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DYMOTT, oppofitc Somerfet-Houfe in tlie Strand, and J. ALMON, oppofite Burlingtof^ Houfe in Piccadilly, M d c c l x v i. H A T f^'^ /, ^'^^11 A HIMAXa « J] 'al. o I.- 1 Ij *. .■ it ■•*? . .-fi-^o ;^ r- #•*" vT .4 '»% 4 ^i *-»^ >i3^1«jft*|(!.«:^. ^ t ^ i '. V ,: [5] nonHHoa An Examination ^c. FfeSt 3^"!5 S the various and contra- A ^ dicftory Opinions upon S^ ^ the Subjeft of the i)re- fent Difpute with the Colonies, fufEciently prove, ei- ther a Want of real Information with Regard to the Merits of the Controverfy, or a real Difficulty as to the Merits themfelves; no- thing can contribute more to H- Ittftrate the SubjeA, than impar- A ■ tially i- 1 I I ' i .[ 6 ] tially to examine the Grounds and JPrinciples upon which the prefent Conteft turns. As all new Queft'ons of Right, Authority and Power, can only be decided upon the firft Principles of Juftice, and of Government ; It is a Misfortune on tins Occafiori, that the Maxims of both are fo abftrait- ed, and drawn from a Compafs of Obfervatiom fo deep and fyftemati- eiajli that they do not fall within the Reach of the common Clafs of Md.n- kind ; becaufe it follows from hence, that the Bulk of the People, how- ever interefted in the Decifion, are very incompetent Judges of the Merits [ 7 ]■ Merits of .i Queftion wholly de- pending upon fuch Maxims as they are Strangers tQ.pyyj o-j i^-uii :;>riU'> In free States, the People will at timesJ take the Lead, & being unac- cuftbmed to deliberate where a Point of Ihtereft is in View; their Opi- nion, :ho^V;ever ill founded, is/a- Qopted with a$;full C*PJ^vi(ftion,^ and followed with as much Zeal as an infallible Revelation. H^ iioih b^iB Ijfet us caft an Eyh ixpon the Iltfb- lutions of feveral of the lower Houfes of AfTembly m America^ and weihall fee what fort of Decifions are to be cxpefted from Men, unacquainted with the Principles upon which they A 2 ought [8] IH ought to judge ; from Men, who have a ftrong Bias of Intereft to in- . cline them to one Opinion, and very little Knowledge of the Principles of Policy, and the Inftitutjons of Civil Government, which alone can . be urged in Favour of another, ]. . We muft not be furprized if in fuch AfTemblies it is held a$ incon* tellable, that th^ Members thereof and their Conftituents, are entitled to ail the eiTential Rights, and at the fame Time are exempt from many of the effential Duties of Britijh Subjeds. u 1q i.'A^Lt^^j y^ We muft not be furprized, if in the fame Affemblies it ihould be -''>'^' - ' alfo Vj': [ 9 J alfo held, that the Members thcrecf - and their Gonftituents, ought not to>" be taxed in fupport of the State whereof they are a Part ; or if in fuch AfTemblies, there fhould be an entire Unanimity of Opinion, That His Majefty's Subjects in Great Bri- tain^ ought to be further taxed for their Benefit ; and that they ought not to be taxed for the Benefit of themfelves, ■ \ -,'. . If we confider the Influeiice of the Pallions in Popular Affemblies, where an Interefting Point is un- der Debate; We muft not be fur- prized, if amidft the captivating Harangues, upon Liberty, Proper- l- ' >( ty [ 'o] ty , and no Stamp A(ft, the cool Voice of Reafon hath not yet been to iiot^or-U fii baxi;:' &d heard. , The Friends of the Colonies, have fortunately for the Caufe of Truth, ftated the Grounds, upon which their Claim is founded ; And it is very remarkable, that in aifert- ing aClaim to fo high a privilege, the Advocates' for it, who ptofefs a' real Deference to the Common Law, do riot pretend , either to any Grant, (the Mary-Land Charter excepted); or to any Prefcriptive Ufage, un-r der which they claim this important Exemption, ' ■ T -•. I A Privilege from Taxes, is fo deluding [ "] i deluding an Obje6l, that in the J Warmth of Purfuit, they have ftrangely forgot a Title, that is eflential. \'^g':"l:-/:ri 'jiJfMsw gsHT ' ' The Common Law, can't with- out a Contradicftioh, be fuppofed to exempt any Part of the People from the Common Lot. It is there- fore a Maxim, that whoever claims a jus Swgu/are, or Special Privi- lege, muft ihow a particular Title to it : And that Title, muft be either a Grant from one who had Power to give, or ai^ Immemorial Ufage, that prefuppofes fuch a I, , Grant. 