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 Sepoeniben 1896. 
 
 M|cSM<i;R*I«C DEI. 
 
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 HISTORY AND ALBUM 
 
 OF THF, 
 
 IRISH RACE CONVENTION. 
 
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 HIS HOLINESS POPE LEO XIIL 
 
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 His HOLINESS I'Orii 1.1, () xni. 
 
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ins Tom' AM) ALHTM 
 
 IRISH RACH CONVHNTION 
 
 w I lie 1 1 Mi:r /x nviti.iN riir. riRsr riiNiin 
 
 DAYS Oh SHI'TllMlillN, iS^/,, 
 
 Most Ki:\. Dr. O'Donnkm., Bisiior of KAnioi{ 
 
 IN TIIK CIIAIK: 
 
 Mi.NKtiKs, i.isr t)i' |)|;i,|';(;ati;s, I'Ktx kiidincs iiiai' i.i-.d I'r To 
 
 IIIK c:nN\KNII()N, AN'I) TlIK DKCl.AKAllo.N i)| DI.I.KliAlKS 
 KKdM AlIKdAI) ON CONCLUSION Ol' SAMl!; 
 
 ALSO, 
 
 Till-; ANNL'Al. CONSKNTION OK I'MK IKISII NAIIONAI, l.l.AOUK 
 
 OF GK1:A1' liKIlAlN; ANU HON. EDWAKD lil.AKK'S Sl'KliClI 
 
 ON Tllli OVER-TAXATION OK IRKl-AND. 
 
 3llustratc5. 
 
 By I'crmissiou from the Freeman's Joiinhil, &ii(ti(i and AnaiigiJ. 
 
 S)ublin: 
 
 SEALY, URYERS AND W A L K. K k, 
 
 MIUULE AUUEY blREliT. 
 
 
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 DUBI-IN : rniNTEI) IIT SF.Al.y, IIUIKllS AND WALKEH. 
 
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IRtSH RACE CONVENTION, LEINSTER 
 

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 LEINSTER HALL, DUBLIN, September, 1896. 
 
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 a IRation ®nce Hoain! 
 
 When boyhoo<\« fire wa« in my blood, 
 
 I read of ancient freemen, 
 For Greece an.l Rome who bravely stood, 
 
 Three hundred men and three men. 
 And then I prayed I yet ; might see 
 
 Our fetters rent m twaui, 
 And Ireland, long a province, be 
 
 A nation (jnce again. 
 
 And, from that time, through wildest woe, 
 
 That hope has «hone a far light, 
 Nor could love's brightened summer glow 
 
 Outshine that solemn starlight: 
 It seemed to watch above my head 
 
 In forum, '^.eld, and fane ; 
 Its angel voice sang round my bea, 
 "A nation once again." 
 
 It whispered, too, that "freedom's ark 
 
 And service high and holy. 
 Would be profaned by feelings dark. 
 
 And passions vain or lowly : 
 For freedom comes from God's right hand, 
 
 And needs a godly train; 
 And righteous men must make our land 
 
 A nation once again." 
 
 So, as 1 grew from boy to man, 
 
 I bent me to that bidding- 
 My spirit of each selfish plan 
 
 And cruel passion ridding ; 
 For, thus I hoped some day to aid- 
 
 Oh! can such hope bo vain? 
 When my dear country shall be made 
 A nation once again. 
 
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 Jntvobuction. 
 
 My connection with the Irish Race Convention is purely literary 
 Personally, I believe in the political ability and sincerity of Mr. 
 John Dillon, but am willing to respect the opinions of others 
 who may choose to take a different view. Hut. apart from 
 politics, the Convention was a great historic event, which some 
 one should necessarily chronicle. The task fell to Mr. Alfred 
 Webb, who was in every way well adapted for it ; but, as he 
 states, the work was prepared hurriedly, in order to meet a 
 pressing requirement, and thus can hardly be regarded as a 
 worthy souvenir of so memorable an occasion. I was honoured 
 with the task of endeavouring, at least, to improve it. So many 
 difficulties, however, arose, which had not at first been antici- 
 pated, that the work falls far short of what I had hoped to 
 produce. A severe illness rendered me unfitted for literary 
 work for several months, and hence it was impossible for me to 
 have the book issued on the anniversary of the Convention, as I 
 had expected and promised. Moreover, an appointment in 
 Rome, and the duties consequent, engaged the time and 
 attention which should have been given to the work. I had 
 calculated, too, m assistance which, when needed, was not forth- 
 coming, and from this cause much of the delay has arisen. 
 
 The Memoirs of the various speakers which are submitted 
 in the book were secured usually through some friend of the 
 subject, or through some public record. Possibly there are 
 some inaccuracies ; nor would this be strange, considering their 
 number, and owing to the fact that most of those of whom there 
 is mention are not public men, and hence no tangible records 
 could be secured except through their friends, who often had 
 some reluctance in interfering, lest they might not be equal to 
 the task, and perhaps at best were not perfectly accurate. Some 
 of the sketches were supplied, and appear very nj^ich in the 
 
 form in which they came 
 
 Most of them ihave been 
 
 ■/,■'; 
 
 
 n 
 
-n 
 
 V 
 
 /^' 
 
 J 
 
 viii /A'/,S7/ HACK COSVKSTION. 
 
 corrected, sometimes ciilar<,'c(I, ami sometimes abridged ; 
 wliercas some have been written entirely by myself. 1 claim 
 that they are generally accurate, and whatever has been said, 
 for or against, in the individual cases is but an expression of 
 the estimate in which they arc commonly held. 
 
 It has hardly been deemed necessary to make any changes 
 in the speeches. This ilepartmcnt has already been attended 
 to by Mr. Webb, and he has kindly permitted me to avail 
 myself of his labours. The speech of the Hon. Edward Blake, 
 delivered in the House of Commons 29th March, 1897, on the 
 I'inancial Relations between Great Britain and Ireland, has been 
 added, as havint,' a yreat interest for Irishmen, not to speak of 
 the ability which it diq)Iays. It may be mentioned that a Royal 
 Commission was appointed in May, 1894, to investigate the 
 financial relations between the two countries, inasmuch as com- 
 plaints have been made that the financial arrangements were not 
 (juite satisfactory. The result of the investigation proved that, 
 all things considered, Ireland was overtaxed to the extent of 
 some two and a-half millions. Mr. Blake was selected to bring 
 the matter before the House, and his speech on the occasion, 
 which is herewith given, speaks abundantly for itself. The 
 illustrations, it is hoped, will render the work very much 
 more interesting. 
 
 There is no rule observed as to the extent of the Memoirs, 
 and their length does not necessarily signify their importance. 
 Some of them have been supplied by too-admiring friends, and 
 the great difficulty consisted in reducing them to practical 
 bounds ; or, perhaps, it might be safer to say, by those who 
 had little experience in such work, and misunderstood what was 
 in reality required. But in some cases information was refused 
 other than what was already supplied ; and some refused to 
 have anything added, and, as far as they could, to have anything 
 eliminated. Generally speaking, great interest was centred in 
 the work, and those who could consistently render assistance 
 were well disposed to do so. The order corresponds mostly 
 with that in which the names occur in the proceedings. 
 
 I have to express my indebtedness to Mr. Dillon and the 
 other members of the Irish Party, who entrusted to me a work 
 of such importance, and one so intimately associated with the 
 
 'aV 
 
 V-- v\^ 
 
 ^iJ* 
 
 -7 
 
 3 
 
1 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 IX 
 
 ? 
 
 Irish cause. I must saj', however, I have not imdertaken tlie 
 work because of any concession already obtained, or any likely 
 to be obtained. Nor am I known personally to more than two 
 members of the Irish Party, and from that Party I have secured 
 no benefits, and hope for none. I have also to cxfircss my deep 
 sense of gratitude to Mr. IMakc, wlio permitted me to insert in 
 the work his speech on the Financial Relations, which must lend 
 to it considerable interest and importance. To Mr. Webb I am 
 also indebted for his great kindness in handing over to me 
 practically the fruits of his labour, having so carefully arranged 
 the proceedings of the Convention from the reports of the Free- 
 mans Journal, and edited the work with such ability. He has 
 also seen through the press the .speech of Mr. Hlake, which I 
 have been permitted to use, and for his kindness I feel exceed- 
 ingly grateful. Having prefaced so much, I venture to offer to 
 the public this work, in the hope that it will meet a cordial 
 reception, and be in some respects a suitable memento and 
 record of what must remain a memorable event in Irish 
 history. 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 1 I 
 
 ' '< 
 
 DANIEL F. McCRKA. 
 
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 Contents. 
 
 A Nation On(i; Acain ! 
 
 lNIRf)l)UCHON 
 
 Convention Succestkh iiv Akliiiiisikip oi' Tukoni.) 
 
 ACXEI'TANCK OK Sl'CCiKS HON IIY IRISH rAKTV 
 
 CoNsrriUTiON or tiik Co.nvkniion ... 
 
 Ai.i. iKisii Naiionalisi- Memukrs Invited ... 
 
 Resolutions and Motions ... 
 
 Lkttek from United States and Canadian Dki.koates 
 
 Leinster IIali. 
 
 BiOGRAniicAi. Sketches oi hie Speakfrs ... 
 First Day's Proceedings ... 
 Second Day's Proceedings... 
 Third Day's Proceedings ... 
 Resolutions of hie Convention ... 
 Dropi'ed Resoi.uitons 
 List ok Delegates: 
 Irish Race Aiiroad 
 AfE.MiiERs of Parliament 
 Clergy.. 
 
 County and Civic 
 Great Britain... 
 
 Central Body, Irish National Federation ... 
 Ireland 
 Stewards ... 
 Irish National League of Great Britain, Annual Convention ... 
 
 Justin M'Carthy, M.P., on the Convention 
 
 Impressions of the Convention, iiy a "Spectator" 
 
 Address of Delegates from Aiiroad to the Irish People at Home 
 
 AND Aiiroad 
 Very Rev. Dr. Ryan, of Toronto, at Clonmel 
 Personal Reminiscences of the Irish Uace Convention, uy tub 
 
 Rev. U. F. McCrea 
 
 Hon. Edward Llake, M.P., on the Ovfr-Taxation of Ireland ... 
 
 V 
 
 vii 
 I 
 
 4 
 5 
 7 
 7 
 8 
 9 
 
 II 
 
 '53 
 
 20I 
 20 1 
 
 3!8 
 32a 
 
 327 
 328 
 328 
 332 
 332 
 335 
 336 
 352 
 354 
 373 
 376 
 
 37S 
 3«i 
 
 385 
 397 
 
 ^1 
 
 ''^- 
 
('■ 
 
 \'' 
 
 3^^l^^ to fiDcmoii-0 n^^ Spcccbc^, 
 
 I'AdK 
 II 
 
 14 
 
 .50 
 
 Most Kkv. John WALbii, IJ.U., Arcliliislmii of Toronto.,. 
 Chairman, Mom Kkv. 1)k. O'DoSNiai., Ilisliop of Kaplioc— 
 Memoir ... 
 Opciiint; Aililrcss... 
 Closint; Address ... 
 [Also on proceilurc, p|>. 15J, 154. '61. 18G, 190, joi, 206, 210, 220, 
 227, 231, 2J2, 243, 261, 262, 26S, 271, 272, 277, 278, 280, 285, 
 290, 297, 2yS, 310, 311.] 
 
 Amiikosk, I)k., M.r. 32. "53 
 
 Di.AKK, IIo.N. KnwAUii, .M.I'. 20, 232, 2')o, 317 
 
 IlKO.MiiY, Hon. CiiakiI's II., Tasni.inis 
 
 Cl.ANCV, Ukv. .M. a., Nowfininill.ind ... 
 
 Ci.ancv, Rkv. J., Tippcrury ... 
 
 CoRNWAl.l., Mr. .Mosks, Kimlicrley 
 
 CosniJAN, Hon. John, Ou.iwa 
 
 Davitt, Mk. .Miciiaei., M.I'. 
 
 Ukvi.in, Mr. J. H., \Vilkf.larrc, roiinsylvaiiia ... 
 
 Drviin, Mr. Josbi'II, DcKiist ... 
 
 Dii.i.oN, Mr. John, .M.I'. 
 
 Uoran, Mr. Davih, Kcnmnrc 
 
 DUFKY, Mr. Thuma.s, I'.L.G., Longford 
 
 UUM.EAVY, Mr. Patkick, I'hiladelpliia 
 
 Kkrouson, Mr. John, (Jla.sgow 
 
 KnzGERAl.D, Mr., Ucrmondscy 
 
 l''LANNERY, VuRY KeV. Dr., St. Thomas', Canada 
 
 Flvnn, Rev. 1'. !•"., I'.l'., Walcrlord ... 
 
 roi.KY, Rev. Dr., Nova .Scolia 
 
 (lALl.Ac.liER, Mr. I'ArKicK, Ncw York 
 
 llARKiNnroN, Mr. Timothy, M.T. 
 
 Harris, Very Key. Uean, Ottawa 
 
 Healy, Mr. Timothy Michael, M.I'. 
 
 Heney, John Chevalier, Ottawa 
 
 Herron, Mr. Charles, South Derry ... 
 
 Hunt, Mr. Thomas, Melbourne 
 
 Kelly, Richt Rev. Monskinor, Irisli College, Rome 
 
 Kennedy, Key. M. 15., IMarncy 
 
 Kennedy, Mk. Martin, Wellington, Ncw Zealand 
 
 • n: 
 
 54. '77 
 
 71, 188 
 
 120, 280 
 
 5'. '76 
 
 116, 173 
 
 26, 293 
 
 140. 306 
 
 113. 272 
 
 17, 245. 3". 3>3 
 
 ... 302 
 
 ... 302 
 
 O2, 182 
 
 73. '91 
 
 277 
 
 138. 30s 
 76, 202, 206, 230 
 
 05. '83 
 
 ... 126 
 
 ... lOI 
 
 57, 178, 262, 313 
 
 96 
 
 105, 265 
 142, 306 
 46, 170 
 37. '54 
 92. 227 
 60, 186 
 
ISDEX Tit MA'MOIJIS AM> Sl'JJKCIlKS. 
 
 XIII 
 
 Kii.iiKiiii',, Mk. Di'.nis, M.l'. ... 
 
 LoDiiid.iN, Mk. Thomas, Unidfnr'l 
 
 LuNiKi.N, .\Ik. U'li.iuM, I.imcrlcU 
 
 I.VM II, KliV. 1',, Mnndu'slir ... 
 
 LvNSKEY, Vkkv Ki-.v, Canon, CliWcn ... 
 
 Lynskey, Mk. Geo. J., LivcriKwl 
 
 LvilLU, Kkv. Mk., Moncyrcu 
 
 M'I.'aktan, Vkkv Kkv. Canon, Dunnulimcrc ... 
 
 M'Cariiiv, Mr. Justin, M.l'. 
 
 M'I'AUDKN, Kkv. James, IM'. ... 
 
 M'Kkown, Hon. John, Q.C, Si. Culhcrinc'H, Cimula 
 
 Marsiiai.i,, Kkv. Ci-xiRdK K., New Ilampjliirc ... 
 
 Mkac.iihk, Kkv. Wii.i.iam, C.C, Clonmcl 
 
 Ml RNANK, Kkv. E., Berinomlscy 
 
 MuRi'iiv, Mk. Hugh, Ulasgow 
 
 O'IJkikn, Mr. William 
 
 O'Cai.i.aoiian, Kkv. Dknis, Uosion ... 
 
 O'CoN.NoR, Mr. T. v., M.l'. ... 
 
 O'Donnkll, Kkv. P. J., Monlrenl 
 
 O'IIaka, Kkv. I)., IM'., Kiltimnul, 
 
 O'lIiDciNs, Mr. John H., liosion, U.S.A. 
 
 O'Lkarv, Kkv. Tkier, IM'., Castlclyons 
 
 O'Lkarv, Very Kev. MoNsir..NOR, IM'., (Jlonakiliy 
 
 O'Meaka, Mr. M., Dundnlk 
 
 O'.Meara, Dr. W. 1'., Smitlminplon 
 
 riiiLi,ir.s, Rev. K. .S., rennsylvmiia 
 
 Ql'l.N, Mr. ALniONsus, Arl>oc 
 
 Kkumonu, Mr. John K., M.P. 
 
 Rvan, Rev. Dr., Toronto, reads Lctler 
 
 Rvan, Mr. JosEi'ii 1'., New Vork 
 
 Scanlan, Rkv. J., I'.I'., Cloiighjordaii ... 
 
 Sexton, Mk. Thomas 
 
 Shkeiiv, Mr. David, M.P. 
 
 Shinkwin, Very Rev. Canon, Bandon 
 
 Smyth, Alderman W. J., M.iyor of Walerford 
 
 Si-LLIVAN, Mr. William, Hiadford 
 
 TiMMiNs, Dr., Boston 
 
 Weiiu, Mk. Alfred, Dublin ... 
 
 I'ti.K 
 
 131. ioo 
 l(x;, 370 
 137. 395 
 59, 181 
 
 2>), I Si 
 
 1.1'''. .103 
 
 Ml. joi 
 
 ... loO, J65, 271 
 
 ... 33. "53. '('9 
 
 3^• 153 
 
 •43. 307 
 OK, 186 
 86, 215 
 
 3IO, 326 
 
 108, 368 
 
 131, 383 
 
 49. 173 
 
 ... 80, 204 JI3 
 III, 371 
 138, 2lj0 
 
 94, 341 
 9J. no 
 83, 3IJ 
 
 93. 230 
 
 89, 218 
 
 ... 72, 188, 397 
 
 «37. 30s 
 
 '50 
 
 ■ • 39. '55. '66 
 134, 285 
 '47. 3'3 
 
 44 
 
 42, iss 
 
 'S3 
 
 78, 303 
 
 87, 216 
 '45. 308 
 148, 162 
 
 XL> 
 
3n^t^t to ipbotoornpho. 
 
 Mri'.T \ny. I'liiN WAi -11, I 
 
 Md^t IIi:V. I'ATllll K (I'Dll.N 
 
 I'll 
 »fl 
 
 170 
 
 i''l 
 »;'! 
 
 »a'l 
 MM 
 
 \nil.n»T, Iir, M.T. 
 Illnki'. lion. K . M.I'. 
 
 Ilrniiil.y. II I'. II. 
 
 cliiiHy, llrv. M. A, 
 riimi'V. llrv. J. - 
 CiiniwiiU. Mr. M. 
 I'iMlltritn. Hon J. - 
 Hiivllt. Mr. M., M.l>. 
 DihIiii, Mr. .1. h. - 
 lii'vliii, Mr. 111". - 
 Dillon. Mr..!.. M.I'. 
 Unnli'iiv ), Mr. I'. 
 l-'rrt/nHoi), Mr. .1. - 
 liiiniiiry, Vitv lli'v, Dr. H'l 
 llvnii, ll.'x. 1'. K. 
 I.ilrv, llrv. Iir. - 
 liiillMtflirr. Mr. I'. 
 Iliirrmi^icin .Mr. 'I'. M.!'. 
 Iliirri". Vcrv lliv. Ilran 
 llciily. Mr. T. M.. M.I'.. 
 Ili'my, I'liiMillir 
 
 •oil 
 
 III 
 
 i.D., .\n lilI'Mmii 111 'rcirunlii 
 
 NKl.l, Il.l'.i llii'lKir <>l lliil'liiic 
 
 lAl.ll 
 
 Hunt, Mr. T. - - i;'i 
 
 Ki'llv. ill. Ili'v. Miinalir. i;i 
 
 Ki'nniilv, llrv. M. II. - "l| 
 
 Krnnrilv. .Mr. M. - i'i| 
 
 Kliliniliv y\r. I).. M.l'. »oo 
 
 Ixiiifliiln. Sir. 'r. - - it't 
 
 l.iincliin. Mr. W. - • au 
 
 I.vn.li. lli'v. 1'. - - i«'i 
 
 Lvnukry. V. llrv. Ciitlim KM 
 
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"^ 
 
 . 
 
 MOST REV. JOHN WALSH. D.D., 
 Archbishop oi Toronto. 
 
 (fee pp. 1, 11, 155.) 
 
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 3v(8b IRace Convention, 1806. 
 
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 a Convention Snooc0tet> b^ Ibfa (Brace tbe 
 Hicb&isbop of C;oronto. 
 
 St. Michael's Palace, Toronto, 8th October, 1895. 
 To Hon. Edward Bi.ake, Q.C, M.P, HumewoocI, Toronto. 
 
