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Un des symboies suivants apparaitra sur la dernlAre image de cheque microfiche, selon le cas: le symbols — ► signifie "A SUIVRE ", le symbols V signifie "FIN". Maps, plates, charts, etc., may be filmed at different reduction ratios. Those too large to be entirely included in one exposure are filmed beginning in the upper left hand corner, left to right and top to bottom, as many frames as required. The following diagrams illustrate the method: Les cartes, planches, tableaux, etc., peuvent dtre film6s d des taux de reduction diff^rents. Lorsque le document est trop grand pour dtre reproduit en un seul clich6. il est f\\n\6 d partir de I'angle supirieur gauche, de gauche d droite, et de haut en bas, en prenant le nombre d'images n6cessaire. Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la mithode. 1 2 3 32X 1 2 3 4 5 6 BOOKSgLLKH.1, Idontrtal. CANADA ARCHIVES ex lihris / n .-.VJfi-.r^ . 'w-*-;'' / DEMOCRACY IN AMERICA. BY ALEXIS DE rOC^lUEVILLE. TRANSl.ATf.!) HY H E N I^L Y R !«: K V E , \l s (,. . KDITF.n, WITH NOTES, TIIF TKAN-^I.ATION RKVISKI) AND IN (,KKAT I'AHT KKWKII Tr.N. AXl. IIIK AUDI IIONS MADK TO lUK KI-XKNT I'Al;!-. KmilnNS NOW I-IKsT 1 K ANPI. ATKl). By FRANCIS BOWEN, AI.FORD PKOFKSSOR OK MORAL PIIII.OSOPHY IN HARVARD UMVKFSITY. VOL. I. SI. ( 0\I) r. HIT ION. I ; CAMBRIDGE: SEVER AND FRANCIS. 1 8 6 ^ Enteri'ii acconliiig to Act of Congress, in the year 1SG2, by John I! a k t i. i: r i , In the nerk's Olfice of the District ("ourt of the District of MnssachuaeUs. a> i U y I VK R s iTY Pn E s a .- Welch. B i o e l o w . and C o m p a s t , CAMliHlDlit:. PREFACE OF THE AMETUCAN EDITOR. TTIE present pu])lication has been ninde to con- form as nearly as possible to the twelffh edition of the original work, the latest whieh appeared at Paris under the direct supervision of the author. De Tocciueville jq)pended to this edition, published in 1850, his essay, written three years before, for the Academy of the Moral and Political Sciences, on Democracy in Switzerland ; a full report of his remarkable Speech in the Cham- ber of Deputies predicting the devolution of 1(S48 just a month before its occurrence ; and a feel- ing and eloquent Advertisement, addressed to his countrymen, pointing them to the example of the United States, and urging the study of American institutions as affordinu; the most instructive les- sons for the orffiinization and conduct of the new French republic. These three additions are here tor the first time translated, both because they have an intimate connection with the body of the ■work, and because they reflect much light upon the character and opinions of the writer towards the close of his life. The first of them is specially interesting to American readers, as it contains an able analysis and criticism of the republican in- stitutions of Switzerland, illustrated by frequent 'J IV KDiToirs n;r.i Aci: coiM|)iirlson witli tljo constitutiuiis and liiws of tlio American rcjjiihlic.'s. Tlio writci's coiiCkIlmicc in tlic nltiniatc success and ])('act't\il cstal)lislnncnt oi' dcnKJciacy, as the contrtjlliiii;' prir-iple in the "jiovcrnnient ol' all nations, seems t(j have been not only not im])aired, hut strengthened, in the latter ])art of his life, hy the observations which he continuecl to mnke of the trial that it was undergoing in the United States, and of the progress and i)rosperity of this counlry in the years subsecpient to the lii'st pub- lication of his great work. And it' his life had been spared to witness the terrible ordeal to which the ])rovidence of (Jod is now subjecting us, it may confidently be believed that this trust on his ])art would not have been shaken, even if he should have been com})elled to admit, that the Federal tie which once bound our large I'amily of democratic States together would probably never be reunited. JTe would clearly have seen, what most of the politicians of Europe seem at present incapable of perceiving, that it is not re])resenta- tive democracy, but the Federal principle, which is now on trial, and that the only question is, whether any bond is strong enough to hold to- gether a confederacy so populous and extensive as to form in the ay:ij!:regate the largest and most ])owerful empire that the world has ever known. lie who would attempt to mtdvc up his own opin- ion on this great question can find no better guide than in the present work. De Tocqucville is the friend, but Ijy no means the indiscriminate eulo- gist, of American institutions ; and his criticisms, which are shrewd and searching, ought to be even more welcome than his commendations, for they are more instructive. He foresaw, if not the im- KDiKdis i'i;i;i Aci;. iiiiiK'nci', ill li'iist i\w i)i()l);il»ilit V, of the ••rriit com iilsioii wliicli the cuuiitry is now uikIcilio- iiii:' ; iiroi!s i'i:i:iA(i; coiiipiiiisoM (((' it ^vitll tlic oiiuiiiiil w;is liiirdly hi'^im, hd'orc I IuuikI to iiiv disiiuiy that tliis tnnisl.'ition wjis iittcii}- iiia(l(j(|uati' and untriiht- woitliv. As a j)i('tty tlioroii^h t'Xposurc of its (leiiicrits lias reccntlv Itt'cii made in an Kni^Iisli ])('ri()di(.'al, wlicro tliciv can hu iiu snspiciDii of an \inlav()ial>U' bias, 1 can liavc no scrn])lc in spcakiiii^ ol' it as it deserves. It is ucnerallv I'eehle, inele- i^ant, and verbose, and too often «)l)scnre and in- correct. On coinnariiiii; everv line of it \\\\\i the original, the .'dtei'ations which were foniid to he iiecessarv were so iiiinierons and sweeniiiLi-. that j)erhaps the present edition, of the first vcduine at least, niiu'ht more fitly 1)0 called a new translation than an amende(l one. The second volume, 1 omrht to sav, is somewhat lietter done ; as it was ])uhlished several years (d'ter the appearance of the first, formini,^ in lact a distin(;t work, the trans- lator had found time to increase his Jamiliaritv with the French languaue, and even to mjd'ie some i)roi!:res.s in his knowled<'e of Enulish. This is plain speakinii", and 1 feel hound to vin- dicate it. \)y olferin<^ some specimens of the tians- lation, hoth in its ])rimitive and its amended state. The followiu!'' extra(;ts are taken almost at random from the body of the book, and the original is ])re- iixed to facilitate the labor of comparison. The citations are all from the first volume, and the references for Mr. lleeve's translation are to the second London edition, Lonirmans, 1862. Dl's lioninies sacrifient h, unc opinion roli^ieusc Iciirs amis, lour faiiiille ct li'ur pntrii' ; on jx'Ut les croirc ul)sorl)e.s dans la poursuite de co 1)ii'n inti-l- lectui'l qu'ils sont vciuis aclietcr ii si liaut prix. On ics voit (I'pcnilant ro- clierclior d'une ardour proscjue o'^'ale ics rioiiossos matorielies ct los jouissaiioos morales, lo liol dans I'autro moudo, le iiion-otre ot la lihorti' dans colui ci. Sous Icur main los prin(i])os politi(pios, les lois ot los institutimis linniainos semblent clioscs malloables, ciui pcuvent se tourner et sc combiner ii volonte. EDITOR'S rRi:r.\cK. VII T)i'vinit f'tix "i'lilmix-;'!!! los ImrriJ'rt'S (\\i\ umpri-onnuiciit la «o(it't<' an Mm A*' la(|ii('lli' iU Koiit '.UM ; K's vifilles (ipiiiiDiis, i|iii (li'|iiii> ih-" su'cli'x iliii^i'aiciit Ic inurnic, H't'vaiioiiisstnt ; mu' nirrit-ro pnsiiiu' nans iKtriu's, un diainp sans hori/oii M' ilt'Vonvre : I'tsprit Iniiiiain s'y |p|f(ipitt' ; il Ifs panoiirt tii tiMw sftis , iiiai>, arrivt' aiix liiniti'-i ilii imiiidc puliiii|tii>, 11 >'airt*li' ili- Iiiiini'iiu' ; il (i('p')-io I'll tri'iiilil.mt I'li^am' iK' sc^ pin-; rcilinitalilt^ fariilii's ; il alpiurf K- floiitf ; ii rt'tKincc an lusriin (rinnuviT ; il ■"'alx.tifiit itii'inc lic ^uuIimt ji- voile tiu sriK'tiiairL' ; i! s'incliiu' avic nsju'it ilevaiil lU's viiitcs cpi'il adiiirt sans lvv< rlicil in the pur- suit of the iiiti'ilfctnal advantai;!'-. wliicli tlii'v punliMsrd at x) dear a rate. Tlu' I'lU'rL'v, li(i\vi'\('r, with \vhirli they strove tor the aeipiiri'- inuiit (if wi'aitli, moral I'lijuyiiieiit, and llie eomfDrt-i a^ well a'* hheriie-; of the wiirld, is scarcely inferior to that wiih wiiieh they de\uted tlK'in- Helves ti) liea\'en. Toiitieal principles, and all human laws and institutions were moulded and alteroil at their pleasure ; the harriers of the society in wliidi they were horn were hrnken liown hefore thcin ; the oM jirinciplcs which had jjovi'rned the world for ai_a's were lu) more ; a path without a tirm, and a lielil witlmtit an horizon wi're opened to the expliirinL' and ardent curiosity of man : hut at the limits of tlu' po- litical World he checks his resi'archcs, he discreetly lay^ aside tin.' use of his most formidahle faeulties.he no loHL'er consents to doubt or to imiovati'. hut carefully ahstainiiiL'' from rai-in;; the curtain of the .sanctuary, he yields with sulimissive re-iicct to truths which he will not discuss. — j). M.'3. IIeviskd Ti{.\Nsr,.vTH)\. One woidd think that men who hail sacriliccil their tVicniU, their fannly, ami their native land to a reliuiuiis ('•mvii'tioii Would he wholly aliMH'lii d in the pursuit of the treasure which they had just puriha«ei| at so lii^h a price. And yet we lind them seeking; with nearly eipial zeal for matcn.d wealth ami tmiral ;:ood, — tor wdl- hein^ and freedom on earth, ami sal- vation in heaven. They moulded and alteri'd at plea-iin' all political prm- eiples. ami all human laws and insti- tutions ; they hroke down the haniers of the society in wliiili they were horn ; they disretrarded thi' (dd |irin- ciples which had i:overned the world for aecs ; a career without lioumls, :i tield without a horizon, was opened hefove them : they precipitate them- s(dves into it. ami traverse it in every direction. Hut, havin;.'' reached the limits of the political world, they stoji of their own accord, and lay a-id*! with awe the use of ilu'ir most formi- dalile faculties; they no loiii^er douht or inmnatc ; they ahstain from rais- ing even the veil of the' sanctmiry, and how with snhmissive respect he- fore truths which they admit without discussion. — p. 54. Chez les jictites nations, Pieil de la societe penetre partout ; Tesjirit tl'amelioration descend Ju. I'Ji). 1{i;i;vi:'m Tiianmlatimn. Ill siiiJill nutiuiis till' siriitiiiy of .M)(iilv |priii'liali-< iiilo I'M!)' |i;iil, mill till- >i|iii'it of iiii|iriivi'iTii'iit ciiirri into till- iiio«t trilling' liitail^ ; a^ tin* iiiiiliiiinn of till- |ii'o|ili' is niri'>Mirily rlicrkcci liy its wi'iiktli'ss, III! till' ri- fiirts anil nsoiirri'S of the citi/i'iis an' tniiii'il to till' intrrnal ln'iiilit of tlif I'oininnnity, ami an' not likely to t'Va|ioial<' ill till- lii'clin;,' liiratli of ^lol•y. 