7- '•' M-. , -r ! If • • - J < But, if theCoJoniesdonotfouml ^ ' their it I I I t[ 12 ] their Qaim, either on Grant, or Prefcription ; Let us fee in what Manner they make out their Title. This valuable Privilege, they fay, is fupported by Magna Charta; agreeable to the Praflice in E/ig- landy where, it hath long been ufual, for every Man, who thinks proper to fly in the Face of the Law, to make Magna Qharta his Authority fordoing lb. ^:^r^n . j '^^ fiat when! attempt to find out, 4ioW Magna Chart a confers thiii fuppofed Right, I am, {to ufe ^ SportfmanV Phraife) entirely at a Fault. For, the Cliaments of this •E&eii^iaa, iaoQtqwte.rhpText,, ai a; as [[r'3 ] as Mr Wilkes quoted his xsuUin liber homo ^c\ nor do they fo much ;as give any Reference, to the Claufe . they rely upon : inftead of , which, , ?L Propofition is framed apparently for thePurpofe of fupporting a prefent Affertion, and then, that Propo- fition is refted upon with the fame , Confidence, as if it realy contained the literal Text of Mag?ia Charta. *!-- The Propofition laid down is this, " That no Englijh Man can /' be Taxed but by his own Con- " fcnt in Perfon or by Deputy." If by this newly conftrufted Sen- t;ence, for which no kind of Au- thority Ijas ever yet been cited, is ...s..,j ' ' B meant •) .il u i meant only, " That Taxes c^n t " be impofed in England without " the Confent of Parliament ;" I readily acknowledge the undoubted Truth of it. But, if under this Propofition, it is maintai. ed as Law, " That no Englifh Man can •' be fubjeded to the Payment of " Taxes, who has not a Right to '* vote in chufing the Reprefenta- .'* tive Body of the People;" then the Propofition is clearly falfe. ,^i. . Let any one compare the Free- holders of a County 5 to the Num- ber of it's Lihabitants, the Number of Boroughs, to the Number of Towns ; the Perforis " qualifyed to 1 J^l si vote 4- [ -5 ] vote in the refpedlive Boroughs, to the Perfons unqualifyed, and it will then be feen, whether it is true, " that 7?t? En^lijh Man is or can be bound to pay any Tax with- out his own Conjent in Perfon or by his Deputy. I much Queftion, whether one twentieth Part of the Inhabitants of England have a Right to vote in chufing the Reprefenta- tive Body of the whole People. Did the Inhabitants of the Coun- ties of Chejier or Durham^ or other Counties Palatine that formerly were not fpecially reprefented, ever dream, that an A61 of Parliament to impofe Taxes did not bind them ? B 2 fuch » , -H'-^-i a ■ 'I in Uf rtf (.6] fiicii Sn Affertion was never heard of: tho', their Refidence in E/rg- land^ made it very prafticable, fot them to enjoy the Privilege of chu-^ fing keprefentativesV"^^^^^** ^^^ vu •*w^^i -^ /> fv. A. , . v^^ J . :uo But by ftatmg what Magna Charta does fay upon the Head of Taxa- tion, we difcover what it does not fay. I cite the Glaufe from the Magna Charta of King yohn^ dated the fifteenth of yune One Thou- fand two Hundred and fifteen, ^be- caufe, altho' the Magna Chartas, executed by King He??ry the Third, in the Years One Thoufand Two Hundred and Sixteen, aricf '6ne Thoufand Two Hundred arid Se- venteen, t '7] \ffnteert, and that publiftied in the' Statute Book of the E!;:iventh of February^ One Thoufand Twc> Hundred ^nd Twenty Four, con- tarn the fame Paifage in Siibftancejf yet, it is more fully exprefTed in King yohns Charter ; which afforda in thi3 Part, a lively Picture, df an antlent ;|)NGLISH Parliament* The Words are thefe, *' Et ad hafi ** bendum "Commune Concilium Regni, de Auxilio affideiido, m liter quam in tribus cafibus pre- diftls, vd de fcutagio aflidendd, fummoneri