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LAIJOUK'S P0L1T[(AI. ECONOMY 
 
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 " ASSIICIVTION Kii|{ T[l E IMJOMOTION' IIF CAN \1)[AN" INIM'STIIY." 
 
 Toronto : 
 
 PIUN'TF.I' \T T!li: nl'I-IOHOr ••'IMIK n.VN'ADI AN' MKIM '!f A V1V NrVGA/JNR.- 
 
 1S58. 
 

 
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The fbllowing Eswy from the pea of Honce GwieUy, Esq., •xprosseg, as well iw ciin be eipresso d , 
 the prlncipliia adTooated by the " Association for tlie promotion ofCaiiadian Industry" lately ostablishod 
 i» this city. The design of this Association ii to encourage the growth of manufacturing enterprises 
 •mongst ua as the best means of securing permanent employment for all classes of our population, and 
 thereby improving not only the general trade of the country, but creating for the farmer a steady home 
 market not only for his wheat, but for those bulky and perishable articles which cannot be carried to 
 ft <iUtBnt market, and for the want of which in the present depressed condition of the grain market, 
 the farmers of Canada are now suffering so severely. The design of the Association Is neither to 
 increase taxation nor to fostenby protection any branch of trade lor which we have no natural faciUtiee 
 or advantages, but only by a discriminating tariff to place the mannfacturers of Canada In as good a 
 position as that of other countries with which we trade. In all articles of agriculture, for example, the 
 Canadian farmer Is placed on an equal footing with the Uolted States farmer, but not so the Canadian 
 mechanic. On all such manufactures as he could send to the United States, he is shut out by a 
 duty of from «4 to 30 per cei.t, while wc admit the manufactures of the United SUtes to a considerable 
 •xtent free qf duty, some at 5 per cent., and the great bulk of their manufactures at i5 per cent. 
 
 The result of such a policy has been to drive the mcchaaics out of the country, and thus lose U 
 Canada all the advantages arising from the expenditure of their earnings amongst us. 
 
 LABOUR'S POLITICAL ECONOMY. 
 
 THE TARIFF QUESTION. 
 
 BY HORACE GREELEY. 
 
 » • » 
 
 1. Direct and Indirect Taxation, 
 
 All Governments require Revenue — ours among the rest. Two modes of 
 raising Revenue are available— I. That of Direct Taxation; 2. That of 
 Indirect or Voluntary Taxation. The Federal Government has twice re- 
 sorted to Direct Taxation ; first under old John Adams in 1798-9, because 
 of the inadequacy of our Revenue from Imports, owing to our portentous 
 difficulties with France ; and again under Madison, when our Revenue from 
 Imports was ruined and our Expenditure quadrupled by the War of 1812. 
 In either case, though the necessity was urgent and undeniable, the Direct 
 Taxes were slowly and with difficulty collected at a heavy expense, and were 
 exceedingly unpopular. They contributed signally to the discontent which 
 effected the defeat of Adams and the overthrow of his party. They were 
 repealed as speedily as possible by Jefferson and his supporters, and again 
 under Madison at the first moment that they could be di->pensed with. Since 
 then (nearly forty years) no serious effort has been made to re-impose them. 
 Now and then a theorist has dilated on the superior equity of Direct to In- 
 direct Taxation ; and once or twice a proposal to re-impose the former has 
 been made in Congress ; but the mover always took good care to do it when 
 his party was a minority, and thus shielded from all respoosibility. When- 
 
 1 
 
2 The Tariff Question, 
 
 erer it recovered llie ascendancy, llie proposition to levy Direct Taxes came 
 up missing, and so remaimd. Jt may be considered practically settled, tliere- 
 fore, that the He venue needed to pay tlie debts and defray tlie current ex- 
 penses of the Federal Ciovernmenl will long continue to be raised by In- 
 direct 'I'axation, and mainly by Duties on lmj)ortSj no matter which party 
 may for the time be in power. Ko party is now committed to or earnestly 
 proposes any other mode ; and the plausible suggestion that Direct Tfixation, 
 because it bears more palpably on tlie community, would secuie greater 
 economy in the Public Expenditures, is confuted by the fact that the 
 revenues of our great cities, and especially of this city, though mainly raised 
 by Direct Taxation, are expended quite as fooli^hly and wastefully as those 
 of the Federal Government ever have been. 
 
 2. llie Question Stated. 
 
 And now the question arises — On what/)7ma};/c shall Duties on Import* 
 be abse>6ed ] Since nobody now proposes, or has ever seriously urged, a 
 uniform assessment of so much per cent, on the value of all articles imported 
 since even the present Tariff, framed by the avowed adversaries of Protec- 
 tion, levies one hundred per cent, on certain articles, and thence down to 
 thirty, twenty-live, twenty, lit teen, five, to nothing at all on others, what 
 rule shall govern the discriminations made? What end shall they look to ? 
 What shall determine whether Tea, for example, shall be placed in the clas» 
 of Free articles, or subjected to a duty of ten, twenty, or thirty per cent. ? 
 
 We who stand for Protection meet this question frankly and clearly. We 
 all agree in saying, " Impose higher rates of duty on those Foreign Products 
 ** which come in competition in our markets with the products of our Home 
 " Industry, with lower duties (or none at all, according to the varying wants 
 *' of the Treasury,) on those which do not thus compete with the products of 
 " our own Labor." 'I bus Tea and Coffee, now free, have been subjected to 
 duties for Revenue purely, in which case the proptir rate is the loivcst that 
 will afford the needed income. But to a different class of Imports, we would 
 apply a diffeient criterion. If it were demonstiated, for example, that a re- 
 duction of the duty on Shirts, Pantaloons, tfec, to Jive per cent., would in- 
 crease the aggiegate of llevenue therefrom by transferring to Europe almost 
 the entire manufacture of garments for American wear, we should strenuously 
 oppose suv-h reduction, on the ground of its inevitable Cii'tct in depriving our 
 own 1 ailors, Seamstresses, <fec , of Employment and Bread, We might urge, 
 indeed, that such change would prove disastrous in the long run, if regarded 
 merely as a llevenue measure, by depriving large classes of our people of the 
 ability to purchase and enjoy Foreign Products; but we should oppose it 
 because of its disastrous influence on the comfort, independence, and thrift 
 of those fellow-countrymen, apart from its tendency to divest them of ability 
 to contribute to the Revenue. In other words, we hold that the welfare of 
 the People and the lull employment and fair reward of their Labor are 
 matters of public concern, which no Government has any right to disregard. 
 And we hold that such rates of duty should be levied on Foreign Product* 
 which come in competition with one or another department of our National 
 
 a 
 
Hie TariJ)' Queatum. 
 
 3 
 
 Inilustry as shall suffice to preserve that department from overthrow anil de- 
 struct on by reason of the cheaper hnbor, riper experience, or more concen- 
 Irateii capital of its J'oreign rivals. And if it be still in its infancy, we hold 
 that such a duty should be inipo-ed on the Foreign product as will encourage 
 and secure the proper development of the American production. This is 
 the doctrine of Protection; the opposite, which insists that the (Jovernment, 
 in impo'insij duties, should consider only the wants of its own Treasury and 
 (he easiest means of supplying them, is known as Free Trade. 
 
 y 3. Limitations, 
 
 "But arc there no limitations to the policy of Protection ? Would you 
 " iiave our (rovornmeut undcTtake to foster the production of every article 
 *' we may need or want within our own boundaries 1" Certainly not. We 
 advocate the Home IVoduction of all articles, and such oidy, as can he j^ro- 
 duced on our oum soil with iis little L ihor as elsewhere — or, more 
 ^strictly, as would be required to produce them elsewhere, bring them to us, 
 and carry to a foreign market home produce wherewith to pay for them. 
 Coffee and Tea, for example, it is generally supposed, would not thrive and 
 produce on our soil as they will in China, .lava, and Brazil ; and, under this 
 presumption, no attempt has ever been made to foster their growtli here by 
 Protection. But Iron, Steel, Wool, Cloths, Hardware, &c., are known to 
 be produ ibie with as little labor in this country as anywhere else ; and we 
 therefore contend that they owfht to be produced here to the extent of the 
 Home demand for them respectively, and that a wise and beneficent Public 
 Policy would foster and promote such production. And though fifty days 
 work might be required, while American Inm-making was yet in its infancy, 
 to produce here ■•» ton of Iron which migl'jt be made by thirty days' labor in 
 England, it would still be wise and politic to protect and encourage the home 
 production of Iron, if it were evident, as it is, that this disparity was caused 
 solely by the lack of experience and concentration of means here, an! iheir 
 existence on the other side of the Atlantic. 
 
 4. Fog Dispelled. 
 
 To declaim again'st a " high Tariff," as the matter in dispute, is slippery 
 and ambiguou-*. The Taritf of 184'2 had no higher rate of duty than that 
 on Wines and Spirits in the I'ariff of 18+6. What we, who stand for Pro- 
 tection, demand, is simply that such rates be imposed as will secure a gradual 
 and certain npproximation toward the Home Production of whatever we need 
 where Nature has interposed no obstacle of soil or climate to such proJuction. 
 Cf those who now oppose Protection on Iron, for instance, as unnecessary, 
 will take hold and make at home, under the present duty, so much Iron as 
 the country r'-quires, we will cheerfully agree that no higher duty on Iron is 
 needed So of other products now imported. There are furnaces and fac- 
 tories in abundance for sale at less than their cost ; and the enemies of Pro- 
 tection have only to prove that they believe what they say when they affirm 
 
♦ The Tarif Questim. 
 
 thnt Protection is needlrss and Manufacturrs thrifty without it, by biiyinj; 
 these factories and furnaces, setting them at work, biiilding more if requ site, 
 and thus f*upplying the country with Metals. Wares, and l*'abrics anl we will 
 heartily ague with them, not, indeed, that Protection is intiinsically wrong, 
 but that our country has outgrown the need of it — as it some day must and 
 will outgrow it. There are many branches of Industry which now need far 
 lower duties to shi> Id tlicm from destruction than would h ive betn requisite 
 years ago; and some have, by the aid cf Protection, wholly outgrown the 
 nece-i-ity for Protection. If American Iron-making could ei joy adequate, 
 assured and thorough Pn'tection for ten years, wo believe it would thence 
 forth defy Foreign competition under a low Revenue duty. 
 
 5. Exports and Imports, 
 
 No greater fallacy can be imagined than that which measures the prosperity 
 or industry of a Nation by the extent or the increase of its Foreign Com- 
 merce. If our country were unable to grow (j'rain, it would inevitably export 
 and import far more than it does now, since it must produce and export 
 somct/iing wherewith to pay f-r its bread. So if it were now buying nearly 
 all its CI »ths, Wares, Hats, Boots, from Europe, as in its Colonial iniancy, it 
 would of course have moi e commerce and perhaps more shipping than at present. 
 If it were now sending all its Flour to Europe and buying thence its Bread, 
 its Foreign Commerce would be enormously greater than now, but at a ruin- 
 ous co>t and loss to the great body of its people. If our Grain crop were 
 utterly cut off for the present year, our Foreign Commerce would necessarily 
 be greatly extended, 'i'hose Nations and sections which show the largest 
 relative Exports and Imports have rarely been distinguished for the thrift, 
 independence and comfort of their people. 
 
 6. Tlie Balance of Trade, 
 
 Nobody has ever contended that the nal<ed fact that our Imports were 
 officially valued higher than our Exports proves our Foreign Tr.ule a losing 
 one. it is quite true tnat some articles which cost comparatively little may 
 be sold for a great deal — Ice, for exam; le. Yet it cannot be seriously 
 doubted that when our Imports under a system of Ad Valorem du ies which 
 impels importers to swear dwwn the value of their goods to the lowest possible 
 notch, exceed by thirty millions per annum the declared value of our Exports, 
 which are generally subject to specific d .ties or none in the ports to which 
 they are sent, there must be a balance agiin<t us in our dealinfijs with Europe. 
 
