate tr> future centuries one of the decisive conflicts of the War
for Independence.
IX.
AFTER BENNINGTON.
Aug. 17.
Stark had, indeed, dealt Rurgoyne a stunning blow.
In a moment all his combinations were overthrown,
httorts were made to keep the disaster a secret from
the army, but the movements made in consequence of
it told the story but too plainly.
In the first place, the whole army was hurried up to
I5atten-Kill in order to cover Hreyman's and I'ra/er's
retreat,^ for I'Vazer had been ordered to re-
cross the Hudson at once. Frazer's position
was most critical; his bridge had been broken by a
frtrshet, and for one whole day he was cut off from the
njain army.
As soon as Breyman's worn-out men had straggled
into camp, IJurgoyne's fell back to Duer's again. Mean-
time, Krazer had repaired his bridge and liastily re-
crossed the Hudson. Riedesel's corps was sent back
to Fort Edward. The whole armv had thus
made a retrograde movement in consequence
of the defeat at IJennington, and now lay in echelon *
from Fort Kdward to Hatten-Kill, in the camps it had
occuj)ie(l before the advance was begun ; it had re-
treated upon its communications ; it was put on the
defensive.
87
Aug. 18.
ss
liURGOYNIVS INVASION
Hurgoyne had now no choice left but to hold fast his
communication with the hikes, and these couhl not he
called safe while a victorious enemy was threalenin;;
his (lank. From this time forward, he grew wary and
circumspect. His councils began to be divided. Tlu!
prestige of the army was lowered, contidence in its
leaders visibly shaken. Even the soldiers began to
grumble, criticise, and reflect. Burgoyne's vain boast
that this army would not retreat, no longer met the
conditions in which it stood. It had retreated.
As if to prove the truth of the adage that misfortunes
never come singly, most of Hurgoyne's Indians now
deserted him. So far from intimidating, their atrocities
had served to arouse the Americans as nothing else
could. As soldiers, they had usually run away at the
first fire. As scouts, their minds were wholly fixed upon
plundering. liurgoyne had sharply rebuked them for
it. Kver sullen and intractable under restraint, their
answer was at least explicit, " No plunder, no Indians ; "
and they were as good as their word.
We find, then, that the battle of Bennington had
cost Burgoyne not far from two thousand men, whether
soldiers or Indians. More than this, it had thrown him
back upon his second alternative, which, we remember,
was to halt until supplies could be brought from Can-
ada. This was easily equivalent to a month's delay.
Thirty days of inaction were thus forced upon Burgoyne
at a time when every one of them was worth five hun-
dred men to the Americans. Such were some of the
substaniial results of the victory at Bennington.
lWKGOYNE\S INVASION
89
To the Americans, llie moral and material gains were
IK) less striking or important. At once confulcnce was
restored. Men no longer hesitated to turn out, or feared
for the result. A most hopeful sign was the alacrity
with which the well-to-do farmers went into the ranks.
There was general appreciation of the fact that lUir-
goyne had seriously compromised himself by advancing
as far as he had ; in short, the re-action was (|uite as
(h.'cisive as that which had followed the victory at
Trenton.
' Mrf.yman's Rftrfat. The express from T^aum .irrivcd at
lica(l(|u;irtcrs at 5 a.m. of tlio fifttciUh. Orders were iinincdi-
atcly given I'reyman to inarch. News of IJauni's defeat reached
I'lurgoyne (hiring the night of the sixteenth. The 20th regiment,
liiitish, was immediately marched to Hreyman's support. Miir-
goync's anxiety was so great, that he foIU/wed it until Iheyman's
cor|)s was met on the road.
- K( IIKI.ON, the Kiench word for step-Ia(Ulcr, hy adoption a
universal military term, well describes the posting of troops, he-
longing t«) one army, at stated intervals apart, .so as to he moved
forward or hackward step hy step, always keeping the same rela-
tive distances l)etween the .separate hodies. In marking out such
positions on the niap, the columns would look like the rounds of
a ladder, hence the term.
Ai
&rvj
•iu
^%■.
V]
X.
ST. leger's expedition.
Burgoyne's hopes now chiefly turned upon the prom-
ised cooperation of St. Leger from Oswego, and of
Sir William Howe from New York.
Convinced that the enemy would shortly invade the
Refer to ^^^^^^^ Valley, Schuyler had sent Colonel
"Plan of Gansevoort^ to put Fort Stanwix,'^ the key to
Campaign." ji^jg valley, in a state of defence, before it
should be attacked.
V ,0 x-u\\0swG90
Forr Oswego
ST. LEGER S ROUTE TO FORT STAN W IX.
St. Leger's force was the counterpart of Burgoyne's,
in that it consisted of regular troops, loyalists, and
Indians. Many of the loyalists, and most of the In-
dians, had lived in this valley, so that St. Leger had no
90
BURGOYNE'S INVASION
91
want of guides, who knew every foot of ground, or of
spies acquainted with the sentiments of every settler.
A scanty supply of provisions had just been brought
into the fort when St. Leger's scouts opened fire upon
it. The garrison shut the gates and returned
. Aug. 3.
the fire. Instead of finding Fort Stanwix
defenceless, St. Leger was compelled to lay siege
to it.
The news of St. Leger's appearance in the valley
roused the settlers in arms. Near a thousand men, all
brave, but without discipline, prompth' marched, under
General Herkimer,^ to the relief of Fort Stanwix.
Gansevoort was notified, and was to aid the movement
by making a sortie from the fort, at the proper moment.
St. Leger's spies soon discovered Herkimer's men
coming. All the rangers, and most of the Indians, went
Alt to waylay them in the thick forests. Not far from
Oriskany, Brant,* the Mohawk chief, and Johnson,^ the
loyalist leader, hid their men in a ravine, through which
the Americans would have to pass, in a thin line, over
a causeway 01 logs.
Meantime, the Americans were heedlessly pressing
on, without order, to the rescue of their comrades. In
their impatience, even ordinary precautions
were neglected. When the van entered the
ravine, a terrible fire mowed down the front ranks by
scores ; those in the rear fled in a panic from the field.
It was downright butchery.
After the firing had continued some time, those
Americans whom panic had not seized, threw them-
Aug. 6.
92
B URGO YNE 'S INVASION
selves into a posture of defence, and resolved to sell
their lives dearly. Herkimer, their leader, had been
struck down by a bullet, among the first ; but, notwith-
standing his wound was a disabling one, he continued
to direct his men, and encourage them by his firm
demeanor to fi^ht on. In the face of overvvhelminjr
odds they gallantly stood their ground, \x'^X\\ the enemy
was alarmed by hearing firing in its rear, and drew off,
leaving Herkimer's little band of heroes to retire
unmolested from the field.
The firing had been heard at Fort Stanwix, and the
cause easily guessed. While the battle was raging at
Oriskany, the garrison of the fort sallied out upon the
besiegers' camps. They met with little opposition, as
most of the defenders had gone out to fight Herkimer.
The firing, however, had called off the savages from
Herkimer, to the defence of their own camps. The
sortie was gallantly made, and entirely successful ; but
the attack on Herkimer rendered it of so little avail,
that the battle of Oriskany left Gansevoort hardly better
off than before.
Two hund -ed of Herkimer's men were killed. He,
too, soon died of his wounds.
Though this attempt to relieve Fort Staiiwix had so
signally failed, Schuyler was much too sensible of the
importance of holding it, not to make another effort to
raise the siege. He could ill afford to spare the troops
necessary for the undertaking, since Burgoyne was now
manoeuvring in his front ; but the gravity of the situa-
tion could not be overlooked. He therefore sent
BURGOYNE'S INVASION
93
Aug. 33.
Arnold, with Learned's brigade, to retrieve Herkimer's
disaster in tlie valley.
Gansevoort was still holding out against St. Lcger as
stubbornly as ever. His situation was, however, grow-
ing desperate, when, one day, without appar-
ent cause, the besiegers suddenly decamped
in headlong haste, leaving their tents standing, their
baggage in their tents, and their artillery in the trenches.
This inglorious and unlooked-for flight was brought
about by emissaries from Arnold, who spread the report
among St. Leger's Indians, that the Americans were
coming with forces as numerous as leaves on the trees.
Arnold, whom no one will accuse of want of courage,
was really undecided about advancing farther with
his small force. His stratagem, however, took effect.
Grown weary of the siege, the Indians now made no
scruple of deserting their allies on the spot. In vain
St. Leger stormed and entreated by turns; stay they
would not. He therefore had no choice but to follow
them, in mortification and disgust, back to Oswego.
In the belief that Arnold was close upon them, every-
thing was left behind that could impede the march.
The siege was abandoned in disgrace, and Fort Stan-
wix saved by a simple stratagem.
Six days later, Burgoyne was informed of St. Leger's
retreat. He had now no other resource than in the
promised advance up the Hudson, and in
1 1 r 1 • Ml T1, . Aug. 38.
the strength of his artillery. By acting i
detachments, his immediate force had been so seriously
weakened that a forward movement on his part, with-
94
BURGOYNE'S INVASION
out full assurance of active support from New York,
savored far more of recklessness than sound military
judgment.
1 Colonel Peter Gansevoort, born at Albany, 1749, had
fought with Montgomery at Quebec.
^ Fort Stanwlx, also called Schuyler, built by General Stan-
wix of Abercroniby's army in 1758.
^ (General Nicholas Herkimer, a leading settler of the
Mohawk Valley.
* Joseph Brant, or Thayandanega, sometime pupil of Dr.
Wheelock's school (since Dartmouth College), was by all odds
the most active, intelligent, and implacable enemy to the Americans
that the war produced among his people. With Johnson, he held
most of the vSix Nations at enmity with us during the Revolution.
(See Note 5.)
^ Sir John Johnson was the son of Sir William, who gained
wealth and a title by his victory over Dieskau at Lake George,
1755. He was also the king's superintendent over the Six Nations,
and had his residence at Caughnawaga, since called Johnstown in
his honor. Sir John succeeded to his father's title and estates.
He took sides with the Royalists, raised a body of Tory followers,
and with them fled to Canada. Out of these refugees, he raised a
corps of rangers called Royal Greens, with whom he joined St.
Leger, in the hope of crushing out his enemies in the valley.
XI.
OUR ARMY ADVANCES.
Aug. 4.
We remember that the united voice of the armv
and people had demanded the recall of those generals
whose want of foresight or enersrv, or both, „ ,
o o-- ' ' Refer to
had caused the disasters with which the chapter v.,
campaign had opened. Congress chose Gen- "facing
. Disaster."
eial Gates * to command in room of Schuyler,
who, with St. Clair, was ordered to report at head-
quarters. With the methods of travel then in use,
Gates was nearly two weeks in getting from
Philadelphia to Albany. This fact will suffi-
ciently illustrate the difficulties which attended the
movement of reenforcements from one army to another,
before the day of railways and steamboats.
All that lay in the power of man to do, Washington
had done for the Northern arn»y. Though fronting an
enemy greatly superior to himself, he had still found
time to so direct operations in the North, that his hand
may almost be said to have guided the course of events
in that quarter. He had soothed Schuyler's wounded
self-love, commended his efforts, strengthened his hands
in the field, and nobly stood between him and his
detractors in Congress. When Congress had sus-
pended all the generals of the Northern army from
95
'■ i'^
96
BURGOYNE'S INVASION
command, it was Washington who interposed to save
them and the army from the consequences ot such
blindness and folly. To Schuyler he had said, " Bur-
goyne is doing just what we could wish ; let him but
continue to scatter his army about, and his ruin is only
a question of time." Schuyler urgently called for more
troops. Brigade after brigade had gone from Wash-
ington's own army to swell Schuyler's ranks. " I care
not where the victory is won, so we do but gain it,"
Washington said. Schuyler again pleaded his want
of general officers. Washington sent him Arnold, the
dare-devil of the army, and Lincoln, a man of sound
head, steady hand, and even temper, as a counterpoise
to Arnold's over-confident and impetuous nature.
Thanks to these efforts, we had created a new army on
the ruins of the old.
Schuyler's deportment toward the Massachusetts
authorities at this time was neither conciliatory nor
conducive to the interests of the service. He knew
their feelings of distrust toward him, and in making
application to them for reenforcements showed his
resentment in a way that called forth an acrimonious
response. He upbraided them for their shortcomings;
they entreated hin) to look nearer home. Thus we
find General Schuyler and the Massachusetts Council
engaged in an exchange of sarcasms at a time when the
exigency called for something besides a war of words
between the commander of an army and the executive
head of a powerful State.
