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' 3

AN IRISH c^-
• EVOLUTION

WATSON GRIFFIN

;(

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An Irish Evolution,

HOME RULE FROM AN AMERICAN

STANDPOINT.

WATSON GRIFKIN.

Gkifkin & KiuNKR, Pkiniers,
Ham II. ION, Ont.

an
er

h;
at
o'
\v

An Irish Evolution,

THE Fourth of July in the United States of America is now
generally observed as a quiet holiday, a time for excursions
and picnics ; but during the first century of the Republic's exist-
ence it was a day of speech making. The Declaration of Inde-
pendence was read and orations were delivered in every town and
hamlet throughout the country. The speech that attracted most
attention on the i''ourth of July, 1842, was the first public effort
of an Irish boy of seventeen years — Thomas D'Arcy Mc(]ee. It
was addressed to an audience of Boston Irishmen, and was a
vehement ap])e;il to their national prejudices. There was nothing
prepossessing in the appearance of the young orator, whose
features have been described as singularly ugly and his manner as
awkward and unformed : but his musical voice and fiery eloquence
won the hearts of the audience and gained for him a large number
of compUmentary notices in the newspapers.

Thomas D'Arcy Mcdee was born at Carlingford, Ireland, on
the 13th of April, 1825, ^^eing the son of James Mcdee. an official
of the Coast Guard Service, by his wife, Dotcas Morgan. His
mother, who was a fervid nationalist, burning with hatred of
English opjjression, delighted in singing to the little boy stirring
ballads that made his blood tingle with enthusiasm for the cause
of Ireland. He was a mere child when she died, but her early
teachings lived in his heart always, and when he emigrated to
Ainerica in the spring of 1842, he hated everything that was
English. At this time there was nothing to distinguish young
McGee from the typical Irish emigrant, and had his hostility to
England continued until his death, there would be nothing in his

4 AN IKISH EVOLUTION,

biography of interest to Englishmen just now. But D'Arcy
Mc(iee, unHk(.' most Irishmen, learned a lesson in America in
course of years, and were he alive to-day he would |)robably have
something sensible to say on the (jucstion of Irish Home Rule.
A few days after his Independence Day oration he was offered
a position on the Boston Pilot, the leading Irish Catholic paper of
New England, and his contributions were so well received that he
succeeded to the chief editorshi]) two years later. His editorials,
lectures and poetical effusions in favor of Ireland's sejiaration
from England obtained for him such a reputation, that at the age
of twenty he was offered and accepted the editorship of the
Freeman's Journal of Dublin. He had not yet learned the lesson
of Americanism, his mind being so occuj)ied with the wrongs of
Ireland thai bis eyes were blinded to the course of events in the
United States. His views were just as radical, his hatred of
England just as intense, as when he first left Ireland. The pre-
scribed policy of the Freeman's Journal was too conservative to
suit his impetuosity, and he soon severed his connection with that
paper, becoming a member of the Young Ireland Party and a
contributor to the seditious Dublin Nation. One of the enter-
prises of the Young Ireland Party was the jjublication of a series
of shilling volumes for the people, entitled the '* Library of
Ireland," of which McGee wrote two, one being a series of
biographies of illustrious Irishmen of the seventeenth century and
the other a memoir of Art. McMurrough, an Irish king of the
fourteenth century. He was one of the most active workers of
"The Irish Confederation" association, and when Smith O'Brien,
the leader, was arrested for heading an insurrection, McGee fled
to America in the guise of a priest, and making his way to New
York started there the New York Nation. This venture not
proving a success, he moved to Boston, where he established The
American Celt, and continued in it his attacks upon the English.
But slowly his eyes were opened to the fact that the world is
larger than Ireland. He began to take an interest in American
affairs. Instead of being actuated entirely by sentiment as before,

• 4 •

» • • •

» f • • • • •

-t

■1*

•I

AN IRISH EVOLUTION. 5

he began to reason. He saw Irishmen in America livinfi in
friendly relations with other nationalities, retainiiif^ their religion
and intermarrying only with those of their own churrh, yet
becoming thoroughly Americanized. Tlie Knglish, he knew, were
like the Americans a mixed race — (_'elt, Saxon, Dane and Norman
being merged in the modern I'-nglishman — and he was forced to
ask himself the (iuesti(»n, Why should not Irishmen become
Britons in Hritain as well as Ameri( ans in America ? He saw
that the maintenance of the i)olitical connection between the
British Isles was a geographical necessity. He became convinced
that England would never agree to a separation, and that secret
assassination or open war could only result disastrously to the
Irish people. He saw that cc^nsolidation was carved on every
step of the stairway of American progress, and huge signboards at
every landing announced that union is strength. If union was the
basis of American ])rogress, how could disintegration benefit
Britam ? The change came about gradually, but the revolution
of opinion was most complete The character of his writings and
speeches was entirely altered, and mstead of wasting his time in
senseless attacks upon the English, he devoted his attention to
the elevation of the Irish people of America.

The eyes of D'Arcy McGee were opened, but the majority
of his old associates and disciples were still blind. They could
not understand his change of views, and he lost greatly in
popularity. About this time he was invited to Montreal by the
Canadian Irishmen, who wanted an able leader, was elected to
Parliament, and soon became one of the most prominent men in
Canadian politics. He had learned in the United States the value
of unity, and the remainder of his life was devoted to the work of
teaching the peoj)ie of the British North American provinces that
isolation is weakness. There was at that time a great deal of ill-
feeling between Roman Catholics and Protestants in Canada, ?.nd
he availed himself of every opj^ortunity to urge a policy of concilia-
tion. That the Dominion of Canada is to-day free from unseemly
(quarrels between Protestants and Roman Catliolics is in a large

.5?

