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SPEECH 
 
 OF 
 
 MR. YANCEY, OF ALABAMA 
 
 ON THE 
 
 OREGON QUESTION. 
 
 DELIVERED 
 
 IN THE HOUSB^ OF REPRESENTATIVES, 
 
 JANUARY 7, 1846. 
 
 i 
 
 I I I I ■, 
 
 WASHINGTON: 
 
 PRINTED AT THE UNION OFFICE. 
 1846. 
 
■ 2-/ 
 
 On the n 
 
 On motior 
 
 itaelf into C 
 
 the Union, ( 
 
 resumed tVif 
 
 reported by 
 
 viding for 
 
 .1827. 
 
 Mr. YAjN 
 
 Mr. CuAi 
 
 tude h;ive Ix 
 
 our progress 
 
 empire, frui 
 
 cal, ;irid CO 
 
 ingrch witl- 
 
 fruition of 
 
 day, :ir)ii rh 
 
 long been tl 
 
 palmy diiya 
 
 their seats 
 
 Around me 
 
 ereign Stat 
 
 capable of f 
 
 a territory \ 
 
 of the earth 
 
 strikinj? phi 
 
 sion, are an 
 
 arc amidst ] 
 
 This mai 
 
 the results t 
 
 find honora 
 
 peace whic 
 
 pouring fro 
 
 ings upon 
 
 and over a 
 
 them, li 
 
 commerce 
 
 treasures, 
 
 world as tl 
 
 tended by 
 
 arms and I 
 
 po.se, durir 
 
 and spread 
 
 quietly bt 
 
 commurcia 
 
 nign and ii 
 
 lect of our 
 
 in whicli t 
 
 hidden anc 
 
 th6m subs( 
 
 .and, aa a ( 
 
SPEECH. 
 
 On the resolution giving the twelve months'' notice Jor the termination of the 
 
 joini occupancy of the Oregon territory. 
 
 On motion of Mr. Yancet, the House resolved 
 itself into Committee of the Whole on the state of 
 the Union, (Mr. TiBBATTs,ofKy.,in the chair,) and 
 resumed the consideration of the joint resolution 
 reported Wy the Committee on Foreign Affairs, pro- 
 viding for the termination of the convention of 
 1827. 
 Mr. YANCEY said- 
 Mr. Chairman: Events of no ordinary magni- 
 tude h(i ve heen rapidly thickening around tlie path of 
 our progress as a nation. But yesterday, a magnificent 
 empire, fruitful in ail the elements of moral, politi- 
 cal, ;irid commercial greatness, obtained peaceful 
 ingrcf within the pale of our liberties, and a full 
 fruitioi. of our laws and institutions. But yester- 
 day, aril, the representatives of a land, which had 
 long been ihe El Dorado of Spanish hopes in the 
 palmy (liiys of that once splendid monarchy, took 
 their scats in the councils of the federal Union. 
 Around mcl see the representatives of several sov- 
 ereign States — of States carved frjm a territory 
 capable of fi'rnishing to the Union as many more — 
 a territory which is drained by the mightiest rivers 
 of the earth, whose sources, in the beautiful and 
 Striking phraseology of another upon another occa- 
 sion, are amidst perpetual snows, but whose outlets 
 ai*c amidst perennial flowers. 
 
 This magnificent picture, sir, is but a grouping of 
 iheresuUs of peace — of a peace honorably formed, 
 find h()nora!)Iy kept, with the whole world—of a 
 peace which is shedding its radiant influences, and 
 pouring from its "horn of plenty" its choicest bless- 
 ings u[)on institutions framed to receive them, 
 and over a people capable, I trust, of appreciating 
 them. It has been a peace which has enabled our 
 commerce to explore every se;i in search of their 
 treasures, and our flag to become known to the 
 world as that of a people whose dominions are ex- 
 tended by civilization and by reason, and not by 
 arms and by blood. It has been to us a period of re- 
 pose, during which our canvass has been unfolding 
 and spreading its snowy sheets over every wave, 
 quietly bat effectually "driving England from her 
 commercial supremacy on the deep. Under its be- 
 nign and inspiring influences the energies and intel- 
 lect of our people have been directed into channels 
 111 which they have developed many of the hitherto 
 hidden and mysterious powers of nature, and made 
 th6m subservient to the great interests of humanity; 
 and, as a part of these results, we can now see the 
 
 magnificent ship, with every sail furled, moving 
 with silent and terrible majesty into the very teetli 
 of the wind, as if propelled alone by the unseen, 
 and submerged hand of Neptune, and dashing op- 
 posing waves in angry spray from her prow — while 
 intelligence is speeding from city to city upon the 
 wings of the lightning! 
 
 It has been a peace, which, as if to laugh to scorn 
 the bounties of war, has given to us territory after 
 territory more magnificent in domain, and more 
 pregnant with national grandeur, than any that the 
 blood-dripping eagles of imperial Rome ever flew 
 over in their conquering and devastating career. 
 
 Yet, though these are the fruits of such a policy, I 
 see around me crowds of American statesmen, 
 yearning to brenk this mighty and glot<ous spell, 
 whose hearts are panling for war, whose hands itch 
 to grasp the sword, \fhosc feet arc raised to trample 
 the olive branch, whose every impulse is to grap- 
 [)le with England, to decide by tie terrible law of 
 arms ,a territorial right. 
 