'i'hr i|i'»irrs nf I'M'iy inili\iil- iial arc liiniliil, ln'cansi' ■xirannlinary fai'iillii's ail' ranly to lie incl with. 'I'lir yifl.H of an r(|iial foitnin' rciiilrr till- various cuniliiions of lift' iiniforni ; anil till' nianiit'i's of tlic inlialiitaiils art' onli'iiy ami siiii|ilc. 'I'liiis, if niic istiinatt' till' ;;iailatiuns of |io|iiiiar morality ami riili^^lilininriit, wi' sliall ;:onei'ally timi that in small nations tliiTc arc more persons in easy i ir- eiimstunees, a more nnmerons pojni- lation, ami a more ti'am|iiil state of Koeiefv, than in [j;reat empires. — p. 17*;. ' onlinuiremeiit eliez los pctitcs nations raiHpiillite' ipic ehez |es (;ran ami resmirees i,t the eiti/eiis are tiiiiieil to the internal wcll-heiny of the eommiiniiy. ami are not likely to evaporate in tin; tleeiiiiy hii'ath of ;.'lory. The powers of iMry imliviil- nal heia;: ;:enerally liniiteil, his i|(>. sires are propuitioiially >inall. Me- ilioerity oi' fortune makes the various eoiiililions of life nearly eipial, ami the manners of the inlialiilaiits arc oiileiiy ami >imple. 'I'liu^, all thiii;:s eiiii^iili'i'eil, ami allowanei' liein^ made for the Miiioiis (le;;rei's of morality and i'idi;:hteiiim'iit, wi; shall ireiierally find in small iiatiniis more ease, popii- laiion, and trampiiliity than in larj^u ones. — 11. 'J()2. On lie rencontrera jamais, fpioi (pi'on fassc, do n'ritahle pnissaneo parnii lew hoinmes, (pie dans lo eonconrs lihre des voloiiK'S. Or, il n'y a an moiide (liie le patriotisme, on la reli;;ion, ipii pnisse faire marcher pendant loiij;- teiiips vers nil nieiiic hut riini\('i>aliti' des eitoyeiis. 11 lie depend pas dcs lois dc raninier des einyanees (pii s'c'tci;:ni'iit ; niais il depend dos lois d'inte'rosscr les hommes anx destinecs dc leur jiays. II depend des lois de reveiller et ilc diriLrcr ect instinct vamie de la patric qui ii'ahandonne jamais Ic eu'iir dc rhomiiu', et, en le liant anx pensccs, aux pa>sioiis, anx hahitiidcs dc ehaipic jour, d'l n fairc uii sentiment retleehi ct dnrahlc. Et (lu'on nc djsi. point (;u'il est trnp tard ])onr le tenter ; Ics na- tions no vicillisscnt jioint dc la mcine maniere que les homines, ("haipie f^'oneration (|ni nait dans Icnr sein est eomtne un peuple nouvcaii qui vieiit s'olVrir a la main du le^i>lateiir. — pp. ll.'J, 114. ItEEVE's TlJANSLATION". RlCVISKl) TjlANSLATIOX. Whatever exertions may he made, Do what yon may, there is no true no true power can he founded amoiiL: jiuwer anion;; men except in the iVee men which docs not depend upon the union of their will; and jiatriotisni op free union of their inclinations; and nliuion are the only two motives in patriotism or religion arc the only the world which can loii;,Miriro all the two motives in the world which can people towards the same end. F.DiTons rnriACE. IX Ix'rmiincntly iliroct tin' whole of ii luily |i()liii(' to Olio tnii. I.aw* caiiiiiit Mnfr.'il in rfkiinlliii^ tht' iUilur of an cxtiii^ui-licil tailli ; 1)111 iiii'ii may In' iiitirt'>tt il iii tlif late ol' their lomiiry hy tlir hiws. Hy this^ iiitlucnci', the vu>;iie iinpulst' of pa- tiii>ii>iii, whiili iifvcr aiianihms the hum. Ill licait, may he iliiected ami VfviMil; ami if it lie riiiiiiecteil with the lliiiii^ht^, the pa>^iniis, ainl the daily haliits of life, it may he eoii^oli- (lateil into a tliirahle ami rational m'II- tiinent. Let it not he ^aid that the time for the expeiimeiit i^ already past ; fur the idd a;;e of nalions is not like the old au'e of men, and every froli generation is a new peo- tile ready for tlio cure of the Icyiti- utor. — p. yS. Laws cannot nkindie nn e\tin- Ciii'|rd hy the law> in the fate of their eoiititry. It depends nprni ilie laws to awaken ami ihieci the vauiii) impulse of patriotism, wliieli iie\er iihiimlon.s the human heart ; and if it lie eoniieeted with the thoughts, the passions, and the daily lialut" of lite, il may he euiisolid.ited into a diiraMo and raiional sentiment. Let it not he said that it is too late to make the experiment ; for nations do not ;:iow old as tneti do, and every fresh mu- eiation is ii new people read\ lor the care of the leyi>lator. — p. 1 18. La <'oinmnne, prise en masse ct jiar rapport nil (jouverncinent central, n'est qii'iin iiidividii eomnie uii autre, auipiel s'appliipie la tlaiorie (pic je viens d'indiipier. La liherte eommnnalo deeoule doiie, aiix Ktais-L'nis, du dojjiiie mOme. de la Huuverainetu du jieuple ; toute.s les repuhliqiies anierieaines unt plus ou moins rcconnu cette indqieiidanee ; inais ehuz les pouples do la Nouvelle- Aiijileterre, les circoiislances eu ont partieulierenient favorise le dcfveloppe nient. Datis cette partio de I'Union, la vie politiiiuc a pris naissaneo au sein memo des communes ; on i)ourrait presque dire qu'ii son ori;,Mne cliaeune d'elles etait nne nation inde'peiidante. Lorsipic ensuite les rois d'An^'leterre reelamereiit leur part de la souveiainete, ils se horrierent a premlre la puis- sance ccntrale. Ils laissercnt la commune dans I'ctat oil ils la trouverent ; luaintonant les communes de la Nouvelle-Angleterro sont sujettes ; iiiais dans le prineipe dies ne r(^taient point ou I'etuiont ii peine. Klles n'ont done pas rceu leurs pouvoirs ; ce sont elles au tmitraire (pii semhieiit s'etii! des- saissics, en favcur de I'fjtat, d'une portion de leur inde'pendanee : distinction importantc, et qui doit rcster jM-esente a I'esprit du leeteur. Les communes nc sont en j;e'n('ral soumises a I'Ktat que quand il s'aj^it d'un interet que j'appellerai social, e'est-ii-dirc qu'elles partagent avcc d'autres. Pour tout cc qui n'a rapport qu'ii ellcs scales, les communes sont rcstces des corps independants ; et parmi les habitants do la Nouvelle-Angleterre, il ne s'en rencontre aucun, je pense, qui rcconnaisso au gouvcrneinent dc i'iitat le droit d'intervenir dans la direction des interets purement communaux. On voit done les communes do la NouvcUe-Anglctorre vemlre et aclicter, attaquer et se defendrc devant les tribunaux, charger leur budget ou le de'grever, sans qu'aucuno autorite' administrative quelconquc songe h, s'y opposcr. ' i ■ J H X EDITOR'S PPvKFACE. Quant mix devoirs sociaux, dies sont tenucs d'y satisfaire. Ainsi, I'foat a-t-il besoin d'arf,'cnt, la commune n'est pas libre do lui aroordcr ou dc lui refuser son concours. L'Etat veut-il ouvrir une route, la commune n'est pas maitressc dc lui fern)cr son territoire. Fait-il un reglcment de police, la commune doit I'executer. Veut-il organiser I'instruction sur un jjlan uni- formc dans toute I'etenduc du pays, la commune est tenuc de creer les ecoles voulucs par la loi. — pp. 77, 78. Keeve's Translatiov The township, taken as a whole, and in relation to tlie government of tlie country, may he looked upon as an individual to wiioni the theory 1 have just alluded to is applied. Mu- nicipal independence is therefore a natural conse<|ucnce of the principle of the sovereignty of the people in the United States : ail the American republics recogni/e it more or less ; but circumstances have peculiarly favored its growth in New England. In tliis part of the Union, the im- pulsion of political activity was given in the townships ; and it may almost he said that each of them originally formed an independent nation. Wlien the kings of England asserted their supremacy, they were contented to assume tiie central power of the State. Tiic townships of New England re- mained as they were before ; and al- though tliey are now subject to the State, tliey were at first scarcely de- pendent upon it. It is important to rememl)er that they have not been invested with privileges, but that tiiey have, on the contrary, forfeited a por- tion of their independence to the State. The townsliips are only subordinate to the State in those interests which I shall term social, as they are com- mon to all tiie citizens. They are independent in all tliat concerns them- selves ; and amongst the inhabitants of New England I believe tliat not a man is to be found who Avould ac- knowledge that the State has any right to interfere in their local inter- ests. The towns of New England buy and sell, prosecute or arc indicted, augment or diminish their rates, with- out the slightest opposition on the part of the administrative authority of the State. They are bound, however, to cora- Revisfd Traxslatiojt. The township, taken as a whole, and in relation to the central govern- ment, is only an individual like any otiier to wiioin tiie theory I huve ju>t d('scril)cd is applical)le. Municipal independence in the United States is, therefore, a natural consetpience of this very principle of the sovereign tv of the people. All the American re- publics recognize it more or less ; i)ut circumstances have peculiarly favored its growth in New England. In this pait of the Union, political life has its origin in the townships ; and it may almost be said that each of them originally formed an inde- pendent nation. When tlie kings of England afterwards asserted their supremacy, they were content to as- sume the central power of the State. They left the townships where they were before ; and although they are now subject to the State, they 'were not at first, or were hardly so. They did not receive their powers from the central authority, but, on the contrary, they gave up a portion of their inde- pendence to the State. This is an important distinction, and one which the reads-r must constantly recollect. The townships are generally sui)ordi- nate to the State only in those inter- ests which I shall tenn social, as they are common to all the others. They are independent in all that concerns themselves alone ; and amongst the inhabitants of New England I believe that not a maii is to be found who would acknowledge that the State has any right to interfere in their town affairs. The towns of New England buy and sell, prosecute or are indicted, augment or diminish their rates, and no administrative au- thority ever thinks of offering any opposition. . I M EDITOR'S TRKFACE. XI ply with the ('('mands of the cntnmii- iiity. If the State is in need of itidiu'v, a town can neither (.'ive nor witliiiold the snpplies. If tiie State projects a road, tiie township cannot refuse to let it cross its territory ; if n police repuhition is made hy the State, it must l)e enforced hy the town. A nnifortn system of instruction