6 AN IRISH EVOLUTION.

measure due to the wise rounsel of D'Arcy McClee. On one
occasion lie s;ii(l to a Montreal audience :

" The result f)f my observation is that there is nothing' more to
he dreaded in this coiintty than feuds arisiu}^ from religion and
nationality. On the oiher h.uid the one tiling nei'ded f.)r in:ikin^
C'-anada the happiest of iiomes is to rul) down all sharj) auLjles and
to remove those as|)erities which divide our |)eoplc on fpieslions
of origin and religious profession. There are in all (jrij^ins men
good, bad and indifferent ; yet, for my own part, my expeiience is
that in all classes the i^ood j)redoiniiiales. In Canada, with men
of all origins and all kinds of culture, if we do not bear and
forbear, if we do not get rid of old (juarrels, but on the < ontrnry
make fresh ones - -whereas we ought to have lost sight of the
cajjeti and lu\ullands of the old countiy —if we will carefully con-
vey across the Atlantic half-extinguished i>nd)ers of stiife in order
that we may by them light up the (lames ot our inflammable
forests ; if each of us will try not only to nurse up old animosities,
but to invent new grounds of houility to his neighbor ; then,
gentlemen, we shall return to ujiai flobbes considered the state
of nature — I mean, a state of war. In society we must sacrifice
something as we do wIkmi we go through a crowd, and \mA only
must we yield to old age ; to the fairer and belter sex, and to that
youth which in its weakness is entitled to some of the respect
which we accord to age ; but we nuist sometimes make way for
men like ourselves, though we could ])rove by the most faultless
syllogism oiu" right to push them from the ])ath."

Soon after I)".\rcy McCiee's arrival in Canada the American
civil war begun, and his sympathies throughout the contest were
with the party of unity. In an address at a political j)icnic at
Ormstown, Quebec, Jul}' lylh, 1.S61, referring to the fact that a
section of the people in Ihitish America symi)athized with the
South and rejoiced over what they considered the downfall of the
Republic, he said :

" 1 repeat here what I s;iid in my ])!a(:e in the last Parliament,
that all this wretched small talk about the failure of the Repub-
lican e.xjieriment in the Ignited States ought to be frowned down
wherever it a])pears by the Canadian pui)lic. I am not a Repub-
lican in ]K)liiics. I-ong beftire the recent troubles came to a head
in the American union, 1 had ceased to dogmatize upon any ab-

'Si

AN IRISH EVOLUTION. 1

strart scheim* of L(ovrrnment ; luit I li;ue no lu'sitation in decl'ir-
ing my own hope uiui belief -a belief founded on evi(kn( e accii-
niuiated throuL;h several years of observation that the American
system, so far fi<)m being proved a failure, may emerge from this,
its first diinustir trial, purified, conscjlidated. disciplined, ft)r
greater usefulness and gieater achievenienls than before. It is
then, it seems to me, the duty of C'anadian statesmen to look
through the temporary to the lasting relations we are to sustain to
our next neighbors ; to supi)ress and discountenance all ungener-
ous exultation at the trials and tribulations which they .ire under-
going ; to show them, <»n the contrary, in this the day of their
adversity, that while preferring on rational 'crouiids the system of
ronstiuitional n)onarchy for ourselves and i>u'r rliiUlren ; while
preferring to lodge within the ;)recincts of the < »nstilution elabor-
ated through ages by the highest wisdom of tiie i5rilish Islands,
we can at the same time be just, nay, g'"' ;rous, lO tbf .nerits of
the kinr'red system, founded by their ''ithers in the defensive and
jusliii,i.;;e war ci iheir revohuion. If we are ircv 'nen, so are they,
and the public (.alamilies which befall one nee i)eoi)le cm never
be matter of exultation to another, .so long as the world is half
dark(.'ned by desj^oiism, as it is. The Ameiican system is the
|)rodnct of the highest ])olitical ex|)eriencc of modern times, work-
ing ill the freest Held, cast adrift from all luii )p';an ties by the
madness of an arbitrary minister, blind to all circumstances of time
and place. If that fabric should be destined to fall — as fall I firmly
believe it will not in our day, nor at any early day — the wiioie
world must feel the shoik, and all the civilized parts uf the earth
might well be c;lothed in mourning if they only understood the
value of what they hatl lost."

(^ould not Americans say as much for that country which has
for so manv centuries led the van of civilization, and is now
threatened with dismemberment at the hands of Mr. (iladstone
and Mr. Parnell } In another speech on the same subject, McGee
said :

"The ordinary American mind has been, for a generation or
two, so occupied in the contemplation of the blessings of liberty,
that it has neglected or overloc'ked the co-ecjual worth of unity.
This war — this great adversity t)ursting like a summer thunder-
storm in their clear sky — will lead them to in(]uire into many
phenomena in the heavens above and the earth beneath. Discip-

■Mi

AN IRISH EVOLUTION.

line and subordination in war will teach them the value of unity
and obedience to laws in time of peace. They will learn that
unity is to liberty as the cistern in the des.:;rt to the seldom-sent
shower ; that of liberty we may truly say, though Providence
should rain it down uj^-on our heads, though the land should
thirst for it till it ga])cd at every pore, without a legal organization
to retain, without a sui)reme authority to preserve the Heaven-sent
blessing, all in vain are men called free, all in vain are states de-
clared to be independent."

D'Arcy McGee found north of the United States boundary
line a string of provinces whose geographical position was incom-
parably superior to that of the United States for commercial pur-
poses, and whose natural resources were very nearly as great, while
the climate was similar to that of the Northern States ; yet they
were in many things at least half a century behind the neighboring
republic. For the reason he had not far to seek. The states had
been united for many years : the provinces were isolated. The
states had one national government : the provinces had nothing
but Home Rule. The backwardness of the provinces was due to
a century of disunion ; if they were ever to compete with the
United States they must be united. McGee was not the originator
of the confederation idea in Canada, but he was one of its most
active promoters. He lectured in Upper Canada, Lower Canada,
and the maritime provinces, always setting forth the advantages of
union and the great commercial future that would be assured
to the country if a railway were constructed through British terri-
tory, connecting the Atlantic and Pacific oceans. He predicted
that with the completion of this road Cartier's dream would be
fulfilled, and the shortest route from Europe to China be through
Canada. He paid on one occasion :

'* I see in the not remote distance one great nationality, bound,
like the shield of Achilles, by the blue rim of ocean. I see it quar-
tered into many communities, each disposing of its internal affairs,
but all bound together by free institutions, free intercourse, and
free commerce. I see within the round of that shield the peaks of
the western mountains and the crests of the eastern waves, the
winding Assiniboine, the five-fold lakes, the St. Lawrence, the Ot-

AN IRISH EVOLUTION.