Gates took command just after the Battle of Ben-
BURGOYNE'S INVASION
97
nington was won. He found the army in much dis-
order, but pleased vvitli the cliange of commanders,
(iales was a thorough disciplinarian and organ-
Aug. xg.
izer. In his hands, the efficiency of the army
daily increased. Old jealousies were silenced, and
confidence restored. Letters from the soldiers show
the change in temper and spirit to have been instant
and marked. One of them says, " When we came to
Albany, things looked very dark for our side, for there
were officers in town who had left camp, and would
not go back as long as Schuyler had the command.
Both officers and soldiers were determined not to fight
under him, and would tell him so to his head. But
General Gates came to town, and then the tune was
turned, and every face showed a merry heart."
The hostile armies now lay, quietly gathering up
their strength for the decisive struggle, within sound
of each other's evening guns.
Gates was the first to act. Having been joined by
Morgan's rifle corps,'* and by large numbers of militia,
the whole army now moved up to Stillwater,
within a dozen miles of the enemy, who still
remained intrenched behind the Batten Kill. This
movement put new life into our soldiers, and was not
without its effect upon the enemy, whose spirit was
aroused at finding the antagonist it had been pursu-
ing suddenly become the aggressor. The Americans
had a well-served though not numerous artillery, but
the presence of Morgan's corps more than made good
any deficiency in this respect. The great drawback
Sept. g.
m
98
BUR GO YNE 'S IN V AS 10 N^
to the efficiency of the army was the want of cordial-
ity between Gates and Arnold. The breach between
them was daily widening that was presently to become
an impassable gulf.
Gates purposed taking up a strong position, and
awaiting Burgoyne's attack behind his intrench ments.
Either Burgoyne must risk an assault, under conditions
most favorable to the Americans, or retire discomfited
under conditions highly unfavorable to a successful
retreat.
The country between Saratoga and Stillwater, cov-
ered with woods and intersected by ravines, was wholly
unsuited to the free movement of troops. All the shore
of the Hudson is high ground, rising to a nearly uniform
level next the river, but gradually ascending, as the
river is left, to the summit of the streams falling into it.
Long slopes or terraces are thus formed, furrowed here
and there by the ravines, which serve to drain off the
water from above nito the river below. Puny rivulets
where they begin, these watercourses cut deeper as
they run on, until, at the river, they become impassable
gulches. The old military road skirts the foot of the
heights, which sometimes abut closely upon the river,
and sometimes draw back far enough to leave a strip of
meadow between it and them.
Kosciusko,^ Gates's engineer, chose the ground on
which to receive Burgoyne's attack, at one
of these places where the heights crowd upon
the river, thus forming a narrow defile, which a hand-
ful of men could easily defend against an army. At
Sept. 13.
BURGOYNE'S INVASION
99
this place the house of a settler named Reniis stood
In the roadside. Our annv liled off the road here, to
tlic left, scaled the heights, and encamped Bemis'
along a ridge of land, running west as far as Heights,
some high, rough, and woody ground, which formed
the summit.
Except two or three clearings, all the ground in
Gates's front was thickly wooded. One settler, called
Freeman, had cleared and planted quite a Freeman's
large field in front of the American centre Farm.
and left, though at some distance beyond, and hid
from view by intervening woods. This field of Free-
man's was one of the few spots of ground lying
between the two armies, on which troops could be ma-
nceuvred or artillery used with advantage. The farm-
house stood at the upper edge of it, at a distance of a
mile back from the river. Our pickets immediately
took post there, as no one could enter the clearing
without being seen from the house. Accident has thus
made this spot of ground. Freeman's F'arm,*
. . Sept. 13.
famous. The Americans were at work like
beavers, strengthening their line with redoubts, felled
trees, and batteries, when the enemy was discovered
marching against them.
^ General Gates had resigned his command at Ticondcroga,
rather than serve under Schuyler. There was no good feeling
between them.
'^ Morgan's Riflemen was the most celebrated corps of the
Continental Army. The men were unerring marksmen, and on
that account greatly feared by the British. All were expert
lOO
BURGO YNE 'S INI 'AS ION
woodsmen, devoted to their leader, who held them under strict
discipline.
'^ Thaddeus Kosciusko came to this country to offer his
services to Congress. " What can you do?" asked Washington.
" Try me," was the laconic reply. In course of time, he was sent
to Schuyler as engineer of his army.
* Freeman's House was made use of by Hurgoyne, during the
battle of September 9, as his headquarters. After this battle it
was included within the British lines.
XII.
BATTLE OF BEMIS' HEIGHTS.^
{September 19, 1777.)
BuRGOYNE, at Batten-Kill, had only a choice of evils
to make. Either he could save iiis army by retreating
to Fort Edward, and thus give up all hope of seeing
the ends of the campaign fulfilled, or he might still
make a bold push for Albany, and so put everything at
the hazard of battle.
But to fall back when he had promised to go for-
ward, when the doing so meant ruin to his reputation,
and possibly to the cause of his liing, was not only a
bitter alternative, but a responsibility heavier than he
was prepared to take.
On the other hand, should he now cross the Hudson,
with intent to bring on a decisive battle, — and his
crossing meant just this, — Burgoyne knew that he
must drop his communications with Canada, because
he could not afford the guards necessary to keep them
open. Already he had been weakened by the loss of
more than fifteen hundred men, without counting the
Indians who had so basely deserted him ; St. Leger had
failed hin". in his "itmost need. On his left, the Americans
were watching their chance to strike a blow in his rear.
Burgoyne therefore felt that, from the moment he should
lOI
I02
BURGOYNE'S INVASION'
put the Hudson between his army and its only way of
retreat, all must be staked on the doubtful issue of
battle. lie decided to make the gambler's last throw.
Burgoyne himself has said that his orders left him
no choice but to go on. It is evident he construed
them to his own wishes. He still believed his six thou-
sand excellent soldiers, with their superb artillery, would
prove themselves more than a match for twice their
own number of undisciplined yeomanry. He would not
admit even the possibility of defeat. He felt confident
of beating Gates with ease.
In choosing to figlit, rather than retreat, Burgoyne,
perhaps, acted from the impulse of a brave nature,
rather than the promptings of his sober judgment, as
he was bound to do ; since he had known for some
time that Sir William Howe had gone to Pennsylvania,
without making any definite preparations to come to
his assistance. Notwithstanding this assurance, that a
most important part of the plan of campaign had failed,
through no fault of his, Burgoyne seems to have put his
trust in the chapter of accidents, rather than remain
inactive until it was certain he would be supported
from New York. Not one solitary circumstance, except
faith in the valor of his troops,' favored a further ad-
vance at this time. But his gallant little army was
ready to follow him, the enemy was within striking
distance, and so Burgoyne marched on, bemoaning his
ill luck, but with the pluck characteristic of the man.
On the thirteenth the British army crossed the Hudson,
by a bridge of boats, tr Saratoga. Burgoyne took with
3Yit('5h-
. C«\tvft
BURGOYNES ORDER OF liATTLE.
jgth September.
[Pen and ink sketch by a British officer. \
A, The Line Formed. B, The Cohmms in March.
■P]TT
cing
BURGOYNE'S INVASION
105
Sept. 15.
him provisions for five weeks, which were loaded in
bateaux and floated down the river as he advanced.
As yet he knew comparatively nothing of what prepara-
tions the Americans were making to receive him, and
but little about the country he was in. But he did
know that the patriot army had at last faced about, and
that was enough to rouse the spirit of his soldiers to
the highest pitch.
On the fifteenth the British Army began its march
southward in three divisions. The only road had to be
given up to the baggage and artillery. To pro-
tect it, the left, or German division, marched
along the meadows, next the river. The centre, or
British division, kept the heights above ; while Frazer's
corps moved at some distance, on the right of it, with
Breyman's following just behind in support. Two divis-
ions were therefore marching on the heights, and one
underneath them.
What with the delays caused by broken bridges on
the road, bridging the ravines on the heights, or for-
cing a way through thick woods, which it was
necessary always to reconnoitre with care, —
the royal army could get over but six miles in two days.
Being then near the enemy, a halt was made to prepare
for battle.
On this da)', Burgoyne continued his march in the
same order as before, with skirmishers thrown out well
in advance of each column. The centre,
which he directed in person, would, in follow-
ing the direction it was taking, very shortly find itself
at Freeman's Farm.
Sept. 17.
io6
BURGOYNE'S INVASION
On liis part, Gates had sent out Morgan's rifle cori)s
to feel the enemy, in order to learn what they were
doing or intending to do. Morgan had advanced as far
as our outpost at Freeman's house, when the British
skirmishers came out of the woods into the clearing.
They were instantly fired upon and ret'irned the fire.
It was therefore here that the action of September 19
began.
Morgan's hot fire soon drove the enemy back to
cover again, with loss. Our riflemen dashed into the
woods after them, got into disorder, and, be. ore they
were aware, fell upon the supporting battalions, by
whom they were defeated and scattered, in their turn.
This division then advanced into the clearing, from
which by this time the Americans had decamped.
Burgoyne thus gained the ground about Freeman's
house, whence his r-ckets were first attacked and
driven in. ,
At this place, Burgoyne formed his line, facing
towards the woods into which Morgan's men had
retreated. He rightly judged the enemy to be there,
though threats failed to extort any information from
the prisoners he had taken. When P>azer told one of
Morgan's captains he would hang him up to the nearest
tree, unless he would point out the place where his
comrades were posted, the man undauntedly replied,
" You may, if you please."
Knowing that Gates could not be attacked on his
right, Burgoyne meant to make the trial on the left.
If that wing could be turned, Gates would have to
BURGO YNE 'S INVASION
107
retreat from his works, or be driven into tlie river.
This was all the simple plan of attack, but as yet,
IJurirovne did not know where the American left was
posted. The woods effectually masked the American
{.osition, and all was now quiet.
])urgoyne now prepared to go forward again. From
what had just taken place, he supposed the troops
now with him would strike the American line first. It
was therefore arranged that when he became fully
engaged, Frazer was to charge the American flank, and
crush it, making the centre division his pivot. With
his right, Burgoyne meant to turn the American left.
l]ur2:ovne had with him four battalions of the line,
and four guns. He would have brought more guns if
more could have been used with effect in the woods,
as he greatly relied upon this arm. Frazer had twenty
companies of grenadiers and light infantry, the 24th
British regiment, Breyman's Germans, and all the
Canadians, loyalists, and Indians now left with the
army ; he also had four pieces of artillery. About
four thousand men were thus in readiness to engage.
The left wing was now in motion along the river road,
under the heights, but was too far off to be of much
use in reenforcing the right. It was, however, of
service in preventing Gates from sending troops away
from his right, to fight Burgoyne on the left.
Though Burgoyne did not know the American posi-
tion, which thick woods everywhere masked from his
view, he had disclosed his own very clearly to Morgan,
who sent an urgent request for reenforcements.
V '
io8
BURGOYNE'S INVASION
Gates wished to receive the attack in his works, not
make one himself. He therefore ordered only one or
two battalions from his left to go to Morgan's assist-
ance, and withstood the entreaties of his officers to
be allowed to meet the enemy in the open field.
At between two and three o'clock, as Burgoyne had
just finished his dispositions for attacking, a heavy fire
broke from the woods in Frazer's front. This canit
from Morgan and the troops sent to his support.
Making no impression on Frazer, whose cannon held
them in check, the assailants suddenly shifted their
attack over to the left, where Burgoyne commanded in
person. And thus it was that, instead of attacking,
Burofovne found himsei assaulted; instead of turning
Gates's left, his own was being assailed, with the pur-
pose of separating the two wings of his army.
On finding a battle actually in progress, Gates
reenforced the troops who were fighting against odds,
with driblets of a regiment at a time. Instead of going
on the field himself, or letting Arnold go,^ he pretended
to believe that his own r dit was the real object of
attack, and kept in his quarters. This day's battle was
therefore fought wholly by his subordinates, against
the British general-in-chief, seconded by his ablest
lieutenants.
Havimi; found the enemv's left, the Americans chieflv
turned their attention to that flank, as has just been
said. The 62 d British regiment was posted here with
two guns. This flank was crushed, and its artillery
silenced by a superior fire. Its defeat caused the
FIRST BAITLE OF BEMIS' HEIGHTS.
[Pen and ink sketch by a British officer. ]
A, Americans Attacking. B, British Positions.
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BURGOYNE'S INVASION
III
whole British line to give way, leaving part of their
artillery in our hands.
So far the battle had gone in our favor. Any demon-
stration from our right, upon the enemy's left, would,
unquestionably, have rendered the victory complete.
As nothing of the kind was attempted, the British were
able to bring up recnforcements from that wing, with-
out opposition, and the golden opportunity was lost.