 My Dear Mr. Blake — I regret exceedingly to learn that you are 
 very much run down in health, and that, in consequence of nervous 
 prostraticii, brought on by excessive work, you have felt obliged to 
 decline the ]jublic reception with which the citizens of Toronto intended 
 to greet your return and to give you a hearty welcome home. I regret 
 that this reception haci to be abandoned for this reasn also, that the 
 leading citizens of Toronto wished to give public enoorsement to the 
 course you have pursued in advocatini; the cause of Home Rule for 
 Ireland, and because they wished to repel with righteous indignation 
 the malignant attacks made upon you, not so much by political antago- 
 nists as by false brethren and treacherous co-labourers. The sacrifices 
 you have made in the cause of Home Rule ought to have been more 
 than sufficient to shield you from mean insinuations and vindictivs 
 calumnies, and should also have proved to tbe most suspicious and 
 incredulous your absolute devotion to the Irish cause. 
 
 If I mention, in passing, the enormous sacrifices you have made, it 
 is not on your account, but for the sake of good and true men at home 
 who might be led astray m your regard by false statements and misre- 
 presentations. Here in Canada, where you were bred, born and reared, 
 and where you are well known both as to your private and public life, 
 you need no certificate of character from any individual or from any 
 body of citizens, for you possess in an eminent degree the esteem, ad- 
 miration, and confidence of your countrymen. In saying this much 
 I am sure that I voice the public opinion of Canada. 
 
 I think, too, sir, that we in this country have a right and a duty to 
 raise our voice in protest against the destructive dissensions that rend 
 the ranks of the Irish Parliamentary representatives, that do so much to 
 discredit their cause and ruin their effectiveness. Canada has contri- 
 buted generously towards the Home Ride Parliamentary Fund. Not 
 much more than a year ago we here in Toronto, in the midst of great 
 financial depression, subscribed the handsome sum of something more 
 than seven thousand dollars. In other cities and districts of the 
 Dominion sums proportionately as large were freely given for the pur- 
 pose. In view of these large monetary contributions, in view of the 
 
 
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 » IRISTf HACK CONVEXTIOy. 
 
 material ami moral aid which by words and acts, and even by resolu 
 tions unanimously passed in the Dominion Parliament, we have given 
 towards the Irish cause, we Canadians have a ri-ht to deplore and 
 deprecate the fatal dissensions that have weakened and paralysed the 
 Irish Parliamentary representation, and that have thwarted and baffled 
 the Home Rule cause. Tliis is not the place to discuss the cause of 
 these dissensions, it must suflice here to raise our voice in protest 
 against them, and to declare that those responsible for them have 
 brought shame and dishonour on their country, and are guilty of high 
 treason against the Irish race at home and abro.xl. 
 
 For those fatal dissensions it is our solemn conviction that neither 
 yon nor those with whom you are working are in anywise responsible. 
 Vou have but been their victims. In order to try to keep peace and 
 harmony in your ranks you have borne quietly with misrepresentations 
 and calumnies until patience ceased to be a virtue, and your silence was 
 construed by some into an admission of guilt. VVill Irishmen never 
 give heed to the warning of our national poet, which is also the teach- 
 ing of our sad history ? — 
 
 " Krin, thy silent (ear never sliiiU cease, 
 Krin, thy languid smile ne'er shall increase, 
 Till like the rainbow's li^jlit 
 'I'liy varit'Ms linls unite 
 And fnrni in Heaven's sight 
 One arch uf peace." 
 
 How is this necessary union to be effected? How are the Irish 
 National forces to be focussed into a great centre of strength and power? 
 It seems to me that to the solution of this problem Irish patriotism and 
 Irish .statesmansiiip should now devote themselves. Surely Ireland 
 must still have the power and vitality to shake off from her the fatal 
 dissensions that iiave of late preyed upon her and threatened the ex- 
 tinction of her national life; surely she must not allow herself, like a 
 derelict ship at sea, to drift about aimlessly and hopelessly, a prey to 
 the waves and storms of angry passions and internecine feuds. 
 
 This is not a time for despondency or despair, it is rather a time for 
 courageous resolve and earnest action. The Home Rule cause has 
 cost the Irish race too many sacrifices, it has been pushed too far 
 towards realisation to be now abandoned because of the difficulties that 
 beset it. These difficulties are for the most part the direct result of 
 personal jealousies, animosities and ambitions indulged in by certain of 
 the Irish lejjresentatives, and doubtless they can be pushed out of the 
 way by the united and determined action of the Irish people. 
 
 As an Irishman interested in the destinies of my native land, 1 
 trust I may, without presumption, venture to make a suggestion, which 
 if acted on, would, in my opinion, be instrumental in securing that 
 unity of counsel and of action amongst the Nationalists of Ireland so 
 necessary for the success of the cause they have at heart. My suggestion 
 is this : Let a great National Convention be held in Dublin, composed 
 of chosen representatives of the clergy and people of Ireland and of 
 an advisory representation of the Irish race abroad. In that Conven- 
 tion let Ireland speak out her mind, let not her voice be like a broken 
 musical instrument emitting discordant notes and jarring sounds, but 
 
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 ■'I 
 
 ■; 
 
I 
 
 LETTER OF ARCIIJilSHOP OF TOliONTO. 3 
 
 let it on the contrary be dear, loud, and emphatic, insisting on unity 
 and condemning faction. Let her point out and iiphoki the i'.irlia- 
 mcntary representatives whose methods and conduct she approves, and 
 let her m.irk out and condemn those whose intolerance of control, 
 personal jealousies and animosities have done so much to break the 
 unity and waste the strength of the National Party. Dissensions and 
 feuds have, in the past, been the ruin and curse of Ireland. Let her 
 stamp them out and cast them from her as things more noxious than the 
 serpents St. Patrick banished from her shores. In that Convention let 
 the voice of Ireland's sons abroad be heard and advice considered. 
 They live under free institutions and are accustomed to the workings o( 
 deliberative assemblies and representative governments, anil hence the 
 advice and experience of their chosen delegates in the present condition 
 of Irish affairs wouhi be of the utmost value and importance. Surely 
 representative Irishmen in convention assembled, free from prejudices 
 and passions, having at henrt not the trmmph of jiarty or faction, but 
 the welfare and honour of their race and the triumph of their country's 
 cause, will be able to concert and adopt such measures as will enforce 
 proper discipline and diie subordination in the ranks of the nation's 
 representatives, and, in this way, will be able to secure amongst them 
 tl^at unity of purpose and action so absolutely vital to their success. 
 
 A great National Convention, such as I venture to suggest, speaking 
 with the authority of the nation, and voicing its fixed and unalterable 
 purpose to labour for and to win the right of self-government, would 
 give new hope and heart and energy to Irishmen at home and abroad, 
 and it would be ablo to restore unity amongst the ranks of the Irish 
 Nationalist representatives, to make of them once more a compact body 
 and an irresistible power in the Imperial Parliament. Whvin Ireland 
 speaks to Englishmen through such a body her just demands cannot be 
 long refused her. 
 
 Wishing you a safe and prosperous voyage to the sunny lands of the 
 Southern Cross, and with sentiments of sincere esteem, 
 
 Believe me to be, my dear Mr. Blake, 
 Yours very faithfully, 
 
 (jiJOHN Walsh, 
 
 Archbishop of Toronto. 
 
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 acceptance ot Suflocstlon bv? 3rlsb ipartB. 
 
 In iMir^uance of notice, a nieoting of the Irish Parlianiemary Party was 
 liuld in IJublin, I4tli November, 1895. Tiie following present ;— 
 W \hraham, North-Kast Cork D. MacAlccse, North Monaghan 
 
 P. McDermott, North Kilkenny 
 Dr. M. A. MacUonnell, Leix 
 J. G. S. MacNeill, South Donegal 
 F. Mandeville, South Tipperary 
 M. J. Minch, South Kildarc 
 15, C. MoUoy, Birr, King's Co. 
 S. Morris, South Kilkenny 
 M. M'Cartan, South Down 
 Justin M'Carthy, North Longford 
 
 E. L. M'Hugh, South Armagh 
 P. A. M'Hugh, North Leitrini 
 J. F. X. O'Brien, Cork City 
 P. J. O'Brien, North Tippsrary 
 A. O'Connor, East Donegal 
 James O'Connor, West \Vicklow 
 T. P. O'Connor, Scotland Ward, 
 
 Liverpool 
 
 F. E. O'Keeffe, Limerick City 
 W. O'Malley, Conneraara 
 P. J. Power, East Waterford 
 John Roche, East Galway 
 J. J. Shee, West Waterford 
 D. Sheehy, South Galway 
 Donald Sullivan, Sth. Westmeath 
 T. D. Sullivan, West Donegal 
 Dr. C. K. D. Tanner, Mid-Cork 
 James Tuite, North Westmeath 
 S. Young, East Cavan 
 
 Mr. John Dillon moved, and Mr. J. C. Flynn seconded : — "That 
 this party approves of the suggestion made by the Archbishop of 
 Toronto in favour of a National Convention representative of the Irish 
 race throughout the world, and that with the view of carrying this 
 decision into effect the Chairman and Committee of the Irish Party 
 are hereby authorised to communicate with the Executive of the 
 National Federation and jointly with them to make arrangements for 
 the holding of such a Convention." 
 
 Mr. T. M. Healv moved, and Dr. Fox seconded, the following 
 amendment : — " That a Convention of the people of Ireland be called 
 forthwith, and that the Council of the Federation be asked to appoint 
 a committee to arrange the bisis of representation and invitations of the 
 delegates and clergy according to established precedents in times past ; 
 that invitations to prominent and representative Irishmen or organisa- 
 tions should be issued by the Chairman of the Irish Party." 
 
 The amendment was negatived without a division, and Mr. Dillon's 
 motion was carried without a division. 
 
 Dr. K. Ambrose, West Mayo 
 M. Austin, W est Limerick 
 E. Barry, Saulh Cork 
 P. G. Garvill, Newry 
 Bernard Collery, North Sligo 
 ']', J. Condon, I'^ast Tipperary 
 T. (]urran, South Sligo 
 T. B, Curran, North Donegal 
 E. Crean, Ossory, Queen's Co. 
 Daniel Crilly, North Mayo 
 John Dillon, East Mayo 
 
 C, J. Engledow, North Kildare 
 James P. Farrell, West Cavan 
 Thomas J. Farrell, South Kerry 
 P, Ffrench, South Wexford 
 
 J, Finucane, East Limerick 
 J. C. Flynn, North Cork 
 Dr, J. F. Fox, Tullamore 
 James Gibney, North Meath 
 James Gilhooly, West Cork 
 John Hammond, Carlow 
 T. M. Healy, North Louth 
 M. Healy, Cork 
 T. J. Healy, North Wexford 
 J. F. Hogan, Mid-Tipperary 
 J. Jordan, South Fermanagh 
 
 D, Kilbride, North Galway 
 
 E, F. V. Knox, Derry City 
 
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 Constttutfon of tbc 3ri0b TRacc Convention. 
 
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 At a meeting of tlie Irish Parliamentary Party, held on 20th May, 
 1896, Mr. John Dillon in the chair, the Chairman reported that in 
 pursuance of tlie following resolution passed at the meeting of the Irish 
 Parliamentary Parly, held in Dublin on Thursday, November 14th, 
 1895 — "That this Party approves of the suggestion made by the Arch- 
 bishop of Toronto in favour of a National Convention representative of 
 the Irish race throughout tiie world, and that with a view of carrying 
 this decision into effect the Chairman and Committee of the Irish 
 Party art hereby authorised to communicate with the Executive of the 
 National Federation and jointly with them to make arrangements for 
 the holding of such a Convention " — the Executive of the National 
 Federation and the Chairman had prepared the following scheme : — 
 
 A National Convention of representatives of the Irish race 
 throughout the worid, supporters of the Irish Home Rule movement, 
 is summoned to meet in Dublin, on 1st September. 1890. 
 
 The delegates shall be as follows : — 
 
 I.-IRELAND. 
 
 (i) Three delegates from each branch of the Irish National 
 Federation, and if there are mor<s than 300 members in the branch, 
 one additional delegate for each 100 members in excess of 300. 
 
 The delegates are to be elected at a meeting of the branch to be 
 held after not less than one week's notice on some day, not later than 
 1 6th August, and a certificate of election, signed by the Chairman and 
 Secretary of the meetings, is to be forwarded to the Secretary of the Irish 
 National Federation, 24 Rutland Square, Dublin, so as to be received 
 no^ later than i8th August 
 
 ^2) One delegate from each parish in which there is no branch of 
 the Federation. The delegate is to be elected at parish meeting to be 
 called by local Nationalists, and the foregoing provisions are to apply. 
 
 (3) Clergymen of all denominations. 
 
 (4) Nationalist members of local public bodies. 
 
 (5) All members of the Central Body of the Irish National 
 Federation. (This included all members of the Irish Parliamentary 
 Party.) 
 
 (6) Three delegates from each Gaelic Athletic Club, Young Ireland 
 Society, National Literary Society, Labour Organisation, and Irish 
 National Foresters, having not less than 50 members, and if there are 
 more than 300 members in' the branch, one additional delegate for 
 each 100 members in excess of 300. The delegates from the above- 
 mentioned organisations snail be elected at meetings to be called by 
 the officers of the organisation, and all the foregoing provisions are to 
 apply. 
 
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IRISH RACE CONVESTION. 
 
 V 
 
 I ti : . 
 
 II—GRKAT BRITAIN. 
 
 One delegate from each branch of the Irish National I-eague of 
 Great Britain, having not less than 50 members, and one additional 
 delegate for each 100 members in excess of 50. 
 
 The foregoing provisions are to applv, subject, however, to such 
 further provision as may be made by the Executive of the Irish National 
 U-agiie of (keat Britain, which is now charged with the administration 
 of the matter. 
 
 Gknkrai, Provision for Delegates from Aiiroad.— As dis- 
 tance and expense preclude the possibility of the attendance of any large 
 number of de' gates from abroad, and local knowledge is recjuired 
 intelligently to adjust the distribution of representation, no express 
 limitation of numbers is i)roposed. Certificates of election are in all 
 cases to be forwarded, so as to re.^ch the Secretary of the Irish National 
 Federation, Dublin, no later than 15th August. 
 
 III.— NORTH AMERICA, 
 (a) UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 
 Delegates to be chosen.— (i) By the Irish National Federation of 
 America ; (2) by the Ancient Order of Hibernians ; (3) by the Ancient 
 Order of Hibernians (Board of Erin). 
 
 The delegates are to be chosen by each organisation according to the 
 rules to be made by the Executive of the organisation concerned. 
 
 (l>) CANADA. 
 
 Delegates to be chosen for their own cities and the country at large 
 by the Irish National organisations in each of the following cities : — 
 Ottawa ; Montreal ; Toronto ; Quebec ; St. John ; Halifax. 
 
 The delegates are to be elected at a meeting of the organisation, 
 or if there be more than one organisation at a joint meeting of the 
 organisations of the city, to be called by concerted action of the 
 executive in the city. 
 
 1V.-AUSTR.\LASIA. 
 
 Delegates for the city and district and the country at large to be 
 chosen by the local branch of the Irish National Federation, or where 
 there is no such branch by the concerted action of the local Nationalists — 
 Australia : — Sydney ; Melbourne ; Adelaide ; Brisbane ; Perth. New 
 Zealand : — Auckland ; Wellington ; Dunedin ; Westland District. 
 Tasmania ; — Hobart ; Launcestown. 
 
 General Provisions. — Further provisions as to the supply to 
 and delivery by delegates of credentials, and other necessary pre- 
 liminaries for the organisation of the Convention will be prepared and 
 issued in due time. 
 
 On the motion of Mr. Denis Kilbride, seconded by Mr. P. C. 
 DooGAN, the following resolution was unanimously adopted : — " That 
 having considered the scheme drawn up by the Executive of the Irish 
 National Federation and the Chairman of the Irish Parliamentary Party 
 for holding a National Convention in Dublin in September next, which 
 has been submitted to us, we approve of the constitution and mode ol 
 election proposed herein." 
 
 .-/V-.. 
 
 I '■ 
 
 N 
 
HI! 3il0b •MationaUst nDcmbcrs of ipnvUantcnt 
 
 3nvitc&. 
 
 At the foregoing meeting of the Irish Parh'amentary Party held in 
 Dublin on the 20th May, 1896, it was moved by Mr. John Dillon, 
 seconded by Dr. M. A. MAcDoNNELL,and ado[)ted with one dissentient: — 
 Resolved—" That we, the members of the Irish Parliamentary Party, in 
 meeting assembled, feel it our duty to record our conviction of the 
 supreme importance to the National cause of a restoration of unity 
 amongst the supporters of the Home Rule movement, and in our earnest 
 desire to accomplish that result we are prepared to meet on fair and 
 equal terms those from whom we are unhappily now divided, and to 
 join in the reconstitution of a united Home Rule party, in which every 
 supporter of the movement shall be corilially received and justly con- 
 sidered, regardless of all past differences, and having regard only to his 
 capacity to render service to the common cause. U'e cordially invite 
 Mr. John Redmond and his friends to co-operate with us in a common 
 earnest endeavour to make the coming Convention an effective means 
 of .satisfying the widespread yearning of the Irish race for a thorough 
 re-union. While it is obviously impossible for us without the concur- 
 rence of those concerned to inclnde them in the arrangements fur the 
 National Convention, we ask them to join us in making such arrange- 
 ments as will secure to them a full representation in the Convention 
 on the basis hereinbefore indicated." 
 
 IRceolutions an^ flDotions. 
 
 Upon 20th August, 1896, the Organising Committee of the 
 Convention gave public notice that resolutions and notices of motion 
 received up to the 29th would be placed upon the Agenda Vaper 
 
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 Xcttcr from TIlnitc^ States an^ danaMaii 3)clcoatc3. 
 
 Dublin, 31st August, 1896. 
 To THE Editor or the Freeman's Jouknal. 
 Dear Sir — Will you permit us through your columns to remove the 
 impression which a portion of the Dublin Press has endeavoured to 
 create— that the delegates from abroad who arc now here are com- 
 mitlcd to any section of the Irish Parliamentary representation. As 
 secretaries of the American and Canadian delegations respectively, we 
 are empowered to state that they come here thoroughly unpledged and 
 uncommitted to any expression of opinion touching the relative merits 
 of any section of the Irish representation in Parliament. From con- 
 versation with individual members of the American, Australian, 
 Canadian, and African delegations, we can assure you that they arc 
 wholly unbiassed. May we add that they have a right to expect 
 courteous treatment, if not a cordial welcome, from every Irish news- 
 paper that professes to advocate Home Rule lor this country. Tiie 
 members of the delegations from abroad have come to Ireland at their 
 own expense, and at a considerable sacrifice of time and jiersonal con- 
 venience, and are entitled to fair treatment from the Irish Press, 
 Yours respectfully, 
 
 Jos. P. Ryan, 
 
 Secretary Irish National Federation of Amcric.i. 
 
 P. F. Cronin, 
 
 Secretary Canadian Delegation, 
 
 M*'-! 
 
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 0'C0NNEI,I,:STBBET, LOOKINQ SOUTa 
 
 (»^<.oyT 
 
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Vbe Xelnster fenll. 
 
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 This Hall, in which meetings of the Convention were held, is laid to 
 hold from z.joo to 3,000. Both at opening and conclusion of each 
 day's sitting it appeared full with numbers standing at back of scats 
 and in the passages. 
 
 The Convention sat, without break, on the first day, four hours ; 
 on the second, five hours; on the third, five hours and a lialf. 
 
 The Hall was decorated with (lowers, and a'.nongst the mottoes 
 set out on large scrolls were the following : — 
 
 Owen Roe O'Neill — " Redouble your blows, and the battle is won." 
 
 Swift — " By the laws of God, of nature, of nations, and of your country, you u» 
 ■nd ought to be as free a people as your brethren in England." 
 
 Gka'ITAN — "I have entreated an attendance on this day, thnt you, in the most 
 public manner, may deny the claim of the liritish Parliament to make laws for Ireland, 
 aud with one voice lift up your hands against it." 
 
 Wolfe Tone— "I have laboured to abolish the infernal spirit of religious per- 
 secution by uniting the Catholic and Dissenter." 
 
 Emmet— "Brothers, march, march to glory; in your country's cause unite." 
 
 O'CoNNELL — " There is no statute of limitation against the liberties of a people. 
 Ages may roll o"er, yet their rights remain." 
 
 MirciiEL — "When Irishmen consent to let the past become indeed history, not 
 party politics, and begin to learn from it the lessons of mutual respect and tolerance, 
 instead of endless bitterness and enmity, then, at last, this distracted laud bhall seu the 
 dawD of Hope and Peace." 
 
 Davis — "Let your purpose bide. 
 
 We'll have our own again j 
 Let the game be fairly tried, 
 We'll Kave our own again." 
 
 Allen, Larkin and O'Brien— "God Save Ireland." 
 Butt- -"The destinies, the mighty destinies, of our country's children are in our 
 hands, and curse, oh ! curse the man who sows dissension amongst us." 
 
 Galbraith— "Be united, to that by uniting they would get rid of what we 
 would call the accursed Union." 
 
 Parnell — " Let us cast raide all feelings of self-interest. Let us act only with 
 a desire to benefit our countiy— to regain fur hei a place amongst the nations of 
 the world." 
 