 Bui the fact that there is such a balance is put beyond doubt by the rates 
 of Exchange, the movement of Specie and Siocks, and the negotiation of 
 Loans. If we were paying Europe in our Products (including California 
 Geld) for the Goods we are buying of her, we should not be sending Stocks 
 to London for sale at tbe rate of millions per month, and sen ling agents 
 thither to negotiate the sale of Railroad Bonds, State Bonds, County or City 
 
r/tc Tariff Qurstim. 5 
 
 J^oqcIm, anil every possible manufacture of paper whicli implies payment with 
 inieioM by-aiid by for Foreign I'loducts eaten, drank, and worn out by our 
 people to-ilay. Tbo fact is «n<leniabl« that, as a people, we are running 
 rapidly and lit-avily in debt to Europe, and mortgaging the earnings of our 
 chil Ircn to pay it olV. And tlu; excuse that wo. aie building Hailioads, &c., 
 does not avail us. ICur^ pc is also building llailroads ; Great Hritain is 
 chequ red with tliem; but f-he does not owe their cost to tlie capitalists of 
 other countries, because ht'r pi opie pmduce more than they consume, sell 
 more than they buy, as ours do n't. We have Lab -r enough standing idle 
 from month to ui> nth and anxiously looking for enplovment to make all the 
 Iron, Cjjoth, VVarew, &c., for which we are ruiiiiin;^ giddily in debt to Foreign 
 Capitalists; yrt our Fiee Trade policy tends to keep that Labor idle, and 
 run uur country d' eper and deeper in debt for the Fabrics wo ought to pro- 
 duce. Can this be ri^hi ? 
 
 7. Trade and LaI>or — First Principles. 
 
 Th'> Political Economy of Trade is very simple and easy. Buy where you 
 can ch apest and sell where yoti can dearest, is its fundamental maxim ; the 
 who'e system radiat s from th s. " Take care of yourself and let others do 
 as they can," is its natural and necessary counterpart. Nay, this Economy 
 insists th it the best you can do for your neighbor and for mankind is to do 
 whatever your individual in ercst shall prompt Thtt I do not misunderstand 
 and may not be plausib'y accused of nisstating the scope of the Free Trade 
 doctrine, so far as it applies to die action of states and communities, I will 
 show by the folio \iiig extract from ♦* McCulloch's Principles of Political 
 Economy :" 
 
 " Admitting, however, that the total abolition of the prohibitive system 
 might, force a few thousand workmen to abandon their present occupations, it 
 is material to observe that equimlrnt new ones would, in consequence, be 
 open to receive them ; and that the total a^ia^regate demand for their 
 services would not he in atiy degree dir/tinished. Suppose that, under a 
 system of fee trade, we imported a part of the silks and linens we novr 
 manufacture at home ; it is quie clenr, inasmuch as neither the French nor 
 Germans wtuld send us their commodities gratis, that we should have to give 
 them an equal amount of British commodities in exchange ; so that such of 
 our artificers as had been engaged in the silk and linen manufnctures, and 
 were thro • n out of them, would, in future, obtain employment m the pro- 
 duction of the articles that must be exported as equivalents to the foreigner. 
 We may. by giving additional freedom to commerce, change the species of 
 labor in demand, but we cannot lessen its quantity,^^ 
 
 Here, in the essay of one of the ablest and most admired doctors of the 
 Free Trade school, you see tlie ground fairly marked out, and the consequences 
 of depressing and destroying a particular branch of Home Industry enunciated. 
 True, savs the doctor ; you throw many out of employment in that particular 
 branch, but you thereby inevitably create a conesponding demand for their 
 labor in some oiher capacity. The cotton-spinner, the wool-carder, the 
 
6 Tlie Tariff Qufxtion. 
 
 carpel-wenvtT, may no longer have work in llie vocations to wliich thcj vfcrt 
 bred nndin which they are >ki h>(i ; but then there will be so iniuh the nirxt^ 
 work in gi owing wheat, ) ieking cotton, or salting pork. I do not see tiie 
 advantage of the change to liabor even aHlrnied in this slafenitnt, though it 
 is not dilTicnlt to imagine that Trade may experience a fallacious and transit- 
 ory improvement. IJut, while the merchant iiiay just as easily (-hip or sell 
 one Jirticic .is another, the laborer cannot with lik(? facility change from 
 casting iron to growing corn, from W( aviiig br ail I th to chopping timber^ 
 and so on. To compel him to giv(^ up his accustomed employment and seek 
 some other is rjcnerally to doom him lo mon'hs <if unwilling idleness followed 
 by years of relatively inelTective toil. Ths overthrew nf an impTtant branch 
 of National Industry is therefore n serious ( alamity to a gnat i.or.ion of ^lio 
 Laboring Class— a blow which will be felt for years. 
 
 8. Cheap Goods imd Slarviiig Lcilx/rera. 
 
 lUit, thus far, T have conceded the main point assumed by M*Culloch and 
 his school, that the destruction of a branch of Home Industry by ihe influx 
 of rival Foreign fabrics is necessarily followed by a corresponoing extension 
 of somo other branch or branches, giving employment to an etpial an^ount 
 of labor, and rendering the depiession of Industry only temporary. That 
 this is a mistake, a few moments' retl ction will establish. It assumes that 
 the ci nsnmption of a given aiticle is not diminished by the transfer of its 
 production from the consumers' neighb rhood to a distant sh re, and that 
 wherever a community receives its supply of cloths or wares from abroad, it 
 necessarily follows that some staple or staples of erpial value will be taken 
 of it by the supplying nati.n in return, 'lo prove that the fact is not so, I 
 cjie the memorable instance of the Dacca x'-eavers of India, as stated in 
 Parliament by the distinguished Free Trader, Dr. Bowring: — 
 
 " I hold, Sir, in my hand, the correspondence which has taken place 
 between the (iovernor (leneral of India and the Kast India (Company, on 
 the subject of tho Dacca hand-loom weavers. It is a melancholy story of 
 misery so far as they are concerned, and as striking an evidence of the 
 wonderful progress of manufacturing industry in this c untry. iSome years 
 ago, the East India Company annually received of the produce of the looms 
 of India the amount of from six to eight millions of pieces of cotton goods. 
 The demand gradually fell to somewhat more than one million, and has now 
 nearly ceased altogether. In iSliO, the United iStates took Irom India 
 nearly eight hundred thousand pieces of cottons; in 1830, not four thousand. 
 In 1800, one million of pieces were shipped to Portugal ; in 1830, only 
 twenty thousand. Terrible are the account-* of the wretchedness of the 
 poor India weavers, reduced to abs lute starvation. And what was th* sole 
 cause? The presence of the cheaper Engish manufacture — tiie production 
 by the power-loom of the article which ih se unhappy ilinJo s had been 
 .used for ages to make by their unimproved and hand-directed shuttles. Sir, 
 it was impossible that they could go on weaving what no one would wear or 
 buy. Numbers of them died of hunger ; the remainder were, for the most 
 
TJic Tariff' Question. t 
 
 part, transferred to otlier occiipatinns, priiiripnily agriniltural. Not to liave 
 cnan^fed their traile was inevitable starvation. And at this moment, Sir, 
 that Dacca district is supp'ied wi h yarn and cotton cloth from the power- 
 looms of Kngland. The langu ige of the (Jovernor (Jeneral is: — 
 
 " ' iMiropean skill and machinery have superseded the proliice of Indii. 
 The court declar.', that they are at last ohjiired to abandon the ordy 
 remaining portion of the trade in cotton manufactures in both Ikngal and 
 Madras, because, throun;li the intervention of powcr-loims, (he liritish goods 
 have a decided advan'age in qu dity and price. Cotton piece-goods, for so 
 many ages the staple manufacture of India, seem thus forever lost. Tlie 
 Dacca muslins, celebrated over the whole world for their beauty and fineness, 
 are also annihilated, from the same cau««e. And the present suH'ering, 
 to num rous classes in India, is scarcely to be paralleled in the history of 
 commerce.' " 
 
 Here, you se^, are Mr, M'Culioch's conditions made ready to his hand. 
 1. I'he people of India were formerly supplied with cotton fabrics from the 
 hand looms of tiieir own Dacca weavers. 2. They are now supplied with 
 such fabrics much cheaper (that i>:, at lower money prices) from the power- 
 looms of England. 3. India being a dependency of (Ireat Rritain, the goods 
 of the latter enter the former substantially free of duty, and have completely 
 supplanted and ruined the native manufacture. 4. J3iit though this has now 
 existed some thirty yenrs or more, the supplanted Hindoo spinners and 
 weavers do nol (at least, tjjey certainly did not, and iheir CMse is not yet 
 materially im)iroved; find employm nt in new branches of industry created 
 or expanded to provide the means of payment for the IJritish fabrics 
 imp rted in lieu of their own. 5. I hat in consequence, 'Terrible are the 
 accounts of the wietchedness of the poor Indian weavers, reduced to the 
 verge of starvation.' [Ves, and many of them beyond if.] And 6. That 
 the evil was by no means confined to the weavers, but that the present 
 suffering of 'numerous clas-es' (those whom tlie Free Traders say Protec- 
 tion would tax for the benefit of the weaver) '* is scarcely to be paralleled 
 in the history of Commerce." 
 
 Here is the Free Traders' theory confronted by a Free Trader's 
 notorious and undeniabi ^ facts. Can anything: farther be needed to demon- 
 strate the fallacy of the former, so far as it assumes unre^^lricted cotupetition 
 to be favorable to the interest of Labor 1 
 
 9, A Grave Terror and its Causes. 
 
 Political Economy is amonij the latest born of the Sciences. Mainly 
 intent on the horrid game of War, with its various reverses and only less 
 ruinous successes, it is but yesterday that the rulers of the world discovered 
 that they had any duty to perform toward Industry, other than to interrupt 
 its processes by their insane contentions, to devas ate its fields, and ultimately 
 to consume its fruits. And, when the truth did penetrate their scarcely 
 pervious skulls, it came distorted and perverted by the resistance it had met. 
 
TTie Tarif Question. 
 
 )flucn( 
 
 that it had parted with all its rltality, 
 
 by selfish and sinister 
 
 and was blended with and hardly distinguishible from error. When it 
 began to be dimly discerned that Government had a legitimate duty to 
 perform towards Industry — ihat the latter might be cherished, improved, 
 extended by the action of the former — legislators at once jumped to the 
 conclusio that all possible legislation upon and interference with Industry 
 must h ■ beneficial. A Frederick the Great finds by experience that the 
 introduction of new arts and industrial proce^ses into his dominions increases 
 the activity, thrift, and prosperity of his People ; forthwith he rushes (as 
 Macaulay and the Free Trade economists represent him) into the prohibition 
 of everything but coin from abroad, and the production of everything at 
 home, without considering the diversities of soil and climate, or the practi- 
 cability of here prosecuting to advantage the business so summarily estab- 
 lished. The consequence is, of course, a mischievous diversion of Labor 
 from some useful and productive to profitless and unfruitful avocjitions. But 
 this is not the worst. Some monarch finds himself unable to minister 
 adequately to the extravagance of some new favorite or mistress ; so he 
 creates in her favor a Monopoly of the supply and sale of !Salt, Coffee, or 
 hatever else is not already monopolized, and styles it a " regulation of 
 rade," to prevent ruinous fluctuations, competitions, and excesses ! Thus 
 private ends are subserved under the pretence of public good, and the 
 comforts of the people abridged or withheld to pander to the vices and 
 sustain the lavish prodigality of princes and paramours. 
 
 From a contemplation of these abuses, pierced and uncovered by the 
 expanding intelligence of the Eighteenth Century, the Political Economy of 
 the Schools Wi<s evolved. In its origin a protest against existing abuses, it 
 shared the common lot of all re-actions, in passing impetuously to an extreme 
 the opposite of the error it went forth to combat. From a scrutiny and 
 criticism of the gross abuses of the power of Government over Industry, it 
 was impelled to the conclusion that no such power properly existed or could 
 be beneficially exercised. Thus the Science became, in the hands of the 
 latest j.iofessors of the ' enl ghtened' school, a simple and sweeping negation 
 — a demand for incessant and universal abolishing — a suicidal science, 
 denionstrating that to do nothing is the acme of governmental wisdom, and 
 King Log the profoundest and greatest of monarchs. 
 
 These conclusions would have staggered the founders of the school ; and 
 yet it is difficult to resist the evidence offered to show that they are 
 legitimately deduced by their disciples from the premises those founders 
 themselves have laid down. 
 