From the river road, Riedesel, by making a round-
about march, brought two of his regiments into action,
riiillips hurried with four guns taken from the reserve
artillery to the front. Frazer turned part of his force
upon the American flank, thus relieving Burgoyne from
the pressure laid upon him, and enabling him to form
a second line. When this was done, the whole British
force advanced again as far as their first position,
while the Americans, for want of fresh troops to meet
them, were compelled to fall back under cover of the
woods ajiain. The combat had now lasted four hours.
Darkness put an end to it, nearly on the spot where it
had begun. The British were indeed masters of the
field ; but instead of attacking, they had always been
attacked, and instead of advancing, they had been
everywhere stopped ; their artillery alone had saved
them from defeat. Our army lost three hundred and
nineteen killed and wounded ; the British, more than five
hundred, — the difference being due to superior marks-
manship. Our losses could easily be made good ; the
British could not. All the real advantages, therefore,
were clearly on the side of the Americans.
112
BURGOYNE'S INVASION
^ Battle of Bemis' Heights. Ikmis' Heights formed part of
the American position, but not of the battle-ground. Freeman's
Farm would have been a more accurate designation. Stillwater
locates it anywhere within a township of many nvles in extent.
* Arnold's Part in this battle has been long a matter of dis-
pute. Gates was jealous of him because he was the idol of his
soldiers. Arnold had no high opinion of Gates. After Arnold
turned traitor, every one seems to have thought it a duty to give
him a kick. This feeling is unfortunately conspicuous in the only
detailed account from the American side we have of this battle,
which was written by Wilkinson, Gates's adjutant-general, and
given to the world nearly forty years (1816) afterwards. Wilkin-
son seems to have fully shared his commander's likes and dislikes,
and has treated Arnold shabbily. The battle was almost wholly
fought by Arnold's division, and it is equally incompatible with
his duty and temper to suppose he would have remained in camp
when his troops were engaged, though he was probably held back
until a late hour in the day.
XIII.
Lincoln's raid in burgoyne's rear.
Much to Burgoyne's chagrin, he had been obliged
to garrison Ticcnderoga with troops taken from his own
army, instead of being allowed to draw upon those left
in Canada, under command of General Carleton.
About a thousand men were thus deducted from the
force now operating on the Hudson.
Ever since the battle of Bennington, Lincoln had
been most industriously gathering in, and organizing
the militia, at Manchester. All New England was now
up, and her sons were flocking in such numbers to his
camp, that Lincoln soon found himself at the head of
about two thousand excellent militia.
Guided by the spirit of Washington's instructions,
he now determined on making an effort to break up
Burgoyne's communications, capture his magazines, *
harass his outposts, and, perhaps, even throw himself
on the British line of retreat. There is a refreshing
boldness and vigor about the conception, something
akin to real generalship and enterprise. It was a
good plan, undertaken without Gates's knowledge or
consent.
On the same day that Burgoyne was crossing the
"3
114
BURGOYNE'S INVAHION
Fludson, Lincoln sent five hundred men to the head of
Lake George, with orders to destroy tlie stores tiiere;
five hundred more to attack Ticondero^M;
and another five hundred to Skenesboroiiuli,
to support them in case of need. Unknown to Lincoln,
liurgoyne had now wholly dropped iiis communications
with the lakes, but these movements were no less
productive of good results on that account.
The first detachment, under connnand of Colonel
Brown, ^ reached Lake George landing undiscovered.
The blockhouse and mills there were instantly taken.
Mount Defiance and the French lines at Ticondero.i;a^
were next carried without difficulty. In these opera-
tions, Brown took three hundred prisoners, released over
one hundred Americans from captivity, and destroyed
a great quantity of stores.
The second detachment having, meantime, come up
before Mount Independence, Ticonderoga was cannon-
aded, for some time, without effect. Unlike St. Clair,
the British commander would neither surrender nor
retreat, even when the guns of Mount Defiance were
turned against him.
Failing here, the Americans next went up Lake
George, to attack Burgoyne's artillery depot, at Dia-
mond Island. They were not more successful in this
attempt, as the enemy was strongly fortified and made
a vigorous defence. After burning the enemy's boats
on the lake, Brown returned to Skenesborough.
General Lincoln was about to march from Skenes-
borough to Fort Edward, with seven hundred men,
B URGO YNE 'S INVASION
115
when he received a pressing request from Gates, dated
on the morning of tiie battle, to join liim at once.
Abandoning, therefore, his own plans, Lincoln
retraced his steps with so much speed, that he arrived
in Oates's camp' on the twenty-second. Gates imme-
diately gave him command of the right wing* of the
arniv.
The road between Skenesborongh and Fort Edward
was now constantly patrolled by parties of American
militia; so that it was truly said of Burgoyne, that the
gates of retreat were fast closing behind him.
^ Colonel John Brown, of Pittsfield, Mass., — who had been
with Allen at the taking of Ticonderoga in 1775, and with Mont-
gomery at Quebec, — Colonels Warner, Woodbndge, and Johnson
cooperated in this expedition.
^ Ticonderoga was garrisoned at this time by one British and
one German battalion, under command of (Jontral Powell.
^ Gates's Camp. By this time, (iates also had connected his
camp with the east bank of the Hudson, by a floating bridge, to
facilitate the crossing of reenforcements to him.
^ The Right Wing was composed of Nixon's, Glover's, and
Patterson's Continental brigades, with a certain proportion of
militia. The left wing of Poor's and Learned's brigades, Dear-
born's Light Infantry, and Morgan's corps, with a like proportion
of militia.
XIV.
SECOND BATTLE OF FREEMAN S FARM.
{October, 1777.)
Convinced that another such victory would be his
ruin, Burgoyne now thought only of defending himself
until the wished-for help should come. To this end, he
began intrenching the ground on which he stood. The
action of September 19 had, therefore, changed the
relative situation of the antagonists, in that from being
the assailant, Burgoyne was now driven to act wholly
on the defensive.
On the day following the battle, a courier brought
Burgoyne the welcome news that forces from New
York would soon be on the way to his relief. Word
was instantly sent back that his army could hoH its
ground until the 12th of October, by which time it was
not doubted that the relieving force would be near
enough at hand to crush Gates between two fires.
Burgoyne, therefore, now threw his bridge across the
Hudsvy.i again, posted a guard on the farther side, made
At wilber's his camp as strong as possible, and waited
Basin. ^j^j^ growing impatience for the sound of
Sir Henry Clinton's^ cannon to be heard in ihe
distance. But Clinton did not move to Burgoyne's
assistance until too late. The blundering of the War
116
B URGO YNE '6 INVASION
117
Oct, 4.
Office had worked its inevitable results. By the time
Clinton reached Tarrytown, thirty miles above New
York, Burgoyne's army had been put on short
rations. With the utmost economy the provis-
ions could not be made to last much beyond the day
fixed in Burgoyne's despatch. Foraging was out of
the question. Nothing could be learned about Clinton's
progress. All between the two British armies was such
perilous ground, that several officers had returned un-
successful, after making heroic efforts to reach Clinton's
cam*").
While Burgoyne was thus anxiously looking forward
to Clinton's energetic cooperation, that officer sup-
posed he was only making a diversion in Burgoyne's
favor, a feint to call off the enemy's attention from
him ; and thus it happened that in the decisive hour of
the war, and after the signal had been given, only one
arm was raised to strike, because two British com-
manders acted without unison ; either through miscon-
ception of the orders they had received, or of what
was expected of them in just such an emergency as the
one that now presented itielf.
Perhaps two armies have seldom remained so near
together for so long a time without coming to blows, as
the two now. facing each other on the heights of Still-
water. The camps being little more than a mile apart,
hrought the hostile pickets so close together, that men
strayed into the opposite lines unawares. Day and
night there was incessant firing from the outposts,
every hour threatened to bring on a battle. Half Bur-
ii8
BURGOYNE'S INVASION
goyne's soldiers were constantly under arms to repel
the attack, which — in view of the desperate condition
they found themselves placed in, of the steady progress
from bad to worse — was rather hoped for than feared.
Two weeks passed thus without news of Clinton.
Burgoyne's provisions were now getting alarmingly low.
If he staid where he was, in a few days, at most, he
would be starved into surrendering. Again the ominous
word " retreat " was heard around the camp-fires. The
hospital was filled with wounded men. Hard duty and
scant food were telling on those fit for duty. Lincoln's
raid announced a new and dangerous complication.
It was necessary to try something, for Gates's do-nothing
policy was grinding them to powder.
A council was therefore crlled. It is a maxim, as
old as history, that councils of war never fight. Some
of Burgoyne's generals advised putting the Hudson
between themselves and Gates, as the only means now
left of saving the army ; none, it is believed, advo-
cated risking another battle.
Burgoyne could not bring himself to order a retreat
without first making one more effort for victory. He
dwelt strongly upon the difficulty of withdrawing the
army in the face of so vigilant and powerful an enemy.
He maintained his own opinion that even in order to
secure an honorable retreat it would be necessary to
fight, and it was so determined.
It is evident that Burgoyne nourished a secret hope
that fortune might yet take a turn favorable to him ;
otherwise, it is impossible to account for his making
BURGOYNE'S INVASION
119
this last and most desperate effort, under conditions
even less favorable than had attended his attack of the
19th of September.
Fifteen hundred men and ten guns were chosen for
the attempt. In plain language, Burgoyne started out
to provoke a combat with an enemy greatly his superior
in numbers, with less than half the force his former
demonstration had been made with. His idea seems
to have been to take up a position from which his
cannon would reach the American works. After in-
trenching, it was his intention to bring up his heavy
artillery, and open a cannonade which he was confident
the enemy could not withstand, as their defensive works
were chiefly built of logs. And out of this state of
things, Burgoyne hoped to derive some substantial
benefit.
This plan differed from that of the 19th of Sep-
tember, in that it looked chiefly to obtaining a more
advantageous position ; while on the former occasion it
was attempted to force a way through or around the
American left. The lesson of that day had not been
lost on Burgoyne, who now meant to utilize his artillery
to the utmost, rather than risk the inevitable slaughter
that must ensue from an attempt to carry the American
lines by storm.
Everything depended upon gaining the desired posi-
tion before the Americans could make their dispositions
to thwart the attempt.
The importance to the army of this movement in-
duced Burgoyne to call his three best generals to his
■jmm
I 20
BUKGOYNE'S INVASION
aid : so that nothing that experience could suggest, or
skill attempt, should be left undone. It was kept a
profound secret till the troops who were going out to
fight were actually under arms. The rest of the army
was to remain in the works; so that, if worst came to
worst, the enemy might not reap any decided advan-
tage from a victory gained over the fighting corps.
It was near one o'clock, on the afternoon of the
seventh, when Burgoyne marched out from his own
right, toward the American left. He had
Oct. 7. * ,' . . . , . , r
reached an emmence rismg at the right of
the late battle-ground, and not far removed from Fr.i-
zer's position on that day, when the pickets of Arnold's
division discovered his approach, and gave the alarm.
Having gained a favorable position for using his guns,
Burgoyne halted, and formed his line.
Upon hearing that the British had advanced to
within half a mile of his left, and were offering bat-
tle. Gates decided to accept the challenge, as he now
felt strong enough to do so without fear for the result,
and the behavior of his own troops in the previous
battle had been such as to put an end to his doubts
about their ability to cope with British soldiers. Mor-
gan was therefore ordered to make a deiour through
the woods, and fall on the British right flank, while
other troops were attacking on its left.
These movements were gallantly executed. At three
o'clock, Burgoyne's artillery opened the battle ; at
four, the Americans charged the British position under
a heavy fire of cannon and musketry. Again and again,
BURGOYNE'S INVASION
121
the Continentals met the British bayonet without flinch-
ins:. Never was a battle more manfully fousjht. Bur-
goyne faced death like the meanest soldier in the ranks.
After some discharges, the British cannoneers were shot
down at their pieces, and the hill on which they stood
was carried at the point of the bayonet.
On his part, Morgan grappled with the British right,
overthrew it after a fierce struggle, and drove it back
upon the centre. In vain Frazer * tried to stem the tide
of defeat by throwing himself into the thickest of the
fight. "That man," said Morgan, pointing him out to
his marksmen, "must die." A rifle bullet soon gave
the gallant Scot his death wound, and he was led from
the lie Id.
The combat had lasted scarce an hour. All Bur-
goyne's guns were taken. Of the fifteen hundred
soldiers he had led into action, four hundred lay dead
or dying around him. Frazer's fall had carried dismay
among those who were still stubbornly yielding the
ground to the victorious Americans. A retreat was
sounded. The Americans followed on with loud
shouts. For a few moments a rearguard fight was
kept up, then the retreat became a rout, the rout a
race, to see who should first reach the British lines.