is orpi- nized all over the country, and every town is hound to cstahlish the schools which the law ordains. — pp. 60, Gl. There nro certain social duties, however, which they are hound to fidtil. If the State is in need of money, a town cannot withhold the snpplies; if the State priij(!cts a road, the township cannot refuse to let it cross its territory ; if a police regula- tion is made hy the State, it must he enforced hy the town ; if a uniform system of puhlic instruction is enact- ed, every town is hound to cstahlish the schools which the law ordains. — pp. 80, 81. they ey are were They om the trary, inde- is an which ollect. hordi- inter- i they They )ncerns ;st tlie helievo id who State their New ■ute or minish ive au- any J T)'une autre part, je doute fort qu'un vetement particulier porte les hommes puhlics Ji se respecter eux-memes, quand ils ne sont pas natu- rellement dispose's "i Ic faire ; car je ne saurais croire qu'ils aient plus d'eyard pour leur habit cjue pour leur personne. Quand je vols, parmi nous, certains magistrats hrusquer les parties ou leur adrcsser des hons mots, lever les I'paides anx moyens de la defense et sourire avcc complaisance a Tenumeration des charges, je voudrais qu'on essayat de leur oter leur rohe, afin de de'couvrir si, se trouvant vetus commo les simples citoycns, cela ne les rappellerait pas a. la dignite naturclle do I'espece humaine. Aucun des fonctionnaires publics des fetats-Unis n'a de costume, mais tons recoivent un salairc. Ceci decoule, j)lus naturellement encore que ce qui precede, des prin- cipes democraticiues. Une democratic peut environner de ponipe ses ma- gisirats et les couvrir de sole et d'or sans attaquer directement le principo de son existence. De pareils privile'ges sont passagers ; ils tiennent a la place, et non ii riiomnie. Mais etahlir des fonctions gratuites, c'est cre'er une classe de fonctionnaires riches et independants, c'est former le noyau d'une aristocratic. Si le peujjle conserve encore le droit du choix, rcxercice de ce droit a done des homes ne'cessaires. Quand on voit une re'puhlique democratique rendre gratuites les fonc- tions re'tribuees, je crois qu'on peut en conclure qu'elle marche vers la monarchic. Et quand une monarchie commence a retribuer les fonctions gratuites, c'est la marcjue assuree qu'on s'avancc vers un e'tat despotique ou vers un e'tat re'publicain. — pp. 245, 246. Reeve's Tilvkslatiox. Revised Translation. On the other hand, it is very doubt- On the other hand, it is very doubt- ful whether a peculiar dress contrih- ful whether a peculiar dress induces utes to the respect which public char- public men to respect themselves, acters ought to have for their own when they are not otherwise inclined position, at least when they are not to do so. When a magistrate (and otherwise inclined to respect it. When in France such instances are not rare) a magistrate (and in France such snubs the j)arties before him, or in- instances aro not rare) indulges his dulges his wit at their expense, or » I i i 1 ' Xll EDITOR'S PREFACE. trivial wit at the expense of the pris- oner, or derides the predieament in which a eulprit is placed, it would he well to deprive him of his rohes of ortiee, to see whether he would recall some i)i)rtion of the natural dignity of mankind when he is reduced to the apparel of a private citizen. A democracy may, however, allow a certain show of maj;isterial ])omp, and clothe its officers in silks and iiold, without seriously compromising its principles. Privileges of this kind are transitory ; they helonf; to the ))lacc, and are distinct from the indi- vidual : but if puhlie otHeers are not uniformly remunerated by the State, the public charijes must be intrusted to men of opulence and independence, who constitute the basis of an aris- tocracy; and if the people still retains its right of election, that election can only be made from a certain class of citizens. When a democratic republic ren- ders offices whieli had formerly been remunerated, gratuitous, it may safely be believed that that state is advan- cing to monarchical institutions ; and when a monarchy begins to remuner- ate such officers as had hitherto been unpaid, it is a sure sign that it is approaching towards a despotic or a republican form of government. — pp. 238, 239. shrugs his shoulders at their pleas of defence, or smiles complacently as the charges aie enumerated, I should like to deprive him of his robes of office, to see whetlier, when he is re- duced to the garb of a private citizen, he would not recall some ])ortion of the natural dignity of mankind. No public officer in the United States has an official costume, but every one of them receives a salary. And this, also, still more naturally than what precedes, results from dem- ocratic j)rinciples. A democracy may allow some magisterial pomj), and clothe its officers in silks and gold, without seriously compromising its principles. Privileges of this kind are transitory ; they belong to the place, and not to the man : but if public officers are unpaid, a <'lass of rich and independent puldic functionaries will be created, who will constitute the basis of an aristocracy ; and if the people still retain their right of election, the choice can be made only from a lertain class of citizens. When a democratic republic ren- ders gratuitous offices which had for- merly been remunerated, it may safely be inferred that the state is advancing towards monarchy. And when a monarchy begins to remunerate such officers as had hitherto been unpaid, it is a sure sign that it is approaching a despotic or a republican form of government. — pp. 263, 264. Ce qu'ils aperccvaient d'abord, c'est que le conseil d'Etat, en France, etant un grand tribunal fixe au centre du royaume, il y avail uno sorte de tyrannic h, renvoyer preliminairement devaut lui tous les plaignants. — p. 126. Reeve's Traxslatiok. Reviskd Translation. They were at once led to conclude that the Conseil d'Etat in France was a great tribunal, established in the centre of the kingdom, which exer- cised a preliminary and somewhat tyrannical jurisdiction in all political causes. — p. 108. They at once perceived that, the Council of State in France being a great tribunal established in the cen- tre of the kingdom, it was a sort of tyranny to send all mplainants be- fore it as a prelimina step. — p. 1 3 1 . Les pcuples entre eux ne sont quo des individus. C'est surtout pour paraitro avec avantage vis-a-vis des ctrangers qu'uno nation a besoin d'un gouveruement unique. — pp. 137, 138. 1 i- f t EDITOR'S rUKFACE. XI II "Rekvk's Transf-ation'. RkVISI.K TiJ iNSt.ATION. Tlif extprniil relations of a jjcople The poopK' in tliciii'-clvcs arc only may Uc coinpared to tliose ot private iiKiividuals ; ami the special reason individuals, and they cannot he ad- why tlicy need to be united under vantafceously maintained witliout the one government is, that they may a^'ency of the sin),de head of a Gov- aj)pear to advanta<;e hetbre foreij^n- erument. — p. 121. ers. — p. 144. paid, •hinj: rm of 6 11 V a des pens en France qui considercnt les institutions repuhlicaincs romnie i'instrument passaj,'er de leur grandeur. lis mesurent des yeux I'espace immense (jui separe leurs vices et leurs miseres do la puissance et des richesses, ct its voudraient entasser des mines dans cct ahime pour cssayer de le comhler. Ceux-15i sent a la lihertc ce que les compngnies franehes du moyen age ctaicnt nux rois ; ils font la guerre pour leur propre compte, alors meme qu'ils portent ses couleurs : la repul)li([ue vivra toujours assez longtemps pour les tirer de leur basscssc presente. Ce n'est pas a eux que je parlc. — p. 3.56. Reeve's Traxslatiox. Revised Translation'. There are persons in France who look upon republican institutions as a temporary means of power, of wealth, and distinction ; men who are the r.omlottii-ri of liberty, and who tight for their own advantage, whatever be the colors they wear : it is not to these that I address myself. — p. 364. There arc persons in France who look upon republican institutions only as a means of obtaining grandeur ; they measure the immense space which separates their vices and mis- ery from |)ower and riclies, and they aim to fill up this gulf with ruins, that they may pass over it. These men are the condottieri of liberty, and fight for their own advantage, what- ever be the colors they wear. The republic will stand long enough, they think, to draw them up out of their present degradation. It is not to the.se that I address myself. — p. 393. pour d'un Perhaps it is not too much to say of a work which has hitherto been before the Enghsh and American pubhc only in such a translation as this, that it still remains to be perused by them for the first time in a form in which it can be under- stood and appreciated. I have bestowed a good deal of labor upon it, in the hope of aiding the circulation of a book of which it has been justly said by the highest living authority on the science of general politics, Mr. John Stuart Mill, that it is XIV EDITOR'S PREFACE. " such as Montesquieu might have written, if to his genius he had superadded good sense, and the hghts which mankind have since gained from the experiences of a period in which they may be said to have hved centuries in fifty years." Especially ought it to be generally studied here in the United States, where no thinking man who exercises the privileges of a voter can fail to derive from it profitable information respecting the nature of the institutions under which he lives, together with friendly warnings and wise counsels to aid him in the proper discharge of his political duties. Cambridge, August 5, 1862. AUTHOR'S ADVERTISEMENT TO THE TWELFTH EDITION* HOWEVER sudden and momentous the events which we have just beheld so swiftly accom- plished, the author of this book has a right to say that they have not taken him by surprise.f His work was written fifteen years ago, with a mind constantly occupied by a single thought, — that the advent of democracy as a governing power in the world's affiiirs, universal and irre- sistible, was at hand. Let it be read over again, and there will be found on every page a solemn warning, that society changes its forms, humanity its condition, and that new destinies are impend- ing. It was stated in the very Introduction of the work, that " the gradual development of the prin- ciple of Equality is a providential fact. It has all the chief characteristics of such a