 10. Basis of Protection. 
 
 There are reasons for hoping that the reaction against a sinister and false 
 
 regulation of Industry has spent its force, and that the error which denied 
 
 that any regulation can be beneficent, equally with the fraud which has 
 
 cloaked schemes of personal aggrandisement under the pretence of guiding 
 
 Industry aright, will yet cease to exert a controlling influence over the 
 
The Tarif Question. * 
 
 affairs ot ^Nations. Experience, the great corrector of delusive t1 eories, 
 has long since settled this point, that any attem| t to grow Coftte in 
 Greenland, or dig Coal from the White Mountains, must prove abortive ; 
 that same Experience, it seems most obviou , has by tliis time eslabli-ohed 
 that it is wise, il is well, for each nation to draw from its own soil every 
 desirable and necessary product which that soil is as well calculated to 
 produce as any other, and to fjibricale within itself all at tides of utility or 
 comfort which it may ultimately produce as advantageously — that is, with 
 as little labor — as they can be steadily produced elsewhere. 'Jo do this 
 may require fostering legislation at first, to shield the infant branches of 
 Industry against the formidable competition of their adult and n uscu ar 
 rivals, wl ich would otherwise strangle them in the cradle ; it may require 
 efficient and steady Protection in after years, to counteract the etV' cts of 
 different standards o mnney values, and different rates of wages for Labor 
 — nay, of the disturbing rivalries and ruinous exces>es of mere foreign 
 competition, which often leads to underselling at the door of a rival 
 (especially if that rival be shut out from retaliation by duties on the other 
 side) when living prices are niaintained at home. A protected branch of 
 Industry — cloth-making, for instance — might thus overthrow an unprotecled 
 rival interest in another nation without selling its products at an average 
 price lower than that of the lat er. Having its own Home Market secured 
 to it, and unlimited power given it to disturb and deiange the markets 
 necessarily relied on by its rival, it wo Id ii.evitably cripple and destroy that 
 rival, as the mailed and practiced swordsman cuts down in the field of combat 
 the unarmed and defenceless adversary whom fate or fatuity has thrown 
 within his reach. 
 
 11. Protection and Prices. 
 
 Those who profess an inability to see how Protection can benefit the 
 producer if it does not raise the average price of his product, contradict not 
 noerely the dictates of a uniform experie:ice, hut the clearest deductions of 
 reason. The artisan who makes pianofortes, say at three hundred dol ars 
 each, having a capricious demand for some twenty or thirty per year, and 
 liable at any time to be thrown out of business by the importation of a cargo 
 of pianofortes — will he produce them cheaper tr dearer, thnk \ou. if the 
 foreign rivalry is cut off, and he is thence enabled to find a steady market for 
 some twelve instruments per month? Admit that his naiural tendency wil! be 
 to cling to the old price, and thereby secure larger profits — this will be spi edily 
 corrected by a home competi ion, which will increase until the profits are re- 
 duced to th' average profits of busnuss. It will not be in the puvser ot the 
 Home as it is of the Foreign rival interests to depress his u>ual prices wi hout 
 depiecsing their own — lo destroy hi> market yet preserve and even ( x end 
 theirs— to crush him by me.ms if cheap(^r labor than he can obtain. If 
 vanquished now, it will be because his capaci y is unequal to that ot his rivals 
 — not that circumstances inevitably predi t and piepare his o\erthi\-w. No 
 intelligent man can doubt that N> wspapers, for example, aie cheaper in this 
 country than they would be if Foreign journals could rival and supplant them 
 here as Foreign cloths may rival and suj)plant in our markets the correspond- 
 
10 
 
 The Tarif Question. 
 
 ing products of our own Country. The rule will very generally hold good, 
 that ihose articl'sof home production which cannot be rivalled by Importa- 
 tion are and will be relatively cheaper tlian those of a difterent character. 
 
 12. Theory and Practice. 
 
 An'l hcr<^ it may be well to speak more directly of the discrepancy between 
 Theory and Practice which is so often affirmed in connection with our gen- 
 eral subject. There are many who think the theory of Free Trade the cor- 
 rect, 0? at any rate the more plausible one, but who yet maintain, because 
 they know by experience, that it fails practically of securing the good it 
 pronii-es. ILnce they rush to the conclusion that a policy may be faultless 
 in th orv yet pernicious in pra'tice, than which no idea can be more erroneous 
 and perni ious. A good theory never y^'t failed to vindicate itself in practical 
 opi ration — never can fail to do so. A theory can only fail becau e it is 
 deflective, un-o<md — lacks some of the el ments; which should h ive entered 
 into its composition. In other words, the practical working is bad only 
 because the theory is no belter. 
 
 !i 
 
 13. Cheapness — Real and Nominal. 
 
 ii? 
 
 Let us consider, for illustration, the fundamei tal maxim of Free Trade, 
 " Buy wheie you can buy cheapest.^' This sounds well and looks plausible. 
 But let us hold it up to the light! What is " cheapest? '' Is it the small- 
 est n\m in coin? No — very far from it ; and here is where the theory gives 
 Wtay. We do not, as a nation, produce cuin — do not practicdiy pay in coin. 
 We pay for products in products, and the real question first to be resolved 
 is, VVhe ce can we obtain the desired fabrics for the smaller aguregate of 
 our products — from the Foreign or the Home manufacturer] Take VWiolen 
 Cloths, for instance : We require of thtin, say One Hundred Millions' worth 
 per annum. Now the point to be consi lered is not where we co ild buy 
 most cloths for One Hundred Million'^ in money, for that we have not to pay ; 
 but where our surplus produot of Pork, Ijumber, Dairy Produce, f^heep, 
 Wool, &c., &.C., will buy the lequind Clotli most advantageously. The 
 nominal or Money price paid for it may be hii.;hty Millions or One llundred 
 and Twenty Millions, and yet the larger sum be easier paid than the smaller. 
 — that is, with a smaller amount of our Produce. The relative Money 
 prices do not determine the real question of cheapness at all — they may 
 serve, if implicitly relied on, to blind us to the merits of that question. In 
 the absence of all regulatio?'., the relative Money price will of course deter- 
 mine whethor the cloths shall be imported or produced at home, but not 
 whetiier they sliould be. 
 
 But this is not all. Wo may obtain a desired product to day (and fitfully) 
 clh'aper broad, and yet pay more for it in the average than if we produced 
 it steadily at home, 'i he question of cheapntss is not determined by a single 
 transaction, but by many.* 
 
 •Madison's McRsiiges, I'rll-lS-lO. 
 
Tlie Tariff Question. 
 
 11 
 
 And again : We can not buy to advantage abroad tliat wliicb, being botigbt 
 abroad, leaves whole classes of our people to famish at home. For instance 
 suppose one hundred millions of garments are made by the won en of this 
 country yearly, at an average price of twenty-five cents each, and these could 
 be bought abroad for two-thirds of that sum : Would it be wise so to buy 
 them ? Free Trade asserts that it would— that all the labour so thrown out 
 of employment would be promptly absorbed in other find more productive 
 occupations. But sad exieiience, common sense, humanity, say Not so. 
 The tiuth is very different from this. The industry thus thrown out of lis 
 time-worn channels would find or wear others slowly and with great dilViculty ; 
 meantime the hapless makers, no longer enabled to support tiieinselves by 
 labor, must be supported in idleness. By indirect if not by public charily 
 they must somehow be subsisted ; and our citizens will have boui;ht their 
 garments some twenty per cent, lower from abroad, but will be compelled to 
 pay another price for thain in charities and poor-rates. ISuch is the effect of 
 "Buying where we can buy cheapest," in a ^ow, shortsighted, miserly 
 Free Tiade view of cheapness. 
 
 14<. SclJ-Interest — Public and Fnvatc. 
 
 But why, it is asked, should not a Nation purchase of others as freely as 
 individuals of the same nation are permitted to trade with each other ? 
 Fairly as this question would seem to be put, there is a fatal fallacy lurking 
 beneath its use nf the term *' nati n." A nation should always buy where 
 it can \\v\ tic \o\\% run) "buy cheapest,^' or most advantageously ; where that 
 may be is a question for the nation, through its legal organism, to decide. 
 The query mis akenly assumes that the immediate, Hpparent interest of each 
 individual purchaser is always identical with the interest of the community, 
 which common sense as wt II as experience refutes, 'i he lawyer or clergyman 
 in Illinois may obtain his coat of the desired quality cheaper (for less nionev) 
 I'rom Paris than it can be fabricated in Illinois, yet it by no means follows, 
 that it is (the interest of Illinois to purchase her coats or cloths from l^urope 
 — quite the contrary is the fact. Kay, it would be easy to show that the 
 real, permanent interest of the lawyer or clergyman himself — certainly of his 
 class— is subserved by legislation which encourages and protects the home 
 produ er of those articles, not only because they improve in quality and are 
 reduced in price under tuch a policy, but because the sources of his own 
 prospi-rity and income are expanded or dried up as the industry of his own 
 region is employed, its capacities developed, and its sphere of production 
 enlafK^ed and diversified. 
 
 15, The Plow and the Loom should be Neighbors, 
 
 Let us illustrate this truth more fully : The State of Illinois, for example, 
 is primal ily grain-gi owing, producing a surplus of five millions of bushels of 
 Wheat and Indian Corn annu.dly, worth in New York four millions of dollars, 
 and requiring in return ten millions of yards of Cloths of various kinds and 
 
 3. 
 
 1^ 
 
12 
 
 The Tariff Question. 
 
 qualities, costing in New York a like sum. In the absence of all legisl ition, 
 she purchases and consumes mainly English cloths, which can bo trfin*mitted 
 from Leeds to Chicago in a month, at a cost, including insurance and interest, 
 of not more than five per cpnt , and there undersell any Illinois fabricator of 
 cloths equ;il in quality and finish. Is it the real, permanent interest of Illinois 
 (disri^garding the apparent momentary interest of this or that class of persons 
 in Illinois,) to persist in Free Trade? or, on the other hand, to concur io 
 such legislation as will insure the production of her cloths mainly at home? 
 Here is opened the whole question between Free Trade and Protection. 
 
 The advocate of Free Trade insists that the solution of the problem lies 
 plain on the surface. The British broadcloth is offered in abundance for 
 three doliars per yard ; the American is charged twenty per cent higher, and 
 can not le afforded for three dollars. The true course is obvious — *' Buy 
 where you can buy cheapest." But the advocate of Protection answers that 
 the real, intrinsic cheapness is not determined by the market price of the rival 
 fabrics in coin — specie not being the chief staple of Illinois, nor produced 
 there at all — but where may the required Cloth he boui^ht with the S7nallest 
 ainount of her Grain? Is not this true? What avails it to Jllinois that 
 she may have Cloth from England twenty per cent, cheaper, if she is, by 
 purchasing her supply there, constrained to sell her Grain at half price or less? 
 Let us see, then, what is the inevitable fact : 
 
 That we can not buy, perpetually, without paying — that in paying for a 
 single article, we must regard, not how much the payment is called, but how 
 mnch it w, (that is, the amount of Products absorbed in payinjj for, or of the 
 Labor expended in producing it) — we assume to be obvious or sufficiently 
 demonstrated. Let us now consider what will be the inevitable cost to 
 Illinois — the real cost — of one million yards of broadcloths obtained from 
 England, as compared with the cost of tht^ same cloth produced at home. 
 
 The averrt^e value of Wheat throughout the world is not far from one 
 dollar per bushel, varying largely, of course, in different localities ; in the 
 heart of a grain-growing region, away from manufactures or navigation, it 
 must fall greatly below that standard ; in other districts, where consuinjition 
 considerably exceeds production, rendering a resort to importation necessary, 
 the price rises above the average standard. The price at a given point is 
 determined by its proximity to a market for its surplus or a surplus tor its 
 market. Great Britain does not produce as much as will feed her own 
 popul ttion ; hence her average price must be governed by the rate at 
 which she can supply her deficiency from abroad ; Illinois produces in 
 excess, and the price there must be governed by the rate at which she can 
 dispose of her surplus, including the cost of its transportation to an adequate 
 market. In other words (all regulation being thrown aside), the price which 
 England must pay must be the price at tha most convenient foreign marts of 
 adequate supply, adding the cost of transportation; while the grain of Illinois 
 will be worth to her its price in the ultimate market of its surplus, less the 
 cost of sending it there. 
 
 Now, the great grain-growing plains of Poland and Southern Russia, 
 »vith capabilities of production never yet half explored, even — with Labor 
 
 3 
 
 *3 
 
 i 
 
 
 I 
 
The Tariff Question. 
 