 Sir, I respect, though I must disapprove of, the 
 feeling which animates the men of the West on 
 this question. Sympathy for their friends in the 
 fcir-off Oregon; impatience — indignant imp:\tience, 
 it may be — at any restraint which England may 
 have thrown in the way of a full iissertion of our 
 rigiits there; and a longing, natural to brave hearts, 
 to avenge the oppressions whish that haughty pow- 
 er may have committed for centuries upon the na- 
 tions of the earth, arc all feelings which, however 
 much I may deem well calculated to cloud the judg- 
 ment upon a matter of such grave import, arc likewise 
 well calculated to elicit a sympathetic response 
 from every American heart. Strong, too, in all 
 the elements of greatness and strength, we may 
 not fear a contest with any nation. 
 
 But we should be careful lest prosperity and con- 
 tinued success should blind us to consequences — 
 lest, in our pride, we fall, Sir, it cannot be 
 treason — it cannot be cowardly — it cannot be un- 
 wise, for us calmly and dispassionately to consider 
 our true position in this matter; and I beg of our 
 friends — of the West in particular, (and surely a 
 southron may well claim that sacred relationship 
 to the sons of the West,) that if some of us of the 
 South are disposed to put a curb on this hot impet- 
 uosity, we shall not be deemed their enemies 
 on this oreat issue. Like them, I am for all of Ore* 
 gon. With them, I believe our title to it to be com- 
 
 :>0 
 
plete against the world. . \»y only desire is, that we 
 90 reeulatc our movements as to be able to secure it 
 all. To do so is not without great difficulty. On 
 whichever side you turn that difficulty suires you 
 in the lacc To overcome it requires moderation — 
 calculation as well as Armness. Haste and impet- 
 uous valor may lose us ail, or give us but a parL 
 
 1 desire to give a very brief review of tJie manner 
 in which we have become co ected witli En{;land 
 in this matter. Asserting our title as derived from 
 discovery, exploration, and settlement, we were con- 
 fronted Ijy England, claiming, through a convention 
 entered into between her ana Spain, and commonly 
 called the Nootka Sound convention, a right of joint- 
 ly occupying the country of Oregon, and therefore 
 opposing any exclusive possession in us. Unable 
 to settle the difference satisfactorily and amicably, 
 on the 20th of October, 1818, both parties agreed to 
 a convention, which left the tiUe in abeyance, but 
 gave to the citizens of both countries the right of 
 entering, trarling, &c., for the space often years. 
 
 Shortly afterwards, on the 22d of February 1819, 
 Spain ceded to the United States all her rights to any 
 territory on the Pacific coast, north of latitude forty- 
 two degrees. We thus became possessed of all the 
 rights to the territory of Oregon, save such as Cfreat 
 Britain might deduce fl-om*the Nootka Sound con- 
 vention; und»r wht)kh she only claims a right of 
 joint occupancy, e34)res8ly admitting, as I under- 
 stand her, that she has no exclusive title to one inch 
 of the territory. 
 
 Two other attempts at settling this question be- 
 tween us having failed, on the Cth of August, 1827, 
 this joint convention was indefinitely renewed; a 
 provision being inserted, however, that either party 
 might terminate it, by giving to the other twelve 
 months' notice of the intention to do so. 
 
 This convention, then, and its renewal, was the 
 result of a failure to reconcile the conflicting claims 
 of the two governments in 1818, 1824, and 1826. in 
 1818, Mr. Monroe, and in 182G, Mr. Adams offer- 
 ed, as a compromise, to give to Great Britain the 
 free navigation of the Colunib.-a, and exclusive title 
 to all of the territory north of forty-nine degrees of 
 latitude. In 1824, Mr. Montoe also offered to give 
 to Great Britain all above the forty-ninth degree of 
 north latitude. Each of these very favorable, and, 
 it seems to me, conciliatory offers were prompt- 
 ly rejected by the English government. After the 
 first rejection, if negotiation had then closed, what 
 would have been the result.' Either we would have 
 had to force England from her joint occupancy, or 
 have ignominiously "abandoned" our rights. To 
 avoid such an issue, what did Mr. Monroe do ? He 
 entered into a joint convention for ten years. I put 
 it now to the reason and candor of gentlemen, was 
 not that measure a substitute for war? or, what is far 
 more wretched and withering, if war was not to en- 
 sue, was it not a siibstitute for national di.sgrace.' 
 
 After the second prompt rejection of the result of 
 nine years' negotiation by England, our government 
 again consents to an indefinite renewal of the treaty; 
 and why? For the same cause that induced its orig- 
 inal formation — to avoid the unpleasant alternative of 
 an appeal to arms; for Great Britain positively, and 
 three times, had refused to yield a joint occupancy 
 ofthatterritory, and of(X)urse, a failure to renew 
 the convention would have forced us either to drive 
 her from it, or to abandon it to her ! T repeat, then, 
 that thia convention was a substUuttfor war. 
 
 It is now proposed to give notice of our desire to 
 terminate this convention, or to substitute re»uZto for 
 
 these terms, it is now proposed that we annul this 
 substitute for war, and to use the sword to cut this 
 "gordian knot," which twenty-eight years ot neg<^- 
 tiation have been unable to untie — to do that which 
 Mr. Monroe, under precisely similar circumstances, 
 deemed it unwise to do in 1818; and which Mr. 
 Adams abstained from doing in 1827, under far 
 more favorable circumstances. I said, under far 
 more favorable circumstances; for our States were 
 not then loaded down with those enormous debts 
 which the paper-money system has since bequeathed 
 to them as its dying legacy, and our antagonist was 
 not, as now, armed to the teeth. It will be con- 
 ceded, I believe, by all, sir, that Great Britain has 
 never — even in the moment wher piecing her foot 
 upon the prostrate form of that mighty genius of war. 
 Napoleon — been as completely panoplied in all the 
 means of defensive and of aggressive war as she is 
 now. At peace with all the world, and having pre- 
 pared the monarchies of Europe for her movements 
 — amongst whom it is now said we have not a friend 
 to whose arbitration we dare trust this case — she has 
 been husbanding her resources, recruiting on a 
 large scale her naval marine — has built an enormous 
 steam fleet, and sent them round the world, in the 
 pea°9eful garb of mail-steamers, exploring the coasts 
 and harbors of other nations — whilst, too, she has 
 been constantly augmenting her already immense 
 military resources. 
 