fact; it is uni- versal, it is durable, it constantly eludes all human * The twelfth edition of this work appeared at Paris in 1850, and this Advertisement was prefixed to it by De Tocquevillc in reference to the French Revolution of 1848. — Am. Ed. t The writer here alludes to a speech which he made in the Chamber of Deputies, on the 27th of January, 1848, just one moutli before the Revolution was accomplished. He annexed a report of this speech to the twelfth edi- tion of his work, and a translation of it will be found at the end of the second volume. — Am. Ed. , L:. n .' i XVI AUTHOR'S ai)Vi;rtisi:mi:nt. interference, and all events as well as all men contribute to its progress. Would it be wise to imagine that a social movement, the causes of which lie so far back, can be checked by the ef- forts of one generation ? Can it be believed that the democracy, which has overthrown the feudal system and vanquished kings, will retreat before tradesmen and capitalists? Will it stop now that it is grown so strong and its adversaries so weak?" He who wrote these lines in the presence of a monarchy which had been rather confirmed than shaken by the Revolution of 1830, may now fear- lessly ask again the attention of the public to his work. And he may be permitted to add, that the present state of affairs gives to his book an imme- diate interest and a practical utility which it had not when it was first published. Royalty was then in power; it has now been overthrown. The in- stitutions of America, which were a subject only of curiosity to monarchical France, ought to be a subject of study for republican France. It is not force alone, but good laws, which give stability to a new government. After the combatant, comes the legislator ; the one has pulled down, the other builds up ; each has his office. Though it is no longer a question whether we shall have a monarchy or a republic in France, we are yet to learn whether we shall have a convulsed or a tranquil republic, — whether it shall be regular or irregular, pacific or warlike, liberal or oppres- sive, — a republic which menaces the sacred rights of property and family, or one which honors and P t I I'. AUTHOR'S ADVKRTISKMF.XT. XVII protects them both. It is a fearful problem, the solution of which concerns not France alone, but the whole civilized world. If we save oiu'selves, we save at the same time all the nations which surround us. If we perish, we shall cause all of them to perish with us. According as democratic liberty or democratic tyranny is established here, the destiny of the world will be different ; and it may be said that this day it depends upon us, whether the republic shall be everywhere finally established, or everywhere finally overthrown. Now this problem, which among us has but just been proposed for solution, was solved by America more than sixty years ago. The prin- ciple of the sovereignty of the people, which we enthroned in France but yesterday, has there held undivided sway for over sixty years. It is there reduced to practice in the most direct, the most unlimited, and the most absolute manner. For sixty years, the people who have made it the common source of all their laws have increased continually in population, in territory, and in opu- lence ; and — consider it w^ell — it is found to have been, during that period, not only the most pros- perous, but the most stable, of all the nations of the earth. Whilst all the nations of Europe have been devastated by war or torn by civil discord, the American people alone in the civilized world have remained at peace. Almost all Europe w^as convulsed by revolutions ; America has not had even a revolt.'^ The republic there has not been * Thank God tliat this is liistory, thougli it is not the present fact. TJic i1 ■1 1 i'f XVI 11 AUTHOR'S ADVKRTISKMKXT. tlie assailant, but the guardian, of all vested rights; the property of individuals has had better guaran- ties there than in any other country of the world ; anarchy has there beer, as unknown as despotism. Where else could we find greater causes of hope, or more instructive lessons ? Let us look to America, not in order to make a servile copy of the institutions which she has established, but to f^ain a clearer view of the polity which will be the best for us; let us look there less to find examples than instruction; let us borrow from her the j^rinciples, rather than the details, of her laws. The law^s of the French republic may be, and ought to be, in many cases, different from those which govern the United States ; but the principles on which the American constitutions rest, — those principles of order, of the balance of powers, of true liberty, of deep and sincere respect for right,*— are indispensable to all republics; they ought to be common to all ; and it may be said beforehand, that wherever they shall not be found, the republic will soon have ceased to exist. 1848. record of what our country lias been, and of what she accomplished during three quarters of a century, is beyond the power even of a gigantic rebellion to blot out. Let only the faint-hearted, on looking into the past, exclaim, with the great Italian, " Nessun tnagglor dolore Che ricordarsi del tempo felice Nella miseria." Nobler spirits will say, though the memory of what has been be the only star which shines in the thick darkness that now surrounds us, it shall light us on to mightier eflTorts, and kindle in our hearts a surer hope of the re- appearance of the day, — of a day whose sunshine sliall not be broken even by the one dark cloud that dimmed our former prospcritv Am. Ed. {'» H-. CONTENTS OF VOL. 1. during 10 only U light the re- !u even Tntkoduction CHAPTER I. ExTERiou FonM OF North America . PAoa 1 19 CHAPTER II. Origix of tub Anglo-Americans, and Importance of this Origin in relation to their Future Condition . . 31 Reasons of certain Anomalies which the Laws and Customs of the Anglo-Americans present ....... 55 CHAPTER III. Social Condition op the Anglo-Americans . . . .57 The striking Characteristic of the Social Condition of the Anglo- Americans is its essential Democracy ..... 57 Political Consequences of the Social Condition of the Anglo-Amer- icans 67 CH \PTER IV. The Principle of the SovEit'iiONTT of the People in America 69 CHAPTER V. Necessity of Examining the Condition of the States be- fore that of the Union at Large 73 The American System of Townships ..... 74 Limits of the To\vnship ........ 77 Powers of tlie Township in New England . .^ . . 77 Life in the Township 80 Spirit of the Townships of New England .... 83 The Counties of New England 86 XX CONTEXTS. The Administration of rirovomTnont in New England . General Hcinari^.s on the Administration in the United States 87 99 Of the State 104 Lofjislative Power of tlie State ...... 104 The Executive I'owcr of the State . . . . . .106 Political Ert'ects of decentralized Administration in the United States 107 CHAPTER VI. Judicial Poweu in the United States, and its Influence ON Political Society 123 Other Powers granted to American Judj^es . . . . 130 t li I 1 1 ji! i I » i CIIAPTEll VII. Political Jurisdiction in the United States , . . 133 CHAPTER VIII. The Federal Constitution 140 History of the Federal Constitution . . . , . 140 Summary of the Federal Constitution ..... 143 Powers of the Federal Government . . . . . 144 Legislative Powers of the Federal Government . . . .147 A further Difference between the Senate and the House of Repre- sentatives . . . . . . . . . .150 The Executive Power . . . . . . . . 151 In what the Position of a President of tiie United States differs from that of a Constitutional King of France . . . 153 Accidental Causes which may increase the Influence of the Execu- tive Government . . . . . . . . 158 Wliy the President of the United States does not need a Majority in the two Houses in Order to carry on the Government . 159 Election of tlie President . . . . . . . .160 Mode of Election 166 Crisis of the Election . . . . . . . .170 Re-election of the President 172 Federal Courts of Justice . . . . . . . .175 Means of determining the Jurisdiction of the Federal Courts . 179 Different Cases of Jurisdiction ....... 181 Procedure of the Federal Courts 187 High Rank of the Supreme Court amongst the great Powers of State 190 |t t CONTI'.NTS. XXI . 87 99 . 104 104 . 106 States 107 DENCE 123 130 . 133 • • 140 • 140 • • 143 • 144 , • 147 Rcprc- , • 150 , 151 differs . 153 Exccu- . 158 lajority It . 159 . 160 , 166 , , 170 , 172 ^ , 175 s 179 a • 181 • 187 of State 190 I In what respects the Fodcnil Constitution is superior to that of tho States 193 Characteristics of tho FccU'ral (.'oustitutiou of the I'liited States of America as compared with all otiier l-Vderal Constitutions . 198 Advantai^es of the Federal System in j;enerul, and its special Util- ity in America 202 Why the Federal System is not practicahlc for all Nations, and how tho Anglo-Americans were cnahled to adopt it . . . 209 CHAPTER IX. How IT CAN HE STKICTLY SAID THAT THE PEOrLE GOVEUK IN THE United States 219 CHAPTER X. Parties in the United States 221 Remains of the Aristocratic Party in the United States , . 227 CHAPTER XI. Liberty of the Press in the United States , . . 230 CHAPTER XII. Political Associations in the United States . , . 242 CHAPTER XIII. Government op the Democracy in America . . . 252 Universal Suffrapo ...... . 252 Tho Choice of the People, and the Instinctive Preferences of the American Democracy ....... 253 Causes which may partly correct these Tendencies of the Democracy 257 Influence which the American Democracy has exercised on tho Laws relatinj? to Elections 261 Puhlic Officers under the Control of the American Democracy , 262 Arhitrary Power of Magistrates under the Rule of the American Democracy ......... 265 Instability of the Administration in the United States . . 268 Charges levied by tlie State under the Rule of the American Democ- racy 270 Tendencies of the American Democracy as regards the Salaries of public Officers 275 Difficulty of distinijuishing the Causes which incline the American Government to Economy 279 XXll CONTKNTS. I'll K 11 Whotlicr tlio Expcndituro of the United Sfntos van lie rompjircd with tlint of Kiiinco 280 Corru|)ti()M ami tho VicoH of tlic Hiiiois iti a DcinoiTiicy, nnd con- Ht'(iiii'iit Ktli;i'tH ui)Oii Tuhhc Morality .... 286 I^fforts of which a DcmotTucy iti caiiai)!*? ..... 28U Sclf-Control of the Atuuricuii Duiiiocrucy .... 29.'l Coiuluct of Foreign AflUirs hy the Aiiiericttn Denioeracy . . 