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 MOST Ui;V. JOHN WAI.Sll, \).\i., AUClllllSllOl' Ol'' 
 TURONTO. 
 
 Mosi Ri:v. John Walsh, who origiiiatod tlic Irish Kai;c Coiivciilioii, 
 sou of Jaiiirs W.iInIi, and J^IIlii Macduiialil, was liijrn in the parish ol 
 Mooiicoin, ill Ihe Coimly of Kilkenny, Ireland, May 2jrd, iSjo. 
 This parish is adjacent to tiie "gentle Siiir," and is situated in one ol 
 the P'lst charming sections of l.einster's clwrniing province. 'I'hu 
 Walsh family (written also Wallis) is a \ery old and iinnoured one. 
 'I'hi; lirst members in Ireland were two Karons of Cornwall, David and 
 Philip, who acconipaniud Earl Slronghow in 1171. The former was 
 created liarnn of Carriekniaine by Ilinry IF., the latter, who had 
 settled in Kilkenny, Itaron of I'ililon. Here, in the conrse of tinu', lliey 
 acquired large possessions, which to the [>resent day hear the name 
 of the "Walsh iM(nmlains." This property wxs afterwards confiscated 
 during the <li(Terent persecutions. Nor was properly the only 
 sacrifice they were called upon to make; the family could [iride them- 
 selves in ha\ing distinguished martyrs amongst their numlier, one 
 William Walsh, Bishop of Meath, suffering under Elizabeth, another, 
 who was Ar(libisho[) of Cashei, suffering under Cromwell. During 
 the time of the Commonwealth, and in the reign of William HI., the 
 elder branch engaged in the military ser\ice of l'"ran('e and .Austria. 
 The branch which remained at htjme, .ind to which the subject of our 
 sketch belongs, lived for generations in a condition of comfort and 
 independence. 
 
 Evincing at an early .ige a desire to study fur tin- priesthood, he 
 was sent in due time to St. John's College, W.aterford, where he m.ade 
 his preparatory .studies with great success, standing first in his class 
 of philosophy. He remained at St. John's for one year's theology, 
 when he decided that his vocation lay in the wast field of foreign 
 missions. Accordingly, breaking all the endearing lies of home, friends 
 and native land, he left for Canada in April, 1852. The following 
 autumn, young Walsh entered the Ciiand Seminary of Montreal .as a 
 student of the Diocese f)f Toronto. His industry- and talent, his 
 exemplary conduct, his strict observance of rule won the approbation 
 
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 u HUSH RACK CONVENTION. 
 
 (.f hiH siiiHTiorK, ami jimtilii-il hoiwn concerning hii future, which have 
 hiiKC U-fU ri'alia'<l. 
 
 On Ortolicr Jjn.l, 1854, Hi«hop de CharlKMine! (mlainud him mib- 
 (Ifacdii in till' Hislinp's iirivalc <ha|ifl, ami lU-ai'on on Octoher iiM\. 
 On NdvinilKT iNl folldwing, liie J'Va.sl of All Saints, the sanii; iirchue 
 raim-'ii him to the holy priesthooil in St. Michael's Cathedral. 
 
 On Ka.st.T S lay, .\|)ril 20th, i86j, I'allier Walsh was niailo 
 
 Vicar (leneral of the dio<ese. In September of the same year, resign- 
 ing his recliirship of .he catiiedral, he returned as p.-istor to St. Mary's 
 CInireh. In May, i«6j, he attended the third I'rovincial Council t.f 
 tiuehec, ns theologian to the Hishop of Toronto. The following .spring 
 \'icar(;eiieral Walsh after twelvi! years' absence, determined on visiting 
 Ireland. His friends availed themselves of the opportunity to testify 
 their regard, by presentinj; nim with a gold watch, k-aring the inscrip- 
 tion, "A token of iiffectionale esteem to the Very Rev. J. Walsh, V.G., 
 from his friends in St. Mich.-iel's Tarish, Toronto." They also, with 
 great thoughtfulness, sent to Father Walsh's mother a present of a 
 gold cross, very massivi,' and beautifully wrought with wreaths of sham- 
 rocks, bearing the iu.scrii)tion, " A souvenir sent from Ton)nto, Canada, 
 to the mother of the Very Rev. J. Wals'i, V.O., from his admiring 
 friends.'' 
 
 Upon this occiusion the Vicar-Oeneral piiid his first visit to the 
 Kternal (.lily. He wxs received most graciously by the Venerable I'ius 
 IX., who manifested the deepest interest in the Canadian Church. 
 He was shortly afterwards ajipointed Hishop of the See of London, 
 Canada, and his consecration took place in St. Michael's Cathedral, 
 Toronto, November loth, 1867. 
 
 Hut not only was Uishoi) Walsh honoured by his charge ; he 
 received also a signal mark of the confidence reposed in him by his 
 superiors in Rome. The late Dr. I,ynch, Archbishop of Toronto, 
 either signified t<i the Propaganda his wish to resign, or had actually 
 sent in his resignation. What ci'-cumstances led up to this important 
 step are irrelevant to this biographical sketch. Suffice it to say that 
 Dr. Coiiroy, delegate of the Holy See, wrote Bishop Walsh from 
 Montreal, i6th September, 1877, as follows: "Vou will probably 
 have already received Cardinal Franchi's letter announcing that the 
 Sacred Congregation of the Propaganda, with the approval of His 
 Holiness, has designated you as Coadjutor for Toronto." 
 
 On November 2 7tli, 1889, Archbishop Walsh preached his last 
 sermon in London Cathedral, and took farewell of his priests 
 and the congregation. The clergy presented him with an address, 
 congratulating him upon his exaltation, calling to mind all that had 
 been accomplished during his administration in the diocese. 
 
 He now returns to the scene of his earlier life. The form was erect, 
 
 >-J V 
 
HKKHLM'niCM. SKh'/rCIIEH OF SrKAKi:nS. ij 
 
 i 
 
 the vuicu full and rich, ax vnl it raiiK tlumiKh thoKc vuiiiti-il wailM. The 
 HJIviT hair showing iH'iicuth the initrf uloiic tuld the Ktury that years 
 had |>a.<<s('c| ami i\^^^' waM coiniiig mi. 
 
 'I'ln' inlliifiHf ami charactfr of Arihl)isi»i)|) Walsh were sixm fell, 
 ('(iiiihiniiiK, as he iloes ti> a wonderful deforce, suavity of manner and 
 lirmnesK of luirpoxe. Kcupect for iiuthority wax shown with ii cordiality 
 which proved that authority had won confidence and love, whilst fimdy 
 rei|uirin({ ohedieiice. The erection of Sunnyside Chapel, the renova- 
 tion of St. Michael's t'athedral, the visitation of the Archdiocese, the 
 encouraneiiiciit f)f students for the priesth(xid, the foui\dation of .St. 
 John's splendiil Industrial Homes for hoys, arc some uf the niarks uf 
 progress made hy religion since His (Irace's arriv.-d in 'I'oronto. 
 
 The Archliishop of Toronto is as distinguished for his learned ami 
 brilliant writings, as for his most successful administration and his 
 manifold material works of zeal. I)rsi(h>s many eloipienl and luminous 
 piLstorals, he h.us contrilxited several profoundly learned and incisive 
 articles to our leading ('atholic Reviews. In 1869, he issued an erudite 
 pastoral, " Ujion the magisterial authority of the Church in matters of 
 l'"aith,'' ius also " U|)on the nature of (leneral Councils, and their import- 
 luicc anil l)earing in Catholic theolog)' on articlt-s of Faith." Hut 
 perhaps His Crrace's masterpiece, is his famous i)astoral on I'apal iii- 
 falliliility, issued in 1875. He has also published a very instnictive 
 anil touching little work u|)on the Sai'n-il Heart of Jesus. We regret 
 that we cannot dwell longer uixin his writings, which, by their number 
 and ([uality, would desen'e more extended and careful notice. 
 
 The one example we pve — His Grace's splendid letter to the 
 Hon. Edward HIake — may be taken as a specimen of the illustrious 
 writer's thought and style, as well as of his thorough statesmanship and 
 sterling Irish patriotism. 
 
 TAUA DBOOCU. 
 
 "<.-«;:^^ KzJ 
 
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 14 
 
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 lUISII RACE CONVENTION. 
 
 MOST REV. DR. O'DONNELL. 
 I" ELAND h.is always been most fortunate in her prelates, and to their 
 ability and zeal, the Celt is indebted for the faith, and largely for 
 whatever concessions have been wrested from an alien, and generally 
 hostile, government. The present members of the Irish Episcopacy, 
 nre worthy successors of those who have preceded them, ard for zeal, 
 ability, and patriotism, are not surpassed by any Episcopal body in 
 the Catholic world. Among the most distinguished, and best known 
 of Irish prelates, must be mentioned the Most Rev. Dr. Patrick 
 
 From photo by] 
 
 DONBOAL OASTLB. 
 
 [W. Lawrence, Dub'.in 
 
 O'Donnell, the young and promising Bishop of Raphoe. From his 
 accession to the episcopal bench, though struggling qjiietly and 
 uiiostentatiously on beha'f of his people, his name was forced promi- 
 nendy before the Irish public. Many causes contributed to this 
 result. He was the youngest of the Irish prelates, perhaps then the 
 joungest bishop in the Catholic world, and the historical association of 
 his name, his splendid presence, his marked ability, and the land war 
 then raging in his diocese, turned upon him not only the eyes of the 
 Irish people, but of the Irish race. At no time, however, was his 
 name brought into such remarkable prominence, as on the occasion 
 
 
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t 
 
 JilOGUAPHICAL SKETCHES OF SPEAKERS. 15 
 
 of the Irish Race Convention, where he presided, and whose dehbera- 
 tions he guided with such firmness and wisdom. 
 
 Dr. O'Donnell, Bishop of Raphoe, was born at Kilbraine, near 
 Glenties, in County Donegal, on 28th NoNemljer, 1855. lie made 
 his classical studies first in the Diocesan Seminary, Letterkenny, and 
 subsequently was two years in Dublin, attending the classes of the 
 Faculty of Arts in the Catholic University. He entered Maynooth 
 in 1875, where he matriculated for the second year's pliilosophy class. 
 His course was very distinguished, and on the re-establishment of the 
 Dunboyne in 1879, was among its first students. In 1880, after keen 
 ami able competition, he succeeded in securing a vacant chair of 
 theology, when only in his twenty-fifth year. A chair of theology in 
 Maynooth is the most coveted distinction among young Irish 
 ecclesiastics, and the very ablest only think of competing for the 
 honour. Referring to the thesis of Dr. O'Donnell on that occasion, 
 Dr. McCarthy, then Bishop of Kerry, in writing to Dr. O'Brien, of 
 Limavady, stated, " I have just returned from Maynooth, where I have 
 been present for some days at a thesis for the vacant chair of theology. 
 Father O'Donnell was entirely the best candidate." Four years after- 
 wards, he was promoted to the Prefectorship of the Dunboyne, in 
 succession to Dr. Healy, who was apix)inted coadjutor Bishop of 
 Clonfert. He was then but in his twenty-ninth year, an unprecedentedly 
 early age for a position so distinguished. Four years later, when 
 thirty-three years of age, he was raised by the Holy See to the 
 Bishopric of Raphoe, in succession to Dr. Logue, who was transferred 
 to Armagh, and is now Cardinal Archbishop of the Primatial See. Dr. 
 O'Donnell has, therefore, been promoted through the various oflSces 
 at Maynooth, to the episcopal bench, more rapidly than any one 
 who has ever been connected with that institution. 
 
 Since his elevation to the See of Raphoe, he has been interested 
 not only in the spiritual concerns of his people, but in and out of 
 season has .matched over their material welfare. By his counsel, 
 which is ever at the disposal of the poorest, and his great influenca 
 on the Congested Districts Board, he has been the means of effecting 
 very beneficial advantages for the poor peasantry and fishermen on 
 the various sea-boards of his diocese. But though interested in their 
 worldly prosperity, the cause of religion is his chief concern, ani 
 schools, presbyteries and churches spring up as by magic throughout 
 his populous diocese. He is engaged, as we write, in building a 
 magnificent cathedral in Letterkenny, which, when completed, will 
 he one of the most costly and beautiful edifices in Ireland. It must 
 not be omitted that the Diocese of Raphoe has given to the church 
 some of her most illustrious sons. Among others, the diocese claims 
 with pride, the great Apostle of lona, St. Columba, whose 13th anniver- 
 
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 ^^V',^ 
 
 i6 
 
 IRISH RACE CONVENTION. 
 
 ^ 
 
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 j^ary was celebrated throughout the world, but nowhere with such 
 flevotion and earnestness, as in the d' cese of his birth. The festivities 
 of the 9th June, 1897, should long be remembered by the good people 
 of Donegal, who listened with rapt attention to the sweet cadences 
 of the old Celtic tongue, while the panegyric was being preached on 
 the saint who lu-.J gone to his eternal reward thirteen hundred years 
 ago, and wiiom they proudly claim as their own. The success of 
 the festivities is largely due to the young and energetic bishop, whose 
 efforts were fully recognised by his devoted people, and he had the 
 further gratification of receiving telegrams of congratulation and en- 
 couragement, not alone from the various parts of Ireland, but from 
 the most distant parts of the world. His distinguished namesake, of 
 Spanish nobility, joined in the stream of congratulation, claiming 
 kindred here. The Archbishop of Armagh, Cardinal Logue, attended, 
 and delivering a very feeling address, was evidently touched by the 
 splendid celebration. 
 
 Dr. O'Donnell presided at the gres* Irish Convention, and his 
 action on that occasion will mark him out through all time for an 
 honoured place, come weal, come woe, in Irish history. His magnifi- 
 cent presence, his articulate and pleasing voice, his splendid gesture, 
 his forcible character, and the ability which he displayed in guiding 
 the counsels of the vast assembly, were the theme of every tongue, 
 and even the most hostile Press had hardly a fault to find, except 
 that he was young. On the closing day of the Convention, he 
 referred to the financial support due to the Irish Party, and he was 
 first himself among Irish prelates to respond, giving a munificent 
 donation. His example was soon followed by the late Bishop of 
 Ross, Dr. Fitzgerald, Dr. Lyster, Bishop of Achonry, Dr. M'Cormack, 
 Bishop of Galway, and Dr. Owens, Bishop of Clogher. We could 
 write at length on the illustrious Bishop of Raphoe, but we can only 
 here give the leading facts in his life, nude and unadorned, leaving 
 much to be said in future, of a career which will in all human 
 probability l)e long and doubtless most distinguished. 
 
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 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES OF SPEAKERS. 17 
 
 m 
 
 JOHN DILLON, M.P. 
 
 There is no living Irishman in whom, to-day, so much interest is 
 centred as in Mr. John Dillon, the present Chairman of tho Irish 
 Parliamentary Party. It may be assumed that a life of this famous 
 statesman will be soon produced by some one equal to the 
 task, very different indeed in colouring from the weekly sketch which 
 has been for some time appearing in the Nation, newspaper. Such 
 a production should have a great interest for the Irish race. In this 
 
 
 ( " -■' ill 
 
 ItOYAL COLLEGE OF SURGEONS, DVBLIN. 
 
 V 
 
 brief sketch it is only our purpose to give the leading facts in the life 
 of this great statesman, who, as every politician, is the subject of 
 admiration by some, but the victim of misrepresentation by others. 
 
 Mr. John Dillon is second son of the late Mr. John Blake Dillon, 
 formerly M.P. for Tipperary, and one of the rebels of 1848. He 
 was born in 185 1, and was educated at the Catiiolic University, 
 Dublin. His course, especially in mathematics, was very distinguished. 
 He subsequently studied medicine, and became a licentiate of the 
 r.oyal College of Surgeons of Ireland. But true to the trad'tions of 
 his family, his bent was politics, and he was accordingly returned as 
 member for Tipperary in 1880. In the month of March, 1883, he 
 was obliged to resign his seat, owing to ill health. During this period 
 
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 111' "i i i 
 
 i8 
 
 IRISH RACE CONVENTION. 
 
 of his Parliamentary career he was a most ardent supporter of the 
 policy of Mr. Tarnell. On regaining his health, he took to politics 
 once mure, and was returned unopposed for East Mayo in 1885, 
 and was re-elected to the same constituency in 1886. He was 
 liberated on bail, pending a [wlitical trial in November, 1890, but 
 in company with Mr. William O'Brien he forfeited the bail, and 
 escaped to the United States, in order to fulfil a lecturing engagement 
 there. He returned to Ireland in 1891, and giving himself up to the 
 authorities, was imjjrisoned from February of that year until the 30th 
 July in the same. In a speech delivered at Mallow on August 9th, 
 a few days after his release, he ojjenly took sides against Mr. Parnell, 
 in order to effect his retirement from the leadership of the Irish 
 Parliarnentary Party, while advocating in the main his policy. 
 
 On the retirement of Mr. Justin McCarthy, Mr. Dillon was elected 
 Chairman of the Irish Parliamentary Party for 1896. He was also 
 re-elected for 1897, securing 33 votes, to 18 for Sir Thomas Esmonde. 
 It is slated that Sir Thomas had no knowledge of his being pitted 
 against Mr. Dillon, and if elected, would refuse to accept the honour. 
 Since becoming Chairman of the Party, Mr. Dillon has been the 
 subject of most virulent attacks. He has usually the honour of a 
 daily leader in the Irish Independent, as also in the 
 Nation, both of which papers, although holding very different 
 views, are at one in heaping upon him abuse and often 
 misrepresentation. In order to give effect to the resolutions 
 of the Irish Race Convention he held a series of meetings 
 throughout the country. He was generally well received, but on one 
 or two occasions was subjected to a storm of abuse, that must have 
 been most trying to him. However, he displayed no impatience, and 
 we cannot recall that he uttered one stinging word, notwithstanding 
 his treatment. His demeanour on these trying occasions made for 
 him many friends and admirers, and won for the cause a host of 
 sympathisers. In such circumstances the politician finds himself 
 very awkwardly placed. If he is buoyant in spite of all opposition, 
 he is called foolhardy; if he becomes depressed, giving up his project 
 as hopeless, he is the subject of ridicule, and the real material is said 
 to be wanting. Mr. Dillon was in turn the subject of both attacks, 
 but he outlived the ordeal, and his general conduct on these occasions 
 has marked him out as a politician and statesman of the highest order. 
 At the Irish Race Convention, the greatest interest was centred 
 in the Irish leader, especially among the foreign delegates, who had 
 been familiar, through the Press, with his career for some seventeen 
 years, but had not the privilege of seeing him in the flesh. As he 
 rose to speak the strain became intense, and every word that fell 
 from his lips was listened to with ready ears and heartily treasured. 
 
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 niOGRAPUICAL SKETCHES OF SPEAKERS. 19 
 
 111 aj)i)L'araiice, Mr. Dillon is the essence of sincerity, and is, we 
 think, the last person in the world, the candid could think of accusing 
 of dishonesty. He is an accomplished speaker, lluent and pleasing, 
 but at times the delivery is so rapid, that there is dilliculty in keeping 
 jiace with the flow. This characteristic was most pronounced in his 
 earlier public life. \Vit''al, Mr. Dillon is a remarkably gifted orator and in 
 this regard is eminently fitted for the position which he now holds. 
 The charges of dishonesty have long since been disposed of; the 
 charges of inability may be easily set aside by saying there is no better 
 available, and the charges of ambition can hardly stand in lace of the 
 fact that Mr. Dillon over and over again solicited Mr. Sexton to 
 assume the leadership, and on his own acceptance offered to vacate 
 it at any time that Mr. Sexton might choose to act m that capacity. But 
 all was not sufficient to meet the requirements of some Irish politicians, 
 v/ho appear tj have no very definite idea themselves of what would 
 satisfy them. The leaders of the Irish Party at all times, but especially 
 since the inception of the Land League, have at one time or other 
 received their due proportion of abuse. Mr. Dillon forms no excep- 
 tion to the general rule, but yet he keeps to his post in Parliament, 
 with a perseverance and a patience that is astonishing, endeavouring 
 to effect reforms in the interests of his countrymen, who sometimes 
 are ill-disposed to appreciate his services. 
 
 In private life he is gentlemanly and entertaining, while he is much 
 given to reading. Although an able orator and debater, and reaJs 
 extensively for his subject, he is not literary in the proper sense of 
 the word, and has written little beyond an occasional letter to the 
 Press. His home is in Dublin, where he lives happily- in the enjoy 
 ment of considerable private means. In 1895 he married Elizabeth, 
 the accomiilished daughter of Mr. Justice James Charles Mathew, 
 a union which has been a source of great joy to him. Mr. 
 Dillon is now M.P. for East Mayo, and at the same time Sessiona' 
 Chairman of the Irish Parliamentary Party. That he may long remain 
 as leader, to guide the destinies of the Irish nation, is the wish of the 
 vast majority of the Irish race, who believe in his ability and sincerity; 
 and have truly the interests of Ireland at heart. 
 