 But my colleague [Mr. Hilli/vrd] who so elo- 
 quently addressed the House yesterday upon this 
 question, says that he will not pause to count the 
 armies of EiOgland, or to number her ships, or to 
 consider of her resources. Sir, with a feeling of 
 sincere sympathy for that warm and gushing im- 
 pulse which v/ould fear no danger incurred m the 
 cause of our common country, I must, however, be 
 allowed to express the opinion that, in this instance, 
 it is not ^'foUtj to be wise." It is wisdom to obtain 
 a knowledge of, and to reflect upon, the strength of 
 our foe. A Washington has jeoparded not only 
 the lives, but the honor of brave men, in order to 
 find out the strength of the enemy. I cannot but 
 sympathize with this noble ardor, this high-toned 
 American spirit, that is flashing up over the v/hole 
 nation; but when it would advise us that this is vic- 
 tory, I must reject the advice. I know that it is 
 equal to half the battle; and if the right — if truth 
 and justice decided the swaying ranks of war — 
 freely, heartily, anU joyfully would I now commit 
 this issue to that fierce ordeal. But, sir, that is not 
 the case; not justice, but might, rules upon the 
 blood-reeking battle-field; and, knowing this, it be- 
 comes the legislator not only to know the means of 
 destruction which the enemy possesses, but to see 
 to it that his own country is not thrown into that 
 arena with nothing but the naked breasts and weap- 
 onless hands of her brave sons to maintain their 
 cause. A nation that blindly and passionately 
 plunges into a conflict of arms with an opposing 
 power, deserves no higher meed of praise than 
 should be awarded to the prairie bull, that, shutting 
 his eyes, furiously but blindly r-jhes upon the ob- 
 ject of his hate, the flag-flaunting and armed ma- 
 tador. 
 
 The question arises, then, are we prepared for 
 this issue of arms .' Alas! sir, "in peace" we have 
 not "prepared for war." From tne very West 
 which now seeks to involve the country in its vi- 
 cissitudes and horrors, has come a long-continued 
 opposition, as I am informed, to any such increase 
 of our gallant and glorious navy as the wants of 
 
 the countr 
 Many of o 
 ing iaiy in 
 mitted to ' 
 Our army 
 I learn froi 
 itary Affii 
 soldier in 
 match, if a 
 Lay. 
 
 At this ^ 
 are laughc 
 full of coui 
 even now, 
 to cross sv 
 to passing 
 providing i 
 men ! 
 
 Entirely 
 conflict as 
 uin must ir 
 dishonoral 
 sents a poi 
 by it, to ad 
 valir," wt 
 honor .•' 
 
 But I a 
 
 notice is a 
 licve so. 
 trary, writ 
 tice itself, i 
 listened in 
 ill its fdvo 
 sucli. On 
 notice beii 
 temnlating 
 the long ui 
 comnnitted 
 argument i 
 as a substit 
 tion involv 
 of one or t 
 it is view 
 though th( 
 
 In the 
 does not v 
 conversatii 
 fore speak 
 cially con 
 In that do 
 mise whic 
 be effectet 
 ng failed,' 
 for the nii 
 try." No 
 promise tl 
 hy "measi 
 What must 
 character t 
 title," of ( 
 President 
 and very 
 that at the 
 reached a 
 must eithe 
 how, is no^ 
 The answi 
 against E 
 which she 
 
 I say t] 
 
ire annul this 
 rd to cut this 
 ara ot negcv- 
 
 that which 
 rcumstances, 
 [ which Mr. 
 1, under far 
 J, under far 
 
 States were 
 rnnouB debts 
 ;e bequeathed 
 ite^onist was 
 
 will be con- 
 it Britain has 
 :in^ her foot 
 emus of war, 
 ed in all the 
 /ar as she is 
 
 1 having pre- 
 ir movements 
 c not a friend 
 \&se — she has 
 ruiting on a 
 an enormous 
 world, in the 
 ng the coasts 
 too, she has 
 Ldy immense 
 
 who so elo- 
 lay upon this 
 to count the 
 r ships, or to 
 I a feeling of 
 gushing im- 
 icurred m the 
 , however, be 
 this instance, 
 lorn to obtain 
 le strength of 
 led not only 
 , in order to 
 I cannot but 
 is high-toned 
 ver the v/hole 
 lat this is vie- 
 now that it is 
 „ It— if truth 
 iks of war — 
 now commit 
 ir, that is not 
 les upon the 
 ig this, it be- 
 the means of 
 es, but to see 
 own into that 
 3ts and wea]> 
 naintain their 
 
 passionately 
 an opposing 
 
 prai;3e than 
 
 that, shutting 
 
 upon the ob- 
 
 id armed roa- 
 
 prepared for 
 ;ace" we have 
 5 very West 
 try in its vi- 
 ong-centinued 
 such increase 
 the wants of 
 
 aspect which this question presents, that giving this 
 notice, and taking exclusive possession of Oreeon, 
 as the President recommends, is a war move. How 
 are we to carry it into effect ? How are we to dis- 
 posses our adversary from her thirty forts in Ore" 
 gon ? Certainly, tnose who know Great Britain 
 will not dream that a mere reading of our law before, 
 those forts will cav.sc their commanders to strike 
 the cross of St. George, and quietly give us exclu- 
 sive possession. Gentlemen have ransacked her 
 history to some advantage in this debate, and have 
 learned that for centuries she has been acquiring 
 colonies, and urging herself up the scale of territo- 
 rial accretion, till now, as has been beautifully and 
 no less forcibly said, "the sun never sets upon her 
 dominions." 
 