faciemus, Archid- pifcopos, Epifcopos Abbates, Comites, et Majores Baronesj fmgulatim per Letteras noftras, et ii *i vas made Three Hundred ^^le^ [ 21 ] Bfears? befdrfe the Difcoveryof'^-i -- fnerkuy andean ,be but ili'apply'd, , to afcertain the itelation in which ; His Majefly's Subjeds on that Con- tinent, ftand tQ the Sovereign JPower. , 3 . • I will now. '■ confider trhje r ' next * Point reliedvUpon,ioWhiQb jsyj/.Vthat , the Colonies, having a/zPowier to, make^Lawsj! within themfel^eSi . and jpieing in iFa-^pjaccuftomedrrtd raife:. Moriey for ithdr feveral.Pujpofes,: ^f e ;. difturbed m : the -En^aymient of tbWNRight, if rthey arer fubjed: tb: any bther Taxation. :. Itiisve^un-* 1iAfarrantai)le,itditififl-upofi^thePraG- ticeof railing Money. in^theiColo-^' nies I s^.-. t • > nies, under the King's Charters and Letters Patent, againft the Author rity of Parliament. Let me refer the Reader's At- tention back to the Claufe lately cited from Magna Charta; by which the King binds himfelf not to raife any Money on the Sub* Je6l, but with the Concurrence of the States of the Realm: let me refer him to the Qaufe, following next after that which has beeii quoted, whereby the King engageji not to authorize, even a Feudal Lord; to demand of his own Dependants more than the Feudal Aids ; he will then be able to judge, bow f^r, a v. ^ Pradice . .'"ll 1 [ ^3 ] Pra8] iff: i ml .,i »l '■^ 3iid one King. He might pdffibly add, that .all thefe Circunniftancei tv^ere not equally true with RefpecSb to Ireland, that the Irifli were of ti different Race, that they- were, ai- nother People, and of a different Kingdom ]:» "io ti:. f ':r?ff>3ioqm yt^v u It IS unneceiiary to obierve, how ^ery incdnilufive the ' Arguments d?awn froiii Analogy are generally found to be; to obferve the refem- Bfance without taKng Notice of tlie Diffe can tend but little to the Difcoxrery ^£ Truth ii'-''^*^» Xi.oCt J,-: i ^; '.\v\ As the Golonifts, fometimes ac- rence betwixt any t^ Thirig^ it Jl A s.\* •fl br knowledge n [ ='9 ] knowledge the Authority of Great Britain^ not only to make Laws in general to bind them, but to make Laws of Revenue and Taxation in America^ as far as Duties impofed on Imports and Exports extend; and infift at the fame Time, that th? Right extends no further. I wifti they had mentioned upon what Principles of Law or Go- vermnent, this Diftindion is found- ed; and whether the Diftindion - „ — . . .,^,, __.. .,„. .- .^.^ , ^ itfelf, is not cotemporary with the Impofition of the Stamp Duty, as it is exactly adapted to elude the Payment of it? The Objeftion here taken No- U iice 7 m ■ 'r t m ■'A i [ 30 J tice of, which recommends itfelf, by the Candour of admitting what itiJitef 1 ^^^ffedjl 'th6^ Oueftibii;; gives a Right, to afk thofe who make the Admiffion, and maintain the Objedion how they (eftablifli their ne plus ultra %i Sdvereigrl'PbMfeK* And how, they themfelves are fa- tisfyed, that the King and the States of the Realm, having a legal aAd welt fdt^nde'd ' Right, to ittakef Laws in general to govern Amerk^^ and to impofe Taxes on Imports and Exports, have no Right, to impofe Taxes in any other MaiV- nerr In "^ii 'io j/umva^ Arguments before' *a cSm- '^ mon :mOn Audience, a well-turn'd Phrafe yi;^/. pxpreffion is often of Weight, i5U3L$he Cur- rency of America ; and that from t;lie $rft eftabUAiing the firft Settle- X '\ .iJU;. ments. ♦ . ¥ ■:i '■it [ 36 ] ments, to the Year before laft^ the Sovereign and Parliamentary Authority of Great Britain^ has \^ptn uniformly acknowledged, and invariably acquiefced under in the Colonies ; One can't but conclude^ that it is not from new Lights, byt new Preju4ices tjhat the pre- feat Objedlions are ftarted, ' Since the Ceffion of Canada to Great Britain^ the Colonies are lefs expofed to the Danger of an E-~ nemy ; therefore when you talk of Proteftion, they airfwer, they have no need of AfTiftariCer When ybi alledge that Great Britain is fo