!ue of unity
1 learn that
seldom-sent
i'rovidence
land should
organization
Heaven-sent
e states de-

;s boundary
was incom-
mercial pur-
great, while
;s ; yet they
neighboring
e states had
ated. The
lad nothing
was due to
te with the
le originator
of its most
^er Canada,
vantages of
be assured
•ritish terri-
e predicted
I would be
be through

lity, bound,
see it quar-
rnal affairs,
:ourse, and
he peaks of
waves, the
ice, the Ot-

tawa, the Saguenay, the St. John, and the basin of Minas. By all
these Hewing waters, in all the valleys they fertilize, in all the cities
they visit in their courses, I see a generation of industrious, con-
tented, moral men, free in name and in fact — men capable of
maintaining in peace and in war a constitution worthy of such a
country."

Partly through his elocjuence, and partly through the efforts of
such men as Sir John Macdonald, Sir Charles Tupper, Mr. George
Brown, and Mr. Alexander Mackenzie, the scheme of Canadian
confederation was carried, and now his hopes are in a fair way to be
realized. All British North America excepting Newfoundland is em-
braced within the Dominion of Canada, the two oceans are con-
nectedby railway, the shortest route from Europe toChinaisthrough
Canada and twenty-oneyears of confederation have shown thatunion
is better than isolated Home Rule. Twenty-one years more will
satisfy the most pessimistic croaker. But D'Arcy McGee did not
live to see all the provinces brought into the Dominion. He
visited Ireland in 1865 and at Wexford made an eloquent speech
on the Irish question which attracted much attention at the time,
and still further incensed his old associates in the United States.
In the course of that speech he said :

" There ought to be no separation of the kingdoms of Great
Britain and Ireland. Each country would suffer loss in the loss
of the other, and even liberty in Euroi)e would be ex[)osed to the
perils of shipwreck if these islands were divided by hostile seas."

But he advised Englishmen to try kindness and generosity in
their legislation for Ireland, consider her feelings, res))ect her
prejudices, study her history, and concede her rights. It was
shortly after this speech that the Earl of Mayo in the British Par-
liament said :

" Mr. Ihomas D'Arcy McGee, a man who never speaks with-
out influencing large masses of his countrymen wherever he ad-
dresses them, is at tiiis moment one of the most eloquent advocates
of British rule and British institutions on the face of the globe."

In a speech delivered at Ottawa on the lyth March, 1868, re-

E^' ?«**..>■•»«

AN IRISH EVOLUTION.

ferring to the charge that his love for Ireland had grown lukewarrri,
D'Arcy McClee said :

"When in 1865 and 1867 I went home to represent this
country, I, on both occasions — in 1865 to Lord Kimberly, then
Lord Lieutenant, and last year to the Earl of Derby, whose retire
nient from active jjublic life and the cause of it every observer of
his great historical career must regret — I twice respectfully sub-
mitted my humble views and the result of my considerable Irish-
American ex[)eriences, and they were courteously, and I hope I
may say favorably, entertained. I cannot accuse myself of having
lost any proper opportunity of doing Ireland a good turn in the
proper c[uarter, and if I were free to publish some very gratifying
letters in my possession, I think it would be admitted by most of
my countrymen, that a silent Irishman may be as serviceable in
some kinds of work as a noisy one. As for us who dwell in
Canada, I may say finally, that in no other way can we better
serve Ireland than by burying out of sight our old feuds and old
factions, in mitigating our ancient hereditary enmities, in proving
ourselves good subjects of a good government, and wise trustees
of the equal rights we enjoy here, civil and religious. The best
argument we here can make for Ireland, is to enable friendly
observers at home to say, ' See how well Irishmen get on together
in Canada. There they have civil and religious rights ; there they
cheerfully obey just laws, and are ready to die for the rights they
enjoy and the country that is so governed.' Let us put that
weajjon into the hands of the friends of Ireland at home, and it
will be worth all the revolvers that ever were stolen from a Cork
gunshop, and all the republican chemicals that ever were smuggled
out of fslew York."

This sensible view of the Irish question met with the approval
of the majority of Canadian Irishmen, who were then and are now
loyal, law-abiding citizens, but the Fenians of the United States
and their agents in Canada were exasperated by his fiery denunci-
ation of their criminal projects, and on the night of the 6th of
April, 1868, after delivering in the House of Commons, at Ottawa,
one of his most brilliant speeches in defence of the Canadian con-
federation, he was shot dead by a Fenian, Patrick James Whalen.

Were I writing the life of D'Arcy McGee it would be necessary
to examine his literary work — his " Popular History of Ireland,"

AN IRISH EVOLUTION.

n lukewarm*,

^resent this
nberly, then
^'hose retire
observer of
jctfully sub-
rable Irish-
I hope I
If of having
turn in the
y gratifying
by most of
rviceable in
10 dwell in
T we better
ids and old

m proving
ise trustees
The best
ble friendly
on together
i there they
rights they
IS put that
>me, and it
)m a Cork
e smuggled

le approval
nd are now
ited States
■y denunci-
the 6th of
at Ottawa,
adian con-
s Whalen.
t necessary
F Ireland,"

" The Catholic History of America," a volume of poems and a
series of essays and lectures on various subjects. Apart from its
bearing upon the question of Home Rule, his life is interesting as
a remarkable* evolution of character. It suggests to my mind the
possibility that the character of the Irish race may in course of
time undergo a similar process of evolution ; that just as in 1848
the character of D'Arcy McGee was typical of that of the Irish
race to-day, so the large-minded, liberal statesman of 1868 may
have been a type of the Irish race of the future.