 Have they yet found a case, when, after so long 
 and so perseveringly persisting in a claim, she at 
 'ast, on the first snow of opposition, quietly aban- 
 doned it? If so, I am yet to be informed of it' Then, 
 to execute your law for asserting "our just title," 
 force must be an ingredient of the means used. 
 
 The venerable gentleman frem Massachusetts 
 [Mr. Adamh] has so argued this question; though, 
 et the same time, saying, in what I conceive to 
 have been carefully selected phraseology, that he 
 "did not believe at all in any danger of war, at this 
 <ime." Whether he designed to cover, with his be- 
 lief, the close of the twelve months given by the 
 irary, written as with a pen of iron, both on the no- ' convention, he has not informed us. At all events, 
 lice itself, and on the facts attending it. As yet I have ! "'s arguments breathed a fierce, energetic war spir- 
 listened in vain to some half-a-dozen hour speeches I "• Truly and well did he depict the whole charcc- 
 iii its favor, lor a single argument showing it to be 1 t^r of this move, when he illustr.itcd it l)y reciting 
 such. On the contrary, nearly every advocate of ," celebrated event in history, exclaiming with very 
 notice being £,nven, runs into enthusiasm in con- j feat emphasis— "T/m is the military way of doing 
 templating the'glories to be achieved in revenging l "'«mess-" His illustration was drawn from theme- 
 the long unredressed injuries which England has moirs of Frederick the Great. "I had some excel- 
 committed upon the world ! I will not repeat my '^nt old pretensions," wrote Frederick, "to an 
 argument showing that the convention was adopted \ Austrian province, which some of my ancestors 
 as a substitute for war, and that therefore its terminu- \ ''^d owned one or two hundred years before, and 1 
 tion involves war, or an abandonment of the claim ^ sent an ambassador to the court^ of Vienna, st^ating 
 of one or the other nation. I will now show how 
 Jt is viewed by its supporters, peace advocates 
 though they are asserted to be. 
 
 the country, it seems to me, imperiously demand. 
 Many of our ships are rotting on the stocks, or ly- 
 ing idly in harbor, and our officers, of course, per- 
 mitted to roam over the land, instead of the sea. 
 Our army is so small that even at this moment, as 
 I learn from the chairman of the Committee on Mil- 
 itary Affairs, there is not a single United Suites 
 soldier in the State of Alabama — none to light a 
 natch, if a hostile force enters the waters of Mobile 
 bay. 
 
 At this very time, too, when war's dread horrors 
 arc laughed at by young members of this House — 
 full of courage, doubtless, but with no experience — 
 even now, whea we are about to dare old England 
 to cross swords with us, serious opposition is made 
 to passing the bill of your Military Committee, 
 providing for the raising of a single regiment of rifle- 
 men ! 
 
 Entirely unprepared, then, for such a terrible 
 conflict as that between ourselves and Great Brit- 
 ain must inevitably be, will it be deemed treasonable, 
 dishonorable, or cowardly, In one who here repre- 
 sents a portion of the people who are to be affected 
 by it, to advise that "discretion, that better part of 
 val tr," warns us to avoid it, if it ain be done with 
 honor ? 
 
 But I am here met with the assertion that this 
 notice is a /)tace rntasiire. Would that I could be- 
 lieve so. But 1 cannot shut my eyes to the con- 
 
 In the first place, the President, it seems to me, 
 
 my claim, and presenting a full exposition of my 
 right to the province. The same day that my am- 
 bassador was received in Vienna, I entered Silesia 
 with my army." Without reflecting upon the bad 
 faith which appears to me to have marked the pro- 
 
 doea not view it as a peace measure. I have had no ceeding of the Prussian monarch; and which seems 
 conversation v^iih him upon the point, and there- 1 therefore to be a strange example for so venerable a 
 fore speak only by that chart of his opinions offi- j statesman to olTer to our councils as an illustration 
 cially communicated to Congress—his message, i of the course to be pursued, I accept it as indica- 
 
 In that document he informs us that "no compro- 
 mise which the United States ought to accept can 
 be effected." "All attempt.^ at compromise hav- 
 ng failed," he recommends that "measures be taken 
 for the maintenance of our just title to that coun- 
 try." Now, sir, if England will accept of ro com- 
 promise that we can offer, and we are to maintain, 
 oy "measures" now to be taken, "our just title," 
 % hat must those "measures" he? "JV/casur«s" of a 
 character to force England to acknowledge "our just 
 title,]' of course; and, as one of those measures, the 
 President recommends that this notice be given; 
 and very properly and wisely informs Congress 
 that at the end of the year's notice, "we shall have 
 reached a period when the national rights in Oregon 
 must either be abandoned or firmly maintaiiud." And 
 hovo, is now a pertinent question, and against whom? 
 The answer is ciusy— by armies, by fleets, by war 
 against England, if she does not abandon a claim 
 which she refused "all attempts" to compromise ! 
 I say that it is written on the very face of the 
 
 tive of the turn which affars are expected to take af- 
 ter our ambassador gives notice. I only could sin- 
 cerely desire that my own country was as well pre- 
 pared to assert its title with a hundred thousand 
 men as Frederick was — for as assuredly war follows 
 our notice, as did the long and devastating war 
 which the king's movement led to. 
 