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 ao //.JWyy ;;.1CA' CONVENTION. 
 
 HON. KDWiUiD liLAKE, M.P. 
 
 The distinguished Canadian statt-sman, who forms the subject of thU 
 memoir, occupies a very prominent position in current Irish politics. 
 His career in Canada was most remarkable, ;uid the same (jualities that 
 made him leader of public opinion and most universally admired of 
 his countrymen, are fast making for him a correspondingly honoured 
 place ill Ireland, and with the sympathisers of the Irish cause in 
 Great liritain. Mr. lilake possesses in an eminent degree the qualities 
 that go to make a great statesman. He is physically a splendid figure, 
 tall anil muscular, a skilled lawyer, an accomplished orator, and has 
 moreover an ht-noureil family tradition in politics. The Irish Party 
 ha\o been singularly fortmiate in securing the services of so dis- 
 tinguished a member, and his acce.ssion to their lanks has contributed 
 largely to their status. 
 
 The Hon. Edward Blake wa.s born in Adeliiide, Middlesex, 
 Ontario, 13th October, 1833, eldest son of the late Hon. William 
 Hume Blake, who was a distinguished jurist of Upper Canada, and 
 sat in the Canadian Assembly from 1847 to 1849, and was, moreover, 
 .Solicitor-General for a short time for Upper Canada in the Lafontaine- 
 Baldwin administration, and subsequently Chancellor of the Province. 
 His mother's unmarried name was Catherine Hume, grand-daughter 
 of William Hume, Esq., of Humewood, formerly M.P. for Wicklow, 
 in the British House of Commons. He was educated at Upper 
 Canada College, and the University of Toronto, where he received 
 first-class honors in classics, and obtained the degree of M.A. In 
 1858 he married Margaret, daughter of the late Right Rev. B. 
 Cronyn, Lord Bishop of Huron. He was called to the bar of Upper 
 Canada in Mich.aelmas term, 1856, and appointed Q.C. in 1864. 
 In 187 J he was elected a Bencher of the Law Society of Ontario, 
 and became a Bencher ex-officio in 1875. He was appointed treasurer 
 of the Law Society of Upper Canada in 1879, but in time resigned, 
 in consequence of his absence in England. For some time he was 
 one of the examiners in, and lecturers on. Equity Law, for the Upper 
 Canada Law Society. During the space of fourteen years, Mr. Blake 
 acted as President of the Toronto General Trusts Co., but he re- 
 signed in 1896. He has been Ch.ancellor of Toronto University since 
 1873, and in 1889 the hon. degree of LL.D. was conferred upon him 
 by that famed institution. In 1869 he was offered the Chancellor- 
 ship of Ontario, which he declined, and in 1875 he also declined the 
 Chief Justiceship of the Supreme Court of Canada, as well as the 
 marked honour of Knight Commander of the Order of St. Michael 
 and St. George in 1876. From 1867 to 1872 he sat for South Bruce, 
 
 
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 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES OF SPEAKERS. 21 
 
 in the Legislative Assembly of Ontario. During that time he was 
 leader of the Opposition, and afterwards I'remier, and President of 
 (he Executive Council of Ontario. On the 7th November, 1873, he 
 was sworn of the I'rivy Council of Canada, and was a member of Hon. 
 Mex. McKenzie's administration, without portfolio from tlmt date 
 until February, 1874, when he resigned. From 19th May, 1875 to 
 7th June, 1877, he was Minister of Justice of Canada, and I'resident 
 of the Council from the latter date to 17th January, 1878. 
 
 From 1879 until 1887, Mr. Blake was the recofrniseil leader of 
 the Liberal Parly in Canada. He tiien resigned his leadership, but 
 retained his seat in the Dominion Parliament until 1891. In that year 
 
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 VALB Of OVOCA, CO. WU SLOW. 
 
 [W. Liiwrenoo, Dublin 
 
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 he announced his retirement from Canadian politics, owing to the 
 political attitude of his party. Afterwards he became connected with 
 Irish politics, and at the request of the Irish Party, he contested 
 South Longford as a Home Ruler in 1892, and was successful. He 
 has, since becoming member for that constituency, represented it ably 
 and faithfully, and was accordingly re-elected in 1895. 
 
 It will at once appear, that Mr. Blake's career in Canada was most 
 remarkable, and that he was not necessitated to enter Irish po'itics 
 to establish his reputation. The various offices of distinction which he 
 filled during the comparatively brief space of a quarter of a century 
 in the public life of Canada, will, we think, go to show that honours 
 and dignities have come to him in such quick succession, that there 
 
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 IRIHU RACE CONVENTION. 
 
 is hardly i)arallul in tliu liistor)- of any .stalcsinaii in any couiUiy. 
 Since joining liic Irisli I'arly he lias shown many of ihu characlcristics 
 wiiicii have mailu liiin uniincnt at home, Inil it is almost impossible 
 to induce him to take a jiroininent jjait. He spoke at the Irish Race 
 Convention, and delivered very reniarkalde si)eeches. The audience 
 was perfectly delighted, and carried away with his beautiful diction, 
 his accomijlished manner, and forciiile reasoning. His resolution its 
 to the allocation of tho Tarty funds last January displayed his great 
 statesmanship, while his letter addressed to the Freeman's Journal, 
 bearing the date 2Sth January, 1897, and written from the House 
 of ConiMions, in vindication of his cause, is about the most charmingly, 
 but at the same time, forcibly worded i)roduction we have seen in 
 the English language. But he will be best known in Irish history 
 by his recent .speech on the Financial Relations between Great 
 Dritain and Ireland, delivered in the British House of Commons. 
 If was, we believe, his masterpiece, and the formidable array of facts 
 and figures, goes to show his financial ability, while the beautiful 
 diction, clear and forcible, delivered with animation and power, hai 
 estahlished his name as an orator for all time in the House. 
 
 We think, no better proof could be given of the sincerity of Mr. 
 Blake in Irish politics, than the many sacrifices he has made in associat- 
 ing himself with the cause. As late as 1896, he was offered a Judge- 
 ship on the Judicial Committee of the English Privy Council, which 
 carries a salary of ;£,'6,ooo yearly, but he at once declined the position, 
 by rea.son of his ple<lge to the Irish Party. It is true he practises law, 
 since resident in London, but the honour and emoluments are trifling 
 as compared to what he would have attained had he remained n 
 Canada, for he w.is generally regarded as the coming Premier. The 
 great majority of the Irish people and race fidly appreciate his services 
 and his liberal pecuniary contributions, and earnestly hope he may 
 long remain a leading member of the Irish Party, to guide by his 
 great experience and counsel, as well as aid by his marked ability, the 
 cause which thev hold so sacred. 
 
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mOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES OF SPEAKERS, n 
 
 JUSTIN McCarthy, m.p. 
 
 The qualities that go to muIc'.- a great slatfsmaii and a general litterateur, 
 are seldom found united in the Hanie individual. Vet, both (jualilies 
 are combined in Mr. Justin McCarthy, the present M.l*. for North 
 Longford. A career so successful must necessarily be of interest to 
 Irishmen, who are proud of their distinguished coui.'ryman. 'I'hough 
 no longer leader of the Irish I'arlianieiUary I'arly, Mi, McCarthy stil! 
 continues one of the members, and ably assislH by hii> couiwel an J 
 ex|)erience to further the cause of Ireland. It is in his connection 
 with the Irish Race Convention mainly, that wo have to deal with 
 him, and while treating of him in this relation, we give at the same time 
 a few of the leading facts of a very interesting and eventful career. 
 
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 BLARNEY CASTLE, CO. CORE. 
 
 [W. Ijiwrcnoe, Diilillii 
 
 Mr. Justin McCarthy was born at Cork, 22nd November, 1830. 
 He is spoken of as a very clever and precocious hoy, with a decided 
 tendency to literature. This faculty seems to have been inherited, 
 his father being a distinguished Latin and Greek scholar, and a man 
 of great intellectual and literary tastes. He started the Cork 
 Magazine, and to this periodical the young litterateur contributed 
 
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 IRISH RACE CONVENTION. 
 
 the first article of his that appeared in print. Mr. McCartliy, however, 
 dill not intend to pursue litunilure i\& a |)rofussion, his great ambition 
 lifinj; to liccDine a barrister, but owing to the disabilities under which 
 Catholics laboured an to University education in Ireland, his desire 
 could not be gratified. He then turned his utlcntioti to I'ress work, 
 and became a rc|iiirter on the Cork Examiner, under the editorshiji 
 of John l''raneiM Maguire. In 185.', he left Ireland, and became a 
 reporter on a Liverpool paiier, where he shortly married Miss Charlotte 
 Allman. The union was an iileidly happy une, and was through the 
 early struggles of life, a source of the greatest joy and consolation to 
 him. Of the union were born a son and daugiiter, in their 
 modest horn,' at l.iveqwol, and these were the only children of tho 
 marriage. The son is known to the world as Mr. Justin Iluntly 
 McCarthy, the novelist, and the daughter is Miss Charlotte McCarthy. 
 her father's companion and hous('kee|>er. Miss McCarthy became 
 an art student at the .'^lade .School. The death of Mrs. McCarthy 
 has been a severe blow to him. 
 
 In i860, he entered the Reporters' Gallery of the House of Com- 
 mons in the •nterest of the 3f(>riiiiif/ Slur, of which pajier he became 
 <liief editor in 1864. Four year.s later he resigned the jjosition, ami 
 started for the United .States, travelling there for nearly three years, 
 and visiting thirty-five .States. He has since, several times re-visited 
 America as a lecturer, and speaks in tho highest terms of American 
 institutionH, nnd of tho kindness and welcome that greeted him on 
 his tour. Though Nfr. McCarthy attained the highest position that it 
 is possible to attain in Irish politics, that of Sessional Chairman of 
 the Party, we believe he will be best known to generations to come 
 as the litterateur, rather than the politician. He has contributed to 
 most of the leading reviews of the Ur'^ed States, as well as of the 
 United Kingdom, and is the author of die novels, "The Waterdale 
 Neighbours," which appeared in 1867; "My Enemy's Daughter," in 
 1869; "I.ady Judith," 187 1; " A Fair .Saxon."' 1873; "I.inley 
 Rochford," 1874: "DearT.ady Disdain," 1875; "Miss Mis.anthrnpe," 
 1877; "Donna Quixote," 1879; "The Comet of a Season," 1881; 
 "Maid of Athens," 1883, and "Camiola," 1885. In collaboration with 
 Mrs. Camplxdl-Praed, he has written three remark.able novels, " The 
 Right Honourable," 1886; "The Red Rose," 1887; and "The 
 Ladies' Gallery," in 1888. As late as 1893, he published two ex- 
 cellent novels, entitled. "The Dictator," and "Red Diamonds." But 
 among his best and most enduring works must lo mentioned "A 
 History of Our Own Times," in several volumes, covering the period 
 from the .accession of Queen Victoria to the present time. The com- 
 pletion of the last volume nearly cost tho distinguished author his 
 life, but it is gratifying to learn that he is now fully recovered, anJ 
 
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 UIOGltAPinCAL HKKTCIIES OF SPEAKERS. 15 
 
 L'liubled tu pursue hU litt-niry iiiid I'arliamciUary avDcatiuiM as usual. 
 Hut wc have omiltoci his "Con Aniore," liis " Prohibitory Legislation 
 in tiio United StatoH," his " HiHtory of the I'our (ieorges," liin 
 " MiHicli of Ki'forni,'' his " Prime Ministers of (Jueen Victoria, ' and his 
 " Pojie I.oo Xlll,' all very exicllent works, and sullicient to establish 
 his name in literature. 
 
 Notwithstanding hi8 great labourH in literature, Mr. JOC'arthy 
 has boen able to devote himself to the service of his country. His 
 family liad been always connected with the Nationalist cause, and 
 he considered it his duty, as an Irishman, to use whatever influence 
 he had ac<iuired through hiH long residencu in England, and hiri 
 literary Htandiug, in the interests of hin native country, which has 
 always been so dear to him. He wa-s accordingly elected t(» Parliament 
 for County Longford, in March, 1879, becoming a member of the 
 Irish I'arliamentary Party, of which he was afterwards Vice-Chairman, 
 and on the rejection of Mr. Parnell, Chairman. He resigned the 
 Chairmanshii) ui 1896, and was succeeded by .Mr. John iJillon, the 
 jtrenent (!hairman. He was re-elected for Longford in 1880. In 1885 
 1)0 contented Derry, but was defeated, and wa.s at once electeil foj 
 Longforil. Ho again contested Derry in 1886, but \\m defeate<l by 
 a majority of three. .At the same time ho was returned for Longford, 
 unojiposed. The narrow majority gave rise to grave Huspicion, and 
 (Ml |)etiti(ui he regained the seat, for which he eler'ted to sit. 
 
 Mr. Mct'arthy attended at the Irish Race Convention, and delivered 
 a speech mild but convin(;ing. .'\s every true Irishman, he longed 
 for the union of jjartien, so that all should work together harmoniously 
 for the welfare of Ireland. By reason of bin distinguished {xisition, 
 a great deal of interest was centred in his s|)eech and personality. 
 Though not an orator, in the Irish sense, his style and reasoning are 
 irresistible, and ever command .attention and respect in the House 
 of Commons. He had also on th.it memorable occasion the privilege 
 of moving the Bishop of Raphoe to the chair. A (V>rres|)on(liug 
 distinction was acconled him on the reelection of Mr. John Dillon, 
 19th January, 1897, as Sessional Chairman of the Irisli I'arliamentary 
 Party. Mr, McCarthy is now nearly half a century resident in England 
 more than thirty yoars of which have been spent in the capital. 
 His charming home is at E.it()n Terrace, in the busy West Vav\, where 
 he lives and thrives on literature, quite forgetful of the ceaseless 
 hurry and bustle around him. It is stated he is now engaged on a 
 life of Mr. Cladstone. He is an affectionate father, an amiable friend, and 
 a cultured gentleman. Though so many years absent from his native 
 country, he never ceases to t.ike an. interest, in its welfare, and Irish- 
 men have reason to bo grateful and proud of his distinguished sen-ices. 
 
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 MICIIAKI, HAVn r, M.l'. 
 
 Vkhv few liavi' hail hu ruiiiurk.ibic a career us Mr. Miclufl Davitt, 
 llii' l)r^•^L•llt M.r. for South Ma)o. He was liorii in llic village o( 
 Straidf, County Majo, i5th March, 1846, his iiarciits hciiig of the 
 funning class, and when the (nilijcct of our .sketch was but the year* 
 old, his father was e\i>'ted from the farm on which they lived, and 
 heiiij^ iil)lif;i.'d to seek sulisistcnce elsewhere, » " to Loiicnshirei 
 Kiiglaml. Here he was employed in a cotton , and at the age 
 
 of ele\en, lost his right arm through u machir dent, tie then 
 
 went til sihoiil at Ilasliiigdcn, and when fifteen o.M.iined work in a 
 lirinling ofliic, where he rcitiained for seven years. In 1866 he joined 
 the Fenian Hri'liierhoiMJ, and was arrested, tried in London in 1870, 
 and sentenced to fifteen years' penal ser\itiide. He iniderwent seven 
 and a half years' imprisonment, mostly in Dartmoor Convict Prison, and 
 was tlu;n reliastsliin licket'ifleave. On this (Kc.xsion, in company with 
 the other I'enian prisoners, who had Ix^'en lilnraled, he was tendered 
 a public recei)tion by the people of Dublin. Karly in 1879 he started 
 the land agitation in his iiati\e county Mayo, and in (Ictober of the 
 same year, in conjunction with Mr. Parnell mainly, he started the I-and 
 League. Next montii he was arrested and tried for a seditious speech, 
 but the priiseculiiiM w.is alLT-idoned. In 18H0 he \isited America, 
 and made a tour of the Northern States from the Atlantic to the 
 Pacific, with the object ft estabhshing branches of the Land League 
 in America. Returning to Ireland he was arrested in 188 1, and in- 
 carcerated ill I'ortiiiicl Convict Prison, from which, having undergone 15 
 months' imprisonment, he was released on ticket-of-leave. The date 
 of his release was the 6th May, 1882, and on that day occurred the 
 notorious Phfenix Park murdcTs, when Lord Frederick Cavendish 
 and Mr. Burke were assassinated. It may be mentioned that in con- 
 junction with Mr. Parnell and Mr. Dillon he immediately issued a 
 manifesto condemning the murder. He visited America snbseciuently, 
 and on his return persuaded Mr. Parnell to summon a National Con- 
 vention in Dublin in order to revive the Land League movement. This 
 w.xs the origin of the National League. Tn Fcbruan'. 1S83, he was 
 ag.ain itrosecuted for a speech against landlordism, and on refusing t.0 
 give bail to keep thd peace, w.is confined for four months in Richmond 
 Bridewell, Dublin. 
 
 Fven while in P( rtland Prison, he was returned as ^f. P. for Meath, 
 but was disqualified by a vote of the House of Commons. His 
 tirket-of-Iev.c ?vi>irc,I in 1885, and he was, therefore, eligible for a seat 
 in the Iiouse. Ho was invited by several constituencies to become 
 a candidate, but refused owing to his ribjection to take the oath 
 
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 UIOailM'JllCM. SKHTC/IKS OF .s/'A.M A'/v7/.V. -7 
 
 of nlli'gianre. In i886 lit- niarricd Mary, the atconiplishi'il daughter 
 of John Yore, St. Ju»»'|ih, Michigan, U.S,.\. Ho iinmncfNofully 
 (■ontesti'cl Wati-rfunl city in iScji, but wan elctti'il for Nurtli Mratli, 
 i8yi. Ucinn imsiMted nn (x'tition, hi- wan rftiiriifd uiin|>|Ni!toii for 
 Nnrth-F.a«t ( ork, the name year. He resigned hin »eat in i8yj, 
 owing to liankrtiptcy proreedings ariting out of North Meath election 
 petition. While travelling in .\ustrali,i. he was returned iinnp|ioiie(l 
 for Kast Kerrv and South Mavo, but elected to sit for the latter. 
 
 
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 SKVEN CUrBCIIKS, OI.SNDALOroll. 
 
 t\V. Lftwr<>nr.', Dublin 
 
 Mr. Davitt altogether underwent a period of over nine years' im- 
 prisonment tor his connertion with Irish politics. Usually he is 
 thought to lie rather l.i\ in his views on the land question, and is 
 charged with Socialistic icndencies. He is, however, a <lear, astute 
 anrl determined statesni.in, and is, we believe, greatly dreaded by the 
 British Government. ]iut his ability must be recognised, and hi* 
 able defence of the Land League in 1889 Ix-'fore the Tiwrs Paniell 
 Commission for five clays, elicited unlxiunded praise from all sides, 
 even from the presidinj; judge. Mr. Davitt is not only a politicia/i, 
 hut he is a litterateur. Tii 1884 he published "Leaves from a Prison 
 Diary,'' and 'Defence "f the Land League," in 189:. He started 
 
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 IRJUll RACE CONVENTION. 
 
 
 the Labour World in iSyo, a paper which was not successful. 
 Moreover he contributes articles to the leading leviews and news- 
 liapers of the United Kingdom. We give a si)ecinien of Mr. Davitt's 
 style. Writing to the Freeman's Journal on the funds of the Iriia 
 Party, a burning <inestion, towards the close of lasi year and thi; 
 l)eginning of the i)re.sent, he st.ited, "So far back as April, 1896, a 
 full stjitement of the financial position of the Irish Party was read 
 out at a meeting of the Party in Committee Room 15 esiiccially 
 summoned for tliat puri)ose. Several of Mr. Healy's friends were 
 present. The only moneys in the hands of the treasurers at that date 
 amounted to about jQ^oo, a sum which remained over from the 
 General Election Fund of the previous year. Out of this sum jQi^'J 
 wa.s \oted to Mr. Thom.is Curran, M.P., as final payment of the 
 princi;)al and interest f a loan made by him to the Irish Party during 
 the General Election of 1892. The balance of this ;£40o was dealt 
 with on T '-sday week at the monthly meeting of the Party. One 
 wonl more about this jQ^oo. It was in main part a balance remaining 
 from the moneys subscribed by the friends of the Irish Party with 
 which to fight the (Jenerai Election of 1895. Not a single one of Mr. 
 Healy's friends, lay or clerical, sub.scribed a cent of the.se moneys. I 
 contributed upwards of jQi,ooo out of the slender proceeds of a not 
 very successful lecture tour in Australia to that General Election Fund, 
 and succeeiled in raising _^i,ooo more by an appeal to the friends of 
 Ireland at the Antipodes. The first man to apply for and receive his 
 election expenses from this money so contributed was Mr. T. M. 
 Ilealy. Another sum of jQioo was given out of it to the Nationalists 
 of Derry, who returned Mr. Vesey Knox for that city." This quotation 
 will give an idea of Mr. Davitt's style in writing, and in speaking he 
 is quite as clear and relevant. He speaks with great effect in the 
 House of Commons, and is utterly a stranger to fear. At the Irish 
 Race Convention tiiere was the greatest anxiety to hear Mr. Davitt. 
 He spoke but briefly, and appeared to have learned of this general 
 anxiety or curiosity as he might be inclined to term it. Mr. Davitt 
 means work, and has no sympathy with the curious. He h.ites humbug, 
 and goes heart and soul into the course upon which he has decided. 
 It is true he has made mistakes, and his ide.as in some things arc 
 perhaps too advanced, but it may he fairiy taken that Ireland has no 
 more earnest and determined friend than Michael Davitt. His homo 
 in there, and so is his heart. 
 