21)6 CII A I'T i: 11 XIV. What auk the real Advantauks which Ameuican Society DERIVES KKOM A DkMOCHATIC GOVERNMENT . . . .302 General Tendency of the Laws under the American Democracy, and Instincts of those who apply them .... .102 I'uhlie Sjjirit in the United States ...... 308 Notion of Rights in the United States . . . . .311 Iles])ect for the Law in the United States . . . . 315 Activity which pervades all Parts of the Body Politic in the United States; Influence wlilch it exercises upon Society . .317 CHAPTER XV. Unlimited Power of the Majority in the United States, AND ITS Consequences 324 How the Omnijjotence of the Majority increases, in America, the Instal)iiity of Legislation and Administration inherent in De- mocracy .......... 327 Tyranny of the Majority 330 Effects of the Omnipotence of the Majority upon the arhitrary Au- thority of American Public OtHcers ..... 335 Power exercised hy the Majority in America upon Opinion , . 336 Effects of the Tyranny of the Majority upon the National Character of the Americans. — The Courtier-spirit in the United States 340 The greatest Dangers of the American liepublies proceed from the Omnipotence of the Majority ...... 343 CHAPTER XVI. Causes which mitigate the Tyranny of the Majority in the United States 346 Absence of Centralized Administration ..... 346 The Profession of the Law in the United States serves to counter- poise the Democracy 348 Trial by Jury in the United States considered as a Political Institu- tion 358 COSTKXTS. XXlll m pared 280 1(1 ron- 286 . 28'J 29.1 . 21)6 . 302 . .'J()2 3(18 . 311 315 317 . 324 tlio I)c- . 327 330 Au- 335 . 336 ractcr iitos 340 rn the . 343 THE . 346 346 nter- itittt- CII A I'Ti: U XVII. riiiNCiPAL CAtHKS wiiicii ti;mi H) mvimain mm: I)k.m»)(Hatic ItEl'LtlLIC IN TIIK I'n;!!.!* SrATK."* . . . . . Aceidelitul '>i" rruviiUiit il Cuiim's wliicli cniitrilnitt' to iiiaiiitaiii tlic IViiKtirntir I\i'|iulilic in the I'liitcd StaHS .... Inthhii ' of tlie Liiws ii|m»ii tin.' Maiiittiiaiicc of the Di'iiiocratii- Wv- |iiil>li<' ill tlic I'liitcd States ...... IiiHiU'tuT of MaiimTS upon the Mainttnaiu c of the Dcmm ralic l{f- puMic in thi! riiittd Statts ....... I{t'li}j;ioii coiisich'ivd a.s a rolilittii Iii>titiitioii, which powcifnily (•(intriliiitcs to tlie Maiiitciiaiue of tho Dciiiocratic I{f|iiilplic umoiiyst tlic Ainericans ....... Indirect Inthuiice of Heii^nous Opiiiioii.s upon I'olitical Society in the United States ........ Priiici|ial Causes wiiieh render Hi'iiuioii powerful in Anu'rii'u How the I'.diication, the Iluhits, and the practical F.xperieiice of the American.'* promote the Success of their Democratic Institutions The Laws contrilmte more to the Maintenance of the Deinocratic KepiiMic in the United Stafe.s than tlic Physical Circuinstances of the Country, and the Manners more than the Laws . Whether Laws and Manners arc sudieient to maintain Democratic Institutions in other Countries hesides America . Importance of what precedes with Kespeet to the State of Europe . CHAPTER XVIII. The PiiESENT AND pnouAiJLE FirruRE Condition of the Tiihke Races which inhauit the Tekimtouv of the United States The Present and prohahlc Future Condition of the Indian Trilies which inhahit the Territory possessed hy the Union Situation of the Black Population in the United States, and Dan- gers with which its Presence threatens the Whites . What are the Chances of Duration of the American Union, and what Daiijicrs threaten it ...... . Of the liej)ublican Institutions of the United States, and what their Chances of Duration are ....... Some Considerations on the Causes of the Commercial Prosperity of the United States ........ 3«H 3t'>*.i 382 ;i8;t 383 387 31>4 4113 4oy 414 418 348 358 Conclusion . 424 431 456 491 535 543 552 ( I s I n ' 1 m m 'tiii i It ' • :ii I f I N T R D U C T I IV . A]\IOXGST the novel objects tliat attracted my atten- tion duriniii; my stay in the United States, notliing struck me more forcibly tlian the oeneral equality of con- dition amoiiu' the people. I readily discovered the jirodi- o'ious iuHuencc Avhicli this primary fact exercises on the wliole course of society; it gives a peculiar direction to ])ublic ()})inion, and a peculiar tenor to the laws ; it imparts new maxims to the governing authorities, and peculiar habits to the o;overned. I soon perceived that the influence of this fact extends far beyond the political character and the laAvs of th3 coun- try, and that it has no less empire over civil society than over the government ; it creates opinions, gives birth to new sentiments, founds novel customs, and modifies ■what- ever it does not produce. The more I advanced in the study of American society, the more I perceived that this equahtv of condition is the fundamental fact from wliicli all others seem to be derived, and the central point at wliich all my observations constantly terminated. I then turned my thoughts to our own hemisphere, and thought that I discerned there something analogous to the s|)('ctacle which the New World presented to me. I ol)ser\rd that e(piality of condition, though it has not there reached the extreme limit which it seems to have attained in tlie United States, is constantly approaching I 2 INTRODUCTION. it ; and tliat tlio democrary which governs the American communities appears to be rapidly rising into poAver in Europe. Hence I conceived the idea of tlie book -wliich is now before tlie reader. It is evident to all alike that a jxreat democratic revolu- lion is fjoino; on amongst us : but all do not look at it in the same light. To some it appears to be novel but acci- dental, and, as such, they hope it may still be checked ; to others it seems irresistible, because it is the most uniform, the most ancient, and the most permanent tendency which is to be found in history. I look back for a moment on the situation of France seven hundred years ago, when the territory was divided amongst a small number of fomilies, who were the owners of the soil and the rulers of the inhabitants ; the right of governing descended with the family inheritance from gen- eration to generation ; force was the only means by which man co\dd act on man ; and landed property was the sole source of power. Soon, liowever, the political power of the clergy was founded, and began to increase : the clergy opened their ranks to all classes, to the poor and the rich, the vassal and the lord ; through the Church, equality penetrated into the Government, and he who a& a serf must have vea-etatcd in per})etual bondage took his place as a priest in the midst of nobles, and not unfrequently above the heads of kings. The different relations of men with each other became more complicated and numerous as society gi'adually be- came more stable and civilized. Hence the want of civil laws was felt ; and the ministers of law soon rose from the obscurity of the tribunals and their dusty chambers, to appear at the court of the monarch, by the side of the feudal barons clothed in their ermine and their mail. Whilst the kings were ruining themselves by their great INTnODrCTION. 3 ^Lmerican power in li Is now c revolu- at it in but acci- 3cked ; to ; uniform, icy which of France IS divided he owners c Yis\\t of from gen- by which s the sole ergy was ■ned their vassal and d into the kctatcd in Ithe midst if kings, ■r became ually be- ,t of civil from the mbers, to fie of the mail. Iheir o-reat 'M ontcrprises, and the nobles exhausting their resources by ])riv;ite wars, the loAver orders Avere enriching themselves 1)V commerce. The influence of money began to 1)0 per- ceptible in state affairs. The transactions of business oj)ened a new road to power, and the financier rose to a station of ])olitical influence in which he was at once flat- tered and despised. Gradually the diffusion of Intelligence, and the increas- ing taste for literature and art, caused learning and talent to become a means of o;overnment ; mental al)ilitv led to social power, and the man of letters took a part in the affairs of the state. The value attached to hio;h birth declined iust as fast as new avenues to power were discovered. In the eleventh century, nobility was beyond all price ; in the thirteenth, it might be purchased. Nobility was first conferred by gift in 1270 ; and equality was thus introdnce'd into the govern- ment by the aristocracy itself. In the course of these seven hundred years. It sometimes happened th;it the nobles, in order to resist the authority of the crown, or to diminish the power of their rivals, granted some political influence to the common })eople. Or, more frequently, the king permitted the lower orders to have a share in the government, with the Intention of depressing the aristocracy. In France, the kin^s have alwavs been the most active and the most constant of levellers. When thev were strono; and ambitious, they spared no pains to raise the peojde to the level of the nobles ; when tliey were temperate and feeble, they allowed the peo])le to rise above themselves. Some assisted the democracy by their talents, others bv their vices. Louis XI. and J^ouis XIV. reduced all ranks beneath the throne to the same degree of subjection ; and, finally, Louis XV. descended, himself and all his court, into the dust. if' K „ '^i St u 4 INTRODUCTION. As soon as land began to be held on any other than a feudal temn-e, and personal property in its turn became able to confer influence and power, every discovery in the arts, every improvement in commerce or manniactures, created so many new elements of cfpiality among men. Henceforward every new invention, every new want which it occasioned, and every new desire Avhich craved satisfac- tion, was a step towards a general levelling. The taste for luxury, tlie love of war, the empire of fashion, and the most su])erticial as well as the deepest passions of the human heart, seemed to co-operate to enrich the poor and to im- poverisli the rich. From the time when the exercise of the intellect became a source of strenn;th and of wealth, we see that every addi- tion to science, e\ery fresh truth, and every new idea became a germ of power placed within the reach of the peo])le. Poetry, *eloquence, and memory, the graces of the mind, the glow of imagination, depth of thought, and all tlie gifts which Heaven scatters at a venture, turned to the advantage of the democracy; and even when they were in the possession of its adversaries, they still served its cause by throwing into bold relief