 13 
 
 cheaper than it ever can or should be in this country — are producing Wheat 
 in the interior at fifty cents a bushel or lower, so thai it is ordinarily obtained 
 at Dantzic on the Baltic for ninety cents per bushel, and at Odessa on the 
 Black Sea for eighty, very nearly. With a Free Trade in grjiin, Britain can 
 be abundantly supplied from Eumpe alone at a cost not exceeding one dollar 
 and ten cents per bushel ; with a competition from America, the average 
 price in her ports would more probably range from one dollar to one dollar 
 and six cents. What, then, is the prospect for Illinois, buying her cloths 
 from Great Britain, and compelled to sell sometvhcre her grain to pay for 
 them ? 
 
 That she could not sell elsewhere her surplus to such extent as would be 
 necessary, is obvious. The ability of the Eastern States to purchase the 
 produce of her fertile prairies depends on the activity and stalii ity of their 
 Manufactures — depends, in short, on the market for their manufactures in the 
 Great West. The markets to which we can resort, in the absence of the 
 English, are limited indeed. In point of fact, the rule will hold substantially 
 good, though trivial exceptions are presented, that in order to purchase 
 
 AND PAV FOR THE MANUFACTURES OF GrEAT BrITAIN, ] LLINOIS MUST 
 SELL TO THAT COUNTRY THE GREAT BULK OF HER SURPLUS OF AGRICUL- 
 TURAL Productions. 
 
 The rates at which she must sell this surplus, we have already seen ; the 
 cost of transporting it is easily computed. Seventy-five cents per bushel is 
 considerably below the average cost of transporting wheat froi i the prairies 
 of 111 nois to England ; but that may be assumed as a fair average for the 
 next ten years, in view of the improvements being made in the means of 
 transportation. There is then left to the Illinois farmer — to Illinois — thirty 
 cents per bushel asj the net proceeds of her surplus wheat, or one million five 
 hundred thousnud dollars for the five millions of bushels — purchasing, at three 
 dollars per yard, five hundred thousand yards of broadcloth. This would be 
 the net product under Free Trade. 
 
 Now the same inevitable law which depresses the price of wheat in Illinois 
 so far below that prevailing in England, so long as the one is wholly Agricul- 
 tural, the other predominantly Manuf;<cturing, will as surely raise the price in 
 Illinois so soon and so fast as a sufficient market for her surplus 
 IS BROUGHT NEARER TO HER DOORS. Let that surplus be arrested by an 
 adequate market in New England, and its price will rise to fifty cents a busliei ; 
 let the supply of her Manufactured products be drawn by Illinois frojn points 
 West of the Alleghenies, and it will rise to seventy-five cents ; and, when- 
 ever they are mainly produced on her own territory, the price will have ad- 
 vanced to one dollar per bushel. In other words, the net produce of her 
 grain to lllinios will be the average price throughout the world, less the cost of 
 transporting it to the point at which an adequate market for her surplus is 
 attained. I here may be casual and special exceptions, but this is the funda- 
 mental law. 
 
 Now it is evident that, though Illinois may buy her Cloths for fewer dol- 
 lars from lOngland, she can buy them with fewer hubheh of Grain from our 
 own Manufactories, and fewer still when the progress of improvement, under 
 
It 
 
 Tlie Tarif Question, 
 
 a steady and careful Protection to our Industry, shall have established most 
 branches of manufacture on her own soil. She may pay twenty five per cent 
 higher nominal prices for her fabrics, and yet obtain them at one-half the 
 actual cost at which she formerly obtained them from abroad. In other 
 words, by bringing the producers of Clotli from England to America, and 
 placing them side by side wilh the producers of Grain, she has eflocted an 
 enormous !Savinc. ok Labor — of that Labor, namely, which has before em- 
 ployed in transporting Grain and Cloth from continent to continent. One 
 hundred thousand grain-groweis and cloth-makers produce just as much now 
 as they did wilh four thousand miles of land and water between them, while 
 they no longer require the services of another hundred thous md persons as 
 boatmen, sailors, sliippers, forwarders, &c., to interchange their respective 
 products. Thes ' now become producers themselves. By thus diminishing 
 vastly the number of non producers and adding to that of producers, the ag- 
 gregate of production is immensely increased, increasing in like measure the 
 dividends of Capital and the rewards of Labor. 
 
 and 
 
 16. The Object of Protection. 
 
 Such is the process by which wise Protection increases the prosperity of a 
 country, quite apart from its effect in discouraging ruinous fluctuations and 
 competition, whereby thousands of producers are frequently thrown out of 
 employment, and thence out of bread. It is this multiplying and diversifying 
 of the departments of Home Industry, bringing the farmer, the artisan, the 
 manufacturer, into immediate contact with each other, and enabling them to 
 interchange their products without the intervention of several non-producers, 
 which is justly regarded as the great end of an enlightened and paternal 
 policy. To guard against the changes, fluctuations, depressions, which an 
 unbounded competition and rivalry are sure to induce, is also well worthy of 
 effort ; but the primary aim of Protection is to secure a reed ciieapness of 
 production and supply, instead of the n 'minal, indefinite, deceptive cheapness 
 whiAi Free Trade obtains by looking to the money price only of the staples 
 purchased. 
 
 17. T/ic Kccd of ProLectio7i. 
 
 — But why, it is asked, have we need of any legislation on tho subject, if 
 the Home Trade and Home Production be so much more beneficial than 
 Foreign ? The answer to this question is made obvious by the foregoing 
 illustrations. The individual farmer, lawyer, teacher, of Illinois might, 
 with Free Trade, obtain the Foreign fabrics cheaper than the Domestic, 
 escaping, or seeming to escape, the consequent reduction in the price of 
 Domestic staples which we have seen to be the result of a resort to distant 
 countries for the great bulk of desirable fabrics ; but the comtnunity could 
 not escape it. On the other hand, the individual might perceive clearly the 
 true policy to be pursued by all ; but how could he effect its adoption except 
 through the action of the Government % The Farmer, producing a thousand 
 
 age- 
 
The Tariff' Question. 
 
 15 
 
 bushels of (Jra'n, might see clearly that the <^eHcral encouragcint of Home 
 Maniitfictures would build up a Home JNIarket for Gr.iiii at a more adequate 
 price ; but Ins buying J)omes ic fabrics instt-ad of Foreign, while importaiion 
 remained unrestricted, and the majority purchased abroad, would answer no 
 purpose whate\ er. It would ordy condemn him to seil his products for a 
 atill smaller return than the meagre one which Free Trade vouchsafed him. 
 
 On this point it seems ol)vious that the inculcations of our leading Politica' 
 Economists must be revised — the solecisms wliich ihey embody have grown 
 too glaring and vital to be longer endured. The distinction between real 
 and merely nominal or money cheapness in marts of supply must be acknow- 
 ledged and respected, or the flagrant contrarieties of Fact and Theory will 
 imp^l the practical world to distrust and ultimately to discard the theory 
 and its authors. 
 
 IS. Laisscz Fuire — Let us Alone. 
 
 But not less mistaken and short-sighted than tlie First Commandment of 
 the Free Trade Decalogue — "Buy where you can cheapest" — is the kindred 
 precept, '• Laissez faire^' — " Let us alone." That those who are profliting, 
 amassing wealth and rolling in luxury, from the proceeds of some craft or 
 vocation gainful to theni but perilous and fraught with evil to the common 
 weal, should strive to lift this maxim from the mire of sellishness and heartless 
 inditi'ereiice to others' woes to the dignity of (Statesmanship, is not remaika- 
 ble; but that any one seriously claiming to think and labor for National or 
 Social well-being, should propound and defend it, this is as ama/ing as lament- 
 able. Regarded in the light of Morality, it can not stand a moment: it is 
 identical in spirit with the sullen insolence of Cain — 'Am I my brother's 
 keeper?' If it be, indeed, a sound maxim, and thti self-interest of each in- 
 dividual— himself being the judge — be necessarily identical with the common 
 interest, then it is difiicult to determine wiiy Governments should exist at all — • 
 why constraint should in any case be put on the action of any rational being. 
 But it needs n!)t that this doctrine of' Laissezjairc' should be traced to its 
 ultimate resuits, to show that it is inconsistent with any true idea of the inter- 
 ests of Society or the duties of Government. The Genius of the Nineteenth 
 Century— the expanding Benevolence and all-embracing Sympathy of our 
 age — emphatically repudiate and condemn it. Everywhere is man awaking 
 to a truer and and deeper regard for the welfare and worth of his brother. 
 Everywhere is it beginning to be felt that a bare op'portunity to live unmol- 
 ested if he can find and appropriate the means of subsistence — as some savages 
 are reported to cast their new-born children into the water, that they may 
 save alive the sturdy who can swim, and leave tho weak to perish— is 
 not all that the community owes to its feebler and less fortunate members. 
 It can not have needed the horrible deductions of Malthus, who, admiringly 
 following out the doctrine of ^ Laissez faire^ to its natural result, declares 
 that the earth can not afford an adequate subsistence to all human oflspring, 
 and that those who can not find food without the aid of the community 
 should be left to starve ! — to convince this generation of the radical un- 
 soundness of the premises from which such revolting conclusions can be drawn. 
 
16 
 
 Tlie Tariff Question. 
 
 Our standnrd Political Economists may theorixe in tliis direction as dopfinat* 
 ically as they will, modestly pronouncing their own views liberal and enlight- 
 enetl, and all others narrow and absurd ; but though they appear to win the 
 sulTrages of the subtle Intellect, the great Heart of Humanity refuses to be 
 thus guided — nay, in:-ists on im|>elling the entire social machinery in an exactly 
 opposite direction. 'Ihe wide and wider diffusion of a public provision for 
 General Education and for the support of the de-titute Poor — inefiicient as 
 each may thus far have been ; is of itself a striking mstance of the triumph 
 of a more benignant principle over that of* L'lisscz faireJ* The enquires, so 
 vigorously and beneficently prosecuted in our day, into the Moral and Physi- 
 cal, Intellectual and Social condition of the depressed Laboring Classes, of 
 Great Britain especially— of her Factory Operatives, Colliers, Miners, Silk- 
 Weavers, &c.,&c., and i...e beneficei.t results which have followed thera, 
 abundantly prove that, for Ciovernments no less than Communities, any 
 con istent following of the ' Let us alone' principle, is not merely a criminal 
 dereliction from duty— it is henceforth utterly impossible. Governments 
 must be impelled by a profound and wakeful regard for the common interests 
 of the People over whom they exercise authority, or they will not be tolerated. 
 It is not enough that ihey repress violence and outrage as speedily as they 
 can; this aftoids no real security, even to those exposed to wrong-doing: 
 tbey must search out the causes of evil, the influences which impel to its 
 per()ctralion, and labor zealously to etiiect theii' removal. They might re- 
 enact ihe bloody code of Draco, and cover the whole land with fruitful gib- 
 bets, yet, vviih a people destitute of Morality and Bread — nay, destitute of 
 the former alone— they could not prevent the iteration of every crime which 
 a depraved imagination might suggest. That theory of Government which 
 affirms the power to puni.-h, yet in efFi'ct denies ihe right to prevent evil, will 
 be found as defective in its Economical inculcations as in its relations to the 
 Moral and lutolkctual wants of Mankind. 
 
 19. Tfie Right of Labor, 
 
 The great principle that the Labourer has a Ri.;ht of Property in that which 
 constitutes his only means of subsistence, is one which can not be too broadly 
 attirmed nor too earnestly insisted on. ' A man's trade is his estate ; ' and 
 with what justice shall one-fourth of the community be deprived of their 
 means of subsistence in order that the larger number nvay fare a little more 
 advantageously? 'J he cavil at the abuse of this principle to obstruct the 
 adoption of all labor-saving machinery, etc., does not touch the vitality of the 
 principle itself. All Property, in a just constituted state, is held subject to 
 the right of Eminent Domain residing in the State itself; — when the public 
 good requires that it should be taken for public uses, the individual right must 
 give way. But suppose it were practicable to introduce to-morrow the pro- 
 ducts of foreign needle work, for instance, at such prices as to supplant 
 utterly garments made by our own countrywomen, and thereby depiive 
 them entirely of this resource for a livelihood — would it be morally right to 
 do this ! Admit that the direct cost of the fabrics required would be coo- 
 
The Tariff Question* 
 
 17 
 
 dopfinat- 
 enligbt- 
 win the 
 ics to be 
 1 exactly 
 ision for 
 ficient as 
 ; triumph 
 ]uiies, so 
 jtl Pbysi- 
 ;iasses, of 
 ers, Silk- 
 red them, 
 ities, any 
 \ criminal 
 rernments 
 I interests 
 toleratetl. 
 y as tbey 
 ig-doing : 
 pel to its 
 might ro- 
 ll tlul gib- 
 estitute of 
 me which 
 ent which 
 , evil, will 
 ins to the 
 
 siderably less, should we be justified in reducing a numerous and worthy 
 class, already someagerly rewarded, to absolute wretchedness and pauperism ; 
 It does not seem that an affirmative answer can deliberately proceed from any 
 
 1 
 
 that which 
 )o broadly 
 ate ; ' and 
 of their 
 ittle more 
 struct the 
 ty of the 
 object to 
 the public 
 right must 
 the pro- 
 supplant 
 depiive 
 y right to 
 d be coo- 
 
 generous heart." 
 