I can bring to the task none of the ability of D'Arcy McGee,
but I may point out some of the facts to which he would jirobably
call the attention of the British people if he were alive to-day.
The Irish agitation has gained much strength from American sym-
pathy. Let us suppose that the question of Home Rule is to be
settled in the light of American experience. In the first place we
may assume that England, Scotland and Wales will never j)ermit
the complete separation of Ireland from the empire any more than
the Northern and Western States of the American union would
permit the secession of the South. In the great American Re-
public there are thirty-eight states and eight organized territories,
besides the district of Columbia, the Indian territory and Alaska.
The states are all represented in the United States House of Con-
gress in proportion to population, and each state has two represen-
tatives in the United States Senate. Each state and each territory
has its own legislature, but the governors and judiciary of the ter-
ritories are appointed by the President of the United States, and
they have no members in the United States Congress, only being
allowed to send delegates who may speak, but cannot vote. The
relation of one of these territories to the United States is almost
precisely the same as would be that of Ireland to Great Britain if
Mr. Gladstone's Home Rule scheme were carried out. Do we
find the states of the American Union anxious to withdraw their
representatives in Congress and take the inferior position of terri-
tories? Not at all. The great ambition of all the territories is to
be admitted as states, with full representation in Congress. The

■mmd

AN IRISH EVOLUTION.

territory of Dakota has for several years been petitioning Congress
to admit it to the Union of States, and much indignation has been
caused among the settlers by the delay of Congress in granting
their request. If it was proposed to keep Dakota* in territorial
status forever, there would be an agitation in the American North-
west such as Ireland n. ver dreamed of. Strong as is the state
rights sentiment throughout the country, there is not a state in the
American Union to-day which would not prefer to see all the state
legislatures abolished, and all laws made by the United States Con-
gress, rather than give up its own representatives in Congress and
fall back into a territorial condition such as Mr. Gladstone pro-
poses for Ireland. If the Irish question is settled in the light of
American experience, the Irish representatives will certainly re-
main in the British Parliament. The first lesson of Americanism
seems to me to be that the national legislature should have the
power to enact only laws that are common to all sections. If
Congress made one law for New York state and another for Penn-
sylvania, the country would be continually in a state of ferment
and dissatisfaction. Much of the trouble in Ireland is due to the
fact that there has been special legislation for Ireland. No wonder
that there are Nationalists in Ireland when the system of govern-
ment has always recognized it as a separate kingdom. There
should not be three kingdoms nor two kingdoms, but one king-
dom. Is not Victoria queen of Ireland ? What need then of an
Irish viceroy ? There is no English viceroy. All the acts of the
British Parliament should apply to the whole of Britain. Parlia-
ment should assume in legislating that there is no England, no
Ireland, no Scotland — only Britain, one and indivisible. There
are many Anglo-Saxons in Ireland and many Irishmen in England.
They are intermingled as they are in America. They are all British
citizens ; in whichever island they live they should be at home ;
there should be one law for all. Mr. Gladstone would forever
separate the Irishmen in England from the Irishmen in Ireland.
Having established the principle of unity. Home Rule in local
matters may be allowed to the various sections of the united king.

AN IRISH EVOIUTION.

«3

g Congress
on has been
in granting
n territorial
lean North-
the state
state in the
all the state
States Con-
ongress and
dstone pro-
the light of
ertainly re-
mericanism
d have the
sctions. If
:r for Penn-
of ferment
due to the
No wonder
of govern-
m. There
It one king-
then of an
acts of the
in. Parlia-
ngland, no
le. There
n England.
; all British
at home ;
lid forever
n Ireland,
e in local
lited kingr

dom without fear of disintegration. Just what form this Home Rule
should take is a question for debate. The first point to be settled
is how many local legislatures shall there be. There can' ot well
be less than four, one each for England, Wales, Scotland and Ire-
land. Should there be more ? To me it seems that the most
satisfat:tory results will be obtained by smaller local sub-divisions.
This is the tendency in America. Several of the American states
have already been sub-divided : Texas may at. will of the electors
divide itself into three states ; Dakota wishes to be admitted to
the union as two states instead of one, and the western part of
Kansas is clamoring for separation from the eastern part of that
state. It is not unlikely that in course of time a general system of
sub-division will be arranged, entirely ignoring the present state
lines and having regard only to the convenience of the people.
When the constitution was adopted, and for some time afterward,
state jealousy was stronger than national sentiment, but migration
is so general in the United States that a largo proportion of the
population have lived in several states at different periods of their
lives, and if a constitutional convention is ever called to reconsider
the question of state boundaries, the provincialism with which the
fathers of the country had to contend is not likely to stand in the
way of a sensible rearrangement. The bulwark of state sovereign-
ity is the United States Senate, in which each state has two rep-
resentatives, irrespective of the size of the state and the number of
its inhabitants, and there is a growing feeling that it is most unjust
that the states of Rhode Island, Colorado and Nevada, with a com-
bined population of less than one million, should have the same
representation in the United States Senate as New York, Pennsyl-
vania and Ohio, with a combined population of about twelve
millions. The people of the United States are very conservative
with regard to the constitution, but the increase of population and
especially the extraordinary growth of the larger cities will probably
force a reconsideration of the Home Rule system. It is now pro-
posed to consolidate all the populous districts at the mouth of the
Hudson River into one great American metropolis, to be known as

AN IRISH EVOLUTION.