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 niOaUAPHICAL SKETCHES OF SPEAKEHS. 39 
 
 VERY REV. PATRICK CANON LVNSKKV. 
 
 Caniin Lvnskkv is soil of tlie late Tliaddeus Lynskey, of Ashgrovu, 
 Tiiam, and was born in 1^45. At the early age of twelve lie was sent 
 to tlie Diocesan College of St. Jarlath's, 'I'uam, where he lomnienreil 
 jiis ecclesiastical training. Even at that tender age, he gave abiimiant 
 evidence of the ability and capacity for work, which, blended togetliLT, 
 have become DO distinguishing a characteristic of him in his maturer 
 years; and in Sei)tembcr, iSfiz, after a successful preliminary examin- 
 ation at Castleknock, he joined the rhetoric class in the Irish College. 
 Paris. Here his course was a distinguished one — in rhetoric and 
 philosophy in particular. In the early years of his theological studies, 
 his talents and application were rew.irded by securing him a high place in 
 his different clasFjs at the end of each .academic ye.ir. In 1866 he left 
 Paris to ci^iViplete liis theological training at the great National College 
 of Maynooth. Here, too, he passed through his course with distinc- 
 tion and success ; and iiis own aspirations, and the fond dream of liis 
 parents, were reaii/.ed, when, in 1S68, he was raised to the priesthood by 
 the late Johti of Tuam. 
 
 In the several parishes where he has ministered, even as curate, he 
 has left behind him enduring memorials, not only of his zeal and untiring 
 energy in the interests of religion and education, but also of his success- 
 ful efforts to improve the social condition of the people. While he had 
 been yet scarcely a \ ear on the mission in the important town of Bally- 
 haunis, he undertook to enlarge and renovate the parish church, which 
 at that time served tlie purpose of a place of worship to the congre- 
 gations of two parishes, and which fell very far short, indeed, of affording 
 them sufficient accommodation. He quickly found means that enabled 
 him to considerably enlarge the church and make it worthy of the 
 people's faith and devotion. After a few years we find Father Lynskey 
 transferred to Westport, the most important mission, perhaps, in the 
 Archdiocese. Here, indeed, he found an ample field for the exercise 
 of his marked energy and ability, and his work was most successful. 
 No more truthful picture can, perhaps, be given of his personality than 
 that conveyed in the words of the distinguished American, James 
 Redpath, who was a well-known friend of Ireland some fifteen years 
 ago. In a speech at a banquet given in his honour in .\merica, after his 
 return from Ireland, he pays the following tribu' to Father Lynskey : — 
 
 "I saw a scene in Ireland, he =«:V in the course of his speech, 
 "that lingers lovingly in my memory. It was :-i Westport. in the West 
 of Ireland, at a meeting of a local committee of tt. : Duchess of Marl- 
 
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 IRISH RACE CONVENTION. 
 
 l)orouf;li's funrl for the relief of distress in 1880. An Irish Lord was the 
 chairman, and not a had man uiilicr — for a Lord : but every Lord lias 
 the spirit of an upstart, and this Lord at times was insolent to his betters 
 anil arrogant to his e(iuals. Without consulting his associates on the 
 committee, he administered an unfeeling rebuke to a number of the 
 starving peasants wiio were impatiently clamouring for food, and told 
 tlieni in a dictatorial tone ' That although Her Grace might relieve them, 
 they liad no right to expect it ; that the funds were hers, not theirs ; 
 that the noble lady was under no obligation to serve them.' " And 
 he goes on to say — " I sat, a heretic beside a priest, a Republi- 
 can beside a Lord ; and I thought, with no little inward indignation, 
 
 
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 BALUNAraNCU, CO. UALWAY. 
 
 [W. Ijiwrence, Dublin 
 
 
 that I was the only person in the room — and I, a stranger — whose heart 
 throbbed with pity for the poor stricken people. But, as I looked 
 around the room, I saw a sudden flash in the priest's eye, that told of a 
 power before which the pride of ancestral rank is but as grass before a 
 prairie fire. 
 'I [ '"I beg your Lordship's pardon I' said Father Lynskey, with a sublime 
 
 haughtiness ; ' I do not agree with you. The money does not belong to 
 Her (Irace. She holds the money in trust only. We have a right to it, 
 It belongs to the poor ! ' 
 
 " The Lord was cowed. No man but Father Lynskey, at that 
 table, would have dared to talk in that style to a Lord. More 
 than eighteen centuries have passed since a Roman Judge said to a 
 
 
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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES OF SPEAKERS. 31 
 
 Missionnry of the Cross ; — ' Almost thou persuadest me to become 
 a Christian.' I do not believe there has lived a man since then, who 
 felt more profoundly than I did at that moment, the spirit that prompted 
 that immortal declaration. As lonj; as Father Lynskey was in that room, 
 I think I was a loyal son of the Catholic Church." 
 
 Father Lynskey was yet quite young when he was promoted by His 
 Grace the Most Rev. Dr. MacEvilly, from Westport to the responsibility 
 of Parish Priest of Clifden and Vicar Forane of that important Dcinery ; 
 and the Archbishop, ever anxious to mark his appreciation of distin- 
 guished services in the past of any of his priests, has since raised him to 
 the dignity of Canon. It is now some thirteen years since his ailvent to 
 Clifden, and to-day are to be found, thickly strewn throughout the ex- 
 tensive parish, monuments of his unremitting toil for and fatherly care 
 of his people, 
 
 Tn every political movement during his time for the regeneration of 
 the country, he has filled a prominent place. Level-headed and capable, 
 his counsel and guidance were ever at the disposal of his people, 
 and he has rendered incalculable benefit to them during all the 
 stormy years, since the ince|)tion of the agrarian and Home Rule 
 agitations; and it was unquestionably owing to his prudence, not less 
 than to his masterful hold of the people, that faction was unable to 
 find a foothold in Connemarr- after the lamentable fall of Parnell. 
 The name of such an ecclesiastic should necessarily find a prominent 
 place on the bead-roll of those who helped to make the great Con- 
 vention of the Irish Race so marked a success. Misguided men, 
 carried away by the spirit of faction and prejudice, may still sneer 
 at that great assembly and strive to underrate its importance, but 
 every day its good effects are becoming more apparent ; the country 
 is fast beginning to realize the wisdom of its counsels, and is waking 
 up to the necessity of adopting the constitutional programme it 
 mapped out. 
 
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 Dk. ROBERT AMBROSE. 
 Dr. Ambrose, who suconded the resolution at the great Convention, 
 that honorary secretaries lie apiiointed, was born in Newcastle West, 
 County Limerick, 1855, son of Dr. D. Ambrose. He was educated 
 
 THE CrSTOM HOl'SE, DUBLIN. 
 
 at the Christian Brothers' School in his native town, and later at a 
 classical school in Limerick, whence he passed to Galway, and secured 
 a scholarship. He is a B.A. of the Queen's University, Ireland, and 
 I..R.C.P., as well as L.R.C.S. Edinburgh. Having graduated in arts, 
 his studies in medicine were mostly made in Dublin and Cork, and 
 on becoming qualified, purchased a practice, as is customary, from the 
 
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 /./■- x:l! 
 
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> UIOGRAPHICAL HKErCllES UF Sl'lCAKERH. 33 
 
 kite Dr. Bleiineihassf t Godfrey, anil Ikus since iiractiscd as physician in 
 Lontlon, where he hiis become most distinguislieil in his profession. 
 His great success may lie inferred from the fact that he is Fellow of 
 the Obstetrical .Society of London, and member of the British Medical 
 Association. Dr. .Viiibrose, although pressed with the work of his 
 profession, nevertheless interests himself on behalf of the Catholics 
 and Radicals of the East End, London. He was elected by the 
 Catholics (who are Irish) and Radicals a member of the Whitechapel 
 Board of (luardians, and also a member of the \Vhitechai)el Vestrj-, 
 as well as member of the \Vhitechai)el District Board of Works. 
 
 The doctor, by cnieful management, always finds ani[ile time for 
 his many engagements. But it must not be omitted, that notwith- 
 standing his manifold i)ressing duties, a goodly imrtion of his time is 
 devoted to the welfare of Ireland. He has been for some years, and 
 is still M.P. for West Mayo, a constituency in which he takes the 
 liveliest interest. Perhaps, he is best known by the concern which he 
 ever manifests in the inhabitants of the congested districts in Ireland, 
 and his desire to have their holdings enlarged. His introduction of a 
 Bill for conferring compulsory purchase power on the Congested 
 Districts Board, gave him considerable prominenece. Among his col- 
 leagues he is revered and esteemed for his gentlemanliness, his lack of 
 pretension, and his genuine Irish patriotism. 
 
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 ST. ACDOEN'S ARCH, DIBUX. 
 
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 34 Ih'/S// RACE c(>.\v]<:.\"rwN. 
 
 Ri;\'. JAMES McI'ADDEX, GAVTiEDOKE. 
 
 WiiiiKN llic last fuw years, tliu Rl-\-. James McFadelfn, GwceJore, 
 lias iKil buuii \Lry aclivu in iiolilks. Hut liis ideas have by no means 
 changed on llie Jiish Hume Rule question and the cause of the Irish 
 tenantry, which cost him so many weary years of anxiety, and on ac- 
 count of wiiich he suffered a term of imprisomnent. Neitlier labour, 
 anxiety, nor imiirisonment could make him sw'erve from the path of 
 duty and iiis devotion to liis ])eoi)le, and if, for the time, his name 
 is so little heard of, his symi)athies in the good old cause are as keen 
 as in days gone by. 
 
 IJis jiart at the Irish Race Convention was rather a sinecure, but 
 i>is sweet articulation of the prayers at the opening in the grand old 
 Gaelic tongue, was uni\ersaily admired, r'ather McFad<len was born 
 in the i)arish of Me\agh, County Donegal, Ireland, in the year 1844. 
 >Ie was jiupil at the only school then in that district, and after a i)re- 
 liminary English education, ])assed to the High School at Letterkenn/, 
 whence he went to Maynooth, and having completed an extensive course, 
 was ordained priest in 1869. His first cnracy was Lettermacaward and 
 Ujjper Tempk'crone. Here is the neat little town of Dungloe, an! 
 here Father McFadden spent the best, and perhaps the happiest years 
 of his life. On the translation of Monsignor McFadden to Donegal, 
 the Rev. James McFadden was appointed parish priest of Gweedore, 
 where he still remains, and whence his name was brought jirominently 
 before the jiublic. He was particularly noted for the part taken by 
 Imn in the Olphert and Hill Estate. He gives a very graphic and 
 interesting account of this land war, and his own con'iection therewith, 
 in a book written by himself, and which has had a very extensive 
 sale. His object in producing the work was certainly not co vindicr.ie 
 his own character, lint that the ]niblic, and especially the British 
 public, might be maile familiar with the facts, as also the disabilities 
 ol the Irish tenantry. But perhaps the most jirominent occasion in 
 his life, was that on which — to the shame of English law — he was 
 arraigned in connection with the death of Inspector Martin. This 
 officer of constabulary, it will be remembered, endeavoured to effect 
 Ws arrest immediately after Sunday devotions, and when the 
 rev. gentleman was passing from the church to the parochial residence. 
 A proceeding so foolhardy incensed the peasantry, who immediately 
 fell upon him, and he was killed in the mcJcc. How Father McFadden 
 could have been indicted in the matter seems unaccountable. It is 
 hardly necessary to add that after a series of law comedies, in the 
 shape of trials, he was liberated without spot or blemish. There -s 
 
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 lUOanAPIIICAL SKETCHES OF SPEAKERS. 35 
 
 rroni pliuto tiy) 
 
 KliliKiAI., ( O. DOXlCilAl.. 
 
 (\V. I-awn'n.'i'.iniil.lln 
 
 a very iiiterL'stiiig accuuiit of the proct'cdiiigs 111 a work cnlillcil, 
 "Scenery and Antiiniities of North-West Donegal," a local pulilication. 
 I''alher ^[cl•'a(llle^ s[)oke at the Annual ("inncnlion of the Irisli 
 National League of (Ireat Britain, held in the I.einster Hall, after 
 the Irish Race Convention. He is a forcible and eloquent speaker, 
 and his loud ringing voice was heard to great advantage throughout 
 the entire hall. On the occasion of the receptions given to the 
 foreign delegates in Ulster, nf)tal)ly at I.etterkenny, he spoke at con- 
 siderable length, and his speech was greatly admired. 'J'he following 
 is a short (piotation, nut gives some idea of its (luality; " I am pleased 
 and del'ghted to find that here in I.etterkenny the delegates received a 
 reception equally great in intensity to that which they ha\e alread> 
 received in Belfast. I congratulate I.etterkenny and Donegal on youc 
 conduct on this occasion. Why shouldn't you give a warm reception 
 to the delegates from .America? The Bishop has anticii)ated me in 
 his opening words, Init they are worth repeating, ' Who built on' 
 schools, who built our churches, and who built our cathedrals? .Are 
 they not the American-Irish ? Who sent money to defend those who 
 were marked down to be the victims of English misgovernment in 
 Ireland? .Are they not the Irish-American? Who assisted us in all 
 our difficulties, when famine stalked the land, when starvation 
 threatened the lives of our people, and when they were thrown on the 
 
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 36 
 
 7/^/^7/ KACE COiWLWTlON. 
 
 roadside? 'I'hu American I ri.sli. As delegates and representatives of 
 tiie Irisii ( .'J tiiey eaiiic tu liie monster Convention which has so 
 lately assembled in Dublin. It is on account of this circumstance we 
 owe them a sjiecia! welconie, and hill and valley and mountain side 
 resound the notes of cdn/ mile failfc." He is ncnv in America, collect- 
 ing for the Letterkenny cathedral, where his mission is very successful. 
 Many of those who had been familiar for years with his name, were 
 glad of the opportunity of seeing face to face, and occasionally hearing 
 the well-known parish priest of Gweedore. 
 
 C 
 
' I 
 
 VIOGRAVJIWAL SKETCHES OF SVEAKKliS. 37 
 
 RIGHT REV. MONSIGNOR MICHAEL KELLY, 
 IRISH COLLEGE, ROME. 
 
 It may be mentioned tliat Monsignor Kelly has not at any time taken 
 a very j)rominent part in Irish iiolilics. But it is well known he is 
 heartily interested in any movement, haviny for its object the welfare of 
 the Irish peo[)le. It was his sinj,'iilar privilege, however, to convey to 
 the Irish Race Convention, tiie most gracious message of the Holy 
 Father, in which he exi)ressed his deepest concern for the spiritual and 
 tcmprral welfare of the Irish, and prayed for the end of dissensions. 
 
 
 
 
 
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 LlSilUlili.l ASTLH, CO. UATtlil'uliU. 
 
 LW. iiiwroiitUi Dublin 
 
 The distinguished Rector of the Irish College, Rome, was born at 
 Waterford, on 14th February, 1850. He studied classics in his native 
 place, and came to Rome at an early age, where he was student of the 
 Irish College, attending at the world-famed Propaganda College, for 
 lectures. Here he read a very distinguished course. On attaining the 
 canonical age, he was ordained priest, and returned to his native diocese. 
 He very soon joined a society of priests at Enniscorthy, whose special 
 object is the giving of retreats to the clergy, and to religious communities. 
 During his connection with this Order, he attained great eminence as a 
 
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 38 
 
 I/ilSff /{ACE CONVESTION. 
 
 I preacher, and was noted for his piety ami zeal. In 1891 he was chost-n 
 j to succeed the Most Rev. Dr. Kiii)y, Archbishop of Kphesus, as Rector 
 
 • of the Irish CoMcgc, Rome, .m oIVh c which lie still fills, ;ind discharges 
 
 J with reniarkahie ellicieiicy. 
 
 Tiie veneralilc initiiution, of wiiich he is now he.id, was erected 
 A.D. ifijfi, Ihroiinh the efforts of the venerated Luke Wadding, O.S.F., 
 and also the aid of C'ardinjl I.iidovisi, Protector of the Kinf;doni of 
 Ireland. Its object w.is the education of Irish ecclesiastical students. 
 How well it has fulfilled its end, may be gathered from the fact 
 that it has ^iven to the Church some of the most eminent names 
 in her history. Among those who have been connectcil with the 
 College, either ?s students or superiors, are the historic names of tlic 
 Most Rev. and Venerable Oliver I'lunkctt, .\rclil)isho[) of Armagh, 
 whose blooil was shed for his faith and convictions ; the celebrated 
 I'athcr Prout, Cardinal C'ullcn, Archbishop Croke, Cardinal Moran, and 
 Archbishop Kirliy. This is a selection of which any college might well feel 
 proud. W'c omit to mention the hundreds of young levites who have 
 been educated within its walls, some of whom have become bishops, and 
 all with rare exceptions, zealous and efficient priests. The College 
 structurally is not very imposing, being but capable of accommodating 
 about seventy students. They attend the lectures of the Propaganda 
 College, so that there is little educational work in the Irish College. At 
 the close of the academic year, about the 1st August, they leave for 
 their country residence on the hills overlooking classic Tivoli, some 
 eighteen miles from Rome, where they remain about two months. The 
 students of the Irish College are seldom ])ermitted to return to their 
 respective homes during their collegiate course, except necessitated by 
 illness. This is generally the case with all the Roman colleges. 
 
 Over this venerable institution, Monsignor Kelly presides, and is a 
 worthy successor of the distinguished line of Rectors that have (weeded 
 him. The College continues to prosper, and is yearly sending forth 
 young levites, who do honour to their Alma Mater, as well as the 
 country of their birth. Monsignor Kelly's name h.is been more than 
 once mentioned in connection with Irish Sees; and in the midst of his 
 many and responsible duties, (hough far removed, he never ceases to 
 take a deep interest in the well-being and prosperity of his native land. 
 
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ItlOtiKM'lIK'Ar. SKKTCUKS OF SPHAKUffS. ^,, 
 
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 I'rum iiliuto by] £C('LK:«lAHTlcAl. iiKMAl.S'i), Itoc'K UK i'AallKL. LW. LawraDco, Dublin 
 
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 ' f . ■ I ; 
 
 REV. FRANK RVAN, TORONlO. CANADA. 
 
 The Rov. Frank Ryan lixik a leadinj; part in ilit- Irish Race C\)n\en- 
 tioii as rei)rL'.sfntati\c of His (Jrace the Archhisluti) of Toronto. Hi; 
 read a letter from Areiibislioi) Walsh at tiie oi)ening se.ssion of the 
 C,'on\entiiin, and in a brief, elocinent, and incisive speech, seconded 
 the niotiim <jf Mr. Alfred Webb on the intro(hiction of the resohitions 
 of the Convention. At the conchision, Father Ryan .seized tlie 
 oiiportunity of studying truly and thoroughly the Irish situation. 
 He began with [jcrsonal and lengthened interxiews with tiie leading 
 men of tiie various |)arties in Dublin, and he continued tiiese Intenicws 
 from Dublin to Galway, and from Belfast to Cork. He delivered public 
 addresses in the leading cities of the North, West and .South of Ireland, 
 and notably in Clonniel and Cork, s|>eeches th.it have become historic, 
 going on a luission of peace and unity throughout the length and 
 breadth of the land. I'"ather Ryan, like the other delegates from abroad, 
 insisted on the following points: (i) That he came not to nny man, 
 or any jiarty, but to the Irish people, and that he came as a duly 
 accredited re]iresentative of the Irish i)eo|ile of Canada; (2) that he 
 found the Irish i)eople at home fully represented at the Convention ; 
 (3) that the Convention could effect its purpose only through the 
 
 
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 40 
 
 iiasii /,'.[</■: co.wESTiOiW 
 
 |iriiiii'il) ilirtiil ,ili<l iliil) ( (Jll.stitdlrd iiiniMMll.llivis of llw liuiililo i)f 
 Jfflaiiilj uiid (4) llial tlii'Sf Rpri-'iiuiit.itiu'.s woic (ml) tin; i>iirty wliuso 
 duly clfcluil iiiiil ar(n;iiisL'il Cluinium Wiw Mr. Jniui Uillim, or wIuj« 
 H(x;vcr uliuiiiil be (.•kited liy the iii.ij(jrity of lliu IrisU i'arliaiiieiitary 
 Tarty. 
 