 20. Loss of Employment not Compensated. 
 
 I am not forgetting that Free Trade asserts that the necesspry conse- 
 quence of such rejecti )n of the Domestic in favor of a cheaper Foreign pro- 
 duction would be to benefit our whole People, the displaced workwomen includ- 
 ed! — that these would, by inevitable consequence, be absorbed in other and 
 more productive employments. I am only remembering that facts, bold as 
 the Andes and numerous as forest leaves, confront and refute this assumption. 
 To say nothing of the many instances in our own countl•y^s experience, where 
 the throwing out of employment of a whole class of our citizens, owing to the 
 overwhelming influx of Foreign fabrics rivaling theirs, has been followed, not 
 by an increase but a diminished demand and reward for Labor in other avoca- 
 tions, I need but refer to the notorious instance already cited — that of the 
 destruction of the Hand-Loom Manufactures of India through the introduc- 
 tion of the cheaper product of the English power-looms. Not only were 
 the Hand-Loom Weavers themselves reduced to beggary and starvation by 
 the change — no demand whatever for labor arising to take place of that 
 which had been destroyed — but other classes were inevitably involved in 
 their calamity, while none in India realized any perceptible benefit unless it 
 were a very few ' merchant princes,' who fed and fattened on the misery 
 and starvation of the millions of their doomed countrymen. 
 
 2L Political Action Indispensable. 
 
 And here, as everywhere, it is observable that no individual action could 
 have arrested the mighty evil. If every person intelligent enough to perceive 
 the consequences of encouraging the Foreign instead of the Domestic fab- 
 tic, had early and resolutely resolved never to use any but the latter, and had 
 scrupulously persevered in the course so resolved on, what would it have 
 eft'ected ? Nothing. It would hf.ve been but a drop in the bucket. But 
 an independent Government of India, with intelligence to understand and 
 virtue to discharge its duties to the people under its protecting care, would 
 have promptly met the Foreign fabric with an import duty sufficient to pre- 
 vent its general introduction, at the same time promptmg, if needful, and 
 lendinw every aid to the exertions of its own manufacturers to imitate the 
 labor-saving machinery and processes by which the foreigner was enabled to 
 undersell the home-producer of cotton fabrics on the very soil t<) which the 
 cotton-plant was indigenous, and fiom which the fibre was gathered for the 
 English market. Such a Government would have perceived that, in the very 
 nature of things, it could not be permanently advantageous to the great 
 Working mass of either people that the Cotton should be collected aud trans- 
 
18 
 
 The Tariff Question. 
 
 ported from the plains of India, about twice the diameter of the Globe, to 
 England, there fabricated into cloths, and thence, at some two years' end, 
 be found ditVused again over thoMe very plains of India, to clothe its oiiginal 
 producers. Obviously, here is an enormous waste of time and labor, to no end 
 of general beneficence — a waste which would be avoided by planting and fos- 
 tering to perfection the manufacture of the Cotton on the soil where it grew 
 and among the People who produced and must consume it. This policy 
 would be prosecuted in no spirit of envy or hostility to the English manu- 
 facture — very far from it — but in perfect conformity to the dictates of uni- 
 versal as well as national well-being. The cost of these two immense voy- 
 ages, and the commercial complications which they involve, though falling 
 unequally on the Agricultural and manufacturing community respectively, yet 
 fall in some measure on the latter as well as the former ; they inevitably 
 diminish the intrinsic reward of labor on either side, and increase the mis- 
 chances which afl'ect the steadiness of demand for that labor and intercept 
 that reward. Protection, as we have seen in considering the argument of 
 cheapness, must increase the actual reward of both classes of producers, by 
 diminishing the number of nun-producers and the amount of their substrac- 
 tion, as such, from the aggregate produced. Yet this is the policy stigma- 
 tized by the self-styled and enlightened Political Economists as narrow and 
 partial ! — as looking only to local and regardless of general good ! 
 
 22. Moral Lijluences of .Protection. 
 
 The moral effects of Protection, as resulting in a more intimate relation 
 and a more symmetrical proportion between the various departments of In- 
 dustry, cannot be too strongly insisted on. Capital, under the present sys- 
 tem of Society, has a natural tendency to centralization ; and the manufac- 
 ture of all light and costly fabrics, especially if their cheap fabrication in- 
 volves the employment of considerable capital, is subject to a similar law. 
 With universal Free Trade, those countries which are now foremost in man- 
 ufactures, especially if they at the same time possess (as is the case) a prepon- 
 derance in Capital also, will retain and extend that ascendancy for an indetinite 
 period. They will seem to afford the finer fabrics cheaper than they can be 
 elsewhere produced ; they will at any rate crush with ease all daring at- 
 tempts to rival them in the production. That this seeming cheapness will be 
 wholly deceptive, we have already seen, but that is not to our present pur- 
 pose. The tendency of Free Trade is to confine Agriculture and Manu- 
 fectures to different spheres ; to make of one country or section, a Cotton 
 plantation ; of another a Wheat field ; of a third a vast Sugar estate ; of a 
 fourth an immense Manufactory, &c., &c. One inevitable effect of this is 
 to render the laborer more dependent on the capitalist or employer, than he 
 otherwise would be ; to make the subsistence of whole classes depend on the 
 caprices of trade — the endurance of Foreign prosperity and the steadiness 
 of foreign tastes. The number of hirelings must be vastly greater under 
 this policy, than that which brings the farmer and manufacturer, the artisan., 
 into immediate vicinage and daily contact with each other, and enables them 
 lo interchange their product* in good part without invoking the agency of any 
 
The Tarif Queatmt. 
 
 19 
 
 IS 
 
 i 
 
 third party, and generally without being taxed on wliatevcr they consume, to 
 defray the expense of vast transportation and of the inlinite complications of 
 trade. A country or extensive district whose product is mainly exported, 
 can rarely or never boast a substantial, intelligent and virtuous Yeomanry : 
 the condition of the laborer is too precarious and dependent— his aver«ge 
 reward too meager. It may have wealthy capitalists and Merchants, but 
 never a numerous middle class, nor a flourishing, increasing proportion of 
 small but independent proprietors. 'J'he fluctuations of hupply and demand 
 soon reduce all but the few to the dead level of indigence and a precarious 
 dependence on wagesjfor a subsistence, unless prevented by absolute and uu- 
 disguisedslavery. 
 
 23. Its Intellectual Bearings, 
 
 But not alone in its influence on the pecuniary condition and physical 
 comfort of the nnaiS is the state of things produced by Free Trade conducive 
 to their Sjcial degradation. The external influences by which they are visi- 
 bly surrounded are likewise advei-se to their Intellectual development and 
 Mor-al culture. The Industry of a People is, to a far greater extent than 
 has been imagined, an integral and important pa; t of its Education. The 
 child whose inlancy isspent amidst the activity of a diversified Industry, who 
 sees the various processes of Agriculture, Manufactures, Arts, in progress all 
 around him, will be drawn out to a clearer and l»rger maturity of intellect — 
 u greater fullness of being — will be more certain to discover and adopt his 
 own proper function in life — his sphere of highest possible usefulness — than 
 one whose early years are passed in familiarity with the narrower range of 
 exertion which any one branch of industry can aflord. Foreign as this con- 
 sideration may be to the usual range of Economic Science, it is too vitally 
 important to be disregarded. 
 
 24'. Cajiital: Labour^ and Wages, 
 
 I can not assent to the vital proposition, so generally assumed as self-evi- 
 dent by the Free-Trade Economists, that the ability to give employment to 
 Labour is always in proportion to the amount of Capital, and that the increase 
 of Capital as compared with Population necessarily leads to an increase of 
 Wages. I will not deny that such ought to be the result in a perfect state 
 of Society ; that it is the result is plainly contradicted by glai-ing facts. The 
 French Kevolutiorj diminished greatly the aggregate of Property in France 
 }\s compared with its Population, yet the average rewards of Labour were en- 
 hanced thereby. The amount of Capital as compared to Population is less 
 in America than England, yet the rewards of Labour are here higher. On 
 the contrary, there ai'e many instances where tiie Wealth of a People has in- 
 creased, yet the conditions and rewards of its Labourers, with the demand for 
 Labour, have receded. Political Economy has yet to take to itself a broader 
 held than that of di-jcoveriug the means whereby the aggregate Wealth of a 
 nation may be increased; it must consider also how its Labour may be most 
 fully and equally rewarded, and by what means the largest proportion of the 
 aggiegate increase of wealth and comforts may be secured to those who have 
 produced them* 
 
s» 
 
 37ie Tariff' Question. 
 25. Conclusion, 
 
 ! t 
 
 I am not unaware tbat at present tho current of opinion on tliU subject 
 netn, or seems to set, aj^aiast me — that tlio doml full all float that way. I 
 realize that the great majority of Authors and Professors who treat of the 
 Polidcal Economy nro Free Traders — that their writings are admired and 
 commended as liberal^ beneficent, and of immutable soundness, while ours of 
 the contrary {)art are derided as narrow, partial, and impelled by a transient 
 or selfish ex[)ediency. 1 perceive that the paramount tendency of our time is 
 toward Adventure and Speculation — that the great mass of the educated and 
 Intellectual are making haste to l)0 rich, and generally by buying and selling 
 other men's labour or its fruits rather tiian by labouring assiduously themselves. 
 Commerce and Importation amass fortunes, and enrich the great journals 
 with lucrative advertising, and found professorships, and fashion the public 
 sentiment of the comfortable class with regard to Labour, its position an 1 re- 
 quirements. I see that the very progress hitherto made in the Useful Arts 
 under the shelter of the Protective Duties, the progress still making by virtue 
 of the impulse thus given, may render the existence of decided and stringent 
 Protection less vitally, obviously necessary than it was in the infancy of our 
 Country and her Industry. Yet I see, too, that we who stand for Protection 
 read, study, and endeavour to underatand both sides of the question — are 
 familiar with our adversaiies' arguments, have considered them, and think we 
 see why and wherein they are mistaken and inconclusive, while they uabitually 
 treat our arguments with studied contempt or with a radical misconception 
 which argues gross ignorance or inattention. 1 can not doubt that this coun- 
 try is now losing many millions per annum for want of a more efficient and 
 systematic Protection of its Industry, though some articles are really, others 
 partially protected by it, and that our Labour is receiving in the average at 
 least one-eighth less than it would be under a thoroughly Protective Tariff", 
 while hundreds of thousands stand idle and earn nothing whom that Tarift* 
 would amply employ and adequately reward. So believing, I can not but 
 hope that time, and discussion, and contemplation, and the cooling down of 
 party asperities, and the progress of events, will work a silent but thorough 
 revolution in our National Councils, and that the adequate and comprehensive 
 Protection of Industry will again he regarded by legislators and peopb as 
 among the most urgent, essential, and beneficent duties of the Federal 
 GoTcrnment. 
 
 
 I 
 
 
REPORT 
 
 OF THB 
 
 whk P^ing d i%te 
 
 FROM VARIOUS PARTS OF CANADA, HELD IN THE 
 
 ST. LAWRENCE HALL, TORONTO, 
 
 On ilieimk^, ihc Wk of apHl, 1858. 
 
 AND 
 
 PROCEEDINGS OF THE "ASSOCIATION 
 
 FOR THE 
 
 PROMOTION OF CANADIAN INDUSTRY." 
 