da(^ly involved in Debt, that it is «i- * ' indifpenfabljr ik ■T 37 ] indifpenfably neceflary to exert e- very Endeavour, and to call for Afliftance from every Part of the Empire, in order to reftore Health and Vigour to the Sinews of Go- vernment : What Impreffion can you expedl to make on Men, who know their ovi^n Wants, but are entire Strangers to the Neceflities. of the Publick? ^^j; r) If no Tax is to be paid, till the People acknowledge the rea- fonablenefs of its being demanded, none will ever be paid at all. For this Reafon it is wifely provided by the Conftitution of England^ that the Neceffities of the State, are E to 111. ('' 111: m ■^' ''M 'fir, '■ Hi Hi ii 1 1 38] to be judged of, by the reprefen- tative Body of the People, net by the Individuals themfelves. The common People have neither Means to know, nor Capacity to judge of the Publick Wants. When Laws are enadled by the Crown, ia Conjun6ion with the States of the Realm, the lame Conftitution re- quires, obeyed. that fuchj Laws fliall be i c i ■ >i K 0^ An open, continued and avow- ed Refinance of the Law, is an open, continued, and aypwed Re- finance of the State. ; /ruk - ^ J^f; The eiiecutive Power is then >> - called ZM^mEuKtiU «kJ». fi [39] called upon, to enforce Obedience tb the Commands of the Legifla- ture. If the executive Power is too weak, to enforce Obedience to the Laws, without being afr lifted with an extraordinary Sup- ply : Or if the Laws themfelves require Alteration, it is then ne- ceffary, for the Grown to lay its Difficulties before the Reprefenta- tives of the People. But if no Supply was wanted, nor any Alter- ation of tiie Laws defirrd, it might then perhaps be injurious to the Gonftitution, and dangerous to the executive Power of the Grown, to make the Reprefentatives of the People the Gouncil of State. E z Inno- I I C 40 ] ^ Innovations Will infenfibly ob- trude themfclves : It is agreeable to thofe who prefide at the Helm, to have the Sanftion of the Pub- lick for the Meafures they adopt. This may introduce a Pradice^ of laying the Meafures intended by the Adminiftration, before the Re- prefentatives of the People. A few Inftances of the Practice, can- not fail to make the People, who arci always Judges where they are Parties conclude, they have a Right to be thus confulted. ? ' If it is once underftood, that the executive Power, is to wait for, and be guided by the Advice of the - People, t I t4'] People, they then diredl the ex- ecutive Power, or in other Words, become the executive Powder them- felves. It is well known, to be an Abfurdity in Government, for the executive Power to be in the Hands of the People; and the Reafon of it is obvious: They can't without the greateft Mif- chief, be informed of all the Se- crets of State. The Meafures in- tended, and the Meafures already taken, cannot be divulged by the Adminiftration, without Danger of being defeated ; and it is of no real Service to afk the Opinon of thofe, vi^hom the prudential Referves of Cautiori> do not permit to be fully informed k 1 1 [ 4a ] informed, and the Intricacies of political Knowledge render averfe to judge, of all the Difficult and perplexing Points that occur in Ci- vil Government. ifai;jid/^x fti; ■ tf',- '\ It is effential to the well being of a Great Empire, that it's political Meafures be '>oroughly digefted, and even regui^ted by Syftem, That it's Counfels be fecret, and it's Operations quick, of all which Things the People are incapable. It follows from hence, that a Great Empire is in iminent Danger, when the executive Power is exercifed by the People. "^ ■ii',U':it 3nJ i-:i<'-'.::-r F I N I S. y aajatnfi -rl^:..''-^^ m^wnv-^ -^' oT » /, ^0.; >!:: 0--O , a. ^ijofrr'i.i im mJl g-^" f~: ■v,..r •/' . I a 5! o a ^ I ' -, ■ ' ", '*■'•■ * 4 ^ * -. ■■■; *' >.1oo6l j'l-^'! pirY:' -, .*,. ra ).w:;; 4l nl -. /v^ ■■.^imflJ^flO'^O ..-jHi.,, I >^ C^:?:* f 4^ n'iU»0 ..^n :, ;lu^[/l-.4«^'^^' 'i \ ,Ci)ri^i