the natural great- ness of man. Its conquests spread, therefore, with tliose of civilization and knowledge ; and hterature became an arsenal o})en to all, where the poor and the weak daily resorted for arms. In running over the pages of oiu* history for seven hun- dred years, Ave shall scarcely find a single great event which has not promoted equality of condition. The Crusades and the English wars decimated the no- bles and divided their possessions : the municipal corpora- tions introduced democratic liberty into the bosom of feudal monarchy ; the invention of tii'e-arms equalized the vassal and the noble on the field of battle ; the art of printine brought knowledge alike to the d >or of tlio cottaire and to the gate of the palace ; and ProtesiMutism ])r()claimed that all men are alike able to find the road to heaven. The discovery of America opened a thousand new ])aths to l()rtune, and led obscure adventurers to wealth and power. ]f, begiiniing witli the eleventh century, we examine what has liaj)pened in France from one half-century to another, we shall not fiiil to jierceive, at the end of each of these ])eriods, that a twofold i\'Volution has taken ])lace in the state of society. The noble has gone down on the social ladder, and the comuKmer has gone up ; the one dcv scends as the other rises. Every haltk'entury brings them nearer to each other, and they will soon meet. Nor is this peculiar to France. Whithersoever Ave turn our eves, we ix-rceive the same revolution coinii: on throughout tlie Christian world. The various occiu*- rences of national existence have everywhere turned to tlio advantage of democracy : all men have aided it bv their exertions, both tliose who have intentionally labored in its cause, and those who have served it tmwittingly ; those who have fought for it, and those who have declared themselves its opponents, have all been driven along in the same track, have all labored to one end ; some ignorantly and some unwillingly, all have been blind instruments in the hands of God. The gradual development of the principle of equalitv is, therefore, a Providential fact. It has all the chief charac- tci'istics of such a fact : it is imiversal, it is durable, it con- stantly eludes all human interference, and all events as well as all men contrihute to its progress. Would it, then, be wise to imagine that a social move- ment, the causes of which lie so far back, can be checked by the efforts of one generation ? Can it be believed that the democracy which has overthrown the feudal system, INTRODUCTION. and vaiKiuisliofl kings, ^vill retreat before tradesmen ana ca[)italists ? Will it stop now that it has grown so strong, and its adversaries so weak ? Whitlier, then, arc we tending? No one can say, for terms of comparison already fail ns. The condIti(ins of men are more eqnal in Christian conntries at the i)resent day than they have been at any previous time, or in any part of the world ; so that the magnitude of what already has been done prevents us from foreseeing what is yet to be accom})lished. The whole book which is here offered to the public has been written under the impression of a kind of religious terror ju'oduced in the author's mind by the view of that irresistible revolution which has advanced for centuries in spite of every obstacle, and which is still advancing in the midst of the ruins it has caused. It is not nec^3ssary that G od himself should speak in or- der that we may discover the uncpiestionable signs of his will. It is enough to ascertain what is the habitual course of nature and the constant tendency of events. I know, without a special revelation, that the planets move in the orbits traced by the Creator's hand. If the men of our time should be convinced, by attentive observation and sincere reHection, that the gradual and progressive development of social equality is at once the past and the future of their history, this discovery alone would confer the sacred character of a Divine decree upon the change. To attempt to check democracy would be in that case to resist the will of God ; and the nations would then be constrained to make the best of the social lot awarded to them by Providence. The Christian nations of our day seem to me to present a most alarming spectacle ; the movement which impels them is already so strong that it cai'^ot be stopped, but it is not yet so rapid that it cannot be guided. Tlieir fate is INTKODUCTIOX. en ana strong, >^J^^K say, f<3r ■i(;ns of j)resent ■ ';'JS • in any already is vet to iblic lias religious ^ V of that -« ituries in ig in the ak in or- ns of his al course ■< I know, ve in the attentive dual and once the iry alone •ree upon uld be in US would social lot present h impels ed, but it eir fate is still in thfir own hands ; yet a Httle while, and it may be so no longer. The tirst of the duties which arc at this time imposed )()n ihose who direct our aH'airs, is to educate the dcnioc- ^11 racv ; to renovate, if possible, its religious belief; to purity its morals ; to regulate its movements ; to substitute by dciiives a knowledge of business lor its inexperience, and an accpiai ntance with its true interests tl)r its l)lind i n- it to time and pi: 1 stnicts ; to adapt its government to time ana jjiacc, and to make it conform to the occurrences and the men of the times. A new science of politics is needed for a new world. This, however, is what we think of least ; placed in the middle of a rapid stream, we obstinately fix our eyes on the ruins which may still be descried upon the shore we have left, whilst the current hurries us away, and drags us backwartl toward the gulf. In no country in Europe has the great social revolution which I have just described made such ra})id progress as in France ; but it has always advanced without guidance. The heads of the state have made no preparation for it, and it has advanced without their consent or without their knowledge. The most powerful, the most intelligent, and the most moral classes of the nation have never attempted to take hold of it in order to guide it. The democracy has consequently been abandoned to its wild instincts, and it has grown up like those children who have no parental guidance, who receive their education in the public streets, and who are acquainted only with the vices and wretched- ness of society. Its existence was seemingly unknown, when suddenly it acquired supreme power. Every one then submitted to its caprices ; it was worshipped as the idol of strength ; and when afterwards it was enfeebled by its own excesses, the legislator conceived the rash project of destroying it, instead of instructing it and correcting its ii I H; I i I , '1 8 INTRODUCTION. vioos. No attempt was made to fit it to govern, but all were bent on excludiui!; it from the o;ovornnient. The consequence has been, tliat tlic democratic revolution has taken place in the body of society, without tliat con- (;omitant cliangc in the laws, ideas, customs, and inaiuiers, wliicli was necessary to render such a revolution beneliciai. Thus we have a democracy, without anything to lessen its vices and brinjT out its natural advantajies : and ahh()U<>h we ah'eady perceive tlie CA'ils it brings, we are ignorant of the benefits it may confer. Wliile the power of the crown, supported by the aris- tocracy, peaceably governed the nations of Euro})e, society, in the midst of its wretchedness, had several sources of happiness which can now scarcely be conceived or ai)pre- ciated. Tlie power of a part of his subjects was an insur- mountable barrier to the tyranny of the prince ; and the monarch, who felt the almost divine cliaracter which ho enjoyed in the eyes of the multitude, derived a motive for tlie just use of his power from the respect which he in- spired. The nobles, high as they were placed above the people, could not but talce that calm and benevolent interest in their fate which the shepherd feels towards his flock ; and without acknowledging the poor as their equals, they watched over the destiny of those whose wel- fare Providence had intnisted to their care. The people, never havino- conceived the idea of a social condition dif- ferent from their own, and never expecting to become equal to tlieii' leaders, received benefits from them without discussing their rights. They became attached to them when they were cl«>ment and just, and submitted to their exactions without resistance or servility, as to the inevitable visitations of the Deitv. Custom and the manners of the time, moreover, had established certain limits to oppression, and put a sort of legal restraint upon violence. As the noble never suspected that any one would at- •H INTRODUCTION. 9 but all •olution :dt coii- liiuuers, iiL'tic'ial. .'sscn its iltlioujj^U umnt of the ai'ls- , society, urces of ir ai>i)re- m insiir- uikI the A-hich he lotive for ■h he in- .bove the ncvok'iit towards as their lose Avel- e pco})h% itioii thf- bccomc li without to them tl to their nevi table rs of the )prcssion, kvoukl at- tempt to (li'privc him of tlie ])riviK\ij;('s wlilch lie licllcvcd to 1)0 leiiitiinate, and as the serf looked upon his own inferiority as a consequence of the '-Minutabli! order of nature, it is easy to imagine that soni , mutual exclianr to be usur])ed and oppressive. On the one side were wealth, streno-th, aiul leisure, accom])anied by the reHnements of luxury, the elegance of taste, the pleasures of wit, and the cultivation of the arts ; on the other, were labor, clownishness, and igno- rance. But in the midst of this coarse and ionoi'ant multi- tude it was not uncommon to meet with energetic passions, ffenerous sentiments, profound religious convictions, aiul wild virtues. The social state thus organized might boast of its sta- bility, its power, and, above all, its glory. Ijut the scene is now chann-ed. Gradiiallv the distinc- tions of rank are done away; the barriers which once severed mankind are falling down ; property is tlivided, power is shared by many, the light of intelligence s})reads, and the capacities of all classes are e(pially cultivated. The State becomes democratic, and the empire of democracy is slowly and peaceably introduced into the institutions and the manners of the nation. I 'an conceive of a society in whicli all men would feel an equal love and respect for the laws of which they con- sider themselves as the authors ; in which the authority of the government would be respected as necessary, thoufTli 1* 10 INTIJODUCTIOX. I