Tl 
 
 mer 
 
 tot 
 
 ada 
 
 the 
 
 Mai; 
 
 Mee 
 
 tee 
 
 Mee 
 
 estei 
 
 In a 
 
 plac 
 
 Befo 
 
 tivel 
 
 cessi 
 
 Circi 
 
 inal 
 
 a scs 
 
 gene 
 
 Ai 
 
 Raih 
 
 ioroi 
 
 irom 
 
 ralM 
 
 at tin 
 
 wher< 
 
 treal 
 
 class] 
 
 ports 
 
RESOLUTIONS, 
 
 PETITION, AND CLASSIFICATION OF ARTICLES FOR' DU- 
 TIES, ADOPTED AT A PUBLIC MEETING OF DELEGATES 
 CONVENED IN TORONTO, THE 14th OF APRIL, 1858, 
 TO CONSIDER THE NECESSITY OF RE-ADJUST- 
 ING THE PRESENT CUSTOMS' TARIFF. 
 
 The present movement in favour of such a re- adjust- 
 ment of the Tarift' as will afford greater encouragement 
 to Home manufactures, was inaugurated in Upper Can- 
 ada at a numerous meeting of gentlemen favourable to 
 the object, held at the Rooms of the Board of Arts and 
 Manufactures, in Toronto, on the 24th ult. At that 
 Meeting, resolutions were passed appointing a Commit- 
 tee to make the necessary arrangement for a Greneral 
 Meeting of Merchants, Manufacturers and others inter- 
 ested, to be held in Toronto, on the 14th of April, inst. 
 In accordance with these resolutions, the Committee 
 placed themselves in communication with the Tariff 
 Reform Association of Montreal, which has been ac- 
 tively engaged for the last two years in urging the ne- 
 cessity of carrying out the changes here proposed. 
 Circulars were also sent to the principal Manufacturers 
 in all parts of Canada, inviting their co-operation, and 
 a scale of duties submitted for their consideration at the 
 general meeting. 
 
 Arrangements were made with the Grand Trunk 
 Railway to convey delegates to and from the meeting, 
 for one fare, with the view of insuring a large attendance 
 from distant parts of the country. Previous to the Gene- 
 ral Meeting, a preliminary meeting of Delegates was held 
 at the Rooms of the Board of Arts and Manufactures, 
 where the schedules of duties recommended by the Mon- 
 treal and Toronto Committees, were discussed, and the 
 classification of articles embodied in the following Re- 
 port agreed upon, to be submitted to the meeting 
 
■K 
 
 The General Meeting was largely attended by gen- 
 tlemen from all parts of the country. Among those 
 present, were Messrs. I. Buchanan, M.P.P. ; W. B. Jar- 
 vis, Toronto ; W. Rodden, Montreal ; E. Atwater, Mon- 
 treal ; J. L. Mathewson, Montreal ; M. Anderson, Lon- 
 don ; D. C. Gunn, Hamilton ; J. Cummings, Hamilton ; 
 D. Smart, Port Hope ; D. Crawford, Toronto ; T. Brun- 
 skill, Toronto; J. M. Williams, Hamilton; W. F. Har- 
 ris, Montreal ; G. Sheppard, Toronto ; D. McLeod, Port 
 Hope; R. Hay, Toronto; T. F. Miller, Montreal; R. 
 McKinnon, Caledonia; B. Clark, Hamilton; Rice Lewis, 
 Toronto ; J. Buntin, Toronto ; C. Brown, Montreal; 
 J. G. Bowes, Toronto ; G. P. M. Ball, Louth ; J. Helms, 
 Jun., Pt. Hope ; D. F. Jones, Gananoque ; John Shaw, 
 Kingston ; W. Barber, Georgetown ; J. Hilton, Montreal; 
 J. Gartshore, Dundas ; A. McNaughten, Newcastle ; C. 
 Brent, Port Hope ; J. E. Pell, Toronto ; C. Garth, Mon- 
 treal ; W. Parky n, Montreal ; C. W. Bangs, Ottawa ; 
 Jas. Hickie, Kingston ; R. B. Colton, Brockville ; R. 
 Colman, Lyn ; Jas. Crombie, Gait ; A. Drummond, 
 Belleville ; J. Keeler, Colborne ; A. Buntin, Montreal ; 
 John Rankin, Dundas ; G. Townor, Merrickville ; H. 
 O. Burritt, Ottawa ; C. O. Benedict, Niagara ; J. C. 
 Pennock, Colborne ; R. Patterson, Belleville ; M. Bow- 
 ell, Belleville; James Brown, Belleville; R. Feather- 
 stone, Kingston; W. Weir, Toronto; B. Lyman, Montreal. 
 
 C. Rogers, Port Hope ; H. Crae, Port Hope ; S. Pel- 
 lar, Oshawa ; J. Jessup, Oshawa ; J. Fewster, Oshawa; 
 W. H. Orr, Oshawa ; John Treleven, Oshawa ; H. A.. 
 Massay, Newcastle, &c. &c. &c. 
 
 Mr. W. B. Jarvis was called to the Chair, and Mr. 
 W. Weir appointed to act as Secretary. 
 
 The Chairman explained the objects of the Meeting 
 after which the following resolutions were put and 
 carried. 
 
 Moved by Mr. Isaac Buchanan, M.P.P., seconded by 
 Mr. E. Atwater, of Montreal, 
 
 Resolved, That this meeting, composed of merchants, 
 manufacturers, and other friends of Canadian industry, 
 
 
by gen- 
 g those 
 
 B. Jar- 
 r, Mon- 
 n, Lon- 
 milton ; 
 '. Bmn- 
 F. Har- 
 od, Port 
 real; R. 
 J Lewis, 
 ontreal; 
 
 Helms, 
 ti Shaw, 
 [ontreal; 
 .stle; C. 
 h, Mon- 
 3ttawa ; 
 rille ; R. 
 mmond, 
 ontreal ; 
 ille ; H. 
 
 3. ; J< y^t 
 
 VI. Bow- 
 
 Feather- 
 [ontreal. 
 
 S. Pel- 
 )shawa; 
 
 H. A. 
 
 and Mr. 
 
 Meeting 
 Kit and 
 
 nded by 
 
 rchants, 
 ndustry, 
 
 ) 
 
 s 
 
 from all parts of the Province, whilst acknowledging 
 the advantages bestowed on the inhabitants of Canada, 
 through the enlightened policy adopted by Her Majesty's 
 Government and Parliament, permitting Her Majesty's 
 subjects in this portion of the British Dominions to deal 
 with every matter touching their material welfare, can- 
 not shut their eyes to the fact that Canadian legislation 
 hitherto, has failed to lay any solid foundation for per- 
 manent prosperity in the country. 
 
 Moved by Mr. Thomas Brun skill, seconded by Mr. G. 
 P. M. Ball , of Louth, 
 
 Mesolvedf That in the opinion of this meeting, the 
 prevailing depression of the trade of the Province is 
 greatly owing to the present tariff being based on 
 erroneous principles, admitting as it does, at low rates 
 of duty, the manufactures of other countries, that 
 can be made by a class of labor now in Canada, 
 unfitted for agricultural pursuits, and charging high 
 rates on articles that cannot be produced in the country, 
 thereby preventing the development of the natural re- 
 sources of the colony, as well as injuring Canada as 
 a field for Immigration. 
 
 Moved by Mr. W. Rodden, of Montreal, seconded by 
 Mr. D. C. Gunn, of Hamilton, 
 
 Resolved, That in the opinion of this Meeting, 
 if the Tariff now in force were re-adjusted, and the 
 accompanying Postulates adopted as the principles 
 upon which a scale of duties should be arranged, 
 every class of the community would be materially 
 benefitted by the change, without any reduction in the 
 Revenue arising therefrom ; whilst its immediate eflfects 
 would be to dissipate the despondency perceptible in 
 every quarter, create a feeling of encouragement to 
 Capitalists on the spot ; draw the attention of foreigners 
 to our magnificent resources for Manufacturing, and to 
 the certain improved demand for all kinds of goods 
 
6 
 
 made within our boundaries ; cause a spirit of enterprise 
 to spring up among our Artizans, and give fresh vigor 
 to our Agricultural and Laboring populations, besides 
 instilling additional confidence into the minds of those 
 holding and seeking after our Public Securities — the 
 List of Articles and Duties herewith submitted, being 
 intended as a guide to the General Committee, to be 
 appointed for carrying out the objects of this Meeting. 
 
 POSTULATES. 
 
 1. All raw material upon which there is but a small amount of labour 
 expended prior to its importation, and leaving the larger proportion of labour 
 to be performed in Canada, it is considered should be admitted free, or at 
 a duty not to exceed 2h per cent. 
 
 2. All articles entering largely into cot)s\fmption in this country, and 
 which Canada cannot produce, such as Tea, Coffee, Sugar, Molasses, &c., 
 should not be charged with a high rate of duty, but should be admitted free, 
 or at the lowest possible rate consistent with the requirements of the Kev- 
 enue. 
 
 3. Merchandize in the Dry Goods, Hardware and Crockery Trades, 
 being articles of luxury or for use, and not likely for some time to be 
 manufactured in this country, and of which some are used to form parts of the 
 goods and wares manufactured in Canada, should be chargeable with a 
 medium rate of duty of about 15 per cent, as at present, or not to exceed 
 20 per cent, but at the rate of about 10 per cent below what may be charg- 
 ed on articles coming directly into competition with our own manufactured 
 productions. 
 
 4. All manufactures in Wood, Iron, Tin, Brass, Copper, Leather, 
 India Rubber, &c., competing with our industrial products, as more fully 
 specified in the proposed list of articles and duties, now i^ubmitted and adopt- 
 ed, should be charged a duty of about 25 per cent, excepting : — 
 
 * Books, Drawings, &c., which should be charged with a duty of 10 to 
 15 per cent. 
 
 Cottons and Woolens, Cordage, Lines, and Twines, 20 per cent. 
 
 Clothing and Wearing Apparel, 30 per cent. 
 
 Moved by Mr. D. Smart, of Port Hope, seconded by Mr. 
 John Shaw, of Kingston, 
 
 Resolved, That the above Resolutions be embodied 
 
 i 
 
 • The Executive Committee has received a memorial against the proposed datt on 
 Bootu, &')., wbieh will be carefuUy coBsidered. 
 
erpnse 
 I vigor 
 jesides 
 f those 
 s — the 
 r being 
 ;, t4) be 
 ting. 
 
 of labour 
 
 of labour 
 
 ree, or at 
 
 mtry, and 
 
 it ted free, 
 the Rev- 
 
 j Trades, 
 me to be 
 jrts of the 
 witb a 
 to exceed 
 )e charg- 
 lufactured 
 
 Leather, 
 lore fully 
 nd adopt- 
 
 y of 10 to 
 ;nt. 
 
 by Mr. 
 ibodied 
 
 id dnty on 
 
 ^ 
 
 in a Petition, to be presented to the different Branches 
 of the Legislature, praying that the subjects referred to 
 therein, be taken into immediate consideration, with a 
 view to the changes proposed in the tarif{^ taking 
 effect during the present Session 
 
 Moved by Mr. J. E. Pell, of Toronto, seconded by Mr. 
 