Thus far the action had been maintained on our
part, by the same troops who had fought the battle of
September 19, and in part on the same ground. It was
now to be transferred to the enemy's own camp.
Hardly had the British gained the shelter of their
works, when the Americans, led on by Arnold, stormed
I(/^
122
BURGOYNE'S INVASION
them with reckless bravery. Gates had held Arnold
back from the field from motives of envy and dislike ;
but Arnold, to whom the sound of battle was like the
spur to the mettled courser, at last broke through all
restraint. Leaping into the saddle, he spurred into
the thickest of the fight before Gates could stop him.
The point of attack was strongly defended by artil-
lery, and the Americans here suffered their first repulse.
Other troops came up. The assault soon began again
all along the British line. Beaten off in one place,
Arnold spurred over to the enemy's extreme right,
where Breyman was posted behind a breastwork of
logs and rails, that formed a right angle with the rest
of the line. Calling on the nearest battalion to follow
him, Arnold leaped his horse over the parapet. The
Germans fired one volley and fled. Our troops took
guns and prisoners. By this success they had gained
an opening on Burgoyne's right and rear, precisely as
he had meant to do bv them. In this last assault
Breyman was killed, and Arnold wounded.
The day was now too far spent for further efforts to
be made on either side. Little by little, the angry roll
of musketry sunk into silence. The battle was over.
1 Sir Henry Ci-inton then commanded at New York, under
the orders of Sir William Howe. Not having received orders to
assist Burgoyne in any event, until he was about to engage with
Washington for the possession of Philadelphia, Howe turned over
the matter of assisting Burgoyne to Clinton, who was comptlled
to wait for the arrival of fresh troops, then on the way from Eng-
land, before he could organize an expedition to attack our posts in
BURGOYNE'S INVASIOiV
I2J
the Highlands of the Hudson. See Introduction ; also Note I.,
" Facing Disaster " (p. 60).
2 CIenej^al Simon Frazer was of Scotch Lirth, younger son
of Frazer of Kalnain. His actual rank on joining Burgoyue was
lieutenant-colonel, 24th foot. With other field officers assigned to
conunand brigades, he was made acting brigadier, and is therefore
known as General Frazer, though Burgoyne was notified that this
local rank would cease when his army joined Sir William Howe.
Frazer's remains were disinterred and taken to England. The
spot where he was wounded is marked by a monument, and in-
dicates where he endeavored to make a stand after being driven
from his first position. Anburey and Madame Riedesel give
graphic accounts of his death and burial.
XV.
RETREAT AND SURRENDER.
BuRGOYNE had been everywhere foiled by the battle
of the seventh. Instead of turning Gates's flank his
own had been turned. Instead of thrusting Gates
back upon the river, he would surely be forced there
himself, in a few hours, at most. Instead, even, of
dealing Gates such a blow as would favor a retreat, Bur-
goyne's situation was now more precarious than ever: it
was more than precarious ; it was next to hopeless.
It is again but too plain that Burgoyne had not taken
defeat — such a defeat — seriously into account, or he
would never have led out that gallant little column of
fifteen hundred men ; first, for victory, then, for an hon-
orable retreat. His army was now like the wounded
lion, whose expiring struggles the hunter watches at a
distance, without fear, and without danger. All had
been lost but honor.
The first and only thing to be done now was promptly
to form a new line of defence, behind which the army
could mask its retreat. This was skilfully and quietly
done on the night after the battle, our troops not
attempting to do more than hold the ground already
won. In the morning they occupied the deserted
works.
124
^9^^«^
rst^
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-3oIEiw)
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o
THE RETREAT TO SARATOGA.
the
BURGOYNE'S INVASION
127
Oct. 8.
Burgoyne's new position stretched along the heights
next the river, so as to cover the road to Saratoga. He
had merely drawn back his centre and right, while his
left wing remained stationary ; and he now stood facing
west, instead of south, as before tiie battle.
The day passed in skirmishing, reconnoitring, and
artillery firing. The Americans were feeling their way
along the enemy's new front, while Burgoyne's
every effort was limited to keeping them at a
distance, with his superior artillery, till night. On our
side, his intentions were rather guessed than certainly
known. His great problem was how to get his army
over the Hudson undiscovered. It was supposed that
he would attempt to retreat across his bridge as soon as
it was dark. Our artillery, therefore, tried to destroy
it with shot. Moreover, fourteen hundred men were
crossed over to the east bank, and now stood ready to
dispute Burgoyne's passage from that side of the river.
At sunset, General Frazer was buried ^ inside a bat-
tery, on the brow of the heights, according to his dying
wish. Chaplain Brudenell read the burial service, with
our balls ploughing up the earth around him, and our can-
non thundering the soldier's requiem from camp to camp.
At nine o'clock, the British army began its retreat
along the river road, leaving its camp-fires burning
behind it ; profound silence was enjoined. To avoid
confusion, the different corps simply moved off in the
order in which they stood on the lines, or by their right.
Upon finding that his crossing would be opposed by
the troops who had passed over to the east bank,
128
B URGO YXE 'S INVASION
Ikirj^oyne had decided to ^o back the way he came as
far as Saratoj^a, and on fordiiij; the river at tliat place.
Orders were therefore given to destroy tlie bridge. Just
before day, his rearguard set fire to it, and marched off
without interference. All the sick and wounded were
left behind.
In view of the fact that all of the enemy's move-
ments announced a rapid retreat, the Americans seem
to have shown a want of vigor in pushing the advantages
they had won by the late battles. This hesitation may
be in part accounted for by the other fact that both
Arnold and Lincoln were disabled. Lincoln had been
wounded wiiile reconnoitring the enemy's rigiit, on the
eighth, with a view of passing a force round in his rear.
Gates was thus deprived of his most efficient lieuten-
ants at the moment when thev were most needed. The
British army could hardly have been placed in a mon;
critical position ; but, by keeping up a bold front, it
managed to extricate itself without the loss of a man.
Rain began falling early the next morning. Burgoyne
had marched but six miles, yet dallied till afternoon on
the spot where he had halted early in the
day. He then saw, to his inexpressible dis-
may, the same body of Americans^ whom he had
seen opposite his encampment at Stillwater, now march-
_ ins abreast of him, with the evident design of
Dovegat, » ' "
now seizing the Saratoga ford before he could get
Coveviiie. ^^ j^_ 'pi^g ^^^^ ]-,g ,y,eant to take was, there-
fore, already as good as in the enemy's hands.
The discovery that he was being everywhere hemmed
Oct. 9.
BirKGOYJVE'S INVASION-
129
in hastened Burgoyne's departure. Much bagfjage and
nianv wagons and tents were burned, in o.der that the
army might march the faster. Likt: a ship, laboring
with the gale, it was relieving itself of all unnecessary
burdens.
Pelted by the storm, in silence, and with downcast
looks, the soldiers plodded wearily on, through mu^' and
water, ankle deep. No tap of drum or bugle-call put
life into their heavy tread. Tiie sense of defeat and
disgrace brooded over the minds of crfficers and men,
as they stole away in darkness and gloom from an
enemy for whom they had but lately felt such high
disdain. Grief, shame, and indignation were the com-
mon lot of high and low. No word was spoken, except
when the curt " Forward " ol the officers passed along
the ranks. All knew instinctively, that this retreat was
but the prelude to greater disaster, which, perchance,
was not far off.
The same evening, the bedraggled and footsore sol-
diers waded the Fishkill' where the bridge had been,
but was now destroyed, and bivouacked on the heights
of Saratoga.* Too weary even to light fires, tu dry their
clothing, or cook their suppers, they threw themselves
on the wet ground to snatch a few hours' sleep ; for,
dark as it was, and though rain fell in torrents, the
firing heard at intervals throughout the night told them
that the Americans were dogging their footsteps, and
would soon be up with them. It seemed as if the foe
were never to be shaken off.
It was not till after daylight that the British artillery
I30
B URGO YNE 'S INVASION
Oct. 10.
could ford the Fishkill with safety. The guns were
then dragged up the heights and once more pointed
toward the advancing enemy. Numbness
and torpor seem to have pervaded the whole
movement thus far. Now it was that Frazer's loss was
most bitterly deplored, for he had often pledged himself
to bring off the army in safety, should a retreat become
necessary. He had marked out, and intrenched this
very position, in which the army now found its last
retreat. Almost twenty-four hours had been consumed
in marching not quite ten miles, or at a much slower
rate of progress than Burgoyne had censured Breyman
for making to Baum's relief, at Bennington. Burgoyne
seemed to find satisfaction in showing that he would not
be hurried.
The army took up its old positions along the heights
into which the Fishkill cuts deeply, as it runs to the
Hudson. Being threatened in front, flank, and rear,
Burgoyne had to form three separate camps, facing as
many different ways. One fronted the Fishkill and
commanded the usual fording-place. A second looked
east at the enemy posted across the Hudson ; a third
faced the west, where the ground rose above the camps,
and hid itself in a th'ck forest.
Though he secured his camps as well as he could,
Burgoyne meant to make no delay here. But it was
no longer in his power to control his own acts. The
want of energy shown in the retreat had given the
Americans time to close every avenue of escape against
him.
BURGOYNE'S INVASION
131
Let us note how the fate of armies is decided. Active
pursuit did not begin until the morning of the ninth,
when the retreat was first discovered. A start of ten
hours had thus been gained by the British. Their
artillery had so cut up the roads as to render them
next to impassable for our troops. Frequent halts had
to be made to mend broken bridges. From these
causes, even so late as the morning of the tenth, our
army had advanced but three miles from the battle-
ground. But Burgoyne had marched, when he marched
at all, like a general who means to be overtaken. Four
thousand men were being pushed around his right ; an
equal number followed in his rear ; while fourteen hun-
dred more menaced with destruction any attempt he
might make to ford the river.
No choice being left but to continue the retreat by
the west bank, pioneers were sent out, under a strong
escort, to make the road passable.
But the golden moment had already flown. By this
time Gates's van had come up with Burgoyne. Morgan's
corps had crossed the Fishkill at a point above the
British camps, had taken post within rifle-shot, and had
thus fastened upon the enemy a grip never more to be
shaken off.
As a last resort, the British general decided to at-
tempt a night retreat, leaving behind the artillery he
had so persistently dragged after him when the fate of
his army was hanging on its speed alone. Before this
desperate venture could be put to trial, worse news
came to hand. It was learned that Stark, with two
MP
132
B UK GO YNE 'S INVASION
Oct. 13.
thousand men, was in possession of Fort Edward, and
of all the fords below it. Turn what way he would,
Burgoyne found a foe in his path.
Even General Burgoyne now saw no way open but
surrender ; either he must do this, or let his soldiers
be slaughtered where they stood. Cannon and
rifle shot were searching every corner of his
camp ; retreat was cut off ; his provisions could be made
to last but a day or two longer at most ; the bateaux
were destroyed ; his animals were dying of starvation,
and their dead bodies tainting the air his soldiers
breathed ; water could only be had at the risk of life or
limb, as the American sharpshooters picked off every
one who attempted to fetch it from the river; and no
more than thirty-five hundred men could be mustered to
repel an assault ; — a crisis had now been reached which
loudly called on the British general, in the name of hu
manity, to desist from further efforts to maintain so
hopeless a struggle.
Burgoyne called his officers together in council.
The absence of such men as Frazer, Baum, Breyman,
Ackland, Clarke, and others from the meeting, must
have brought home to the commanding general, as
nothing else could, a sense of the calamities that had
befallen him ; while the faces of the survivors no less
ominously prefigured those to come. A heavy cannon-
ade was in progress. Even while the council was delib-
erating, a cannon-ball crashed through the room among
them, as if to enjoin haste in bringing the proceedings
to a close. The council listened to what was already
BURGOYNE'S INVASION-
133
Oct. 14.
but too well known. Already the finger of fate pointed
uncle via tingly to the inevitable result. A general lassi-
tude had fallen upon the spirits of the soldiers. The
situation was manifestly hopeless to all.
There could be but one opinion. Enough had been
done for honor. All were agreed that only a surrender
could save the army.
Without more delay, an ofificer was sent to General
Gates At first he would listen only to an uncon-
ditional surrender. This was indignantly
rejected. Two days of suspense followed to
both armies. Indeed, the vanquished seemed dictat-
ing terms to the conqueror. But if the British dreaded
a renewal of hostilities, the Americans knew that Clin-
ton's forces^ were nearing Albany from below. Gates
lowered his demands. The British army was allowed
the honors of war, with liberty to return to England,
on condition of not serving against the United States
during the war. These terms were agreed to, and the
treaty was duly signed on the seventeenth.