Manhattan. It would include New York city, Brooklyn, Staten
Island, the Long Island towns contiguous to the city and the
greater part of Westchester county in New York State, and New-
ark, Jersey City and Hoboken, in the state of New Jersey. Com-
mercially this district is already one great city, and if such a con-
solidation could be arranged, Manhattan would at once rank as the
second city of the world. The proposal is to make of this urban
district a new state. It is argued that the dissimilarity between
the rural and metropolitan populations of New York state is a
constant source of friction in the state legislature, and there is a
wide-spread feeling that the interests of both sections of the popu-
lation would be best served by separation. If this scheme is
carried, no doubt the great cities of Philadelphia and Chicago will
demand similar recognition as states, and the result must be a
general rearrangement of state boundaries. The fact that in
nearly all the states the ser^t of government is in the smaller cities
will have an important bearing jjjon the settlement of this question,
for if New York, Philadelphia and Chicago were the capitals of
their respective states, a strong influence in favor of centralization
would be at work, and there would in all probability never be a
rearrangement. The State of Massachusetts is a notable excep
tion. Its capital, Boston, is the centre of commerce and culture,
and every citizen of Massachusetts has a feeling of proprietorship
in the capital city. Crossing into Canada we fina the people of
Montreal complaining that the interests of the commercial metro-
polis of Canada are constantly sacrificed in the Quebec legislature
to those of the rural districts of the province, and that even when
there is no conflict of interests between the rural and metropolitan
districts, it is sometimes most difificult to secure necessary legisla-
tion. Montreal has now a population of about a quarter of a
million, and is growing very rapidly. Situated on an island at the
junction of ocean and lake uuvigation, nearer the centre of the
American cont-.nent than any other port for ocean vessels, the ter-
minus and headquarters of the Canadian Pacific and Grand Trunk,
the two longest railway lines in the world, it must in a few years

AN IRISH EVOT.UTTON.

oklyn, Staten
city and the
ite, and New-
ersey. Com-
f such a con-
cerank as the
of this urban
arity between
rk state is a
nd there is a
of the popu-
is scheme is
Chicago will
It must be a
fact that in
smaller cities
this question,
e capitals of
:entralization
y never be a
itable excep
and culture,
roprietorship
le people of
ercial metro-
ic legislature
t even when
metropolitan
ssary legisJa-
quarter of a
island at the
;ntre of the
sels, the ter-
rand Trunk,
a few years

become a very great city, and every year the dissimilarity between
the city and the province at large will become greater, especially
as the i)eople of the rural districts of (Quebec province speak
French, while Montreal, trading with the whole continent of
English-speaking peojile, is obliged to speak English. Its trade
with the province of Ontario is already larger than with the prov-
ince of (Quebec, and its trade relations with the maritime provmces
and the Northwest are very extensive. It would certainly be to
the advantage of the Dominion at large to remove the city from
the jurisdiction of the non-jirogressive (Quebec legislature and
make the island of Montreal a new province. Toronto is to
Ontario what Boston is to Massachusetts, and it will always favor
a centralized government for the province ; but Ontario has about
the same area as the German empire, and when the northern and
northwestern portions are settled, there will probably arise an agi-
tation for the subdivision of the province, in which the extreme
eastern counties will join. At present an agitation is going on in
Cape Breton Island, looking to separation from the province
of Nova Scotia and the formation of a new Canadian province.
The people of the island complain that their interests are not
properly looked after in the provincial legislature and that they do
not get a fair share of the subsidy which is annually paid to each
province by the Dominion Government. In both the United
States and Canada this movement is likely to gain strength as the
two countries become densely populated, and it is possible that it
may in time lead to the abolition of all the state and provincial
legislatures, some of their legislative powers being transferred to
the city and county councils, and the remainder assumed by the
National Congress at Washington and the Dominion Parliament at
Ottawa. I do not pretend that any such change is likely to take
place in this generation : indeed, it is hardly probnble that it will
ever be brought about, but British statesmen, in looking to the
United States and Canada for precedents, should bear in mind the
fact that the present state and provincial boundaries were arrang-
ed, not to suit the convenience of the people, but to allay provin-
cial prejudice.

AN I/ilSn f: VOLUTION.

It is very important in devising a scheme of government for
the British Kingdom, to satisfy as many Irishmen as possible. If
Ireland is subdivided into several provinces, the Nationalists will
be displeased, while on the other hand the loyalists of Ulster will
complain if the whole island is under one local government : a
united Ireland would not mean Home Rule for Ulster. The pro-
fessional Irish agitators will never be satisfied with anything short
of separation from England, but the Nationalist agitation would
probably soon wear itself out if the land question were settled, and
each section of the island had Home Rule in all matters of local
concern. One thing is certain : If Ireland is cut into several small
provinces, England and Scotland should also be subdivided for
purposes of local government. London is probably big enough
to take care of itself, and it would be as reasonable to grant Home
Rule to the world's metropolis as to create a city state of
Manhattan.

As regards the system to be adopted, whatever may be said
in favor of the Republican form of government in vogue in the
United States, it may be taken for granted that the people of
Britain will not at present depose their sovereign and elect
a president, nor will they be willing to give up the system of
responsible government. Canada has adapted the Federal
system lO responsible government : the Dominion and not the
adjoining republic must be the model. Perhaps British states-
men will be able to greatly improve upon the British North
America Act.

The province of Quebec is the Ireland of Canada. Here as
in Ireland the great majority of the people are Roman Catholics,
while the wealth of the province is largely in the hands of the
Protestant minority, although most of the land is owned by Roman
Catholics. This Protestant minority is protected against unjust
legislation by the British North America Act, which provides that
the Dominion Government may disallow any act of any of the
provincial legislatures within a year of its passage. The veto
power has been very sparingly exercised, only one act of the

AN IRISH EVOLUTION.