 Murray Anderson, of London, 
 
 Resolved f — That a General Committee be appointed 
 to carry out the views of this meeting, and that the]'' be 
 instructed to place themselves in communication with 
 the Inspector General, and the members of both 
 Branches of the Legislature who are favorable to the 
 encouragement of Home Manufactures, with the view 
 of obtaining a speedy remedy for the grievances under 
 which every department of home industry now suffers. 
 The Committee to be composed as follows — five to form 
 a quorum : 
 
 Messrs. I. Buchanan, M.P.P., 
 W B Jarvis, Toronto 
 W Rodden, Montreal 
 W Weir, Toronto 
 E Atwater, Montreal 
 J L Mathewson, Monti 
 M Anderson, London 
 D G Gnnn, Hamilton 
 J Cammings, Hamilton 
 D Smart, Port Hope 
 D Crawford, Toronto 
 T Brunskill, Toronto 
 J M Williams, Hamilton 
 W F Harris, Montreal 
 W Barber, Georgetown 
 J Hilton, Montreal 
 J Gartshore, Dundas 
 A McNanghten, Newcastle 
 Brent, Port Hope 
 J B Pell, Toronto 
 C Garth, Montreal 
 W Parkyn, " 
 C W Bangs, Ottawa 
 Jas Hickie, Kingston 
 B B Oolton, Brockvillo 
 R Colman, Lyn 
 Jas Orombie, Gait 
 
 Messrs. G Sbeppard, Toronto 
 D McLeod, Port Hope 
 R Hay, Toronto 
 T F Miller, Montreal 
 R McKinnon, Caledonia 
 B Clark, Hamiltoo 
 E Leonard, London 
 J Bnntin, Toronto 
 G Brown, Montreal 
 J G Bowes, Toronto 
 G P M Ball, Lonth 
 J Helms, Jnn., Pt Hope 
 D F Jones Gananoqne 
 John Shaw, Kingston 
 A Drnmmond, BellaTillc 
 J Keeler, Golborne 
 A Buntin, Montreal 
 John Rankin, Dandas 
 G Towner, MerrickTllle 
 H Burritt, Ottawa 
 G Benedict, Niagara 
 J Pennock, Castleton 
 R Patterson, BelleTille 
 M Bowell, BelleTille 
 James Brown, Belleville 
 R Featherston, Kington 
 
!'■; 
 
 I.| 
 
 PETITION 
 
 To the Honorable the Legislative Assembly of the Province 
 of Canada in Parliament assembled: 
 
 The memorial of the undersigned merchants, manu- 
 facturers and others from the various sections of the 
 said Province, assembled in public meeting at Toronto, 
 
 Respectfully Sheweth : 
 
 That your memorialists desire to call the attention 
 of your Honorable House to the depression which all 
 branches of manufactures and conunerce now suffer in 
 the Province, and to the necessity that exists for a con- 
 sideration of the causes to which this depression is 
 wholly or in part attributable. 
 
 That in the opinion of your memoralists, the diffi- 
 culties now experienced by all classes of the commu- 
 nity, are, in a large degree, the consequence of the un- 
 fair competition to which the present tariff of the Prov- 
 ince exposes its various branches of industry; and that 
 with a view to the promotion of general prosperity, a 
 re-adjustment of the scale of duties levied upon imports, 
 has become an absolute necessity. 
 
 That the existing tariff is based upon erroneous 
 principles, inasmuch as it admits, at low rates of duty, 
 the manufactures of other countries, which are thus 
 brought into collision with a class of labor now in Ca- 
 nada not fitted foi agricultural pursuits ; and charges 
 high rates on articles that cannot be produced witiiin 
 our boundaries. 
 
 That apart from the prevailing depression, the 
 present Provincial tariff operates disadvantageously by 
 preventing the influx of capital, which under due en- 
 couragement, would be introduced and applied for the 
 development of our natural resources ; and, moreover, 
 to limit the scope of industry as to offer impediments 
 in the way of skill, and largely lesson the attractiveness 
 of Canada as a field for immigration. 
 
 That a re-adjustment of the tariff, if governed by 
 principles in themselves just, will materially benefit 
 every class of the community, without in any manner 
 crippling the Customs' revenue. 
 
 
I 
 
 
 9 
 
 That in the judgment of your memorialists such a 
 re-adjustment should recogriize as distinctive principles: 
 the admission, duty free, or at low rates of duty, of raw- 
 materials for manufacture not produced in the province. 
 The admission, free of duty, or at low rates, of articles 
 entering largely into general consumption and not com- 
 peting with the natural products of Canada, — and the 
 leveying of higher duties upon articles entering into com- 
 petition with articles manufactured, or which with due 
 encouragement, may be manufactured by our people. 
 
 That your memorialists, representing diversified 
 industrial and mercantile interests, and having ample 
 opportunities of ascertaining the wants and convictions 
 of the classes with whom they co-operate, urge upon 
 Your Hon. House the expediency, in the change of the 
 tariff sought, of proceeding upon the following positions 
 as guiding points in the work of tariff-reform : — 
 
 1. All raw material upon which there is but a small 
 amount of labor expended prior to its importation, and 
 leaving the larger proportion of labour to be performed 
 in Canada, it is considered should be admitted free, or 
 at a duty not to exceed 2i per cent. 
 
 2. Articles entering largely into consumption in this 
 country, and which Canada cannot produce, such as 
 Tea, Coffee, raw Sugar, Molasses, &c., should not be 
 charged with a high rate of duty, but should be admit- 
 ted free, or at the lowest possible rate consistent with 
 the requirements of the Revenue. 
 
 3. Merchandize in the Dry Goods, Hardware and 
 Crockery Trades, being articles of luxury or for use, and 
 not likely for some time to be manufactured in this 
 country, and of which some are used to form parts of 
 the goods and wares manufactured in Canada, should be 
 chargeable with a medium rate of duty of about 15 per 
 cent, as at present, or not to exceed 20 per cent, but at 
 the rate of about 10 per cent below what may be charg- 
 ed on articles coming directly into competition with our 
 own manufactured products. 
 
10 
 
 4. All manufactures in Wood, Iron, Tin, Brass, Cop- 
 per, Leather, India Rubber, &.c., competinfij with our 
 industrial products, as more fully specified in the pro- 
 posed list of articles and duties, now submitted and 
 adopted, should be charged a duty of about 25 per cent, 
 excepting : — 
 
 Books, Drawings, &c., which should be charged with 
 a duty of 10 to 15 per cent. 
 
 Cottons and Woolens, Cordage, Lines, and Twines, 
 with a duty of 20 per cent. 
 
 Clothing and Wearing Apparel, with a duty of 30 per 
 cent. 
 
 That your memorialists, believing that the im- 
 mediate effect of a revision of the tariff according to 
 the scale now suggested, will be to mitigate the de- 
 spondency perceptible in every quarter, to create a feel- 
 ing of confidence in the minds of resident capitalists, to 
 attract the attention of foreigners to our magnificent 
 manufacturing resources, to stimulate enterprise among 
 our mechanics and artizans, and import fresh vigour to 
 our agricultural population. 
 
 That your memoralists in conclusion, respectfully 
 pray that Your Hon House will be pleased to give prompt 
 consideration to the whole subject, and adopt without 
 delay such changes as may be found essential to the 
 promotion of the great public interests that are involved, 
 and as to your wisdom may seem meet. 
 
 And your Memorialists will ever pray. 
 Signed in behalf of the Meeting. 
 
 W. WEIR, 
 
 W. B. JARVIS, Chairman. 
 ISAAC BUCHANAN. 
 W. RODDEN. 
 THOS. BRUNSKILL. 
 
 
 Secretary. D. C. GUNN. 
 
11 
 
 PROPOSED ALTERATIONS IN TflE PRESET TARIFF. 
 
 im- 
 
 -«-«- 
 
 CLASSIFICATION OF ARTICLES FOR DUTY. 
 
 1st. All Goods, Wares and Merchandize not herein- 
 after enumerated it is proposed should remain upon the 
 free, 2J, 5 or 15 per cent lists as at present arranj^ed, in 
 the tariff now in force. 
 
 2nd. LIST OP ARTICLES PROPOSED TO BE REMOVED FROM 
 THE LISTS OF GOODS NOW ADMITTED FREE, AT 2^ OR 'S 
 PER CENT. DUTY. 
 
 Anchors under 8 cwt. 
 
 Alabaster and other Busts, 
 
 Boat Hawsers, 
 
 Books of all kinds, 
 
 Book-Binders' Implements and Tools, 
 
 Boiler Plates, punched, 
 
 Cables of iron, or Chains made of iron 
 
 under I in. diameter, 
 Cordage, lines and twines of all kinds, 
 Cotton Wick, 
 Connecting Rods, Frames and Pedestals, 
 
 Cranks and Straps for Engines, 
 Copy Books, 
 Dead Eyes, 
 Deck Plugs, 
 
 Drawings, Engraving and Prints, 
 Dressed Furs, 
 Iron Wheels and Axles, 
 
 Machinery, all kinds. 
 
 Paper, all kinds, 
 
 Plough Moulds, 
 
 Plaster Casts, 
 
 Printers' Ink, Implements, Types and 
 
 Lithograph Presses, 
 Roman Cement, 
 Ropes, Hawsers, and Rigging, 
 Sheaves, 
 Sails, 
 
 Ship's Blocks, 
 Spikes, 
 
 Telegraph Insulators, 
 Trunks, 
 Varnish, 
 Veneers, 
 Wheels and Axles, 
 
 • « 
 
 3rd. LIST OF ARTICLES PROPOSED TO BE PLACED UPON THE 
 FREE LIST, OR AT A DUTY NOT TO EXCEED 2^ PER CENT. 
 
 Mahogany in the log. 
 Mercury or quick silver. 
 Mohair, unmanufactured. 
 
 Acids, 
 
 Bolting cloths, 
 
 Braids for making bonnets and hats. 
 
 Brass and Copper Tubes, draws, 
 
 Cork tree or bark of, unmanufactured. 
 
 Ebony unmanufactured. 
 
 Elephant's teeth, do., and Ivory 
 
 Emery, 
 
 Glass broken. 
 
 Gold beaters Brine-mould and Skins, 
 
 Hair, all kinds, unmanufactured. 
 
 Iron wire. 
 
 Iron pipes or tubes for steam, gas, or 
 
 crater, not cast. 
 Iron unmanufactured. 
 Leopard and other skina raw, 
 Lithrage, 
 Manilla grass, 
 
 Moss for beds, 
 
 Ratans unmanufactured, 
 
 Shafts, wrought iron, 10 inches in diame- 
 ter and over. 
 
 Sea- weed and all other vegetable sub- 
 stances, uses for beds & mattresses^ 
 
 Seedlac 
 
 Sal. Soda, 
 
 Soap stocks and stuff, 
 
 Stockenette, 
 
 Tin, granulated or grain, 
 
 Topancion or grass for brush-makers, 
 
 Willow for making baskets, 
 
 Wire of all kinds. 
 
 Wire wove, if over 50 inches wide. 
 
12 
 
 4th. LIST OF ARTICLES PROPOSED TO BE PLACED ON THE 25 
 Per cent LIST OF DUTIES 
 
 Adzes, 
 
 Agricultural Machines, 
 
 Ale, 
 
 Anchors under 8 cwt, 
 
 Augers, 
 
 Axes, 
 
 Axeltrees and Boxes, 
 
 Baskets, 
 
 Belting of Leather or India Rubber, 
 
 Bedsteads of Wood or Iron, 
 
 Bed Screws, 
 
 Beer, 
 
 Bellows, 
 
 Bell Metal Manufactured, 
 
 Bells, 
 
 Bottles of Gluss and Vials, 
 
 Blacking, 
 
 Blacksmiths', Hammers and Sledges, 
 
 Blocks for Ships or Vessels, 
 
 Boards planed or wrought, 
 
 Boiler Plates Cut punched or turned 
 
 into shape for use, 
 Boilers or parts thereof 
 Bolts with or without nuts or washers. 
 Bonnets, 
 Boots and shoes, 
 Blank Books all kinds, 
 Brass Couplings and joints of any metal 
 Brackets and Pendants for Uas, of Tin, 
 
 Copper or Brass, 
 Bricks, 
 
 Brushes, of all kinds. 
 Brick Making Machines, 
 Buck and Leather Mitts, Gloves, and 
 
 Moccasins, 
 Cabinet Wares, 
 Candles of every kind, 
 Caps " " 
 
 Carriages, and Carriage Springs, 
 Carved work in any material. 
 Casks, Empty, 
 Castings of Iron or Brass, 
 Cement, Roman, 
 Chairs, 
 Chandeliers, 
 Chisels, 
 Clothes Pins, 
 Clocks, 
 
 Coaches, 
 
 Coal Hods, 
 
 Cocks, Brass or other. 
 
 Collars of Linen, Cotton or Paper, 
 
 Combs, 
 
 Comfits, Preserved, 
 
 Confectionery, 
 
 Connecting Rods, 
 
 Corn Breakers or Shellera, 
 
 Cooking Stoves and Apparatus, 
 
 Copper Work, 
 
 Corks and manufactures of Cork, 
 
 Cranks, wrought or cast-Iron, 
 
 Cut Nails, Tacks, Brads, and Sprigs, 
 
 Dead-Eyes, 
 
 Deck Plugs, 
 
 Demijohns, 
 
 Drawer-Nobs of Wood, 
 
 Doors of Wood or Iron and Gates, 
 
 Drawing Knives, 
 
 Dust Pans, 
 
 Earthenware, 
 
 Envelopes, 
 
 Edge Tools, 
 
 Engines, or parts thereof, 
 
 Farming Utensils, 
 
 Fanning Machines 
 
 Filters, 
 
 Fire Engines, 
 
 Flat or Smoothing Irons, 
 
 Forge Hammers, 
 
 Frames or Pedestals of Engines , 
 
 Furnitnre, Household, Wood or Iron, 
 
 Furs and Skins when dressed. 
 