Burgoyne's situation when gathering up his trophies,
and issuing his presumptuous proclamation at Ticon-
deroga, compared with the straits to which his reverses
had now brought him — a failure before his king and
country, a captain stripped of his laurels by the hand
he professed to despise, a petitioner for the clemency of
his conqueror — affords a striking example of the un-
certain chances of war. It really seemed as if fortune
had only raised Burgoyne the higher in order that his
fall might be the more destructive at last.
134
BURGOYNE'S INVASION
1 Frazer's Burial would not have been molested had our
artillerists known what was going forward. Seeing so mam-
persons collected in the redoubt, they naturally directed their fire
upon it.
'^ This Body ov Americans was led by Colonel John Fellows,
whom Gates had ordered to seize the fords as high up as Fort
Edward.
•^ FiSHKiLL, or Fish Creek, is the outlet of Saratoga Lake.
Though a rapid mill-stream, there were several fords. The pre-
cipitous banks were a greater obstacle to troops than the stream
itself.
* Heights of Saratoga are in what is now called Schuylcr-
ville, a village owing its prosperity to the water-power of the Fish-
kill. At the ti?ne of the surrender, there were only a few houses
strung along the river road. Schuyler's house stood in the angle
formed by the entrance of the Fishkill into the Hudson. On
arriving at Saratoga, Burgoyne occupied this house as his head-
quarters, but burned it to the ground immediately on the appear-
ance of the Americans. On the opposite (north) bank of the
Fishkill was old Fort Hardy, built during the French War, to
cover the ford of the Hudson at this place. Within this fort,
liurgoyne's army laid down its arms, October 17, 1777. (^n the
heights back of the river a granite obelisk, one hundred and fifty-
four feet high, has been built to commemorate the event.
^ Clinton's Forces carried Forts Montgomery and Clinton,
in the Highlands, by assault on the sixth. Having thus broken
down all opposition to their advance up the Hudson, they reached
Kingston (Esopus) on the thirteenth, burned it, and were within a
few hours* sail of Albany when news of Burgoyne's surrender
caused them to retreat down the river.
WHERE THE SURRENDER TOOK PLACE.
XVI.
THE SEVENTEENTH OF OCTOBER, 1 777.
The closing scene of this most memorable cam-
paign is thus described by one ot the actors in it. He
says, —
"About ten o'clock we marched out, according to
treaty, with drums beating, and the honors of war; but
the drums seemed to have lost their former inspiriting
sounds, and though we beat the Grenadiers' March,
which not long before was so animating, yet now it
seemed by its last feeble effort as if almost ashamed to
be heard on such an occasion.
" I shall never forget the appearance of the Ameri-
can troops on our marching past them. A dead silence
reigned through their numerous columns. I must say
their decent behavior to us, so greatly fallen, merited
the utmost praise. . . . Not one of them was uniformly
clad. Each had on the clothes he wore in the fields,
the church, or the tavern ; they stood, however, like
soldiers, well arranged, and with a military air, ip. which
there was but little to find fault with. All the muskets
had bayonets, and the sharpshooters had rilies. The
men all stood so still that we were filled with wonder.
Not one of them made a single motion as if he would
speak with his neighbor. Nay, more, all the lads that
«37
138
BURGOYNE'S INVASION
Stood there in rank and file, kind nature had formed so
trim, so slender, so nervous, that it was a pleasure
to look at them, and we were all surprised at the sigiit
of such a handsome, well- formed race. The whole
nation has a natural turn for war and a soldier's life.
"The generals wore uniforms, and belts which desig-
nated their rank, but most of the colonels were in their
ordinary clothes, with a musket and bayonet in hand,
and a cartridge-box or powder-horn slung over the
shoulder. There were regular regiments which, for
want of time or cloth, were not yet equipped in uni-
form. These had standards, with various emblems
and mottoes, some of which had a very satirical mean-
ing for us."
The number of regular troops, British and German,
who laid down their arms at Saratoga was 5,591. The
camp-followers amounted to two hundred more. Forty-
two pieces of artillery, nearly five thousand muskets,
with ammunition for both, fell into the victors' hands.
XVII.
THE CONSEQUENCES OF DEFEAT.
We come now to the reasons why Rurgoyne's sur-
render proved decisive to the cause of American inde-
pendence.
Our opening chapter states that England took Canada
from France in 1759, and annexed it to her own domin-
ions in 1763. This conquest came about through what
is known in historv as the Seven Years' War, which
had not only raised all Europe in arms, but had lighted
the flames of war throughout our own continent also.
The great battle was fought on the plains of Quebec.
Victory decided for England. Defeated France had,
at last, to give up Canada to her ancient enemy.
France came out of this conflict sorely humbled.
She was brooding over her defeat, when the American
colonies took up arms. The colonists at once turned
with confidence to France ; now was her chance to
cripple England, to get back what she had lost, to gain
the friendship of a grateful people, and make them her
dubtor for all time. But France would not go to war
unless assured that her doing so would turn the scale
against England. The memory of her humiliation was
too recent, the chances of the contest too doubtful, to
admit of any other course of conduct on her part.
1^
140
BURGOYNE'S INVASION
Meanwhile, she gave us much secret help, but none
openly. The course of events was, however, closely
watched, and when I^urgoyne's surrender was known in
Paris, it was seen that the day of revenge had come at
last. Doubt and hesitation gave way before tlie general
demand for war. Franklin was openly received at
Versailles. Within three months, the French court
had acknowledged our independence. Her armies and
fieets prepared to give us active aid, and it was not
doubted that her example would soon be followed by
Spain and Holland.
'I'hus, Burgoyne's surrender gained for us at once
recognition as a nation, and the alliance of the first
military power of Europe.
The effect of the surrender in Encrland is thus
described by Gibbon, the historian, who was then
sitting in Parliament : " Dreadful news indeed ! An
English army of nearly ten thousand men laid down
their arms, and surrendered, prisoners of war, on
condition of being sent to England, and of never serv-
ing against America. They had fought bravely, and
were three days without eating. Burgoyne :s said to
have received three wounds ; General Frazer, with two
thousand men, killed ; Colonel Ackland likewise killed.
A general cry for peace."
Phigland now gave up the colonies for lost. In truth,
it needed no prophet to foretell that what England
could not do before, she could do still less now, with
France against her. From this time forward, the war
was carried on more to save the nation's pride than
liURGO YNE 'S lA'VASlOX
141
with any hope of success. Tlie military poHcy under-
went an instant change ; it now looked rather to de-
stroying our commerce ana ports, than to marching
Lirge armies into the interior of the country, to meet
with a like fate to lUirgoyne's. Howe was ordered to
evacuate Philadelphia. In Parliament, a plan was
hurriedly put forth to grant everything the Americans
had asked for, except independence. As Gibbon well
said, the two greatest countries of Europe were fairly
running a race for the favor of America.
The movements taking place on the continent showed
everywhere a feeling hostile to England. No nation
was ever so friendless as she, none had so richly
deserved the coldness with which the other powers now
treated her. Spain and Holland were getting ready to
follow the lead of PVance. It was well known that
England could not carry on the war without the aid of
mercenaries. The King of Prussia and the Empress
of Austria now refused to permit any more German
soldiers to go to America. In the threatening condi-
tion of affairs at home, England could not spare
another army for so distant a field. Whichever way
England looked, she saw either open enemies or half
friends. Everywhere the sky was dark for her, and
bright for us.
At home the surrender of Burjrovne thrilled the
whole land, for all feit it to be the harbinger of final
triumph. The people went wild with joy ; salvos of
artillery, toasts, bonfires, illuminations, everywhere testi-
fied to the general exultation. The name of France
142
BURGO YNE 'S* INVASION
was hailed with acclamations. At once a sense of
national dignity and solidity took the place of uncer-
tainty and isolation. Now and henceforth, the flag of
the United States was known and respected ; abroad as
at home, on the sea as on the land.
Ikirgoyne's disaster has been charged to the grossest
carelessness on the part of some under official of the
British War Office. It is said that the orders for Sir
William Howe were never put in the despatch bag at
all, but lay forgotten until the catastrophe at Saratoga
brought them to light. On such trifles does the fate of
nations sometimes hang. Certainly, greater unity of
purpose in the two generals might have given the
history of the campaign a different reading. But all
such conjectures must fall before the inexorable logic
of accomplished results. The world has long since
passed upon the merits of the great conflict which set
America free. Its verdict is recorded. The actors are
but as dust in the balance.
se of
incer-
iag of
)ad as
INDEX.
ossest
of the
for Sir
bag at
iratoga
fate of
nity of
en the
But all
le logic
g since
ich set
tors are
Au.KS, Kthan, takc5 Ticonderoga, 17;
gotjs before Montgomery, 19.
Aknum), Hknkdk t, marcli-js to Can-
nda, i<;; taki.-s coininaiul of our
Sotilla, and fi^lits the eiieniy, 22 ;
25, Mo/f ; sent to relieve Fort Slan-
wiv, and dou-s it bv a strataj;eni,(>2 ;
part at Hemis' Hei);lits, 112 ; ;itornis
tlie enemy's intrenchniunts, 121,123;
wounded, 122.
Ratte.^-Kill, British take post at, 70,
15aum, Pkni)KRic, commands British
expedition to Bennington, and
marclies, 70 ; comiiosition of his
force, 70; hears tile Americans are
waiting for him, 75; notifies Bur-
goyne, and noes on, 75; discovers
Stark, and nitrenches himself on
the Walloomsac, 78, 81 ; defeated,
S3. 132- , ,
r.p.\Ni\'(;T<)N, Vt. ; Burjjnyne s plan to
seize stores at, 6 halt for
provisions, 66, 69; is moved for-
ward to support the expedition to
Benii'iigton, 70; fails back after
the defeat of iSaum, 87 ; its losses,
88; crosses the Hudson, 102; order
nf march from Saratoga to Bemis'
Heights, 105; slow advance, 105;
gives l)alile to Gates, 106; troops
lu action, 107; /)u the defensive,
116; on short rations, 117; inactiv-
ity of, 117; ordered to fight Gates
again, 118; troo[)s selected, 119;
meets defeat, 121; camp assaulted
and turned, 122 ; forms new line,
124; retreats, 127; soldiers dispir-
ited, 129; reaches Saratoga, 129;
makes a last stand, 130; its camps,
130; compelled to surrender, 133;
numbers at this time, 138.
Buroovnb's C'AMPAttiN discusscd, 10-
14; demand for re-enforcements,
1 1 ; deficiency of t''ansportation
Service, 12; cause of failure, 13;
jilau of, 26-32 ; results in surrender,
133; effect of it in lAirope^ espe-
cially in France, 140; effect at
home, 141 ; said to have failed
through blundering in the War
Office, 147.
BuRCioYNH, joK.j; his personal traits,
9; his plan of campaign, 26 et seq.;
'lis army, 33 ; his proclamation, 38;
aims to c.it off St. C'lair from
Schuyler, 4s ; takes Skenesbor-
ough, 51 ; foUowes up hissuccesse..,
52 ; risuiiU of his campaign thus
far, 5i ; sends Kiedesvl to Gaslle-
ton, 61 ; chooses the Fort Anne
route to Albany, 61 ; his reasons,
6a ; marcli obstructed, 65 ; reaches
-T)
143
144
INDEX.
Fort Edward, 66; plans how to
provide for his army, 68; desire to
strike New Englaiicl, 68; orders tlie
expedition to Bennington, 70; how
composed, 70 ; conibniations over-
tlirown by Haunt's defeat, 87; his
losses up to this time, 88; his In-
dians desert him, 88; compelleu to
halt again, 90; hears of St. Leger's
retreat, 93 ; his choice of evils, 101 ;
decides to cross the Hudson, 102 ;
marches in search of (Jates, 105;
order of march, ic gives battle,
106 et seq.; troops action, 107;
holds his position, but makes no
advance ; brings on another battle^
118, 119; calls his three best gen-
erals to his aid, and commands in
person, 119; is defeated, and driven
into his works, 121 ; orders a re-
treat, 127; finds a force confronting
him on the east bank of the Hud-
son, 128 ; loses valuable time, 128;
burns his bagg.ige, 129; arrives at
Saratoga, 129; finds retreat cut off,
131 ; Ills camp untenable, 132; sur-
renders his army, 133 ; scene de-
scribed by eyewitnesses, 135, 138.
Canada's alliance desired, 15; inva-
sion of begun, 19; attitude toward
the colonies, 25, note.
Carleton, Guv ; attitude toward Bur-
goyne, 11, 12 ; gains a naval victory
over Arnold, 22, 25.
Castleton, Vt. ; Ri«^desel posted
there by Burgoyne, 61.
Chambi.v, Fokt; position of, 16;
taken by America IS, 19; burnt, 20.