 His (i|>iiii(jiis and argiiiiieiilH are entitled to weighty eoiisideratioii, 
 iiul only U'ciiise he was the trusted and accreihted reiireseiitativc of 
 the Archhislioii and peoplu o( Turunto, but alito bucausu of his 
 IKTsiiiial histiiry, marked aliility, wido exiwri'' •., and present dls- 
 tiiij4iii.slied jMi^ition. 
 
 I''atlu'r Frank Kyan was Ixirn in 1844 in Newfoinidland, of Insii 
 L'atliulli; parents, descendants of two well-known and distinguished 
 families, the Ryans and the (Juiiilnns, (jf the Golden Vale, Coinity 
 'riplicrary. liaviiif; reieivcd liu? rndinients of a classiciU education in 
 his nali\e land, fnjni an cMiiiient graduate of Trinity College, Dulilin, 
 Mr. Alexander O'Uonovan, young Ryan came to Ireland, wlier(! he 
 ciintiiuicd his studies in literature, ])hiloso[)hy, and theology at All 
 Hallows' College, Dublin, under the illustrious Dr. Conroy, afterwards 
 A|>ost(ili(: Delegate to Canada. S'Vom Ireland he went to liance 
 and England to complete his studies, and after a lengthened and 
 distinguished career, Wiis ordained priest in 1874. Soon after his 
 ordination, l'"atlier Ryan went to America, lui'd was professing 
 philosophy at I'ordham College, New York, when Dr. Co-« ,y ^as 
 appointed delegate to Canada and Newfoundland. M ving always 
 had a high and an affectionate esteem fo' >• fori; T>' ("onroy 
 
 asked Father Ryan to accom[)any hin 
 as his secretary and confiilential 
 almost tragic death of the Apos' 
 esteemed friend of Dr. Con*o» 
 of St. John's, N.F., Father R\.i 
 after His Fxcellency's liusiness affau 
 report to Rome. For .some years Father Rya; remained at Montreal 
 .->s missionary and English ]>reacher at the i.imous church of th' (iesti. 
 From Montreal he went to the United .States, where •;• was 
 successively jiastor of the celebrated Church of the Holy Familv 
 Chicago, the largest jiarish in the world, it is said, and of the beautifi 
 (^hurch of ,St. Ignatius, Baltimore. During these years li 
 preached in the leading churches, and gave missions in the principal 
 cities of the United .States and Canada, and has the honour of intimate 
 jiersonal friendship with the clergy and hicarchy of both these 
 countries. For the past six years Father Ryar has been stationed in 
 Toronto, as rector of St. Michael's Cathedral. He is the trusted 
 friend of Archbishop Walsh, and is esteemed and loved by all classes 
 of the people. What Toronto thinks of him, and of the part 
 
 .0 Mo.SL 
 
 remained 
 
 L anaii. 
 
 Hand 
 • and 
 
 of the 
 
 Tower, 
 
 to look 
 
 wind c ■ the delegation, and 
 
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niOGHAPinCM. SKKTCIIF.S OF Sl'FAKFUS. m 
 
 he took in the IriHh Kme Cottvcntinii \vm cloqiifntly tolil in tltt- graixt 
 piihlii' rficiitiipti j<iv(.'ii ill 'ruriinlo afti-r \m ri'tiirii ; iumI ••'<|if<'i.illy in 
 ilic nfiuTiMis trilinii- III iiraisf U'luliTfil liiin liy IiIh llliiHtriniii Ahh- 
 liiHlinp, w'hiiiii III- hail NO alily and i'l(ii|iii'iilly ami wisely ri'|>ri'si'nti>il. 
 He iccfi\t'il iiioMt ciiniial nn-i-liiins frntii all liis olil frii'iids in Irt'laii.l, 
 t'(i|M'cially from tht- Jcciiit KalluTs, for whom In- i-ontiiiiics tn clii-rish 
 the vfiu-ration, cstfcm, ami love, fnrniiNl in tlu' years nf his early 
 training;. He hojies that when he next \isits the nM jaiicl h* 
 will have less concern with iiolitics ami |ioliticians, ami more time to 
 pl\i' tn his friemN, whose kimliiess he hears in grateful rcmemhrnncc. 
 
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 DAVID SHEEHY, M.l'. 
 
 [\V. Linvn-nci'. DiiMln 
 
 To the efforts of Mr. David Sheehy, M.P., the success of the Irish 
 Rare Convention is due in no small degree. Speaking of liis labours 
 in this (-(inneclii'n, a ]}ell..'5t Nationalist j)aper said: "His patience 
 and industry during the past couple of trying weeks have been 
 mar.c'llous. Every one who has come in contact with him during the 
 period mentioned is most warm in prr.ise of the manner in which he 
 has discharged very dilliciilt duties. He has been, however, assisted 
 bv Mr. Muldonn, of the Federation Office." The labour f)f that 
 trying period is only known to Mr. Sheehy himself, and those who 
 were more or less closely associated with him. Throughout the sessions of 
 the three days, he was never absent, but watched the progress of th= 
 Convention with earnestness, and later with an amcmt of evident 
 satisfaction. Like most of the members of the Irisn Party, he pre- 
 ferred to leave the sjieaking on that occasion to others, and therefoi" 
 acting as Iionorary secretary, he contente<l himself with reading the 
 letter of Dr. Thomas Addis Emmet, New York, addressed to the Con- 
 vention. But as one who has laboured so earnestly in the Irish 
 cause, and to whom the happy outcome of the Irish l<ace Convention 
 is in a good measure due. Mr. Sheehy desen-es an honoured place in 
 its historv. 
 
 i ., ;. V. 
 
:1 
 
 »»< 
 
 muaHM'lllCAL SKETCHES OF Sl'E AKEKS. 43 
 
 Mr. David Shuuhy, Sucrutary of the Irish Natiuiial i'eiifraliuii, 
 was bom in 1844, son of Richard Sheuhy, UroadfortI, County I.iniericic. 
 lie was uthicatud at liie Irish Colluj^e, Paris, but bccoiiiing ungrossud 
 in the political (juestions of the hour, he, in course of time, took to 
 jjohtics, and became member for Soutii Galway, an lionour wliicii lie 
 has held since 1885. He became involved considerably in the Irish 
 agrarian question, and has been the victim of coercion. His lecture 
 to the Belfast Young Ireland Society, during the session 1896-97, 
 with the title " Combating Coerci(jn," wa.s most interesting and was 
 greatly appreciated. Thou ^'i carrjing on an extensive busine.ss in 
 Mallow, County Cork, he farms as well, and is thus capable from 
 personal expericnc. of dealing with the land i[uestion. 
 
 For a public man he is somewhat retiring, and very much prefers 
 that others should take the place, of prominence. He is thoroughly 
 educated, gentlemanly and accom[)lished, and when the necessity 
 arises is ca[>able of (lis|ilaying an energy and pluck that are astonish- 
 ing. As a s[ieaker he is always appreciated, and his duties as 
 Secretary of the Irish National Federation have been well and faith- 
 fully performed. Among his collea'gues he is most po[)ular, and is 
 beloved f<ir his genial manner and his heartfelt interest in Iiis coimtry's 
 cause. In this brief sketch we have merely touched upon the leading 
 features of his career, and in no wise regard it as a biograiihy. We could 
 much like to tieat of Mr. Shcchy at great length, if circuinstances 
 jiermitted, and record the sacrifices for Ireland that ha\e maile him 
 prematurely old. But we are cfmfident that he shuns publicity, and 
 prefers very much to do good by stealth when his country is concerne<l. 
 We wish him many years to labour as earnestly and as assiduously in 
 the cause of Ireland as he has 'one in the past. 
 
 II 
 
 I'AliNKLL's CiltAVE AXU O'CONNELL TOWEU, (iLASNliVIN, DC13UN. 
 
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 .1 ■- ■ 
 
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44 IRISH UACE COXVEXTIOX. 
 
 THOMAS SKXroX, KX-.M.l'. 
 
 One (if tliL' most ilistiiigiiislicd of living liislmicn, is Mr. Thomas 
 Sfxlon, lately M.I". for North Kerry, and now Chairman of the 
 Frcemtiii's Joiiniul Co. In tiie present sketch, it is not intended 
 to give a full account of the gifted statesman anil accomplished orator, 
 of whom Ireland is, and may well feel proud. Mr. Sexton did not 
 attend the Irish Kacf Coiiventiiin. He had then ceased to he a 
 inenilx.'r of du- Irish I'arllaniuntary I'arty, and for this reason, among 
 others, he refused to accept any representative capicity on the oc 
 
 From jjlioto liy] 
 
 i.oriiii (iii.L. CO. sLKio. 
 
 [\V. Ijiwrcnoo, Dublin 
 
 casion. But even if he did not t.ake part in the Convention, he was 
 in great request, particularly with the foreign delegates, who had 
 heard and read so much of him, and whenever his name was men- 
 tioned the great hall rang with applause. 
 
 Mr. Thomas Sexton was bom in Waterford, 1848, and is a son of 
 the late Mr. J. Sexton. He was M.P. for County Sligo, 1880-85; 
 for South Sligo, 1885-86; for West Belfast, 1886-92. He was 
 elected M.P. for North Kerry in 1892. He has also been High 
 Sheriff of Dublin in 1887, and Lord Mayor of Dublin, 1888-89. Mr. 
 Sexton is an accomplished speaker, and when he rises in the House 
 
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 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES OF SPEAKERS. 45 
 
 of Commons, he is always sure of a patient hearing. He has physi- 
 cally a fine appearance, with a voice pleasing and articulate, ami well 
 adajjleil for speaking. His gesture is very moderate, and his speech, 
 which is always logical and well reasoned, appeals more to the con- 
 victions than to the feelings. In dealing with figures, Mr. Sexton dis[)lays 
 an aptitude that is remarkable, and, therefore, it is claimed, his 
 .ser\'ires would have been invaluable in treating of the Financial 
 Relations between Great Britain and Ireland. There is, however, no 
 likelihood of Mr. Sexton's return to the Irish Party for some consider- 
 able time to come. On the retirement of Mr. Justin McCarthy from 
 t^'e Chairmanshii), he was unanimously selected for the honcjur, but 
 he felt constrained t(3 decline, in view of the dissensions in the Party, 
 which were not likely to have a speedy termination. We believe we are 
 justified in stating that that dignity awaits him any time he retunu 
 to Parliament, and submits to its acceptance. Various bodies in 
 Ireland have called upon him to resume his Parliamentary duties, 
 but he has, up to the present, persistently refused. In consequence, 
 he has come in for the usual share of misrepresentation ; however, 
 it may be presumed, that with such great intelligence and experience 
 as he admittedly possesses, he fully understands what he is -'oing. 
 We give this brief and inade<juate sketch of one of Ireland's most 
 gifted sons, in the hope that it may interpst those who know Mr. 
 .Sexton only as a great orator in the House of Commons, and a brilliant 
 member of the Irish Party; and that some one better suited 
 for the ta.sk, will treat at much greater length, not only of him as a 
 jiublic man, but of his charming manners in private life, and his in- 
 teresti.ig and agreeable companionship. 
 
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 EAST WEII, KINOSTOWX, DUDUN. 
 
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 IRIiSII ILWJ'J CUiWEXTlUX. 
 
 
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 TllUiMAS HUNT, VICTORIA, AUSTRALIA. 
 
 Mr. Tiio.MAs Hunt, when a boy of 15 years of age, left his native 
 place, CajJiiawhite, Tii^perary, and Ixaile farewell to the shores of 
 Ireland, in .May, 1858. He reached his destination, \'ictoria, Aus- 
 tralia, with his relati\'.'S in June, 1858. His parents settled at Kilmore, 
 u township some 37 miles north of the metropolis, and Mr. Hunt 
 was offered the o|)portunity of going into a banking firm, in which 
 liie i)ros])ucts of speedy advancement were, at that time, considera!)lc. 
 Hut he elected instead to join the printing trade, and so began his 
 carter, by becoming apprenticed in the office of the Kilmore 
 
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 From photo by] 
 
 SLACKWATKR, KENMAllE. 
 
 [W. Lawrence, Dublin 
 
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 K.tamincr, of which paper his brother-in-law was part proprietor. 
 In 1865, he started the Kilmore Free Press newspaper, and some 
 tlneo years later he acquired the goodwill and copyright 
 cf the E.ramiiier, the journal upon which he had ser\'ed his ap- 
 prenticeship, and which is now incorporated with the Free Press. 
 In 1874, Mr. Hunt commenced his political career, being elected 
 a member of the Legislative Assembly to represent Kilmore, to which 
 district was ad.ded, in 1877, the large electorate of the County of 
 Anglesey, and he continued to represent Kilmore rnd Anglesey un- 
 
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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES OF SPEAKERS. 47 
 
 hilerruptedly fiom that ijcriod until i8y2, still continuing his news- 
 liajiur iJi'dpiietorship. 
 
 He proved himself a thorougli politician, and during his 
 period of representation was ever earnest in in<iucing settlement 
 upon the soil, and in assisting to develop tlie niir.ing industry, ni 
 vliich he took a strong practical interest. 'I'lie wants of his con- 
 stituents were promptly and faithfully attended to, and he secured 
 tho construction of railways throughout his electorate. It is 
 noteworthy that the poorest in his electorate could api)roach 
 him on all matters in which he could benelii thcni with 
 as much confidence as if they were the wealthiest in the 
 Colony; and even to the present time a great many of his old 
 friends avail themselves of his services in securing the attention of 
 the Victorian Department to their requirements. 'J'horoughly energetic 
 even whilst busy with his parliamentary duties, he established many 
 provincial journals, being managing proprietor of no less than four 
 at one time. Another pleasing trait of his character is his hospitality 
 to visitors at his residence, "Melrose Hall,'' which is i>ictures(jiicly 
 situated on a beautiful eminence a mile south of Kilmore township. 
 Though a Liberal in politics, Mr. Hunt always adopted the role of an 
 independent member, and on this account, on more than one occasion, 
 declined Cabinet honours. 
 
 A meeting was held in Melbourne to apjioint a delegate to attend 
 the Irish Race Convention at Dublin, in .Septemlwr, 1896. Being 
 a member of the Hibernian Society from its inception, Mr. Hunt 
 was chosen by the Kilmore Branch of that body to represent them. 
 Over 200 Victorian delegates assembled at tlie Hilterni.Tn Hall, in 
 the metropolis, to decide who should represent tho Colony at thii 
 Convention in Dublin, and the result of their deliberations was that 
 hs who had proved himself one of the truest Irishmen in the 
 Colony was practically unanimously chosen. He regarded his ap- 
 pointment as one of the greatest honours that could be conf rred uixin 
 him, and felt, that as the time liad oome when he might l>e able to 
 p.ssist in any way to strike a blow for Home Rule and the amelioration 
 of the condition of his native country, he would not, no matter at 
 what personal inconvenience, shirk the responsibility. The con- 
 fidence thus .shown in Mr. Hunt by the Irishmen of Victoria, 
 is sufficient evidence of the true heart that beats in him for 
 the land of his birth ; anil he has on many occasions given 
 practical illustration of that deep interest which he feels for the wel- 
 fare of Ireland. When the Messrs. Redmond visited Australia, a 
 number of years ago, so intense was public feeling against their policy, 
 that he was the onlv Catholic member of Parlinment, who wont on 
 the platform to espouse the cause of Erin, nntwithstanding the warn- 
 
 
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 mmi KACF. coATf-'.vr/o.v. 
 
 Mr Hunt, through tne n'c i)efore the 
 
 ^'T";e never wearied ..f putting the ">;-? ^^ S' Convenf.or. 
 otherwise, ne\tr «<- attemleJ the Insn k."*^ 
 
 people in its proper hgl t He a ^^^^^^ ^^^^ ^f ''if o 
 
 i, iublin, nn.l .-o.-veye.! ^° 'j^^ f ^ ^.^nte.!, npeaking -^ }^^^'^^ ^^ 
 vmpnthy of the people whom ho e, ^^ ^^^ ^ ,,j,, 
 
 Vi..oria an.l South A"«''^''^' ^"^/"^ . an.l the one strong .les.re o 
 'of'that Colony also ^^^^J^\l^., with the right o oca 
 1,;. heut is to see a ^J"'^'^'^/ „ ,„ „ .he <;th November, 1896. a 
 f.; rnment. On T;--^y/X,ian hIu, Melbourne, to hear 
 " i meeting was hel. u. th ^^^'^^^.^^ p„„.ention, from the 
 a renort of the work .lone at ho 1 an ^^ ^^.^ ,^_,^p^,„„, 
 
 V-Sa.. .lelegate, an,| ^f^^l^;ZL^ League in Victoria 
 
 Parliament. 
 
 O-CONNELL MONl-MEST, DUW-W. 
 
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 niOGRArUICAL SKKTCI/KS OF SPEAK KKS. 19 
 
 REV. DENIS O'LWLLAGHAN, BOSTON. 
 
 Rev. Denis O'Callaghan, pastor of St. Augustine's Church, South 
 Hoston, Mass., is one of the most ai)le and eiofiuent |)riests in New 
 i',ii(;laucl, while he lias as well that cordiality of niaiuier which wins tin* 
 love of his own peiiple and the res])ect of all. Father O'Callayhan 
 was horn in Ireland ahout tifty-four years aj;o, but when he was very 
 yoinig his parents emigrated to Ainerica and settled in Salem, Mass., 
 where tlu; subject of this sketch recei\ed his early I'ducation. Later, 
 he entered St. Charles' College, ni'nr Hahiin(irc, Maryliind, and from 
 
 From jihoto \>y] 
 
 iioPK imii'iii:, cAKiiirK-A-iiKiii:. 
 
 [\V. I.uwriMi.T, Dublin 
 
 thence went to St. Mary's Seminary, Mount St. .Mary's, Maryland, 
 where he completed his theological studies, being f)rdained priest by 
 the late Archbishop Bayley, of Baltimore, June 29th, 1865. Coming 
 immediately to Boston, Father O'Callaghan was for two years assis- 
 tan* priest of SS. Peter and Paul's Church, South Boston, at the end 
 of which time the Catholic population had grown to such proportions 
 as to demand the formation of another parish in that district. There- 
 fore to Father O'Callaghan was deputed the task of organising anj 
 caring for the new parish, and he entered upon the work .Vugust 
 22nd, 1868. The only place of worshij) available for the new congrega- 
 tion was the little mortuary chapel of St. Augustine, which, for the 
 
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 IIUSIl If ACE CONVESTION. 
 
 second time in its history, had to serve the purposes of a parish, until 
 more suitalde aciimimoilatiipii was provided. Father O'Caiiagiian 
 has that ha])]))' faculty of wiiininfj the iicarty co-operatioii of his peoiiie, 
 because he believes ui dicm and they in him, and it was not long before 
 pastor and people set to work unitedly and enthusiasti<'ally to provide 
 thenisehes with a parish church ami pro|)erty in e\ery way creditable 
 to them. 'I'his tniited effort cr\slallized in the purchase of the land on 
 Dorchester .Street, an<l the erection thereon of the magnificent church, 
 costing over two hundred and fifty thousand dollars, and which is one 
 of the most attractive and U'autiful in the State, constructed of brick, 
 with gr.uiite trimmings, and in the (lothic style of architecture. This 
 beautiful church was dedicated August 30th, 1874, and two years 
 later being entirely out of debt, it entered the list of the very few 
 consecrated churches in the city of Bostf)n. In aililition to this church, 
 through the labours of Father ()'( 'allaghan, the |iarish enjoys a beauti- 
 ful parochiid residence, and a s(ilenilid i)arish hall, the later built in 
 1888, at a cost of thirty-five thousand dollars. The untiring pastor, 
 to crown his many other labours, lias recently completed the erection 
 of a magnificent parochial school, at a cost of one hundred and thirty- 
 five thousand dollars. This great work forms the glory of his priestly 
 life. Within its walls are taught 850 children, under the kindly and 
 watchful guidance of the Sisters of Notre Dan)e. 
 
 As a preacher, Father O'Callaghan's fame extends far beyond the 
 Boston Archdiocese, and as such, he is in great demand whene\er he 
 can be spared from the duties of his parish. A zealous priest, a broad- 
 miniled cultured gentleman, and a jiublic spirited citizen, he is 
 respected by all classes in South Boston, where he has lived and 
 lalioured with such distinguished success for more than a <iuarter of a. 
 century. 
 
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 inOGRAl'llICAL SKKTCIIES OF SPEAKKliS. 51 
 
 MOSKS COUWVAI.I,. KlMItlCRI.KV, SOUIII AIKICA. 
 
 Among those in wIkhu the greatest interest w;ls centrfd at the great 
 Convention in Dublin was Mr. Moses I'ornwall, Kiniheriey, South 
 Africa. Coming as he did, from lliat distant land, whose name is not 
 very familiar in Irish homes, and which sounds to Irish ears more 
 distant than in ri'ality it is, his every word was listened to with rajit 
 .ntlcntion. Judging from Mr. CornwaH's manner, he lays no very 
 ambitious claims to oratory, but he is clearly an artlent Irishman, and 
 is proud of his birthright. 
 