 [Mr. Kennedy, of Indiana, here remarked, "Half 
 of that number would be sufficient."] 
 
 My friend on my left says that half of the num- 
 ber will answer. It is easy, sir, to talk of conquest 
 — not so easy to effect them. My western friends 
 here talk of war with England as a mere matter of 
 amusement ! England, they say, will fall in the 
 contest; and we might readily suppose that they 
 think that in a collision with us, she would "dissi- 
 pate into thin air !" Do they know or reflect for a 
 moment upon the responsibilitieH and dread conse- 
 quences ofa collision between twenty millions of 
 people on either side, furiously seeking each other's 
 
not mther like young 
 
 deatruction? Or are they 
 JXorval, who saya that — 
 
 "On Iho (Jrimpian hills, hi« father fwl his flock— 
 A frugal ,8wain ," 
 
 who hnd kept him, 
 
 "An only son, at home." - 
 
 . But tiiat— 
 
 "He had lnavd of battles, and Ionised 
 
 To follow to the field some warlike lord!" 
 
 This impulsive, valorous furor which in mein^ in 
 this House, reminds me somewhat of the brave 
 young Norval. Now my friend from Missouri [Mr. 
 SiMMs,] has said "all of Oregon, or none; now or 
 never." There i.s no man, sir, with a purer or 
 braver heart than he. Single-handed and equally 
 armed, I would ri.^k him in n contest with any 
 Englishman. But \ would, as his friend, and the 
 friend of the gentleman on my left, [Mr. Kennedy,] 
 
 {)au8e before I would consent to expose the defence- 
 ess breasts of two such gnllunt spirits to such an arm- 
 ed and skilful adversary as they so heedlea.sly dare j 
 to the arena. Give either, however, a bayonet, or a 
 western rfle, (their favorite weapon,) and I would 
 confidently abulc the re.=iult. So would I act v/iih 
 my country. Not calr.uUuing oti the cowardice of 
 our great advf.i.sary, I would hold the Union from 
 an unequal conliict, which neither the private nor 
 the public code of honor ever demand.*; under such 
 circumstances; and, like the brave Scottish chieftain, 
 would say to her— 'Vfiia's your time.'" 
 
 _My friend from Mis&ouri [Mr. Bowlin] aa cer- 
 tainly looks ufion this notice as a w;ir measure, and 
 seemed to revel in the idea of the conliict. lie 
 likened tlie situation of the two nations to the porcu- 
 pine and snakes in the fable. During a storm a 
 porcupine desired to take .-jheltor in a den of snakes. 
 They permitted him; and he commenced rolling ami 
 shooting Ills quilis about to such an annoying ile- 
 gree, timt th" F."--kes begged him to l.;ave. The 
 armed reptile - replied that those who de^jired 
 
 to leave c.duI'' As for himself, he slioulJ re- 
 
 main. The or.se.s arc n')t analogous. England, it 
 is true, is in our dc!) but she is quiet, and observes 
 the good faith demanded by the treaty. Armed all 
 over she is, hov/ever, like the porcupine; and we 
 should learn this wisdom from the fable, not to pro- 
 voke her to roll over us, and stick her quilLs intf) us, 
 unless, perchance, like the snakes, we .sliall be 
 forced to quit our own den! If, indeed, a porcupine 
 is in our midst by invitation, and our scaler are lutt 
 proof against his mi.ssiles, it is wise in us not uime- 
 cessarily to provoke him. 
 
 In this connexion I desire to notice these anima- 
 ted attacks on England; these burninj; apiicals to 
 our patriotism; these outbreaks of enthusia.stic love 
 of country; and firm resolve to resist encroachment 
 and insult. For my life, I cannot help but respond 
 heartily to them all. My indignation is excitol; 
 detestation of Enghsh arrogancefand insult is given 
 birth to; an ardent love of my own country and its 
 institutions is duly raised by these appeaLs. But I 
 look around in vain for a point to which to apply all 
 this perM-up ammunition. England is quiet, reining 
 under a treaty framed between us twenty-eight 
 years ago, and is on the eve of so modifying her 
 corn-laws as to admit thecontents of western "grana- 
 ries to be emptied upon her shores." This is, then, 
 it seems to me, a useless waste of patriotic enthusi- 
 asm; unless gentlemen fear that their's needs exercise 
 %o prevont its rusting. 
 
 I can well imagme, however, how such a course 
 will opemte upon the public mind — how the honf st 
 farmer, on reading such furious denunciation o*" 
 what ho is accustomed to think his national enemy, 
 and of her rapacity, &c., can have his feelinga 
 wrought up under the idea that his country \a 
 the onject of English rapacity and ovcrbearance; 
 and therefore he should demand that not an 
 iota of our claims should be yielded to her. And I 
 much fear that this is the surest way of accounting 
 for this strong popular ferment in relation to this 
 question. 
 
 Mr. Pakenham's letter, I humbly think, has been 
 subjected, unnecessarily, to this severe and trying 
 ordeal. On rennrusing it, I cannot but think that 
 his remarks, which ' ave excited so much indignation, 
 were designed rnert.y to refer to the fact that he had 
 been invited to open the negotiation in a spirit of 
 compromise, and that he found our government re- 
 ceding from, instead of meeting him in that 
 spirit — more having been offered to England at pre- 
 vious dates — offers, too, which he considered more 
 equitable and fair. 
 
 This notice, then, if given, would be a xcar move. 
 It is argued ay such. Mr. Polk evidently deerns it 
 as fuch. In itK^elf, it is such a move. 
 