Clinton, Sir Henry, notifies Bur-
goyne that he is coming to his
relief, 116; thinks he is oidy to
make a diversion, 117; 122, note;
is near Albany when Burgoyne sur-
renders, 133 ; 134, vote.
Crown Point, position of, 16; when
built, 18, note ; Americans fall back
to, 20; evacuated, 20; naval battle
near, 22.
Diamond Island, unsuccessful attack
upon, 114.
Duek's House, Frazer's corps at, 68;
British army posted at, 70, 87.
Fellow's, John, commands a detach-
mjut to watch Burgoyne, 134.
Fis)f KILL Creek, 12;; \i^,nott.
Fort Anne, N. Y. ; Americans retreat
to, from Skenesborough, 51 ; Schuy-
ler re-enforces them, 52 ; combat at,
52 ; burnt and abandoned, 52 ; de-
scribed, 55, ^«7/^ ; mportance to
Burgoyne, 62 ; neighborhood de-
scribed, 62, 63.
Fort, Edward, position of, 16 ; Schuy-
ler at, 51; is joined by St. Llair,
after Ticonderoga falls, 51 ; Bur-
goyne arrives at, 66 ; Schuyler evac-
uates it, 66 ; described, 66, note.
Fort George, position of, 16; Amer-
icans evacuate it, 66; and Britiali
occupy !t, 66.
Fort Oswego, position of, 30.
Fort Stanwix, position of, 30; St.
Eeeer's force, 35; garrisoned and
defended, 90, 91 ; attempt to relieve
fails, 91 ; garrison makes a sally,
92 ; siege raised, 93 ; 94, note.
Francis, Ebenezek, covers retreat
from Ticonderoga, fights Frazer at
Hubbardton, but is killed, 51; 55,
note.
Frazek, Simon, commands a corps
under Burgoyne, 34, 35 ; takes Alt.
Hope, 40; pursues St. flair, 46;
comes up with the Americans at
Hubbardton, and fights them, 47;
on the point of defeat is re-en-
forced, and gains the day, 4S;
crosses the Hudson, and takes jid'-t
at Saratoga, 70 ; recrosses the H lul-
son, 87; IS posted on the right at
Bemis' Heights, 105 ; his force, lo;;
killed, 121 ; 123, note ; buried, 127;
134, note.
Freeman's Farm, position of, 9.);
100, note, 105 ; first collision at
(Sept. 19), 106; second battle at,
120-122.
Gansevoort, Peter, at Fort Stan-
wix, 90 ; sallies out upon besiegers,
91 ; 94, note.
Gates, Horatio, takes command nf
the Northern Army, 20 ; his rank,
25, note; supersedes Schuyler, <»5 ;
good effect on the army, 97 ; orders
an advance to Stillwater, 97 ; want
of confidence in Arnold a drawback
to success, 98 ; posts the- army on
Bemis' Heights, 98; note, 'w!
sends Morgan to feel the eiKniy,
io6; 'e-enlorces in driblets. loS;
his camp and army, 115, notf^ i
and 2; accepts battle again, wo;
INDEX.
145
I retreat
; Stluiy-
mbat at,
52; de-
auce to
ood dc-
; Schuy-
5t. Clair,
ji; Hur-
dler evac-
, note.
>; Anur-
i British
30; St
oned and
to relifvi;
IS a sally,
note.
rs retreat
Frazer at
id, 51*, 55.
i a corps
takes Mt.
Clair, 4''"-
iiericans at
them, 47'
, is re-en-
day, 4*^"<
takes pii-t
IS the H nil-
he ri^ht at
i force, u'/;
mried, 127;
m of, 00".
collision at
d battle at.
Fort Stan-
n besiegers,
:ommand <>f
his rank,
chuyler, <)s;
, 97 ; orders
r, 97 ; ^^■'"'*
a drawback
the amiy ""
note, ')')■>
the eniiiiy,
riblets. !'>'>■'
115, notf^ «
again, i-i^'>
is victorious, 121, 122; dilatory pur-
suit of the enemy, 131 ; comes up
with Burj^oyne, 131; dispositions
for attacking;, 131; receives Bur-
goyne's surrehder, 133.
Herkimer, Nicholas, marches to re-
heve Fort Stanwix, 9 ; is waylaid
and defeated, 91, 92; dies of his
wounds, 92 ; 94, note.
Hrssian Mekchnarihs, 36, note.
HowH, Sir William, participation in
the campaign discussed, 14 ; driven
from Boston, 29; George llldis-
api)ointed in him, 29; gets his
orders too late, 31.
HuKBARDTON, Vt , garrison of Ticon-
deroga retreats to, 44 : St. Clair's
rearguard overtaken at, 47; battle
of, 47. 48, 49-
Johnson, Sir John, at Oriskany, 91 ;
94, note.
Kosciusko, Thaddrus, marks out the
lines on Bcniis' Heights, 98 ; too,
note.
Lake Champlaim, the gateway of the
north, 16; naval battle on, 22,
Burgoyne's advance, 35 ; shores of,
37; Americans driven from, 51
Lincoln, Benjamin, sent to Manches-
ter, 74 ; sketch of, 76, note ; makes
a raid m Burgoyne's rear, 1 13 ; joins
Gates, 115, wounded, 128
Lyman, Phineas, builds Fort Edward,
66.
Manchester, Vt , Warner posted at,
57; rendezvous for militia, 73,
Lincoln and Stark at, 74
Mohawk Vallev, plaii for invading
It. 30. .35
Mont(;omekv, Richard, leadsan army
to Canada, 19, killed, 20; sketch
of, 25, note
MoKc.AN s Riflemen, 99, note ; attack
Burgoyne, 106; part in the battle
of October 7, 120, 121.
flouNT Indbpendrncr described, 16;
named, 21 ; Americans retreat from
Ticonderoga to, 44
Mount Defiance, the key of Ticon-
deroga, 43 ; seized by Burgoyne's
engineers, 43 ; compels the evacua-
tion of Ticonderoga, 43 ; retaken
by the Americans, ii4i 115, noie.
Newport, R. L, held by the enemy,
30; Howe's stratefjy, 60, fwte.
Nfw York, plans for its invasion, 26,
29, 30 ; resources of for resisting
Burgoyne, 58, 59.
Oriskany, N. Y., Americans march-
ing to Fort Stanwix are defeated at,
91.
Phillips, William, commands Bur-
goyne's artillery, 34 ; bnngs up
artillery at Bemis' Heights, 111.
RiEDBSEL, Baron von, commands Bur-
goyne's (ierman contingent, 34;
at Ticonderoga, 40 ; pursues the
retreating Americans, 46 ; turns de-
feat to victory at Hubbardton, 4H;
is posted at Castleton, Vt., 61 ; falls
back to Fort Edward, 86 ; supports
Burgoyne at Bemis' Heights, in
Saratoga, occupied by Burgoyne, 70;
country below described, 98 ; Bur-
goyne's army crosses over to, 102 ;
falls back to, after being defeated,
129 ; 134, note.
St. Clair, Arthur, commands at Ti-
conderoga, 39 ; evacuates it, 43 ;
military record of, 44, note 2 \ also
note 5 ; marches for Skenesbor-
ough, 45; halts at Hubbardton, 46;
hears Burgoyne has occupied his
propo.sed line of retreat, and now
marches for Bennineton, 51 ; joins
Schuyler at Foit Fidward, 51 ; ac-
cusptf of treachery, 58 ; and ordered
to Philadelphia, 60
St. John's, Fort, position of, 16;
taken bv Americans, 19 ; burnt, 20;
British build a fleet at, 21.
St. Legrr, Barr,', combination with
Burgoyne, 13; his part, 30, 31 ; his
force, 35, 90; lays siege to Fort
Stanwix, 91 ; Arnold's stratagem
compels him to raise the siege, 93 ;
and retreat to (Jswego, 93.
Schuyler, Phil >, at Fort Edward,
51 ; St. Clair joins him, 51 : sends
a force to Fort Anne, 52; military
record of, 55, note ; holds Warner
at Manchester, 57; evacuates Fort
Edward on Burgoyne's approach,
66; state of his army, 66; urges
Stark to join him, 77 ; sends Ganse-
voort to Fort .Stanwix, 90 ; then
Arnold, 93 ; superseded by Gates, 95.
i9
146
INDEX.
Shcond Battle of Freeman's Farm,
120-122.
Skenhsbokoi'cih taken by Americans,
17; described, iS, note; made a
dockyard, 21; Americans retreat
to, from Ticonderoga, 44 ; set lire
to, and abandoned, 51.
Stakk, John, appointed to sole com-
mand over New Hampshire militia,
74 ; musters Ins brigade at Man-
chester, 74; refuses to join Schuy-
ler, 74 ; his perplexity, 75 ; inarches
to Bennington, 75 ; sketch of, 76,
note ; dec- 's to join Schuyler, 77 ;
but hears (,. the enemy's approach,
and sends out scouts, 77; sends for
Warner, 7S ; r^-enforced, 81; his
force, 82 ; gams the victory of Ben-
nington, S3 ; and defeats Breyman
also, 84, 85; at Fort Edward, 132.
Stili.watrk, ^losition of the American
army described, 98.
Ticonderoga, position of described,
16; taken by Americans, 17; 18,
note; Montgomery tliere, 19; Bur-
goyne's landing, 39; garrison of,
40; invested by Burgoyne, 40, 43;
evacuated, 44; effects of its fall,
56, 57 ; Americans attack it unsuc-
cessfuUv, 114.
Trenton, N. J., victory at, 32, note.
Valcour Island, naval battle at, 22.
Vermont, people of addressed by lUir-
goyne, 38; state of settlements in,
44, note; critical situation of after
the fall of Ticonderoga, 57.
Warner, Seth, in command at Hiib-
bardton, 47; 55, note; surprised
there, 48; retreats to Bennington,
51; posted at Manchester, 57; !iis
(Ireen Mountain Boys, 57 ; Stark
calls on him for assistance, 77 ; gets
to Bennington in time, 81 ; attacks
Breyman, 84.
Washington, George, sets about re-
trieving the disaster at Ticonderoga,
60; his views how to retard Hiir-
goyne's march, 73 ; sends Lincoln
to carry them out, 74 ; his policy
vindicated, 85 ; efforts to strengtlien
the northern army, 95, 96 ; consid-
erate treatment oi Schuyler, 96.
of gir
|re being
fese mus
'0 one fu
With th
fie day 1;
■ ■>■ V
vice in i
at her s(
•es, rearli
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illy inttrd
:a taste
a pur
file chile
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N more
|cli prefat
Kobinj
Ff
oil!
Y SUCCESS
IN INTRODUCING
aOOD* READING
\i---- IN A COUNTRY SCHOOL.
There are country children who attend school twenty-four weeks in a
Lear, read from dry, worn-out reading books, and have parents at home
iith minds perfectly barren except for tlioughts about getting a living.
fliese children spend the lonely, quiet evenings, which might be made so
|i!l of glad opportunity, in perfect idleness and apathy, their only pleas-
heing in the gratification of appetite. There is just one reason why
liese must grow into carnally minded, ignorant, narrow men and women.
Ifoone furnishes them with reading at home." — Lend a Hand.
[With this for my text, let me tell the story of one school in Wisconsin.
we day last Spring, a Miss Campbell, from Station, (in the town
— ), was sent to me by one of the Madison teachers, to ask my
jlvice in regard to supplementary reading in her school. She told me
lat her scholars had lost all interest in their Thursday afternoon exer-
p. reariing, speaking pieces, etc., because they had only old reading
oks from which they had read and spoken, till they knew the greater
|rt of them by heart. She thought, that if she could introduce some
illy interesting book, it would improve the work, and also help in form-
\i taste for good reading. After looking over various books suited for
fch a purpose, sh j selected " Young Folks' Robinson Crusoe " saying,
[he children are not up to anything more than a story, yet. I'll take
ias my first step. If they work well with this, we can go on to some-
Bg higher." This "Robinson Crusoe" was written by Mrs. Eliza
ir, wife of Prof. John Farrar, of Harvard College, and was first pub-
|ed more than fifty years ago. In Mrs. Farrar's " Address to P irents "
p prefaces the book, she says, "The Author thinks, with Rousseau,
Robinson Crusoe might be made a great instrument in the education
Front Wisconsin Journal of Education for A'oTcmbcr, iS88.
m
Good Reading.
of children, leading their minds to philosophical investigation or m-n
social nature, and introducing them to trains of thought which no otli
story can so well suggest." The present edition is edited by William
Adams (Oliver Optic), who says, " It is the only Robinson Crusoe re;
by the editor, till within a few years, and was the standard edition in ui
by those in this vicinity (Boston) who read children's books half a ce
tury ago." Six of Miss Campbell's pupils decided to buy this hook, o
boy buying it with his own earnings, he was so anxious to own
These, with the copy which I lent her, sufficed for class use. The cl
dren were enthusiastic, the reading class was rejuvenated, and the pn
ress in good reading was in proportion to the enthusiasm.