 WMITWUimi liliUHIE AND POlli COCllTS, llllll.lX. 
 
 The subject of this sketch was bom in Dublin city, 6th July, 184 1. 
 The Cornwalls came from England about the middle of the last 
 century, and settled in County Meath, Ireland ; his mother's unmarried 
 name was D'Arcy, of the famed D'Arcys, of Wicklow and Wexford. 
 Mr. Cornwall came to ('a|)e Colony in 1859, and set *n work in g(jod 
 earnest to make for himself an honoured name and place in the land 
 of his adoption. How well he succeeded may be gathered from the 
 fact that he is, and has been for many years, the most respected 
 citi/en of Kimlx;rley. For some time he toiled on the diamond 
 fields as a digger, and in due course entered into business. Twice 
 
 
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 1IUSII HACK CONVENT lOy. 
 
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 hi- wa« oli'cted Mayor of Kitnlxrli-y, and linn Injcn its representative 
 in til? House of AsM'nilily for full live .sessior.s. Hut with his surress 
 ill far AfriiM. lie li.is not lieeume uiiiiiiiKlfiil of the land of his hirth. 
 Althnii(,'h, he li;is hut \isileil Irel.iiid twice in thirty-eight years, in- 
 chidiii;; liis n-eeiit \isit to Diihlin, he has never forgollen his native 
 eoiintn-, and a helter type of Irishman it would be diflirnlt to fmJ. 
 Twenty )ears ago he originated annual festivals in honniir of St. 
 I'alriek, and presided o\cr the festive gatherings fur lifteen yi-ars. TI<! 
 has eolleeted and sent home for National piir|)oses, not loss than 
 j[,2,ooo. He is Sheriff to the High Court of Griqualand West, 
 Agent for the Union Royal Mail Steamship Navigation Company, 
 and one of the most im|)ortanl Insurance ("ompanies doing husiness 
 in South Africa, and is a prominent memlirr of the Hornngh Council. 
 He is a member of the Kimbcrley Hospital Board, and also of the 
 Piililic Library of Kimlerley. The ofllce of Sheriff has been dis- 
 charged by him faithfully for fifteen years, and he has iK'en a Jiistire 
 of the I'eace for about the saiiu- sjiace of time. Perhaps there is no 
 better jiroof of the estimation in which Mr. Cornwall is held as a 
 |)iiblin man and spirited citizen than the address and jiresentation 
 of which lie was recipient on Mondny, July fith, i8qi, the fiflietn 
 .inuiversary of his birthday. The address was signed by more than 
 fifty prominent citizens. Commenting on the proceedings, the 
 Dinnuiiid FIchh AiJvrrliitrr, of Tuesday 7th, 1891, .says: "The 
 honoured name of Cornwall wa.s on everyboily's lips at last night'-' 
 gathering, and we join in the congratulations by ho|)ing that Coin 
 in jilenty will e\er be his store, ami that troops of friends, a.s well as the 
 affection of a loving wife, and a splendid family of sons and daughters 
 will prove the cope-stone to the Wall of his future career." The 
 
 terms of the address were as subjoined: — 
 
 t 
 
 "To Moses Cornwall, Esq., J.P. 
 
 "Dear Sir, — Wc, the Irishmen and others resident on these 
 Diamond I'ields, beg to offer you our sincere anil heartfelt congratula- 
 tions on the occa.sion of the fiftieth anniversary of your birthday. It 
 gives us particular plea.sure to do this, when we recollect that for 
 twenty years past, ever since you have l)een in Kimberley, you have 
 lalxiured zealously and conscientiously, and without consideration of 
 your own personal benefit and advantage, for the weal of this com- 
 munity. As a representative of the Division in the Legislative As- 
 sembly, as a Member of the Municipal Council, Divisional Council, 
 Hospital Hoard, Library Committee of Kimberley, and as Mayor, 
 your integrity and honesty of purpose and solicitude for the well-being 
 of these Fields, have been constant anil enduring, and if, unlike some, 
 you have not built up great wealth from doubtful sources, you lave 
 
HIO(ll{M'lll('AL SKETCH KS OF S/'KAh'EKS. s,< 
 
 thj proud connciotisncss tliat you liave never iitooped to mcanneM. 
 that no Rtaiii or Hiis|ii<-iiin tarniKlu-s your fair fanu- ami r('|)iitatii)ii, nnJ 
 that you liavt- I'arnt'cl tlu- ncnuiiu' cstoum and ri'nard of this com- 
 munity. In I'diiiliision, Wf a^aiu tcnilcr you our lioarty congratul.i- 
 tiotis, ami hiijx' that your cnrccr may Imip hr rontinncd in the same 
 honournlili' way as in ilu- past; ami that you may in future Ix" hlcsscd 
 with every happiness, prosperity and contentment." 
 
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 WATEUFALI., ST. STKPIIKN'S (lUKKN, 1)1 III.IN. 
 
 Xv 
 
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 54 
 
 IIUSII HACh: CONVKSTION. 
 
 HON. CllARLJiS HAMII/K)N BROMUV, NOUTllliKN 
 lASMAMA. 
 
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 CiiAKLE^ Mamm.ion liKOMiiV liitrii al I.aiial Loilgf, Chelten- 
 li.iiii, iH-K?. (k'li'g.'ito for NorllicTii 'I'a.smiiiiiu, <if which 
 Ciilimy lie was furmcrly AtlorncyCJuiicral, is a gradiialu of lliu 
 Uiiivfrsity uf Uxford, unil, wu bulluvc, the only (lulugatu whu i» nut 
 uf Irish L-xtracliDii. lie was called to the Kii)^iisii Jiar in 1K67, and 
 went til Tasinunia in 1S74. lie was elected to represent Launceston, 
 the capital of N(jrthern 'I'lusmaniu in the Tasmaiiian I'arliament in 
 1876, anil was made Attorney-Cleneral in the same year. I'or many 
 years he had tiie principal i)racticu in his profession at the Har there, 
 and was the first President of the Australian lliherniiin Society in 
 Tasmania. He was particularly active in advocating the formation 
 of an Intercolonial Court of Appeal amongst the \ariou8 Australasian 
 Colonies, as a stepping stone to a confederation and complete autonomy 
 of Australia. 
 
 It was while taking part in the go\eriimenl of Tasmania, where 
 Home Rule has lieen long enjoyed, that he first realised the advantage 
 of Home Rule to the Kinjiire, as well us to the individual and indepen- 
 dent coiinlry. Tiiis led him to a deeper study of the (piestion, and 
 especially with regaril to Ireland, and so to the whole history of the 
 relationship of Ireland to England. He has stated himself, that tliough 
 his slu<iy was at first confined to Kiiglish authorities, the result of his 
 reading w;us to stir up within him, a sense of profound indignation and 
 shame — indignation, that one country should have been so treated 
 hy another, and shame, that the country which had lx;haved in such 
 a way to Ireland in the past was the land in which he had been born. 
 He w.Ts not satisfied with sitting ('own and lamenting over the facts 
 wliicli he deplored. He determined to endeavour to do something to 
 reilress them. Believing that the attitude of most Englishmen towards 
 Ireland at that time— (we are writing of fifteen years ago, and long before 
 Home Rule had become a cry of the English Lilx,'ral Party) — w.^s due 
 to their ignorance of the history of Ireland, he entered upon a sort of 
 lecturing crusade. 
 
 His first lecture called "The English in Ireland," was delivered 
 ill Tasmania, and met with such success that he determined to carry 
 his crusade into the other Colonies. He proceeded first to New 
 Zealand. Throughout the length and breadth of that country the 
 people were aroused. Bishop Moran, of Duncdin, descrihpfl the 
 lecturer as " a man among men." The result was a ferment in the 
 Colonial Press. The Irish papers were enthusiastic, some of the 
 
ItliXUiAl'lllCAL SKHTCIIKS OF S/'KAKHRS. 55 
 
 iiiuru liberal ('nloniiil p.iiicrH wore fair anil eiilogittic, bill most were 
 luud in their anuthunmH uf uiiu who cuuld thiii expuio the cunduct 
 (if his own country. 
 
 Ily tin; tinii; Mr. Itroinliy rtMcluMl Mcllioiirni-, the I'lU'iiiy Wiis ii|i 
 in amis. The Town llall, a vtry spaiimiH huililinf;, hail liocn taki-n 
 for \m lir.st nii'oting. l''ri);hti'nfil by tht* clauioiir of tin; Vtvhh, a 
 piiTting of the Tiiwn I'uuncil was held, and it was rcsohed that a 
 breach of contrait, witli its ('onNc<|ueMt ihinagi's, was iicttcr than lh.it 
 the i;oo(l citizens should hear the cry for justice) which was being 
 guunded throughout the Culunies. 
 
 The effect of this conduct of ilie Municipal authorities iiikiii the 
 Irisliincn of MelUnirne, can be imagined. .Some iimiiuxed taking 
 possession of the T(jwn Hall by force; but peaceful counsels pre- 
 vailed, and the lecture was held in St. Patrick's Hall, a room cajiablu 
 of holding a thuiisanij peo]ile. 'i'he scene was described by one who 
 was iireseiit as the most remarkable he had e\cr witnessed. Nor was 
 the enthiisiasin conliiied to St. I'airiik's llall, which was so 
 crowded — thw lecturer had to Ik; passed on to the front of the plat- 
 form o\er the people's heads -that it overflowed into the streets outside, 
 which were thronged by crowds who, unable to obtain admission, 
 showed their sympathy, not only for one who was speaking for Ireland, 
 but lor one whose voice tho.se in brief authority were endeavouring 
 to silence. 
 
 On Mr. Bromby's arrival in Melbourne, he had been roiirteously 
 received, and on the projiosal of Sir I). Clark, known as the richest 
 .Australian, he had been made an honorary member of the Melbourne 
 Club. After the first lecture he was reipiested to withdraw from that 
 social institution. Such was the attituile of "Society" in Victoria 
 then to Home Rule. They have now, in the person of Lord Brassey, 
 a Home Rule Governor. 
 
 Many other towns to which Mr. Uromby went followed the ex- 
 ample of Melbourne. He found himself "boycotted." This naturally 
 increased the enthusiasm of the Irish Australians but it often pre- 
 vented an njipeal being made to those for whor.' the lectures were 
 principally intended — Englishmen who had neither op[)ortunity 
 noi inclination to find out for themselves tlie fiicts of their own 
 history. 
 
 In New South Wales the same difficulty was often experienced, 
 and though the Irish Colonists supported the learned lecturer wher- 
 ever he went, every obstacle was thrown in the way of his obtaining 
 a fair hearing by the Colonial authorities, and this, although the 
 whole proceeds of the lectures were devoted to charitable purposes, 
 the relief of evicted tenants in Ireland, and the restoration of the 
 Catholic cathedral in Tasmania, which had fallen into ruin. 
 
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 iniSn TiACE CONVESTION. 
 
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 In 1884 Mr. Bromliy returned to England, anil in 1886 he rontested 
 tlie Wiilton Division of Liverpool as a Liberal Home Ruler, but was 
 defeated by a combination of Liberal Unionists and Tories. 
 
 With an unbomuled admiration for the late Charles Stewart 
 Partiell, ami all he did for Ireland in keeping unity anil concord among 
 the ranks of tlu' Irish Parliamentary Party, he has called upon all who 
 really care for Ireland's welfare, and revere the memory of that 
 great leader, to carry on his work, by sinking individual difTerences 
 of opinion on minor points, and combining under (jne head elected 
 by the majority of the nation, until their cause is won. 'I'his was the 
 message the delegate of North Tasmania endeavoured to convey to 
 the Irish ])eo[)le at the Convention of tlic Irish Race, together with 
 the expression of undying love which the Irish emigr:'nts in that island, 
 their children, and their children's children ever feel towards the 
 sacreil land of their forefathers. 
 
 L. 
 
 
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 OLD PABUAMKXT IIOCSK (NOW HANK OF niKLAND), DCIILIX. 
 
 4, 
 
mOGRAnilCAL SK ETC I IKS oh' SfllAK KIIS. 57 
 
 VERY REV. DEAN HARRIS, ONTARIO, CANADA. 
 
 Vkry Rev. W. K. Harris, J!.D., Dean uf .St. rathi-rint-'s, Oiuaric, 
 CaiKul.i, was liorii on tlie lolh of Marcli, 1S47, in llif city uf Cork. 
 He accompanied his parents to Canada wh'Mi mere cliilil, and in tliu 
 course of time entered .St. Michael's College, Toroiilo, where he 
 finished a brilliant classical course. He studied his metaphysics and 
 l)hilosophy at St. Anne's Seminary, Quebec, and in 1869 , ccompanied 
 Archbishop I,ynch, of Toronto, to Rome, to a.ssist at the greit 
 (Ecumenical Council. I'here he entered the College ol the I'rop.i 
 
 I'rom I hi»to l)y] 
 
 UrKKNSTOWX IIAIiDori!. CO. COIIK. 
 
 [W. I.tiwri'ivr. riiil.lin 
 
 ganda, where he finished his theological course, took his degrees, and 
 in 1870 was ordained priest. 
 
 Before sailing for home he \isited the i)rinci[)al cities of luirope, 
 and familiarised himself with the great libraries 'S (he continentpl 
 capitals. On his return to Canada, he was appcii 'eJ jjarish priest 
 oC Adjala, one o; the largest and most important rural parishe."; in the 
 territorially large diocese of Toronto. 1 he young priest threw himself 
 heart and soui into the missionary work that lay before him, and during 
 the five years of his pastorship he added materially to the ecclesiastical 
 buildings of the j)arish. In recognition of his unflngging zeal and 
 executive ability, he was appointed at the early age of twenty -eight 
 
 I 
 
 I I 
 
v'lv 
 
 58 
 
 IRISH HACK COXVESTWN. 
 
 to tlic fuctorshii) of St. Mi(ii;ul'.s (."allieilral, 'rttroiUo, Imt owing to 
 ill health and pressure of hard work he was romiielleil to resign that 
 very iiM|)ort,iiit position and remove to the rural parish of Newmarket, 
 where he remained ei(,'lil years. J<y his active identifiration with the 
 <i\il .and soci.d interests of the town, .'iiiil th(; surrounding country, 
 he hroke down the intense intolerance and bigotry for whi<h the 
 County of North Yoik was notori(jus. In 1884, the De.in was ap- 
 l)ointed [ja.stor of the city of St. Catherine's, and Dean of the 
 Niagara I'eninsula, and when leaving Newmarkel a public meeting 
 was convened, |)resicle(' over by the Mayor, who, in the name of th:; 
 I'roteslants of Newmarket anil surrounding country, pre.seiUed him 
 with an address and .1 valuable testimonial. The work which he has 
 accomplished in Si. Catherine's will lie a lasting tribute to his energy, 
 enterjirise and .ability. J)iiring the twelve ytNirs of his pastorate, he 
 ex])ended over t'70,000 in the construction of ccclesixstiral and educa- 
 tional buildings, so thr't to-day the parish of St. Catherine's is materially 
 ]iirli;i|is tin; most comjilete in the wholt; province. Apart from his 
 spiritii.il .mil pariichlal work, the Dean has been prominently identifie 1 
 with the progress and ilevelnpmeiit of secular and religious education, 
 and in recognition of his acli\e interest in the educational institutions 
 of the province, he was seli.'cted in 1885 |iresiilenl of the Mechanics' 
 Institute Association of Ontario, comjirising a meml)ership of 25,000. 
 This was the first time in the history of the Association that a Catholic 
 Wits chosen fur this exalted oflice, and it was a public tribute to the 
 Dean'.s success in spreading jirincipals of liberality .and kindly feeling 
 among Catholics and I'roteslants in the most |iopulous and inlluenti.il 
 province of the Dominion. As a .scholar he ranks high among the 
 literary men of Canada, being a freipient contributor to the leading; 
 magazini and newspa|>ers. His "History of the Early Missions in 
 Western (Canada," and his work on the " Catholic Church in the Niagara 
 Peninsula," live fixed his position in the (!alholic li!',rature of his 
 ci)untry for all time'. Referring ti> his work on the early Indian 
 Missions, the DulTalo E.r.prcsx characterised it, as among the ablest 
 productinns of Canadian aiithfirs, itnohing an amount of research 
 and patient investigation, that was siinjilj maiTellous in one who is 
 occii|)ied with the work and interests of a large parish. IJefore enter- 
 ing the jiriesthood. Dean Harris was distinguished .as an athlete, and 
 ill i86g took the "Cold Medal and Chani|iIonship of the Doniinitm" 
 in general alhlitics. I lis s|)ceches at the Irish Race Convention, and 
 in the North ,ind West of Ireland, are yet fresh in the memories of 
 our people, and mark'_-d him as a jiriest of great ability and clotiuence. 
 As a Catholic author, historian and litterateur, he is recognised all 
 over the Dominion, and is rated among the foremost of his day. His 
 style is singularly his own, and he aims at making ;i clear ,<,t,atement, 
 which can lie comprehended bv all. 
 
 
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 niOdHAl'llICAL SKETCH KS OF SI'KAKKliS. y, 
 
 rilK KKV. I'AlklCK. lANClI, MANCHESTER. 
 
 'I'liic ('liiircli of St. Wilfriil, M.'uiclicster. ranks amongst the oldfst 
 ■liiirches ifi the city, St. Mary's, Mulberry Strci'l, lifing tho ■>lik'st. 
 St. Wilfrid's was oi)lmk'i1 oil August 28tli, 1842. 'I'lic arcliitfci was 
 the cldiT I'ligiii, and it was one of tlic first cluinlK'S linill liy him. 
 Land was hoiight l>y Fatlier VVIutlakLT, who was the rector of this 
 |)()rtion of Manchester at tlie time. A large plot was secured sullicienf 
 for (liiirch, schools, and presliytery, and a iarge-si/ed Catholic cemetery 
 as well. 'The chnrch was hnilt in what was then the open conntry, 
 and on the opening day friends from Manchester had to walk through 
 the corn-fields which entirely surruunded the ciiiirch. 'I'here wen; 
 strong complaints expresse(l that the rhurch was hnilt entirely too far 
 out in the country, and tiiat 'lie congregation w<aild e\|)enence great 
 dilliculty in ha\Mig to walk so far. The .scene around St. Wilfrid'^ 
 has (hanged sin<e then. The fields of waving rorn are gone, giving 
 place to the hard stone pavement of the streets, and instead of thft 
 twitter of the birds in the hedges is now heard both night and day 
 the nimble of a traflic. with the ends of tiie earth. The present Ijoys' 
 school wiis built four or five years after the opening of the ciuirch. 
 It was divided by a |)arlition into two portions, one for boys, the 
 other for girls. Later on the present girls' school was built, tlie 
 memorial stone of which was laid by the late Itisiioi) Turner. In 
 1894-5 the i)resent extension to the scIxhpIs was built, the foundation 
 stone being laid by his lonishii), ])r. Uiisborrow. It aflurds aceoiii- 
 m idalioii for about 250 chiMren. 
 