■ernment for
possible. If
ionalists will
r Ulster will
'ernment : a
The pro-
ything short
ation would
settled, and
ers of local
several small
)divided for
big enough
grant Home
ty state of

lay be said
)gue in the
2 people of
and elect
: system of
le Federal
nd not the
itish states-
tish North

Here as
Catholics,
nds of the
by Roman
inst unjust
ivides that
my of the
The veto
ict of the

Quebec legislature having been disallowed since confederation.*
Five acts of the Ontario legislature have been disallowed, one of
them several times In view of the fact that Mr. Gladstone pro-
poses to give to the British Government power to veto Irish legis-
lation, it is interesting to note that notwithstanding the moderation
of the Dominion government in the disallowance of jirovincial
legislation, there has been some friction between the Dominion
government and the Ontario and Manitoba legislatures on account
of it. In Ontario, the trouble was caused by the disallowance of
the Rivers and Streams Act, and in Manitoba by the disallowance
of Acts chartering railways, which it was feared would divert the
traffic of the North-west from the Canadian Pacific Railway to rival
American lines. Some of the Liberals are in favor of withdrawing
the veto power from the Dominion Government, but the general
feeling seems to be that it is a safeguard that should be retained,
as it has a restraining influence upon the provincial legislatures.
It is argued that as the Dominion Government is resj)onsible to

* Since the above was written the Dominion government lias disallowed the Magistrates'
Court Act, because it is ultra vires of the Quebec provincial legislature, and it is
probable that the Debt Conversion bill passed by the same legislature will be disallowed on
the ground that such repudiation will injure the credit of the whole Dominion. Mr.
Mercier has commenced an anti-disallowance agitation, and some of the Liberals have gone
so far as to threaten secession and annexation to the United States as a consequence of the
disallowance of these measures. Such threats made by a minority of the people are of little
consequence ; no one in Canada supposes that they are seriously meant, but it is a notewor-
thy fact that during the many years when the Conservatives controlled the (^)uebec legisla-
ture there was no trouble about disallowance. The Conservatives being in power at Ottawa
while the Liberals control nearly all the provincial legislatures, there is a disposition on the
part of the latter to provoke disallowance in order to furnish an excuse for agitations against
the central government, and the former watch the course of provincial legislation more vigi-
lantly when their opponents control a legislature than when their friends are in power. Now
the Irish legislatures would probably be in a state of chronic opposition to the British Parlia-
ment, and the disallowance of provincial measures would furnish fuel for continual agitation.
Such conflicts between the central government and the provincial legislatures would perpet-
uate the bitterness of feeling now existing, and they tan be avoided by limiting the legislative
powers of the local legislatures, giving them complete autonomy in the matters within their
own jurisdiction, and allowing the courts to decide when they have exceeded their powers.
I think therein little doubt that in Canada the ultimate outcome of the difference of opinion
regarding disallowance will be a compromise by which some of the powers of the provincial
legislatures will be transferred to the Dominion Parliament and the veto power now pos-
sessed by the Dominion government will be abolished.

AN /A' 161/ EVOLUTION.

Parliament, whi<:h represents the whole (-ountry, and as no govern-
ment can afford to lose the suppc^rt of any province, the i)Ower will
never be abused. Writing to Lord Carnarvon on the 6th Septem-
ber, 1876, Mr, Edward Blake, for many years leader of the Cana-
dian Liberals, said in regard to this :

" The Parliament of Canada is composed of the representatives
of the seven provinces, each of which has, in its provincial charac-
ter, like political rights. Ministers whose tenure of office depends
upon their retaining the confidence of a parliament so composed
are not likely to abuse a power, the exercise of which would obvious-
ly be jealously watched by representatives from the province, and
each is alike interested in the maintenance of provincial rights, and
therefore, in the principles upon which the power of disallowance
is exercised. For the same reason, any al)use by ministers of their
power would be quickly followed by the application of the constitu-
tional remedy by parliament. The experience of ten years during
which this power has been exercised does not indicate that the
apprehended evils will follow."

This was written before the Liberal agitation in Ontario, on ac-
count of the disallowance of the Rivers and Streams Act. This
agitation appears to have altered Mr. Blake's view of the
matter, but it seems to me that the fact that the Liberals in
Ontario have been able to make so much political capital out of
the disallowance of an Act in which the people in general were not
greatly interested, proves that no government depending upon pop-
ular support, could with impunity arbitrarily exercise the veto
power. With regard to the advisability of disallowing Manitoba's
railway charters there was much difference of opinion in Canada,
but It only required a short agitation in Manitoba, accompanied by
expressions of sympathy from other parts of the Dominion, to in-
duce the Dominion Government to discontinue the policy of dis-
allowance, as soon as it could make arrangements with the Cana-
dian Pacific Railway Company for the purchase of its monopoly
privileges. Of course, if Ireland has no representation in the
British parliament, as Mr. Gladstone proposes, there will be no
such check upon arbitrary disallowance as exists in Canada. Many
Canadians who oppose the abolition of the power to veto provin-

AN /A'/SN EVO LOTION.

I»

cial legislation jmssessed by the Dominion Oovcrnnient, would be
willing to allow the provinces complete autonomy, i)rovi(lecl some
of the powers the provincial legislatures now possess were trans-
ferred to the Dominion Tarliament, so that only matters of local
interest would be within the jurisdiction of the provincial legisla
tures. Under such an arrangement the right to charter railways
and many other powers possessed by the lejiislatures at present
would be withdrawn. If, in providing for local government in all
parts of the British Islands, the local legislatures are given juris-
diction only in purely local matters, there will be no necessity for
disallowance of provincial acts, and a great many contlicts and
much ill-feeling will be avoided.

Another question for consideration is whether the members of
the local legislatures shall be allowed to sit in the British Parlia-
ment also. During the early years of confederation in Canada,
some of the most prominent politicians had seats in both provin-
cial and Dominion parliaments at the same time, but before long
serious objections were found to this system of representation, and
now members of the provincial legislatures cannot sit in the Dom-
inion Parliament.

The careful student of American history cannot fail to note
that good government depends more upon the character of the
people than upon the form of constitution. The constitutions of
the United States and Canada are in many important respects
essentially different, yet both countries are peaceful and progressire.
Mexico and the Central American States are republics, with con-
stitutions modelled after that of the United States, and revolutions
frequently occur. The good government of Ireland under any
system of Home Rule that can be devised will depend very much
upon the Irish people, but it seems to me that a system ensuring
the integrity of the United Kingdom, while recognizing the princi-
ple of Home Rule, will be most likely to bring about an Irish

evolution.

Watson Griffin.

Montreal, Canada.

" THE STORY NOWHERE LACKS IN INTEREST." St. John (N. B.) Taitgraph^
15V WATSON liRIFKIN.

!R, as OINTS. OLOTH, SO CINTft.