I also lent Miss Campbell the Chapters on Ants in " Nature Reader
the most satisfactory books for instructing children in Natural Histi
with which I have ever met. She used this book for a time for draw
exercises. She had each child bring an ant as an illustration to the i
and after getting them intensely interested in finding out from the
creatures what is told of them in the book, she led them to observe
homes of the ants and their mode of work, opening their eyes to
wonders which one meets, even in the daily prosaic walk to school.
I lent her also " The Seven Little Sisters Who Live on the Ro
Ball that Floats in the Air" (published by Lee & Shepard), which
scribes the child life of seven different races. This book was first
lished in 1861, and has since been through edition after edition, itsv;
being so generally acknowledged. The superintendent of schooIs|
Janesville, Mr. C. H. Keyes, spoke of it in an educational meetin
Madison, as the first book which aroused his intellectual life, and he
since told me that there are nearly twelve hundred children in Janes
Wisconsin, who can almost say it by heart. A teacher of seventeen y
record once told me that one class in geography bafiled her best e
till she threw aside all the so-called text-books, and used only "
(hrou
minut
bell a
Mi>
read i
ing th
that SI
the s(
storiei
Louis(
the m(
Nov
July tl
heavie
•a
re
he wr
schoo
NOVKL
ments
child
enjoy ii
brino;,
hope
bovs
readin
Good Reading.
gation o^ m-n
which no oth
I by William
ion Crusoe re
d edition in u
)oks half a ce
ly this book,
cious to own
5 use. Tiie cl
id, and the pn
).
^Jature Reader
Natural Hist(
time for draw
ation to the te
out from the i
■n to observe
their eyes to
to school.
ve on the Roi
epard), which
lok was first p
• edition, its v;
nt of schools
itional meetini
\\ life, and he
dren in Janesv
of seventeen y
id her best e
1 u.sed only"
Seven Little Sisters" as a manual. From that time the class became
successful and enthusiastic. This book is used as supplementary read-
inj; in the schools of Boston, Mass., and also in very many other schools
throughout the country. I give the account of these books rather
minutely, that it may be clearly seen what class of literature Miss Camp-
bell attempted to introduce to the future men and women of Wisconsin.
Miss Campbell's record with "The Seven Little Sisters "' is that she
read it to the children at such times as she could secure, without neglect-
ing their regular school work. The children enjoyed the book so much
that some of them begged her to keep on after school hours. She had
the scholars point out on a map the countries where the children of the
stories lived, the home of Agoonack in Uie frozen north, and where
Louise lived by the beautiful ri"T Rhine, and she talked with them of
the mode of life of the inhabitants of those countries.
Now to offset all this, here let me give the record of the district. In
July they held a school meeting, at which one of the leading men, the
heaviest taxpayer in the town, arose and said he should like to know why
he was to pay his money to a teacher who brought '■'pismires''' into
school, and taught the children about them, and who introduced "the
Novix." Several others, ea^er to follow their leader, echoed his senti-
ments. As a result that school has a new teacher this term, and the
children's winter evenings, which might have been brightened by the
enjoy.uent of new books and the fresher and broader outlook which they
bring, are now left to plod along in the same old, dull way But let us
hope that the seed already sown will not prove fruitless, and that a few
boys and girls at least are awakened to the pleasure and value of good
reading.
Madison, Wis.
Mrs. William F. Allen.
-THE BEST TEACHER IN 7 HE WORLD,"
James Parian, Historian, says of the author of the new book,
WHO LIVED ON THE ROAD FROM LONG AGO TO NOW,
l?y Jane Andrews, author of "Seven Little Sisters," "Seven Littl
Sisters show their Sisterhood," Geographical Plays, etc. Cloth.
20 original illustrations. 80 cents net; if sent by .»il, 90
Introducinjr the stories of —
Will
cents
Kablu, the Aryan Boy, who came down to the plains of the Indus.
Darius, the Persian Uoy, who knew about Zoroaster.
Cleon, the Greek I>oy, who ran at the Olympic Games.
Horatius, the Roman 15oy, whose ancestor kept the bridge so welL
^VuIf, the Saxon Boy, who helped to make England.
Gilbert, the I'age, who will one day become a Knight.
Roger, the English Lad, who longed to sail the Spanish Main.
Ezekiel P'uller, the Puritan I)oy.
Jonathan Dawson, the Yankee Boy.
Frank Wilson, the Boy of 1SS5.
And giving entertaining and valuable information upon the manner;
and customs of the different nations from Aryan age to now.
The poet, John G. Whittier, says of it: —
Amesbury, nth mo. 22, 1885.
Lee and Shepard, Boston:
I have bv-'en reading the new book by Jane Andrews, "Ten Boys who Livw MESSRS
on the Road from Long Ago to Now," which you have just published, and canno sters,"
Idren I
me. ?
\ little (
read it
just lov
thin t\V(
I shall
forbear saying that in all my acquaintance with juvenile literature I know of nothinj
in many respects equal to this remarkable book, which contains in its small compas:
the concentrated knowledge of vast libraries. It is the admirably told story of paS
centuries of the world's progress, and the amount of study and labor rc([uired ii
its preparation seems almost appalling to contemplate. One is struck with tli
peculiar excellence of its style, — clear, easy, graceful, and picturesque, — which
child cannot fail to comprehend, and in which " children of a larger growth " wil
find an irresistible charm. That it will prove a favorite with old and young
iiave no dout>t. It seems to me that nothing could be more enjoyable to thebo]|
of our period than the story of how th<>. boys of all ages lived and acted.
Yours truly,
JOHN G. WHITTIER. I
SS
HOL
1 wish
■ik will
sjie thi
th;it
tcrs re I
this bi
e to tl
; distril
e study
irlaiul a
would I
very coi
)>ing se;
ok of r{
Cloth, {
Thi
The an
in vari
ddescril
m of ti
ks, and
d is pre
Educati
I61U1
!in;r
Plea:
(ane An
se
ILD,-
iw book,
" Seven
Cloth.
a'iI, 90
le Indus.
: so welL
Iain.
SS JANE ANDRE\A/S' OTHER BOOK-Q,
1 the manner;
now,
mo. 22, 18S5.
THE SEVEN LITTLE SISTERS
HO LIVE ON THE ROUND BALL THAT FLOATS IN THE Alfi.
I.ittli From The New England Journal cf Education,
Will I wisli to bear testimony, unasked, to the peculiar value for teachers of a little
,ik wliitli lies rather out ot" the line of text-books, and which may, therefore,
^^"^ rape their notice. It is called "The Seven Little bisters who Live on the Round
ill that Floats in the Air." The round ball is, of course, the earth, and the little
icis represent different nations and races of men. I think that the mere reading
this bi)ok — read over and over, as children always read a book they like — will
,c to tiie young readers a more vivid impression of the shape of the earth, of
» distribution of nations over it, and of the essential broihernood of man, than
study of most text-books. I understand that it has been largely used by Miss
rland and Miss Weston, of the Boston Kindergarten; and 1 should think that
would be invaluable not merely for such schools, but for all primary schools. It
very common for teachers to read aloud to their pupils some story-book at their
hiiig session of the week; and *' The Seven Little Sisters " is a story-book, and a
ok of real intellectual value at the same time. T. W. HKjGINSON.
Cloth, gilt, $1.00. I^ckuol ISdition, plain cloth, 50 cts. net. By mail, 55 ct8.
PART II.
The Seven Little Sisters Prove their Sisterhood.
The author, in order to show the children of her own school how other children
in various parts of the world, selects seven little girls of different nationalities,
d describes their homes, the character of their parents, and the manners and cus-
iis of their people. The stories are related in a style that will please young
ks, and will be found quite interesting to all. The book is handsomely bound,
dis prettily illustrated, and should have a ready holiday sale. — N. E. Journal
Education.
16iui>, cloth, g!lt, Sl.OO. School Edition, 50 cts. net. By mail, 65 cts.
Boys who Live( Messrs. Lee and Shepard, — I have carefully read "The Seven Little
ihed, and canno^ters," by Jane Andrews. It is one of the purest and best books for
ildren I have ever seen. In fact, it is the best book of its kind, known
me. My comments are, blessings on the memory of Jane Andrews.
|) little daujjhter Maud, nine years old, exclaimed, shortly after heginninsj
read it: "O Mamma, I have bejiun alout the little trown baby and it
just lovely." She became so interested that she has read the whole Look
liin two or three days.
I shall most <;laclly recommend this book to my fellow teachers while
"iii; institutes.
l^lease send to me at such price as you can afford, for examination,
ane Andrews' Ten Boys that Lived from Long Ago until Now."
Yours sincerely, A. E. Haynes.
know of nothing
ts small tompas^
old story of pasi
ibor required iij
struck with tli(
squc, — which
er growth " wil|
>id and young
able to the'
acted.
WHITTIER
J ,
"^
T
# #
HE STORIES
- MOTHER
N
ATURE TOLD V'
^ HERCHILDRI
li\r .TANK ANDRK.WS.
Library Edition, cloth, illustrated, $1.00. School Edition. 50 cents neti by mail, 55 cents,
" Another very eiitertaiiiiug and instructive addition to literature for young rtarrl
Mother Nature is very dear to us all, and we are constantly reading aiid iiidfnf
l)y the stories she tells and the lessons she teaches. In the little book before iisJ
writer groups in familiar language, some of the stories which Mother Nature id
about the Amber Heads, and their original home at the bottom of the sea; ab
the evolution of the dragon fly. The trees that stand in the village streets
made to talk pleasantly about themselves — a species of egotism that will icadil
be pardoned. 'How Indian Corn Grows' is interestingly told, and sonitt
about the Water Lilies. The Carrying Trade and the many beneficial thingsl
brings to us from far away countries form the subject of one chapter; thcit ai
several nice stories of Sea Life, including something about coral and the st.ii f,>l
the Frost Giants and the queer pranks they cut u|i; the children are given a
into one of God's storehouses, a coal mine; there's a pretty story too about Si.d
two Little Tadi)oles ; and there are other things touching animal and vcgetalif
life. All these stories are told in language that children can easily undcrstaiK
The aim of the writer is to fasten on the minds of her young readers impressioJ
that will be lasting- -to give them an 'insight into the beauties and mysterious m
cesses of nature and incite them to a reverent interest in and a truer apprtciatia
of all these things. The child who reads the book will be elevated by it."— j|
All'uns Messenger.
*' This charming little volume contains a series of short sketches that are iiitci(
to teach the young in an entertaining way some of the wonderful things of natiirj
and at the same time to lead their thoughts into a study of them. Thus 'T
Story of the Amber Heads' shows us how the beautiful yellow gum oozing frdmiii
pines of the Scotch highlands became the pretty amber beads we all know an
admire; and so we are told of the trees and flowers, the fish and the insect, audi
one of God's storehouses, the wonderful coal mines. One would look far l)cf()i|
.io would find a work so well calculated to engage the thoughtful attention
young minds." — Salem Observer.
GEOGRAPHICAL PLAYS
Comprising United States, Europe, Asia, Africa and South America, Australia and tlj
Islands, the Commerce of the World.
In one voluine, cloth, SI. 00, or In paper covers, six parts, 15 cents each.
These able, suggestive, and interesting plays are designed as a sort of reviei
of each country or topic, and they present a comprehensive view of the subject;
a unit. They are used after a country has been faithfully studied from the geo|
raphy, and when the i)ui)il has become familiar with all names given in ilieplaj
It need scarcely be said that the plays are well written, and are calculated to |'r|
duce an animating effect upon a school. They are used in Uoston Primary .Schou|
for Supplementary Reading.
Any of these Books sent by Mall upon Receipt of price.
LEE AND SHEPARD, Publishers, Boston.
QNiJH^ ANo ^";;'
HAT IT • • •
BROUGHT
By JAIse A7*nWtUW9
Author of " Seven I,iti!e Slitters who Live on the Round Ball that Floats in
the Air," "Seven Little Sisters Prove their Sisterhood" (sequel to
" Seven Little Sisters"), " Ten Boys who Lived on the koad from Long
Ago to Now," " Geographical Plays for Young folks at School and at
Home," comprising Europe, United Stales, A>ia, Africa and South
America, Australia and the Isles of the Sea, the Commsrce of the World,
etc.
CLOTH. ILLUSTRATED. $L00.