i ft l! ■T-l 'J Is! : ''i Vh not ns divine; and in wliicli tlio loyalty of the suhjuct to tliu cliic'f mM;j;i.strato wonld not bo a i)as-,i()ij, but a (|uiot and rational jK'rsuasion. Evory individual being in the possession of rights ■wliicli he is sure to retain, a kind of manly confidence and reciprocal courtesy would arise between all classes, alike removed from j)ride and serWlity. The ])e()ple, well ac(iuainted with their own true interests, would understand that, in order to profit by the advantages of society, it is necessary to satisfy its requisitions. The voluntary association of the citizens might then take the })lace of the individual exertions of the nobles, and the community would be alike protected from anarchy and from o})})ression. I admit that, in a democratic state thus constituted society would not be stationary. But the impulses of the social body might there be regidated and made progressive. If there were less splendor than in the midst of an aris- tocracy, the contrast of miseiy would also be less frequent ; the pleasures of enjoyment might be less excessive, but those of comfort would be more general ; the sciences might be less perfectly cultivated, but ignorance would be less common ; the im^itnuosity of the feelings would be repressed, and the habirs of the nation softened ; there woidd be more vices and fewer great crimes. In the absence of enthusiasm and an ardent faith, great sacrifices may be obtained from the members of a conunon- wealth by an appeal to their understandings and their ex- perience ; each individual will feel the same necessity of union W'itli his fellows to protect his own weakness ; and as he knows that lie can obtain their help only on condition of helping them, he will readily perceive that his personal interest is identified witli the interests of the whole commu- nity. The nation, taken as a whole, will be less brilliant, less glorious, and jierhaps less strong ; but the majority of the citizens will enjoy a greater degree of prosperity, and 1 c ixruoDucrio. 11 l)jcct to a ([iiict I- ill the ji kind lid arise servility. Inteivsts, \aiitn<2;cs IS. The take the and the •cliy and nstitutcd ses of the oo'ressive. f an aris- f rcquont ; ssive, but sciences cc ^vollld cfs "vvould ed; there lith, great conunon- tlicir ex- cessity of ncss ; and condition personal |e commu- brilliant, kajority of lerity, and the people will remain quiet, not \i> uise the despair •!' a (•liiin"e for the better, but because they are eoiiM-im' uat tlu'V are well otf already. If all the conseipieiices of this state of things a\ iit)t ^ood or useful, society would at least have aj)j>ropriated all such as were useful and good ; and having oni-e and tor ever ri'noiii\ced the social advantiiges of aristocracy, niiui- kind would enter into })Osse.ssiou of all the beiielits which democracy can afford. r»ut here it may he asked what we have adopti'd in the j)lace of those institutions, those ideas, and those customs of our foreliithers which we have abandoned. The spell of royalty is broken, but it has not been suc- ceeded by the majesty of the laws. The ])eople have learned to dopise all authority, but they still fear it ; and fear now extorts more than was formerly paid from rever- ence and love. 1 perceive that we have destroyed those iiuVn idual pow- ers which were able, single-handed, to cope with tyranny ; but it is the government that has inherited the ])rivileges of which families, cor})oratioiis, and individuals have been dei)rived ; to the jjower of a small number of })ersons — which, if it was sometimes o})pressive, was often conserva- tive — has succeeded the weakness of the whole commu- nity. The division of property lias lessened the distance which separated the rich from the poor ; but it would seem that, the nearer they draw to each other, the greater is their mutual hatred, and the more vehement the envy and the dread with which they resist each other's claims to power ; the idea of Right does not exist for either party, and Force aifords to both the only argument for the })resent, and the only guaranty for the future. The poor man retains the prejudices of his forefathers without their faith, and their ignorance without their 12 ixTiJonrcTiox. f. ! B I I ' I'l; i!u, iiiii I ii 'tiilli virtues ; lie lias addptcd the doctrino of scll-intorost as tlio rule of Ills actions, witliout uiKliTstandiii^ tlie scictico \\ liicli puts it to use ; and liis scKisIincss is no loss blind tliau was t'di-nicrly iiis dcvotodncss to others. If society is trauiniil, it is not because it is conscious of its streuiitli and its well-heinjx, but Ix^'ause it ii'ars its weakness and its inlii-niities ; a siuL;;le ellort may cost it its lite. Everybody feels the evil, i)ut no one has coui'a;j;e or onei'uv enoui-h to seek the cure. 'J1ie di'sii'es, the renin- in^s, the sorrows, and the joys of tlie present time lead to no visible or ])ermanent result, like the passions of oKl n\en, which terminate in im|)otence. Wc liave, then, abandoned whatever advantao'os the old state of thiuiis ailbi'ded, without receiving' any comjx'usa- tion from our present condition ; we have di'stroyed an aristocracy, and wo seem inclined to sur\ey its ruins with comj)lacency, and to fix our abode in tlu> midst of them. The jdienomena which the intellectual world presents arc not less deplorable. The; democracy of France, ham- pered in its course or abandoned to its lawless passions, has overthi'own whatever crossed its ])ath, and has shaken all that it has not destroyed. Its empire has not been onul- ually introduced, or peaceably established, but it has con- stantly advanced in the midst of the disorders and the aii'itations of a conflict. In the heat of the struii'iile, each partisan is hurried beyond the natural limits of his opinions by the doctrines and the excesses of his o])])onents, until he loses si<2;ht of the end of his exertions, and holds a lauo-uao-e wliicli does not express bis real sentiments or secret in- stincts. Ilence arises the strauiJi-e confusion wliich we are compelled to witness. I can recall nothing in history more worthy of sorrow and l>ity, than the scenes which are passino; luider our eyes. It is as if the natural bond which imites the o])ini()ns of man to his tastes, and his actions to his principles, was -^ M i vest ns ■; l)lin(l lous of .'iirs its )st it its ira^(! or ' ri'i>in- . Iciid to lUl incn, the oltl -oyi'il :"i lins with tlu'iu. presents ee, hnm- ions, luis liiken all lias eon- aiul tlie i-ivU', each opinions , nntil he Iani2;nai2;e (>cret in- h Ave are )f sorrow o\n* eyes. kinions of [pies, was INTIfODrcTIOX. 18 now lirnkiMi ; the ^ym|)atlly wliich has always been oIh servcil lictween the tet'HuLjs and tim ideas of niaiddnd aj)|»ears to i)e dissolved, and all the laws of moral aiial- on;v to Ik' al)i»li>he(l. Zealons Christians are still found amongst ns, whoso minds are nnrtni'ed on tlu^ thonyhts which pertain to a hitnre lile, ami who readily espouse the cause of human lihertv r.s the source of all moral •••reatness. Christianity, which has declared that all men are eijual in the sioht of (Joil, will not ivfuse to acknowledni^ that all citi/i'iis are ('(pial in the eye of the law. iJut, hy a singular concourse of cNcnts, reliii'ion has been for a time entangled with those institutions which democracy assails ; and it is not unfrc- (luently bronn'ht to reject the eipiality which it loves, and to curse that cause of liberty as a I'oe, whose etforts it miu'lit hallow by its alliance. I'.y the side of these reliifions men, I discern others whose looks are turned to earth rather rs of the surrounding population. Their love of country is sincere, and they are ready to make the greatest sacrifices for its welfare. But civilization often finds them among its opponents ; they confound its abuses with its benefits, and the idea of evil is inseparable in their minds from that of novelty. Near these I find others, whose object is to materialize mankind, to hit upon what is expedient without heeding W'hat is just, to acquire knowledge without faith, and pros- perity apart from virtue ; claiming to be the champions of modern civilization, they place themselves arrogantly at its head, usurping a place which is abandoned to them, and of which they are wholly unworthy. Where are we, then ? The religionists are the enemies of liberty, and the friends of liberty attack religion ; the high-minded and the nol)le advocate bondage, and the meanest and most servile preach independence ; honest and enlightened citi- zens are opposed to all progress, whilst men without patri- otism and without principle put themselves forward as the a})ostles of civilization and intelligence. Has such been the fate of the centuries which have pre- ceded our own ? and has man always inhabited a Avorld like the present, where all things are out of their natural connections, where virtue is without genius, and genius without honor ; where the love of order is confounded with a taste for oppression, and the holy rites of freedom with a contempt of law ; where the light thrown by con- science on human actions is dim, and where nothing seems to be any lono;er forbidden or allowed, honorable or shame- ful, false or true ? IXTi:01)l'CTI(JN. 15 ts sanc- ty those Igc. )S0 pure n to be • love of greatest ids them with its lir minds aterialize heeding md pros- iiplons of itly at its hem, and and the iided and and most eiied citi- )ut patri- rd as the [liave prc- a world [ir natural kl scnius )n founded If freedom ^1 by con- lino- seems lor sharae- I cannot believe tliat the Creator made man to leave him in an endless struggle with the intellectual miseries which surround us. God destines a calmer and a more certain future to the comnv.inities of Eur()})e. I am igno- rant of his desisins, but I shall not cease to believe in them because I cannot fathom them, and I had rather mistrust my own capacity than his justice. There is a country in the world where the great social revolution which I am speaking of seems to have nearly reached its natural limits. It has been effected with ease and quietness ; say rather that this country is rea})ing the fruits of the democratic revolution wliich we are under- Soino;, without havinii" had the revolution itself. The emiii'rants who colonized the shores of America in the beginning of the seventeentli century somehow sep- arated the democratic principle from all- the principles which it had to contend with in the old