 What, then, is the ohjcct? I am told, to obtain all 
 ofOrci^on. I, too, go for r,.ll of Oregon. I go for it 
 up to 3P 40'. I am desirous of attaining that end 
 in a way most consistent with the interests and hon- 
 or of the country, a.nd mojit likely to be effectual. 
 TVill tear — will the strong hand be that best mode' 
 I think not, and am therefore opposed to giving the 
 notice at this time. 
 
 In the event of war, it certainly would not Oc 
 waged in Oregon. In the first place, it is too remote 
 from our resourcc.i, both of material and men, for 
 us to operate there .successfully. It would take an 
 army, fully equipped and carrying its own supplies, 
 (for there are none in Orcjon,) full four months to 
 march from our frontiers into Oregon, scaling, Na- 
 rKtleon-like, in their progress, the American Alps, 
 lilngland — mistrej.s of the wea by means of her nu- 
 merous fleets, could much more readily transport 
 troops .ind provision.^ to that point. Witli us, it 
 would be equivalent to a foreign and aggresaive war 
 to carry it on in Oregon. For such a war, it is not 
 treason to .^ay we are weak. Our institutions do 
 not fit us f )r it. England, then, I take it for grant- 
 ed, v/ould soon h'lvc possession of the whole terri- 
 tory, and would soon fortii'y the passes against any 
 invasion of it on our part hereafuu". 
 
 The war, however, would be fiercely waged on 
 the ocean aiid in Canada. Ridiu',' in large fleets, 
 the cross of St. George might pass triumphant. In 
 siuixle and more equal ( ombats, it would be as cer- 
 tainly lowered to the stars and slripo.s. Canada, 
 too, "would yield to our valor; and when both par- 
 ties became tired of the contest, in which the vitalitti 
 of neither would have been touched, Oregon would 
 be found in the .hands of England, and Canada 
 would be in our possession. England cares but lit- 
 tle for Canada. To her it is an expensive and com- 
 paratively useless colony. For Oregon she cares 
 much ; for whoever is planted there will, from its 
 splendid ports, command the trade of the great Pa- 
 cific. Under such circumstances, peace, in all hu- 
 man probability, would be made between the two 
 countries, by which England would be left in pos- 
 session of Oregon, and the United States in posses- 
 sion of Canada. The North and East, and portions 
 of the South, and even West, would, after a long 
 
 t 
 
h a course 
 
 the honest 
 
 nciation o*" 
 
 naJ enemy, 
 
 lis feelinga 
 
 country :a 
 
 crbeuronce; 
 
 at not an 
 
 er. And I 
 
 accounting 
 
 tion to this 
 
 k, has been 
 and trying 
 . think that 
 indignation, 
 that he had 
 a spirit of 
 ernment re- 
 nt in that 
 land at pre- 
 idered more 
 
 a %car move. 
 '.\y deerns it 
 
 to obtain all 
 I s;o for it 
 ng tl);it end 
 sts and hon- 
 be efi'ectual. 
 best mode' 
 o giving the 
 
 Duld not l>c 
 s too remote 
 nd men, for 
 )uld take an 
 wn supplies, 
 n months to 
 scaling, Na- 
 .ericati Alps, 
 s of lier nu- 
 ily tnuisport 
 Witli us, it 
 >;srrcs:-iive war 
 war, it is not 
 istitutions do 
 ; it for grant- 
 whole terri- 
 3 against any 
 
 !y waged on 
 large fleets, 
 irnphnnt. in 
 Id bo as cer- 
 es. Canada, 
 len bo til par- 
 ch the vitnlit}! 
 )regon would 
 and Canada 
 cares but lit- 
 sive and com- 
 on she cares 
 vill, from its 
 the great Pa- 
 ce, u\ Jill hu- 
 veen the two 
 )e left in pos- 
 ies in posses- 
 , and portions 
 , after a long 
 
 and exhausting struggle, consent (o such terms, and 
 thus would the object of the war he lost. The blood 
 and treasure of the gallant West will have been 
 poured out in vain, while the North and East will 
 have reaped the greatest benefits for their sacrifices. 
 There might be one other result. Both parlies, 
 worn out by the struggle, might, as in the last war, 
 stipulate to return rill that either had conquered; 
 and thus the country would be left where it was 
 vh^n it began the foolish contest of strength. 
 
 I said "the country would be left where it was." 
 I erred, sir, far otherwise will be the result. We 
 are now on the very portals of success in carrying 
 out those noble principles of government, which our 
 fathers bequeathed to us, and which, if once wholly 
 in operation, will do more than anything else to ad- 
 vance the cause of liberty and happiness. We have 
 just purged the old republican party of that system 
 of bastard republicanism, which the war of J 8112 
 bequeathed to the country, and have infused into it 
 a new life and energy. The measugc of Mr. Polk 
 is amongst the best evidences of it; and the noble 
 and masterly report of Mr Walker — making clear 
 that which before was intricate and confused — ta- 
 king high constitutional grounds on the great sub- 
 ject of revenue — illuatratmg it with new and ir- 
 resistible arguments — a document which, side 
 by side with his great Texas letter, will com- 
 mend him to immortality, is another of those 
 fruits. The bill of my friend from Virginia, [Mr. 
 Dromgoolk,] for establishing a constitutional treas- 
 ury is another — all together forming a system of 
 noble measures, well calculated to cau.se the heart of 
 a true republiran to throb with joy, if successfully 
 carried through the ordeal of legislation. 
 