 Fur, Manufactures of, 
 
 Furnaces, 
 
 Gates, 
 
 Glass, Colored, 
 
 Glass, silvered. 
 
 Glue, 
 
 Gauges, 
 
 Gold Leaf, 
 
 Gunpowder, all kinds, 
 
 Hair, Manufactured, or worked in any 
 
 way, 
 Hames of Wood, 
 Harness, all kinds, 
 Hangers, wrought or cast iron, 
 Hatchets, 
 
 
 m 
 
18 
 
 Hata, 
 
 Harmoniams, 
 
 Harrowa, 
 
 Heatiof^ Appartua, 
 
 Hay Knives and Presses, 
 
 Hobby Horses, 
 
 Hods, 
 
 Hoes, 
 
 Hinges, Handler, and Bolts of wrought 
 or cast Iron, 
 
 Handles of wood for Tools or Imple- 
 ments. 
 
 ludia-Ilubber, Manufactures of. 
 
 Ink of any kind, 
 
 Iron Castings, 
 
 lion Ploufh Moulds or Shares, 
 
 Iron Screws, 
 
 Iron Vessels, 
 
 Iron Weights, 
 
 Jack Screws, 
 
 Kettles, Iron Copper or Brass, 
 
 Lead, Manufactures of, 
 
 Leather, " " 
 
 Looking-Glasses, framed or not, 
 
 Locomotives, 
 
 Locks of cast-Iron, 
 
 Machinery of every description, 
 
 Malleable Iron Castings 
 
 Mallets of Wood, 
 
 Mantle Pieces of Iron, Marble, Slate 
 and Wood, 
 
 Marble Manufactures, 
 
 Manufactures of Wood, 
 
 Mattresses, 
 
 Mills for Bark or course Grain, 
 
 Millinery, 
 
 Mill Irons Wrought or Cast, 
 
 Mill Saws, 
 
 Mineral Water, 
 
 Mops, 
 
 Mouldings, Plain or Ornamented, 
 
 Oil, when pressed, refined, or bleached, 
 
 Organs, 
 
 Patent Medicines, 
 
 Pit Saws, 
 
 Paper, Labels, Boxes, Music Ruled 
 Printed, and Cards, 
 
 Pianoforts, 
 
 Pickles, 
 
 Pitch Forks, for Hay and Manure, 
 
 Pipes of Cast Iron, Clay, smoking Wood 
 and Lead, 
 
 Planes and Plane Irons of all kinds, 
 
 Ploughs, 
 
 I*ortt'r, 
 
 Prepared Rigging, 
 
 Pumps, all kinds. 
 
 Putty, 
 
 Rakes, Iron, Steel, or Wood, 
 
 Railing and Fencing of Iron, cast or 
 
 wrought, 
 Reaping Machines, 
 Railway Chains, wrou<?ht or cast, 
 lluilway Cars of all kinds, 
 Riddles or Selves of Wire, 
 Rivets, Brass, Iron, or Copper, 
 Refrigerators, 
 Robes made up, T 
 Saddles and Bridles, 
 Saddle Tres, 
 Safes, all kinds. 
 Saws, Mill, long and circular, cross cut, 
 
 Pit and Billet, 
 Scagliola Work, 
 Scale Beams and Scales, 
 Scythes, 
 
 Sewing Machines, 
 Ships' Blocks, 
 Shafts, Cast Iron, 
 
 Shafts, wroughtlron un Jer 10 in diamet'r 
 Sails made up, 
 Sheaves,) 
 Shirts, 
 
 Shoes of all kinds, 
 Shovels and Spades 
 Selves of Wire, 
 Sleighs, 
 
 Soaps of all kinds, 
 Socket Chisscls. 
 Spars, 
 Spikes, 
 Spokes, 
 Springs, 
 
 Steam or Sailing Vessels of any kind, 
 Steam Guages or Whistles, 
 Stones Wrought, 
 Stoves and Heating Apparatus, 
 Tables Wood or Iron, 
 rhrashinj Machines & Horse Powers. 
 Traps, Steel, Iron, Wire or Wood, 
 Trunks, 
 
 Varnish all kinds, 
 Valves of Brass and other metal?, 
 Vasrgon and Cart Boxes, 
 Water Wheels of Iron, 
 Washers. 
 
14 
 
 Weighing Macliities, 
 AVcights, Copper, liCad or Brasf, 
 Wheels and Axles for Locomotivea 
 Cars. 
 
 and 
 
 Whips all kinds, 
 Wooden Wares, 
 Zinc Manufaeiure, 
 
 Gth. LIST OF ARTICLES PROrOSKl) TO BE CIIAR(iEI) AT THE FOL- 
 LOWING RATES. 
 
 10 TO 1;') PKR CENT. 
 
 Books, Drawings, Engravings and Etch- 
 ings, 
 Lithographs, Music, 
 Paintings and Prints, 
 
 20 PER CENT. 
 
 Cotton Manufactures, all e xcept Yar^ 
 and Warp. 
 
 Woolen Manufactures all kinds. 
 
 Cordage, 
 
 Lines and Twines, 
 
 Hawsers, 
 
 Ropes and Rigging, 
 
 30 rEIl CENT. 
 
 Clothing and Wearing Apparel made 
 up or partly made up, of any material. 
 
 -»-•-»- 
 
 6th. Teas, Raw Sugars, Coffee, and Molasses, to be 
 reduced to the lowest point the revenue will admit of. 
 
 7th. Other articles now paying specific duties, such 
 as spirits, Cordials, Wines, Tobacco,* &c., &c., might re- 
 main as at present, or the duty thereon be increased if 
 
 necessary. 
 
 — — .-#_ 
 
 PROCEEDINGS OF THE COMMITTEE NAMED IN 
 THE FOREGOING RESOLUTIONS: 
 
 At a Meeting of the General Committee held on the 
 15th April inst, the following gentleman were appointed 
 an Executive Committee: — Isaac Buchanan, M.P.P.; 
 W. Rodden, Montreal ; John Shaw, Kingston ; Murray 
 Anderson, London ; H. O. Burritt, Ottawa ; Robert Hay, 
 Toronto ; W. B. Jarvis, Toronto ; Thomas Bmnskill, 
 Toronto ; George Sheppard, Toronto ; John E. Pell, 
 Toronto. 
 
 It was then moved by Mr. W. Rodden, seconded by 
 Mr. Chas. Garth, and 
 
 Resolved, That in the absence of any representative 
 from Quebec, it is out of the power of this Committee to 
 name a gentleman of that city as one of the Executive 
 
 ** It ia recommended in view of the large importation of manufactured To- 
 bacco, and the numerous class of person s in the country acquainted with this branch 
 of industry, to raise the duties on this article with a view to encourage its home man- 
 ufacture, and thereby furnish employment to a large class of coloured persons who at 
 present ;6nd great difficulty in securing profitable and steady employment. 
 
15 
 
 EFOL- 
 
 el made 
 material. 
 
 to be 
 it of. 
 
 , such 
 ght le- 
 ased if 
 
 :din 
 
 >n the 
 tinted 
 
 .P.P.; 
 
 urray 
 It Hay, 
 skill, 
 Pell, 
 
 5d by 
 
 Itative 
 
 [tee to 
 
 jutive 
 
 Ired To- 
 \b branch 
 tie man- 
 Is who at 
 
 ^ 
 
 Committee, therefore the Secretary be authorized to add 
 the name o[ a gentleman from that city to the Executive 
 Committee, an soon an those interested in this move- 
 ment shall meet and elect such a representative to act 
 as one of the said Executive Committee. 
 
 Moved by Mr. Isaac Buchanan, M.P.P., seconded by 
 Mr. J. L. Mathevvson, of Montreal, and 
 
 Mesolvedy That this organization of the friends of 
 Home Industrv adopt the general name of the "Jsioa'a- 
 tion for the Jr'romotion of Canadian Industri/f'^ each 
 member to pay in advance an annual subscription of 
 five dollars. 
 
 Mr. W. B. Jarvis was unanimously elected President of 
 the Association, and Mr. W. Weir was appointed Secre- 
 tary. 
 
 A resolution was then adopted instructing the Secre- 
 tary to issue a circular requesting every City, Town, and 
 Village to organize a society to forward the objects of 
 this Association, and that the Chairmen of such societies 
 be ex-officio members of the Association, and tliat each 
 local society be desired to contribute to the funds of the 
 central committee to support the organization. 
 
 INTERVIEW WITH THE INSPECTOR GENERAL 
 
 On the 16th inst., a deputation from the Executive 
 Committee waited by appointment on the Inspector 
 General at the Council Office. The deputation consis- 
 ted of the following members of the Executive Com- 
 mittee, I. Buchanan, M.P.P. ; W. B. Jarvis, W. Rodden, 
 J, E. Pell and Thos. Brunskill, accompanied by the fol- 
 lowing gentlemen : — 
 
 fion. Ohas. Wilson, M.L.C. 
 D. A. McDonald, M.P.P. 
 S. Bellinghain, M.P.P. 
 T. M. Daly, M.P.P. 
 J. M. Ferris, M.P.P. 
 John Carling, M.P.P. 
 T. D.McGee, M.P.P. 
 
 W. Mattice, M.P.P. 
 
 John Cameron, M.P.P. 
 
 J. H. Pope, M.P.P. 
 
 John White, M.P.P. 
 
 J. G. Bowes 
 
 £. Atwater 
 
 J. L. Mathewson 
 
 0. Garth 
 
 W. Weir 
 
 W. Parkyn 
 
 T. F. Miller 
 
 D. C. Guan, &;c. &c. 
 
 With the Inspector General were the Premier, and the Hon. Geo. E. Cartier. 
 
 Messrs Jarvis and Hodden having explained the ob- 
 
16 
 
 ject of the interview, the Inspector General replied, that 
 the Government was disposed to carry out the views of 
 the deputation as far as consistent with the general 
 interests of the country, and the requirements of the 
 Revenue, and that measures would be submitted during 
 the present session, which, if they did not meet their 
 views in all cases, would, he believed, be generally satis- 
 factory. 
 
 Several gentlemen present entered into explanations 
 respecting the requirements of their particular branches 
 of trade, and urged upon the Inspector General, and the 
 other Members of the Government present, the necessity 
 for immediate legislation on this important question. 
 In answer to a question from Mr. McGee, whether the 
 moditications in the tariff to be introduced were likely 
 to meet the views of the gentlemen present, the Inspec- 
 tor General replied, that the tariff would certainly be 
 adjusted with the view of so equalizing the duties, 
 as to place all branches of trade on a more equal footing, 
 and encouraging our home industry. 
 
 It is impossible in this place to enter upon a discussion 
 of the measures recommended in this report — they will 
 at once commend themselves to all who are disposed to 
 give them due consideration. It is to be regretted that 
 much misapprehension exists, and much misrepresent- 
 ation is resorted to, to defeat the objects we have in view. 
 The friends of the movement, it is hoped, will exert 
 themselves in disseminating correct information in their 
 respective neighbourhoods. We ask no increase of tax- 
 ation, but a change in the mode of levying duties. We 
 desire to admit Tea, Sugar and Coffee free, as we can- 
 not produce them, and to increase the duty on articles 
 competing witn our own industry, thus encouraging the 
 growth of manufac aires amongst us, and thereby pro- 
 moting the best interests of every class in the com- 
 munity. 
 
 W. WEIR, Secretary, 
 
 ToROXTO, 24th April, 1858. - 
 
 It is particularly requested that parties who have any suggestions to offer, 
 communicate (jpoitpaid) vrith the Secretary. , 
 
lied, that 
 views of 
 general 
 :s of the 
 d during 
 3et their 
 lly satis- 
 
 anations 
 )ranches 
 and the 
 lecessity 
 uestion. 
 ther the 
 •e likely 
 
 Inspec- 
 linly be 
 
 duties, 
 footing, 
 
 scussion 
 ley will 
 posed to 
 [ed that 
 present- 
 in view, 
 ill exert 
 in their 
 ; of tax- 
 3s. We 
 sve can- 
 articles 
 ^ing the 
 by pro- 
 e com- 
 
 etary, 
 
 9 to offer,