Gkikkin cV KiDNKK, I'ulilishcrs, IlamiUon, Ont., Canada.

'* A most interesting and strikini; story. The scene of the novel is laid in
Canada, and the incident, scenery and conversations are nianajjed with tact
and skill. Mr. Orithn writes with yreal taste and spiiit. His entire work
is very even, and we may, without hesitation, declare this story to he one of
the hrijjhttst hits of Canadian tiction that we have yit seen in Knulish. The
philosophy is charniinjj. It is a real credit to the author and to the country.
The love making is particularly well done." — TAe Chronicle, Quebec.

" An ingenious and interesting story, liut who is Twok ? The chain of
events which led to her identification is skilfully linked together, and the career
ofTrenwith, as related hy himself, is highly sensational. The l)o;)k is not
faultless (what hook is?). Hut it has the main merit of heing entertaining, and
that is a virtue in a writer that covers a multitude of sins. Mr. (Jriffin has
originality, constructive ability and considerable tact as a story teller." —./)/<?«/-
rec^l Gazette.

" The plot is cleverly constructed and the characters are drawn with a bold
hand. Twok cannot but exercise a wholesome moral influence on those who
read it. It is manifestly the production of a man with broad and liberal views.
The mind that planned such a literary structure is not contracted by the silly
religious prejudices of modern times. Such books as Twok are certainly cal-
culated to make men happier, better and wiser." — Guelph Herald.

" 'Twok ' is the otld title of an interesting book which has just come to us
from the pen of Mr. Watson (iriffin. It presents a good deal of original-
ity of thought, though somewhat heterodox on many points. The tone of the
book is pure, its ideas bright and wholesome, its characters well chosen, and
it is well worth reading." — London {Ont.) Advertiser.

" The heroine is Twok, and from the moment she is introduced to the reader
interest in her never abate,>. Mr. (Jrififin outlined a plot with rare skill, and
marshalled his characters with consummate ability, the result being a book of
intense interest." — Toronto Mail.

" ' Twok ' is the decidedly odd title of a domestic story, somewhat out ot
the common run. The scene is Canadian, and this not very usual locate for a
work ot fiction gives the scheme novelty, which is enhanced by numerous clever,
realistic touches. The book is markedly religious in tone, yet is not wanting
in vivacious incident." — American, Philadelphia.

" ' Twok ' is as strange as its name. It is not to be classified exactly with
anything in literature that we know of, and we are uncertain whether we like
it or not. It is the story of two waifs, and just as we begin to find it a little
tedious, something crops out here and there to arrest attention, and make one
reflect that perhaps after all it is a remarkable book." — The Critic, New York.

" ' Twok ' is a story of Canadian life. Its scenes are laid in Ontario, and
its characters are cleverly sketched. Sometim^^s the author indulges a little in
sermonizing, and his descriptions are ofien overdrawn, but the whole story is
well to\d."— Scottish- American, New York.

"Tlitrt It a grtal d«al of humM intaratt in Uia ttory/'-Clavalantf (Ohia) Laadaf.

•' Wc cnn say like ihe mmlern school girl, this iitory is "just too lovely for
anything." That is, it in a pure, harmless story, luit is cruwnnl with a true
novel'M ending, such as gives the scnsationnl thrill, without which a novel is un-
satisfyint;."— AVw York C hurt h Unton.

" The story is intcrentin^— unique in some resfiects, and does credit tn Mr.
Griffin. The story of Twok has a lesson of its own, which would lie sufficient-
ly obvious without the philosophy and religion so freely discussed by certain
characters in the l)Ook. It is better art to let ihe story be its own moral,
rather than a vehicle for the author's morali/.ations. But altogether there is
justiHcation for Mr. Griffin's writing of the lx)ok, and for its publication,
— Buffalo Express.

" It is ra'her remarkable for the extraordinary amount of speculation, often
crude and sonieimas cranky, but more frequently original in coloring and bold
in style. Perhaps the most remarkable part of it is the lavishness with which
it is done. A more prudent novelist would have managed to build half a do7.en
tales on different phases of the development of often striking opinion which this
writer has prodigally crowded into one book." — Chuago Times,

" That a busy journalist has found lime to produce a readable, healthy and
even striking story in his scanty hours of leisure, is highly creditable to the
author. 1'he story commands the interest of the reader from start to finish.
The Dint is developed in a somewhat sensational manner, though the author
mana^ • ^o air his psychological and other theories in the pauses of the tale,
and ii i ,e reader's leniency is occasionally taxed, his patience is rewarded by
the fresh, unpretentious style of the narrative. The book is worth reading and
there is a great deal of originality in it." — Ottawa Journal.

" Twok is a story which combines much original thinking with a variety of
sensational elements." — Montreal Witruss.

" Interestingly written, and its delineation of character shows careful obser-
vation and insignt. It is a creditable contribution to Canadian literature." —
Canada Presbyterian.

" The odd word ' Twok ' is the title of an odd novel, from the pen of a bright
young Canadian. Quaint as it is, it is full of thought and food for thought.
The author's hobbies and theories are clearly exhibited in the warp and woof of
the tale, but they are sufficiently novel and original to fascinate an intelligent
reader." — International Royal Templar.

"The book is full of incident and life, but the more thoughtful re&der will
find abundant food for reflection in the clear and searching observations on liv-
ing topics, more especially with reference to character building and spirit-
ual forces. The tone of the writer is pure and hopeful, and any one should be
the better of a careful perusal of ' Twok.' " — Gueiph Mercury.

" Mr. Watson Griffin is a young Canadian who has distinguished himself by
some good writing in American magazines, done in the few calm moments be-
tween the ' flumes ' of a journalist's work. ' Twok ' is a queer, pleasant,
story. The tale is mostly of Ontario life, is full of local color, is marked by a
good deal of curious observation, and has the great literary merit of being un-
pretentious." — Toronto Globe.