 We are on the point, loo, of purchasing the mag- 
 nificent territory of California, which, with Oregon, 
 would give ua a breadth of Pacific coast suited to 
 the grandeur and commercial importance of our re- 
 public. 
 
 t^U this would be blighted by tear. California 
 would be lost to us; Oregon would be lost to us. A 
 debt of five hundred millions would be imposed upon 
 the country. The paper system, in its worst form, 
 will necessarily have been imposed upon us. The 
 pei.'sion lis. — that spring of life and immortality to 
 patriotic valor — would be almost indefinitely in- 
 creased. The government will have become cen/rat- 
 ized; its checks weakened; its administration feder- 
 alized in all its tendencies. The fabric of State 
 rights will have been swept away, and remftin only 
 as a glorious dream; and a strong military bias will 
 have been given to the future career of our country, 
 ■which, while it may be splendid in appearance, will 
 Lear within itself the certain elements of destruction. 
 Sir, this picture is not over-wrought. It is a 
 melancholy truth, too well attested to be disputed, 
 that republicanism, which grows in tlie genial smile 
 of peace, shrinks from the clash of arms, and yields 
 to the fiercer bearing and swelling energies of its 
 antagonist principle, the one-man power — a princi- 
 ple which ♦hi-ives upon the wants, and fattens upon 
 the distresses of the country. 
 
 I say this in behalf of the whole country, and not 
 merely for my own, tny native land — the sunny 
 South. In such a contest, come when it may, she, 
 at least, has never faltered in her allegiance to the 
 whole country ; and it is now a pride and a pleasure 
 to her sons, to remember that the actions of our gal- 
 lant ancestry have been such, that no slur can be 
 cast, even by the maligniuit fanatic, upon her es- 
 cutcheoB that history does not give the lie to. 
 
 Strong in all the elements of government, her pecu- 
 liar institutions (she has been accustomed to tnink, 
 and experience sustains her,) ^but strcngilifn her for 
 a war. 
 
 Dreadful, however, as the results of war must 
 necessarily be, they are to be endured — and only to 
 be thought of to enable us the better to prepare for 
 it — if it is necessary. Is war, then, necessary at this 
 time? The gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. 
 Adams] intimates that he has "heard of some queo- 
 lion being made in England, whether they shalf not 
 give us notice of the termination of the joint occu- 
 pancy." 1 apprehend that England will do no such 
 thing. Her title is derived, she proclaims, from 
 her convention with Spain; and under i' she claims 
 no exclusive right to an inch of Oregon. A notice, 
 then, to us would, in some decree, impair the force 
 with which she urges her rights under that conven- 
 tion. A notice that she designed to take exclusive 
 po8sej!8ion of any part of Oregon, would be a no- 
 tice that she abandoned her position under the 
 Nootka Sound convention, which gives her no ex- 
 clusive right, by her own interpretation, and that 
 she rested her title upon other and, I must think, 
 weaker grounds. 
 
 Does honor- -"that blood-stained god at whose 
 red altar sit var and homicide" — require us to 
 plunge into a war with Great Britain.' If so, I am 
 yet to hear the first argument in support of it. The 
 proposition recently rejected by England was re- 
 jected in 1824, and yet Mr. Monroe thought it no 
 cau.se for war. A simihir but more favorable prop- 
 osition to England wrvS rejected in 1818 and 1826; 
 and yet neither Mr. Monroe nor Mr. Adams thought 
 that our honor had been insulted to such a decree 
 as to demand blood to efface it. General Jackson, 
 Mr. Van Buren, General Harrison, and Mr. Tyler 
 rested quietly after such rejection of our offers of 
 compromise, and deemed not that it was neces- 
 sary to give this notice to save the honor of the 
 country. 
 
 Do the wanlB of our fellow-citizens require war? 
 No. While we have millions of vacant and fertile 
 land this side of the Rocky moifntains unappropri- 
 ated, there are in Oregon, we are told, but7,000soul3 
 inhabiting a vast country, as large as the original 
 thirteen States— 900 miles long by 700 broad! So 
 far from the wants of the emigrants to Oregon re- 
 quiring it, they are actually under obligations to the 
 Hudson Bay Company to such an extent, for kind 
 and hospitable acts, as to form what is even now 
 called there an English party, who dread a wtir! 
 
 The only other objects to be attained by this agi- 
 tation of war, have been given vent to by a repre- 
 sentative of a miserable facMon in Ohio, [Mr. Gid- 
 DiNGs,] and by the gentleman fronj New York, [Mr. 
 KiKG.] Of the fornaer I will say nothing; and of the 
 latter, only that this game of president-making, at 
 the expense of such great interests, is worthy of be- 
 ing mentioned but to be denounced by every patriot. 
 As to the great and pure man at whom he aimed, 
 [Mr. Calhoun,] he is far, far above his reach. That 
 English arrow, even though shot from a New York 
 bow, and even though tne gentleman may hare 
 conceived it to be Wright-ly shot, falls harmlessly at 
 the feet of that great statesman. It will not tura 
 him from the path of duty, even though duty t9 hie 
 country may prove a sacrifice of high and honoi»- 
 ble hopes, which a portion of the country may hare 
 entertained in relation to him. With him such sac- 
 rifices have been but too common, that he should 
 
• now b«deUrred in hia career by any miserable in- 
 
 ■ aect that may have crawled there. 
 
 1 have thus endeavored, Mr. Chairman, to dem- 
 onatrate that, giving to England notice that we de- 
 aign to take exclusive posBesaion of Oregon, will 
 
 Eroduce a war; that war will cither terminate in the 
 isa of Oregon, or inefifecting nothing towbrds per- 
 fecting possession in us; that EInglaod will not give 
 the notice, and that neither the honor nor the wants 
 of the country require us to do. 
 