"This story illustrates the change wrought into the life of a tall, awkward,
and selhsh girl in a year's time. I'hc change is so gradual that at first it is
almost imperceptible, hut is entirely natural and true to life, fliss Andrews
has written a number of children's books, and understands how to portray the
best side of her youthful heross and heroines without seeming to hold them up
as examples to her readers. In her account of the trials and improvements of
the young girl in her story, she has endeavored to show her weaknesses of
character without moralizing. She is thoroughly wide awake to all the enjoy,
ments of girls w'nom she writes about, and the interesting way in which she
helps them out of their various difficulties is entertaining." — Concord Stnies-
tita.i.
" Among the writers of juvenile tales there are few held in higher esteem by
their young readers than Jane Andrews; and the pretty volume recently
issued that bears her name, deserves to be held in as great favor as "Seven
Little Sisters," or any other of the author's previous productions. It teaches
an excellent moral, hut it is never dry or preachy, and its representations
of school life are accurate and entertaining. It will prove most acceptable
to girls who have in a measure put away childish things, yet have not
p.-'ssed the line where the. brook and river meet." — Biijffalo Comtiiercinl
Advertiser,
" The unequalled genius for entertaining and instructing children which
distinguished Jane Andrews, finds expression also in her books. This one is
probably the last that we shall have from her pen, and her recent death gives
it a peculiar interest. The simple incidents are made the vehicle of much
lively conversation and description. Young people will read the book with
genuine interest and plea'iure." — IVomn/i's JoHrnal.
Sold by all booksellers, and sent by malt, postpaid, on receipt of price
Catalogues free upon application.
LEE AND SHEPARO Publishers Boston
NGLISH AS IT SHOULD
» «
BE WRITTEN
» «
Handbook! for
All LovcTi of
Oorrect
Language
Neatly bound in cloth 50 cents each
MISTAKES IN WRITING ENGLISH AND HOW TO AVOID THEM
For the use of all who tench, write, or speak the language. My M 'kshall
T. liKiKi.ovv, author of " Punctuation and other Typographical
Matters."
PUNCTUATION AND OTHER TY^OCRAPHICAL MATTERS
For the use of Printers, Ai:'h(irs, Teachers, ami Scholars. l$y Maksilall
'I'. liKiicLDW. Corrector at the University Press, Cambritige.
1000 BLUNDERS IN ENGLISH
A Handl)ook of Su^jgcstions in Reading and Speaking. Fy Harl.xn H.
Hali.akd, A.NI., Principal of Lenox Academy, Lenox, .NLiss.
HINTS AND HELPS
For those who write, print, or read. Ry Rrnja.min Drkw.
ENGLISH SYNONYMES DISCRIMINATED
By Rev. Riciiakd Whatei.v, D.D., the Archbishop of Dublin. A new
edition.
SOULE & CAMPBELL'S PRONOUNCING HANDBOOK
Of Words often inisprnnounced, and of words as to which a Choice of Pro-
nunciation IS allowed. 3,'xx> Mistakes in Proni;nciation corrected.
CAMPBELL'S HANDBOOK OF ENGLISH SYNONYMES
With an Appendix showin;^ the Correct Uses of Prepositions.
HINTS ON LANGUAGE
In connection with Si;;;ht Reading and Writing in Primarj* and Intermediate
Schools. I>y S. Akihuk IJent, .\..NL. Superintendent ol Public
Schools, Clinton, Mass.
FORGOTTEN MEANINGS
Or, An Hour with the Dictionary. By Alfred Waites author of
" Student's Historical Manual."
SHORT STUDIES OF AMERICAN AUTHORS
By Thomas Wrntwokth Higcinson, author of " Vonng Folks' History
of the United States," " Younij Folks' American Explorers. '
" M.iibone," "Outdoor I'apers," " Oldport Days," *' Army Life i\\ a
Black Regiment," " Atlantic Essays," etc.
HINTS ON WRITING AND SPEECH-MAKING
Wy Tho.mas Wkntwokth HuiCiNsoN.
UNIVERSAL PHONOGRAPHY
Or, Shor^h.^nd by the " Alien Method." A Self-instructor, whereby more
S|K-ed than Lonsz-Hand Wiitin,:^ is gained at the First lesson, and
addiiional Speed at each Subsen'reiit lesson P.y G. G. Allen.
Principal of the Allen Stenographic Institute, Boston.
Bold by all booksellers, and sent by mail, postpaid, on receipt of pri-^e
LEE AND SHEPARD Publishers Boston
IS
y OUNG F OLKS'
R OOKS OF Travel
DRIFTING ROUND THE WORLD; A Boy's Adventure* by
Sea and Land
By Capt. Charlf> W. Hai.i., author of " Adrift in the Ice-Fielils," " The
Great Honnnza," etc. With mimcrous full-page and letter-press illustra-
tions. Royal 8vo. Handsome cover. $1.75. Cloth, gdt, $2.50.
"Out of the beaten track" in its course of travel, record of adventures,
and descriptions of life in (ireenland, Labrador, Ireland, Scodind, Kngland,
France, Holland, Russia, Asia, Silx-ria, and Alaski. Its hero is young, bold,
and adventurou!>; and the book is in every w.iy interesiwig and attractive.
EDWARD QREEY'S JAPANESE SERIES
YOUNG AMERICANS IN JAPAN; or. The Adventures of ths
Jewett Family and their Friend Oto Nambo
With 170 full-page and letter-press illustrations. Royal 8vo, 7 x 9^ inches.
Handsomely illuminated cover. $1.73- Cloth, black and gold, $2.50.
This story, though esscnti.dly a work of fiction, is filled with nUeresling and
truthful descriptions of the curious ways of livujg of the good people of the
land of the rismg sun.
THE WONDERFUL CITY OF TOKIO; or, The Further Ad-
venture: of the Jewett Family and their Friend Oto Nambo
With 169 illustrations. Royal 8vo, 7 x 9^ inches. With cover in gold and
colors, designed by the author. $1 75 Cloth, black and gold, $2.50.
" A book full of delightful intormation. The author has the happy gift of
permitting the reader to view things as he saw them. The illustrations are
mostly dr.iwn by a Japanese artist, and are very unique." — Chicago Herald.
THE BEAR WORSHIPPERS OF YEZO AND THE ISLAND
OF KARAFUTO; being the further Adventures of the
Jewett Family and their Friend Oto Nambo
180 illustrations. Boards, $1.75. Cloth, $2.50
(Jraphic j)en and f)encil pictures of the remark.ible bearded people who live
in the north of Japan. The illustr.itions arc by native Japanese artists, and
give queer pictures of a queer people, who have been seldoiu visited.
HARRi W. FRENCHES BOOKS
OUR BOYS IN INDIA
The wanderings of two young Americans in Hindustan, with their exciting
adventures on the sacred rivers and wild mountains. With 145 illustrations.
Royal 8vo, 7x91 inches. Bound in emblcm.iiic covers of Oriental design,
$1.75. Cloth. bl.-»ck and go'd. $2 50.
While it has all the excitii., interest of a romance, it is remarkably vivid in
its pictures of maimers and customs in the land of the Hindu, llie illustra-
tions arc many and excellent.
OUR BOYS IN CHINA
The adventures of two young Americans, wrecked in the China Sea on their
return from India, with their strange wanderings through the Chinese
Empire 188 ilhistratK-'ns. Boards, orn.unental covers in colors and gold,
$1.75. Cloth, ^2 50.
'i'his gives the further adventures of " Our Roys" of India fame in the land
of Teas and Queues.
Sold by all boohsellers, and sent by mall, postpaid, on receipt of pn'ct
LEE AND SHEPARD Fublkhers Boston
FOR HOME HALL
AND SCHOOL
Prepared by Professor LEWIS B. MONROE
Founder of the Boston School of Oratory
HUMOROUS READINGS In r^rnsc and verse For the use nf schools
rcndnig-clubs pubhc and parlor entertainments 1^1.50 Hoards 60 cents net
"The book is readal>le from the first page to the last, and e^erv artid;
contained in it is worth more than the price ot the volume." — Proviiietice
Herald.
MISCELLANEOUS READINGS In prose and verse jijo Hoards
(m cents net
" We trust this hook may find it* way into many schools, not to be used as
a book for daily drill, but as afTordinj; the pupil occasionally an op|Mjrtuniiy
of leaving the old b-at^n track." — RkaiU-lsiind Schoolmaster.
DIALOGUES AND DRAMAS For the use of dramatic and reading
clubs and for public social and school entertainments 1^1.50 Hoards 6u
cents net
" If the acting of dramas such as are contained in this book could be intro-
duced into private circU's, there would be an inducement for the y:'ung to
spend their eveninrs at home, instead of resorting to questionable public
places." — Nashua iiaaette.
YOUNG FOLKS' READINGS For social and public entertainment
1^1.30 Hoards (» cents net
" Professor Monroe is one of the most successful teachers of elocution, as
well as a very popidar public reader In this volume he lias given an unusu-
ally fine selection for home and >o<.i.d reading, as well as for public entertain-
ments." — Boston Home Jounutl.
DIALOGUES FROM DICKENS Arranged for schools and home
amuxcment Hy W. Eliot Fette A.M. First scries $1.00
LIALOGUES AND DRAMAS FROM DICKENS Second seiies
Arranged by W. Ei.ioT Fetth Illustrated $1.00
The dialogues in the above Ixxiks are selected from the l)est points of the
stories, and can be extended by taking several scenes together.
THE GRAND DICKENS COSMORAMA Comprising several unique
entertainments capable of being used separately for school home or hall
By G. B. Bartlett Paper 25 cents
THE READINGS OP DICKENS as condensed by himse f for his own
use $1.00
LITTLE PIECES FOR LITTLE SPEAKERS The primary-
school teacher's assist-mt By a practical teacher i6mo. Illustrated
Cloth 75 cents Also in boards 50 cents
THE MODEL SUNDAY-SCHOOL SPEAKER Containing selec-
tions in prose and verse from the most (>opul.'>r pieces and dialogues for
Sunday-school exhibitioi:s Illustrated Cloth 75 cents Boards 50 cent*
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Sold by all booksellers or seat by mall postpaid on receipt of prist
LEE AND SHEPARB Publishers Boston
12
HISTORICAL ROOKS • • . •
• • • • FOR yOUNG PEOPLE
Young Folks' History ot the United States
By Thomas Wentworth Higcinson. Illustrated. $1.50.
As
The story of our country in '.he most reliable and interesting; form. As a
Ktory-txiok it easily leads ali other American history stories in interest, while at
u text-book for the study of history it is univcruaily admitted to be the best.
Young Folks' Book of A merican E xp lorers
Ky Thomas WEr4T\voRTH Higginson. Unifoim with the " Younc; Folks'
History of the United States." (Xie volume, 'ully illustrated. Price $1.50.
" It is not a history told in the third person, r.ur an historical novel for young
folks, wh'^re the autnor supposes the chief characters to have thought aiuf said
such and such things under such and such circumstances; but it is the genuine
description given by the persons who experienced the things they described in
letters written home." — Mont/e/tei JeHrtiaU
The N&tion in a Nutshell
By George Makepeace Towi,e, author of " Heroes of History," " Young
Folks' History of £ngland," " Young Aoiks' History of Ireland," etc.
Price 50 cents.
" To tell the story of a nation like ours in a nutshell, requires a peculiar
faculty for selecting, condensing, and philosophising. The brevity with which
he relates the principal events ,n Ameriran history, does not detract from the
charming interest of the narrative style." — Fitblk Opinion.
Young People's History of England
By George Makepeace Towle. Cloth, illustrated. $1.50.
•* The whole narrative is made interesting and attr.ictive — in every way
what a book of this kind should be in its clearness of statement, frc;>hneks uf
style, and its telling of the right ways." — Critic.
Handbo ok of E ngli sh Histo ry
Based on " Lectures on English Ilistorj," by the late M. J. Guest, and
brought down to the year 1880. With a Supplementary' Chapter on the
English Literature of the 19th Century. By F. H. Unuekwoou, LL.D.
With Maps, Chronological Table, etc. $1 50.
" It approaches nearer perfection than anythir.g in the line we have seen.
It is succinct, accurate, and delightful." — tiari/ord Evening Post.
Youn g People's History of Irela nd
3y George Makepeace Towle, author of " Young People's History of
England," " Young Folks' Heroes, of Histosy," etc. With an introduction
by John Boyle O'Reilly. Cloth, illusti.^t*:''.. $1.50.
" The history is like a novel, increasing in interest to the very end, and
ierminating at the most interesting period of the whole, and the reader lays
down the book a moment in enthusi.istic aJmirati >n 'or a people who have
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