Preface to Second Edition.— Several critics have supposed that my purpose in intro-
ducing Twok and her friends to the public was simply to set forth my views, and whenever an
opinion is expressed by any of the characters of the book it is assumed that I am actinc the
part of a ventrilociuistand makine mychaiacters speak for me. This is a mistake. It is true
that I am much in sympathy with the views of Joy Cougles, but I cannot always endorse what
he says, and the observant reader will notice that Joy himself changes his opinions somewhat as
he grows older. The essays of Joy Couples were written precisely as they appear in the book at
die age of seventeen : they are supposed to express the opinions of a thouehtfui, self-educated
youth of an original turn cf mind^ who has but a smattering of knowledge, and they are of
necessity rather crude. The hobbies of Dr. Someryille are not my hobbies, and although they
seem to me more sensible than some other hobbies of like character, 1 would be sorry to
have them uken seriously by the public— The Author.

A NEW CANADIAN WORK OF SURPASSING INTEREST.

HOMANIIC AND PH I LOSO I ' H I C A L.

ItKAI.INC, \M I II I UK ATMOSI'MKKK Ol Ci IN [ KM lOi; AH V KkKNIH C AN A I )1 AN 1,11 K,
ANIi MaKKIM. Ol I A Dli INI IK FL'iri-'K I OK Canaiia.

THE YOUNG SEIGNEUR '

\\\ WIIJKII) ( IIATF.AL'i LAIK.
PAPER, SO CTS. CLOTH, $1.00.

\V. I)uvsi(Ai.E & Co., ^^ll)li^hers, Montreal, Canaila.

EXTRACT FROM AUT HOP'S PREFACE.

" The chief aim of iliis liook is thf, perlinps, ton 1k)!c1 one ,'k iim/' out a future /<^r the
Ciinudian luitum, vvliiili lias liitlierio lift-n lirifting williout any plan. .\ lesser purpose of it
is to make some of the almospliere of Frein h Canada understood liy those who speak English.
The writer hopes to havi; done some servii.e to these lirotht-r-. of ours in using as his htro one
of those lofty characters which their circle ha- pniduied more than mice. "

From :i very laige ininiher of reviews, in whic;h the work !> ranked in the forefront of
Canadian literary art, wi; sidect the following :

"'The N'oung Seigneiir,' a romance of Canadian life, of unusual hrilliancy, strikes
one note with welcome i learness- that of nationality. Whoever Wilfred Chateauclair,
the author of ' I'he Vouiii; .Seiuneiir,' may he, aii'l lo whatever side of the struggles of tlie
day he may lean, he ha- the tine patriotic icnse, ami it is impos-^ihle to read his tlioughtful,
vigorous pages, so inci-ive ami yet so well hred, without being stirreil to something of the
enthusiasm that warmed the heart of his hero. " — M,'iitr,iti (.lazettc.

" The work is an unusual one, ami i- well worth perusal. -//«;// /7^cJ« I'.venin^ Finiea.

" . ..An event in the literatuie of this p.irt of the world. 'I'he author has given us a
Canadian story of the pn-sent day, and ha- heen alile to iinesi ordin.iry surroundings- if the
heautiful scenery of our l.ind may he called ordinary- and people like one is accustomed to
meet every day, with all the charm necessary to a«akenthe fancy and rivet the attention.
There will prohahly he a su-pii ion in some mind- that certain descriptions of politicians are
intended for men now living and moMiiL' among the people of (Juehec ; there may also he sii--
pecled a lurking de-ire lo liave a hit at the Cluin h in (Juehec. ' The Vontig Seigneur' is full
of originality and promise. It is a hook, which, in itself, is si'llcient to repel the charge that
our national intellect is asleep, and thai Canada cannot inspir.' her sons to literary laho.ir." —
The Toronto I'.iiif'in .

" The author has discovered New France, and we read with avidity every revelation he
makes of our French-Canadian -cenes ; the /i<ilw't,i>it.\, their ways, their weakness and their

strength The hook is powerfully, carefully and intereslint;ly written, and the

reader feels that he is in ( ominunion with a mind matured heyot d those wl-.ich are wont to
print in Canada. If wemi->take not, the hook marks an epoch ii our literature,' - Montreal
Star.

'• ' The N'oung Seigneur ' i- nmre than clever -it is hold, t.mtali/ing, oflen v.itly, always

original, .and nut without very h.ippy characterization It (jroiniies us a Canadian

writer of indis|iutahle geniu-. ' Toioiito lilolw

" There iM much in the hook vhii h young Canada may well ponder thiiugi tfully, and
there is great promise for the future in the earnest purpose of *he gifted writer." -.l/c;«/n'a/
/( 'itncss.

" 'J'here is a cliarm aljout this hitle story wliicli is not evoked hy n work of art, but rp'her
by a gracious spontaneity of nainrc'. The author has sketched some picture-(|ue scenes
picturesi|uely, and ha- cre.ited some -trikiiig .-indlieantiful characters. . . . 'I'he pathetic
end of the tale is iioetic.illy heautiful and syinliolically true." — /'//(■ ( /tristiun I'ni'on, New
York.

" The work gi\es an in-ight into life in i^)iiel)e< ; and it^ perusal would do much towards
removing the prevalent ignoianci; about the inhahitanl- of that pros iiice. It is bound to
compel thought on subjects whii:h are (iressing for consideration and settlement, and it should
be widely read." -.I/.j«/A'/v» /■'roe /';■., v\.

"'The Young Seigneur' is a book that will make it- mark on the a^e." - < 'nVlia Pae/cet.

" A reiinrkahle book." -.St. Jolin fyogtess.

" ' The Young Seigneur ' illustrates, in au ingenious way, modern life, movement and
cliar.icter in Canada." ^'/^iVci C liroiiio/e.

" The book contains some ch-.rining love pass.iges, some idyllic pictures of French-Cana-
di.rn life, some fine descriptive writing, and though 'it is not a novi / with a purpose,' its
interest is absorbing. We presume the name of the author of ' The Young Seigp.^i'r.' as
printed on the tiile-i)age, is a noiiiiief'iuiiie. Whoever he maybe, he has written a remark-
able book, and one that will live."- Evening Gazette, St. John. N, 1'.