conununities of Europe, and transplanted it alone to the New World. It has there been able to spread in j)erf(.'ct freedom, and peaceably to determine the character of the laws by in- fluencing the maimers of the country. It appears to me beyond a doubt that, sooner or later, we shall arrive, like the Americans, at an almost complete equality of condition. But I do not conclude from this, that we shall ever be necessarily led to draw the same po- litical consequences which the Americans have derived from a similar social organization. I am far from sup- posing that they have chosen tlie only form of government which a democracy may adopt; but as the generative cause of laws and manners in the two countries is the same, it is of immense interest for us to know what it has jiroduced in each of them. It is not, then, merely to satisfy a legitimate curiosity that I have examined America ; my wish has been to find there instruction by wliich we may ourselves profit. Who- ^1 r if \> ■■I • ■; ■I a i: E; ( m (fl ill! ■1 :ii'i: liiH 16 INTRODUCTION, ever should iiniiglne tliat I have iiiteiidod to write a pan- egyric.' Avould be strangely mistaken, and on reading this hook, he will perceive that such was not my design : nor has it been my object to advocate any form of government in particnlar, for I am of opinion that absolute excellence is rarely to be found in any system of laws. I have not even pretended to jndge whether the social revolution, which I believe to be irresistible, is advantageous or preju- dicial to mankind. I have acknowledged this revolution as a fact already accomplished, or on the eve of its accom- plishment ; and I have selected the nation, from amongst those which have undergone it, in which its development has been the most peaceful and the most complete, in order to discern its natural consequences, and to find out, if possi- ble, the means of rendering it profitable to mankind. I con- fess that, in America, I saw more than America ; I sought there the image of democracy itself, with its inclinations, its character, its prejudices, and its passions, in order to learn what we have to fear or to hope from its progress. In the first part of this Avork, I have attempted to show the direction given to the laws by the democracy of Amer- ica, which is abandoned almost without restraint to its instinctive propensities ; and to exhib t the course it pre- scribes to the government and the influence it exercises on affairs. I have sought to discover the evils and the advan- tages which it brings. I have examined the precautions used by the Americans to direct it, as well as those which they have not adopted, and I have undertaken to point out the causes which enable it to govern society. I do not know whether I have succeeded in making known Avhat I saw in America, but I am certain that such has been my sincere desire, and that I have never, knowingly, moulded facts to ideas, instead of ideas to facts. Whenever a point could be established by the aid of written documents, I have had recour I'se to tl le on (Tin al :f INTHODUCTION. 1 1 text, and to the most uiitlientic and approved works.* I Jiave cited ly autliorities in the notes, and any one may refer to tliem. AVlienever opinions, poHtieal customs, or remarks on tlie manners of tlie country were concerned, I liave endeavored to consult tlie most en!ii;htened men I met with. ]f the point in question was important or douhtful, I was not satisfied with one testimony, but I formed my opinion on the evidence of several witnesses. Here the reader must necessarily rely upon my word. I could frequently have quoted names which are either known to him, or which deserve to be so, in proof of what I advance ; but I have carefully abstained from this prac- tice. A stranger frequently hears important truths at the fireside of his host, which the latter would ]>erha])s con- ceal from the ear of friendship ; he consoles himself with his guest for the silence to which he is restricted, and the shortness of the traveller's stay takes away all fear of his indiscretion. I carefully noted every conversation of this nature as soon as it occurred, but these notes will never leave my writing-case. I had rather injure the success of my statements than add my name to the list of those stran- gers ^\]\o repay the generous hospitality they have received by subsequent chagi'in and annoyance. I am aware that, notwithstanding my care, nothing will be easier than to criticise this book, if any one ever chooses to criticise it. * Lcirislative and executive docunients have been furnislied to me with a kindness wiiieh I shall always reineniher with {iratitude. Anion[)C? displayed their hiM^ht plmuajio, o;litteriiii;' with jmrple and azure, and niin<;led their warblino; with the haruujuy of a world teemiuo- witli life and motion.* Undt-rneatli this hi'illiant exterior, death was concealed. But this fact was uot then known, and the air of these (Tunates had so enervating an influence, that man, ab- sorbed l)j present enjoyment, was rendered regardless of the future. Nortli America appeared under a very different aspect : there, everything was grave, serious, and solemn ; it seemed created to be the domain of intelligence, as the South was that of sensual delight. A turbulent and foggy ocean washed its shores. It was girt round by a belt of granitic rocks, or bv wide tracts of sand. The foliajxe of its woods was dark and gloomy ; for they were composed of firs, larches, evergreen oaks, wnld oli\e-trees, and laurels. f Beyond this outer belt lay the thick shades of the central foi.^^'^s, where the largest trees which are })roduced in the two hemispheres grow side by side. The jdane, the catalpa, the sugar-maple, and the Virginian ])oplar mingled their branches with those of the oak, the beech, and the lime. In these, as in the forests of the Old World, destruction was perpetually going on. The ruins of vegetation were heaj^ed upon each other ; but there was no laboring hand to remove them, and their decay was not rapid enough to make room for the contimial work of reproduction. Climbing plants, grasses, and other herbs forced their way through the mass of dying trees ; they crept along their bending trunks, found nourishment in their dusty cavities, * Sec Appendix B. t Tliese are not good specimens of the trees on our Atlantic coast. Firs, pines, cypresses, wliite and live oaks, would have been a better enumeration. — Am. Ed. - •,!fH r.xTi:Ki(»u i"<)i;m or noimh ami:i:i«;a. 25 iiUi] i\ itijssa;j;i' lu'iu'iith the lit'cK'ss l);irk. 'IMiii-; (U'cny '^a\x* its assistiiiico to lili', and tlu'ir respective' productions were niiiii;led tou'etlier. 'Die dej)tlis of these forests were i;'loonjy and ohscuri', and a thousand rivulets, inidirected in tiieir conrsi' hy lunnan industry, preserved in tiieni a constant moisture. It was rare to meet with Mowers, wild I'ruits, or birds, beneath their shades. The fall of a trei' overthrown by a, the rushinii; torrent of a cataract, tlie lowini^ of the l)ufi'alo, and the howlin;;- of the ■wind, were the only sounds which broke the silence of nature. To the east of the great river, tbe woods almost dis- ai)peared ; in their stead were seen prairies of immense extent. Whether Nature in her infinite \ariety liad denied the germs of trees tj these fertile ])lains, or whether they had once been covered with forests, subs(M|uently destroyed by the hand of man, is a question which neither tradition nor scientific research lia.s been able to answer. These immense deserts were not, however, wholly un- tenanted by men. Some wandi ring tribes liad been for ages scattered among the forest shades or the green pas- tures of the prairie. From tlie mouth of the St. Lawrence to the Delta of the Mississippi, and from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean, these savages possessed certain points of resemblance which bore witness of their common origin : but at the same time, they differed from all other known races of men ;* they were neither Avhito hke tlie Europeans, * With the prorfrcss of discovery, some rosemI)lnncc has l)een foiuid to exist between the ])liysieal eoiiforination, the laiiw like most of tlic Asnitics, nor Itliick like tlio lu'ixrocs. Tlicir skin was rcildisli hrown, tlicir liaii' loiii; jiiid sliiiiino;, tlicii" li])s fliin, and tlicii* cIu'cklMdH's very jiromiiu'iit. 'I'lu' l;innnjiM;e's sj)ok('ii l)y the North Ameri- can trihos won; viirious as iiir as rcirai'diMl tlicir words, but tlu'V were stdtieet to tlie sam(! m'nmmatieal rules. Tiieso rules (littered in several jioints from sueli as liad been observed to i^overn the orii^in of latiixuaixe. The idiom of the AniiMMcans seeme(l to be; the ])rodu('t of new com- binations ; and bespoke an effort of tbe imderstandino;, of which tbo Indians of our days would be incapable.* Tlie social state of these tribes (lifferi'(l also in manv respects from all that was seen in the ( )l(l World. They seem to have multij)lied freely in the midst of their deserts, without cominji in contact witli other races more civilized than their own. Accordingly, they exhibited none of those indistinct, incoherent notions of ritrhr arid wronn;, none of that deep corruption of manners, Avhich is usually joined with ignorance and rudeness amono; nations who, after advancino; to civilization, have relapsed into a state of barbarism. The Indian was indebted to no one but him- self; his virtues, his vices, and his prejudices were his own work ; he had ^'own up in tlie wild independence of his nature. If, in polished countries, the lowest of the people are rude and uncivil, it is not merely because they are poor and i(^norant, but that, being so, they are in daily contact with rich and enlifjlitencd men. The sijiht of their own liard lot and their weakness, which is daily contrasted witli the happiness and power of some of their fellow-creatures, excites in their hearts at the same time the sentiments of anger and of fear: the consciousness of their inferiority and their dependence irritates while it humiliates them. This state of mind displays itself in their manners and language •, * See Aijpeudix C. V EXTKiMoi: rui!M or N(»i;in ammimca. 27 tliov nro nt onco insolent and scrxilc 'I'lic truth of fliis is ciisilv proved 1)V oltscrvatioii : tlie people are more v\u\v in aristocratic countries than els(>where ; in opulent cities than in rural districts. In those places where tl>e rich and ])0\vei't'nl are assenihled to^'ether, the weak and thi' in