 I now propose to show, sir, that a system of 
 peaceful measureiH will tend much more eircctually 
 to give iia "all of Oregon," than warlike movements 
 win. 
 
 I would say, then, pass your military bills. I am 
 wlUiog to vote to increase the number (four com- 
 panies fifty or even one hundred per cent., nnd to 
 -raise mounted regiments sufficient to protect emigra- 
 tion to Oregon over our vast western plains. 
 
 I am ready to rote to build block-houses, not only 
 on the route to the South Pass, but to build them in 
 Oregon, as England has done. 
 
 I am ready to build such a station at the South 
 Pass, as will enable the cmigrantH ns they reach a 
 point from which they can look upon the vast 
 Atlantic slope on the one hand, and that of 'he Pa- 
 cific on the other, to recruit and refit there. 
 
 I am ready to cover our people there with thcvagis 
 of our laws, to the extent that England has protect- 
 ed her subjects. 
 
 I am ready to offer Huch other, and more tempting 
 inducements to its settlement, as gentlemen may de- 
 vise, in order that, in five years time, one hundred 
 thousand men may be thrown in the vales und 
 amidst the hills of this disputed land. 
 
 Amongst such a population, would readily be 
 found at least twenty taousand riflemen, well acquaint- 
 ed with the country, hardy and enterprising, and 
 vcach well trained to a skillful use of nis splendid 
 national weapon. With such a force there, I would 
 entertoin no fears of any attempt to diapusseai? us of 
 the country. It would then be, by population and 
 the means which I have marked out, a part and 
 |)arcel of our Union. As such, it never could be 
 conauered. It is differently situated now. But 
 Bngland — who, as I have repeatedly said, claims no 
 exclusive jurisdiction— would not war with us for it, 
 under such a state of facta, and mfist, therefore, by 
 4ha laws of neceaaity and population, be quietly 
 
 rooted out. Perhaps her Hudson Bay Compan/ 
 would have to bo remunerated. The Maine treaty 
 furnishes a precedent by which that can readily bo 
 done. Let this be done, and we shall have reafized 
 the prophecy, and I sincerely believe, what was the 
 wiahat the time, of Lord Castlereogh, expressed 
 twenty years ago to our minister — "Why are you 
 Americans so anxious to push this negotiation: In 
 a short time you would conquer Oregon in your bed- 
 chambers." And most assuredly this will not be 
 deemed treason in me, if I say that such a mode of 
 perfecting possession of that disputed land is far 
 preferable to any more bloody issue. 
 
 But, if dissatisfied with this course, Great Brit- 
 ain becomes alarmed, and appeals to the sword, 
 then will the memories uf every glorious battl** 
 field, where we have proven our steel with her, an- 
 imate our people to do their duty. In that event, 
 the West, nerved by a recollection of the atrocities 
 eommitted at the River Raisin — the Elast and Atlan- 
 tic board, excited by a remembrance of this burning 
 Capitol and their dcuulated towns — and the South, 
 animated by 'he spirit which, on the plains of New 
 Orleans, protected from British lust and rapine its 
 "beauty and booty" — will, shoulder to shoulder, and 
 with one common national impulse, rush to arms. 
 Then, if you please, let every long-unredressed in- 
 jury, inflicted by that haughty power upon the 
 weak in every clime, nerve our arms, and make 
 battle welcome; and, while the "fiery cross" goe-i 
 speeding round our land, and our brothers gather 
 for the conflict, let our motto be — "/Jo or die.'" 
 
 In the burning langua<;e of the gallant Lochiel 
 (some little altered to suit us,) and which an Ameri- 
 can may well quote — then 
 
 "Welcome be Cumberland's steed to the shock, 
 
 Let him dash his proud foam like a wave on the rock! 
 
 But wo to his kindred, and wo to his cause, 
 
 When Columbia' her claymore indignantly drawn— 
 
 When her 'panoplied warriors' to victory crowd— 
 
 The brare-hearted and true— the dauntless and proud— 
 
 'Their swords are a million,' their bosoms are one — 
 
 They are true to the last *f their blood and their breath, 
 
 And, like reapers, descend to the harvest of death." 
 
 That such a fearful tribunal for the settlement of 
 
 our rights may never be forced upon us is my sin. 
 
 cere prayer, sir. But if it must ever be ao, then 
 
 I most ardently hope, as I believe, that the country 
 
 , will be united and resolved to do its duty. 
 
 I 
 
 # 
 
 ■'«'S 
 
 v-f.tJ( 
 
! 
 
 \y Compan/ 
 ilaine treaty 
 an readily be 
 hare realized 
 vhat was the 
 K, expresBctl 
 Vhy are you 
 [Otiation: In 
 I in your bed- 
 is will not be 
 ch a mode of 
 [ lund is far 
 
 3, Great Brit- 
 ) the sword, 
 irioua battle- 
 with her, an- 
 n that event, 
 the atrocities 
 ist and Atlan- 
 if this burning 
 d the South, 
 »lains of New 
 nd rapine its 
 shoulder, and 
 rush to arms, 
 nredressed m- 
 iver upon ihe 
 ns, and mak; 
 r cross" goes 
 others gather 
 i or rfie.'" 
 llant Lochie! 
 lich an Ameri- 
 
 shock, 
 on the rock! 
 se, 
 
 tly draws— 
 Y crowd — 
 ga and proud— 
 ms are one— 
 nd their breath, 
 jtof death." 
 
 e settlement of 
 1 us is my sin- 
 •r be so, then 
 tat the country 
 duty.