 I'aliier VV'hittaker did not long remain rector of .St. Wilfriii's. IL' 
 was -emoved to Li\erpool, and died a martyr to priestly tluty in tlie 
 great Liverpool fever plague. lie was sii''ceede(l m 1844 by 
 Canon Toole. Though Canon Toole did not build the church he 
 Wiis in the truest .sense of the term the "founder" of St. VVi'frid's. 
 There were few ( "atholic clergymen so well known in Lancashire 40 years 
 ago as Canon Toole. He was a man of great learning an<l powerful 
 intellect. In letters, sermons, and s|)oeches the mighty strength of 
 the man showed itself. He never played a coward's part, or e\er 
 lowered the old flag. In the great educational battle of 1870, 
 and since, ("anon Toole's vigorous common sense, lucidity of utter- 
 ance and adherence to princijile have l.iid the Catholics under obliga- 
 tion to cherish his niemory. He filed on March loth, 1892. He 
 was succeeded by Father Lynch, the |)resent rector, on April 4tli, 189 ^ 
 
 The Rev. Patrick Lynch was born in Killariiey on March 17th, 
 181^2. He receiveil his early education in St. Hreinlan's Diocesan 
 Seminary there, and at the age of eighteen entered Maynooth. He 
 
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 IIUSII HACK CONVKATlUX 
 
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 re.nl the UMi.il Miijiiootli couisu iil |)liili)si)])liy and lliccilDgy, and at 
 the complutioii of his collegu career, vohinltcrcd to sunc in liu- Diocese 
 of Salford. 'J"ho Bishoj) of Salford (llie ])iesenl Cardinal) ordaii'.cl 
 him prifst in the Salford (Jathedral in ICS76. I'litlicr I.vnch had 
 dislin;,'ui,shcd himself so signally in Maynooth that his liisiiop ap- 
 jioinli'd him I'rofcssor of Mathematics in the college of St. ]}ede's, 
 which was just ihcn founded. .St. Itcde's College was transferred 
 from the centre of Manchester to the suhnrhs, and the district which 
 had lieeii assi^ued to (he college in the town was I'rected into a 
 sejiaralc niissiuu. uinlcr the titit' of " 'I'Ir' llnly l''amily." The young 
 
 i'roiii [ihulu l.yj 
 
 -Ml 1 i;i:ii.-)^. Aia;i:v, Ku.i.Ai;.Ni:v. 
 
 l\V. I.iiwrcnc-f, Duliliu 
 
 professor was ajjpoinled rector of the mission, as the work was one of 
 peculiar dilliculty and importance. The sugar industry was then v.i 
 a ilourisliing condition in Manchester, and the large factories in the 
 district emi)loye<l over 3,000 hands, many of whom were Catholics. 
 The closing of thcjse factories was a serious blow to the new parish, 
 and Father ],ynch had to struggle for years with a crushing burden 
 of ilebl on the mission. 'J'hough the church was very small and 
 unattractive, large congregations were the rule at all the ser\ices. 
 I'^very winter he commenced what he calleil his " winter campaign," 
 and IccIiuimI on tiie \arious jrreal truths which IVoteslaiiis regard as 
 the great dil'ticulty in Cath<)licisni. I'rotestants ahva}s attended in 
 
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nioanM'iiicAL sketch K.'i uf speakers, oi 
 
 large niiml)ers. On some occasions there were as many as three or 
 four liimdreil I'totestanls present at the sermon. I'liis led to many 
 coii\('rsi(iMs, Not oi ly in the iniljiit <li(l Father I.yncli defend tlio 
 church, but for the last twenty years the Manchcsier public are well 
 aware of his trenchant and powerful style in the ))ublic Press. But, 
 it is in the great b.ittle of Catholic rights on the iMlucation question 
 that I'atluT Lynch has done yeoman service. On (he platform an,' 
 in the Press for the past few years he is well known throughout 
 I.iUn'ashire. (h\ the Manchester School Hoard, of which he is a 
 meniber, lie was so fortunate as to carry liie famous Manchester 
 Resolution, whirh was tlic first great ('atholic victory in the present 
 ])hase of thi^ educational struggle'. Let us liope that the victory is a 
 happy omen of the final triumph. 
 
 l''ather Lynch is Ihoronghly Irish, and has tlie welfare of the 
 counliy of lis birtii \ery much at heart. He raised his voice on 
 behalf of unity, and was heard to great advantage in Dublin at the 
 great Irish Convention held in that city. His figure is well ivuown 
 in every movement f(jr the benefit of the Irish, race. 
 
 OKNKKAl. I'OST tiFKIi.i:, 1)1 l;i.lN. 
 
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 I'ATkICK DLNLKVV, PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 Patrick Dunlevv, wIki R'i)rf.sciitfil tlie riiil;ulel|)hiii Council of the 
 Irislj National I'l.'duiation of America in tiiu Cunvuntion of the Irish 
 Race held in the city of Dublin, Seiitember ist, 2nd, and 3rd, 1896, 
 was horn in the jjarisli of Clondavaddog, Fanad, County Donegal, 
 March jrd, 1848. His father w;us Ralph Dinilevy, and his mother's 
 unmarried name was Rose O'Doherty, of the parish of Clonmany, 
 in Inishowen. She was a sister of the late Rev. R. P. O'Doherty, 
 P.P., of Culdiiff, and of the late Rev. Daniel O'Doherty, P.P. of Cap- 
 pagh, Tyrone, who died in 1865. 
 
 From iilioto by] 
 
 ULKMOLl MUKlLI.li, CO. DOXKOAL. 
 
 [\V. Uiwrenoe, Dulilin 
 
 It vas in the autumn of 185 1 that our delegate's parents left 
 Ireland for Philadelphia with their family, and although their house 
 in Ireland has long been occupied as a police station, and the farm is 
 worked for the landlord, yet the place is still known to the people as 
 Ralph Dunlevy's, and they continue to be remembered with warm 
 alTectiou by the old peoi)le of Fanad and Inishowen. Mr. Dunlevy 
 attended St. Patrick's parochial school in Philadelphia, and also took 
 a course in a business college of that city. Although quite young, 
 during the Civil War in the United States he held a jjosition of 
 
 
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 liIOGIL\rniCAL SKETCHES OF SPEAKERS. 63 
 
 responsibility in the transiwrtatiou service and in tlu- meiiical and 
 engini.'ring departments of the armies, and has vivid recollections of 
 the stirring events of that great war. 
 
 He was an earnest supjxjrter of the Fenian movement, but greatly 
 deplored the dissensions tiiat split the organisation in Anicrica. He 
 was also an active member of a Catholic Literary Society and chairman 
 of its Debating Club for three years. Mr. Dunlevy joined the Catholic 
 'J'otal Abstinence movement in Philadeli)hia twenty-four years ago, 
 and devoted his time and attention to that great cause, until the Land 
 I-eague movement was startc<), when he transferred his labours and 
 a<'tlvities entirely to the Irish cause, although he is still a strong 
 advocate of total abstinence. He organised one of the first Land 
 League branches of Philadeljjhia, and also organised the Philadelphia 
 Central Union of the Land League and acted as its president until it 
 was re|)laced by the Municipal Council of the Irish National League. 
 He was president of the latter organisation when the Irish Ambassado s 
 came to the United States just before the unfortunate split. Mr. T. 
 P. Gill, who came in advance to make arrangements for the American 
 tour of the Ambassadors, was visited on his arrival in New York by 
 Mr. Dunlevy, on behalf of the Philadelphia organisation, which 
 authorized him to pledge five thousand dollars. After a conference 
 with Mr. Gill as to the prospects of thehnancial success of the contem- 
 I)lated tour, Mr. Dunlevy on returning home immediately wrote Mr. 
 Gill that the first meeting of the Ambassadors should take place in 
 Philadelphia, as they could get a better send off there than in any 
 other city of the country, especially with good financial results. Mr. 
 Gill complied with the suggestion, and the events that followed proved 
 its value. Mr. Dunlevy attended the conference that organised the 
 Irish National Federation of America in New York with Dr. Thomas 
 Addis Emmet, M.D., as president, and the late Eugene Kelly, .ts 
 treasurer, after which he with Mr. Hugh Mc-Caffrey and Mr. Michael 
 J. Kyan, and others reorganised the Irish National League into 
 the Federation, Mr. McCaffrey being unanimously elected president 
 and Mr. Dunlevy vice-president of the Philadephia Council of the 
 Irish National Federation of America. They have continued with the 
 organisation to support the cause, under great difficulty, however, 
 owing to the dissensions in Ireland. Mr. Dunlevy was a delegate to 
 the Irish Race Convention held in Chicago in the year 1881 ; and 
 he was also a delegate to the great Convention that formed the Irish 
 National League of America in Philadelphia in the year i88_^ ; and 
 further he was a delegate to the League Convention in Chicago in 
 the year 1886. For over sixteen years he has not missed a meeting 
 of the Commo<lore Rarr>' Branch, which he organised, and has hecn 
 its president during that time. He has attended every meeting of 
 
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 iKisii HACK roNVEyriox. 
 
 the Land League CeiUriil Uni<in, the National League and I'hiladeliihia 
 ^'ouiuil of the Irish Natiimal Federation of America, tluring their 
 entire existence. He lias, therefore, worked in the Irish cause to tlie 
 best of his ability, and it was on that account that he was selected 
 to rc|iri'Sfiit riiiladdpliia in the late Dublin (Convention, his associates 
 knowing full well that lie would do his utmost to bring idiout a reunion 
 in the Irish Party and represent their sentiments on that \ital (luestion. 
 Mr. Dunlevy has never sought ])referment in the Irish-American 
 organisation, but he has been repeatedly honoured therein, and has 
 the good will of e\ery jiractical worker in the cause in his adopted city. 
 
 While on his way to the Conventiim from I'hiladelphia to Dublin 
 Mr. Diuilevy accompanied the aged Mrs. I'arnell, mother of the late 
 Charles .Stewart I'arnell. They were by accident on the steamship, 
 Mrs. I'arnell feoing un a visit to her daughter, Mrs. Dickenson, at Mray. 
 Mr. Dunlevy and Mrs. I'arnell have been friends in the States for many 
 years, and he attended the old lady to Dublin. 
 
 Mr. Dunlevy is at present employed by the McCaffrey File Company 
 of I'hiladelphia, of whiih company, Mr. Hugh McCaffrey, with whom 
 Mr. Dunlevy has been associated during all the present Irisli nio\enient, 
 is the ])resident. 
 
 The Irishmen and their tiescendants in Philadelphia have given 
 practical evidence of their desire to see Ireland a self-governing nation ; 
 ami it was owing to business and jirofessional engagements that Mr. 
 Dunlevy had not a nimiber of colleagues from the Quaker City to 
 l>artici|)ate in the (leIilx;rations of the Convention. .Self-sacrificing 
 friends of the cause like Hugh McCaffrey, the elo(iuent young Trish- 
 .\merican Michael J. Ryan, Edward Logue, and the Kev. Thomas 
 Barry, would have attended the Convention, but tlicv were un- 
 avoidably detained from joining in the appeal for unity. 
 
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 moGUAViiicAi, sKi'.TciiKs Or sri:AKi-:i{s. (>$ 
 
 VERY REV. DK. I'Or.RY, IIAIJKAX, CANADA. 
 
 Among the many delegates from abroad at tlie Irish Race Convention, 
 there was, jHTliaps, noni; liiat madi- a nuin- distinct and favourahle 
 impression tium the Rev. Dr. \Vm. Foli'y, Halifax, Nova Scotia. 
 I'hysically, a splendid fiRiire, a pleasing presence, and delightful 
 nianiier, still in the jirinie of VDUthfiil \i(;iiiir, a \()ice musical yet articu- 
 late, his speech, which was clDiiiicnt and lo llu- puint, was listcncil 
 to with rapt attention liy the vast asfifmhly. 
 
 He was horn at Halifax, Nova Scotia, in 1866. His preliminary 
 studies were made at St. M.ary's College, Halifax, and his studies in 
 
 .-^^UiSaifip^^u 
 
 OIANT S CAC.--liVVAV. 
 
 theology were made at Laval University, (Quebec, I'rovince of (,)uebeL\ 
 Here he took the degree of D.l)., with marked distinct; .1. Since 
 then he has been l(x?ated in St. Patrick's parish, and also in St. Mary's. 
 Halifax. In both he had charge of the religious societies, for which 
 these parishes ore remarkable, and siiared no pains to conduct thenr 
 elliciently. Eloquent in s|)eech, and intensely interested in the wel- 
 fare and prosperity of Ireland, he never loses an oj)j)ortunity to further 
 the Irish cause. That the national movement is \ery dear to him, 
 was aliundanlly e\ident to those whose pri\ilcge it was to listen to 
 his soul-stirring speech in the I.einster Hall. That S|)eech, it may 
 be taken, was a sufficient proof of his powers in oratory, and his zeal 
 in the Irish cause. The Irishmen of Halifax, and their friendf, 
 n)it;ht well feel proud of their re|iresentative. 
 
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 MARTIN KENNKDV, WFJ,I,IN{;TON, NEW /KALAND. 
 
 \\\<. Makiin Ki'.nnk.dv, one of the ilircrtors of the Hank of New 
 /caland, lias \m^ l)ccn a i.roiiiinciU colonisl. Allradcil by the 
 Aii.stt.ilian Kokl rush, Mr. Kennedy left the Old I,an<l, and in January, 
 isr.o, nirivcd in Vidnri.i, where for some twelve months he took an 
 active part at the diggings. The news of ti>e riili discoveries in Ulago, 
 which was carried by every vessel across the Tasman Sea, inihued the 
 Md)ject of this notice to cross over to New Zealand in company with 
 manv others criiially enterprising and snnt;nine. Ot.igo gcnenllv, nntl 
 
 (11,11 U l.Ill imniUIC AND .Ml.iaiKll <)!■■ WATHIIM, Kll.I,/> UNKV. 
 
 the city of I )inicdin ])articularly, arc indebted for the progress since made, 
 to the i)Ush, ability and determination of the new colonists, who took their 
 share in the i.vents of the stirring times that followed their advent. 
 L'ntil 1865 Mr. Kennedy and his brother carried on business as 
 merchaiits at Qucenstown, on Lake Wakatipu. .^t the beginning of 
 the West Coast rush Mr. Kennedy removed to ("ireymouth, where for 
 over twenty years he held a leading position as a nierchar.t. While 
 resident on the Coast he was always foremost to assist any 'cgitimate 
 enterprise that had for its object the dcvelopiDcnt of the resources of 
 the country. He was largely interested in gold mining in all [)arts of 
 the West Coast, giving his lime and experience cheerfully to further the 
 interests of the vrntures with which he was connected. Mr. Kennedy 
 acquired, in 1874, a considerable share in the coal mines at Brunnerton, 
 
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 ' I to wliicli he licgiin to <lfv<)tu ii lar^c sliarc of Ins liino. Ills diiliis in 
 
 '. coniKTiioii Willi llii' nunc hi'cainc so onerous lliat in iSSo lie disi-on- 
 
 1,^;., I ] liiiiud the iiier(aiitilc biisincfs and devoted himself entirely to lliem. 
 
 It w,is nf)t Imin liefore Mr. Kennedy liecanie sole pro| rietor of tlio 
 Urunner Colliery anil the steam colliers em|ilo>ed in the trade. For 
 ^ yeais he conducted a larj;u business as a coal-mine |ir()|irietor, l>ut in 
 
 ^ iHSS he amain.iinated his colliery with the Wist|)oil Compaiiy's iiiierest 
 
 at llrunnerton. 'llic amalgamated company is well known as the (irey 
 I Valley (.'oul Company; Mr. Kciuiedy h.iving al the same time sold 
 
 half his coal interest, as well as all his steamboat interest to the 
 ' ' Union Steamship (Joinpany, became niaiiagiiij,' director of the C>rey 
 
 ' , \'alley Coal Company, and took up his abode in the Kmpire City in 
 
 the following year. At this lime he also took the manaying director- 
 ship of tiic company which [lurchascd .Messrs. Staples ami Co.'s 
 I brewery .it 'riioriulon. Mr. Kennedy is the propiietor of a sheep-run 
 
 in tile \Vairarapa, besides wliicli he is interested in otiier local under- 
 takings, and acts as a director of i-everal companies. In 1.S7O he was 
 returned as a member of tlic House of Representatives for the Cirey 
 Electorate District. I'inding, after serving for two sessions, that he 
 could not give the time re(|uired he resigned his seat, and has 
 ' not since entered tlie political aieiui. .Mr. Kennedy, who is a 
 
 native of County 'rip[)erary, Ireland, where lie was born in 
 iS.ji, is at present resident in Wellington, New Zealand, and had 
 a real genuine Irisli welcoinu from liis friends in lielind, on the 
 occasion of attending the Irish Race Convention in 1 )ul)liii, where he 
 was deputed to re[)resent the Irishmen of New Zealand. Tlie reeeption 
 accorded him was, if (lossible, even more hearty on his return home to 
 Weliington. A mass meeting was iield in St. I'atiick's Hall, in tlie 
 name of the Wellington liianch of tiie Irish National Federation, but 
 the hall was entirely inade([iiate to accommodate those seeking admission. 
 .Mr. Driscoll o((U|)ied the ciiair, and a very interesting address was 
 delivered by Mr. Kennedy, who sealed his convictions by there and 
 then iiromising ^'50 to the Irish I'arty. On the motion of tlie Rev. 
 Father Devoy, seconded by Mr. Twoniey, a vote of tiianks to Mr. 
 Kennedy was carried amidst loud and prolonged applause. 
 
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 IRiail RACE COX VENT ION. 
 
 KI'V. GEORGE V. MARSHALL, NEW HAMPSHIRE, U.S.A. 
 
 Rev. Geo. F. Marshall, rector St. Paul's Church, Milford, New 
 Hampshire, U.S.A., delegate of the Manchester Federation, and 
 delegate at large from tlie ]''ederation of America was born at Mount 
 Nicliolas, Jiallymacrlligott, Kerry, on January I'^rd, 1S59. Having 
 attended ihe National Schools of his native parish, on the commence- 
 ment of his seventeenth year, he entered the Seminary of Holy CrosSi 
 Tralee, and had the good fortinie of ha\ing Mr. T. Harrington, now 
 M.l'., for one of his professors. Moreover, through the great kindness of 
 
 From photo by] 
 
 DBUNO HILL, ROSS BAY, CO. KERRY. 
 
 [W. Lawrence, Dublin 
 
 the Very Rev. Louis J. Hickey, O.P., now Prodncial of his order, 
 and also the Very Rev. John Ryan, O.P., for some time Prior of Holy 
 Cross, every opportunity was afforded him to advance in his studies. 
 After a three years' course of classics, he reluctantly gave up his 
 studies, and during the few years intervening, between his leaving 
 Ireland and emigration to Canada, in search of health and strength, 
 his time was occupied in doing a little work for the branch of the 
 Land League established in his parish, and in the enjoyment 
 of the prison life provided for hundreds of his fellow country- 
 men under the various Coercion Acts. The Land League 
 
 
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 BIOGRAI'IIICAL SKETCHES OF SPEAKERS, bij 
 
 'iiovemeiit gave courage tu young and old, but soon the strong hands 
 of the Government were laid on those who helped the good work 
 among the people. Efforts were made to induce young Land Leaguers 
 to emigrate ; threats of eviction against their parents had not the 
 desired effect, and so the jails were prepared. The " peelers' ' eyes were 
 on them, and it was not long until the subject of this sketch found 
 himself arrested for a moonlight laid made in his neighbourhoofl. 
 The usual investigation was held, but a pair of magistrates and a 
 police sub-inspector were baffled in their efforts. On the evening 
 of the release of the prisoner and his companions, the people for 
 miles around gave evidence of their satisfaction, as the many bonfires 
 blazing on the hills around testified, but tliis liberty was of short 
 duration, and the Coercion Act of 1881 in a few days had thi 
 erstwhile prisoner within its all embracing net, for at midnight, on 
 April 3rd, an arrest was made, and by the next twilight Geo. F. 
 Marshall was witliin the gates of Kilmainham prison, Dublin, to 
 remain there as long as the Coercion Act was in force, or until such 
 time as a promise would be given by him of no further interference 
 in the Land League agitation. This promise never given left to the 
 prisoner a prospect of eighteen months' close confinement, but his ill 
 health forced the authorities to liberate him after eight months. 
 Land League work, and distributing to the evicted tenants and to 
 the families of the suspects the funds given to him for that purpose, 
 made him again an inmate of the prison, and by the time of his release 
 on August 31st, 1882, he had been confined in the prisons of Clonmel, 
 Naas, Enniskillen, and Kilmainham, journeying from one place to 
 another. Finally, he was again free, and the Coercion Act being about 
 to expire, he found himself in a position to leave the country. The 
 scene changes. An October morning finds the exile, friendless and 
 alone on the wharf at Quebec, and where to turn to is the question 
 he naturally puts himself. Prison life had left him but very little 
 strength. Nights without sleep, by reason of the watch-cry of ths 
 guards, made him a victim of insomnia, and it was hard to realise he 
 should again find health ir. the woods of Canada. The winter setting 
 in, however, he turns his eyes southward, and enters after a two days' 
 and nights' weary ride the great city of New York, where he makes up 
 his mind to return to Ireland. But he is dissuaded, and goes to the 
 New England States, where he finds employment. He afterwards 
 entered a Maryland college. A year having passed, he entered 
 Manhattan College, New York, and was received into the Senior 
 class, and he found himself soon qualified to enter on the study of 
 theology, becoming affiliated with the newly erected Diocese of Man- 
 chester. He subsequently entered the Grand Seminary under the 
 care of the Suipitian Fathers, Montreal, Canada. 
 
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 70 IRISH RACE CONVENTION. 
 
 During three years and three months the subject of our sketch 
 l)ur.sueil his studies, and notwithstanding the insomnia contracted in 
 prison, a])piied himself with diligence, and in due course was raised 
 to the priesthood by the Right Rev. the Bishop of Sherbrooke, Canada. 
 .Since then Father Marshall has been engaged in the work of the 
 ministry as assistant priest in the populous city of Manchester, as 
 I)ast()r on many missions on the borders of Canada, and .as rector of 
 the church over which he now presides. He was a few months only 
 in charge of this church, when two of Manchester's leading Irish 
 citizens visited him, and requested him to become delegate of their 
 branch of the Federation to the Convention of the Irish Race. 
 Father Marshall went joyfully on his mission, and had the great and 
 never to he forgotten pleasure of being present at the memorable 
 Convention. 
 
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 lUOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES OF SPEAKERS. 71 
 
 REV. M. A. CLANCY, PLACENTIA, NEWFOUNDLAND. 
 
 The Rev. M. A. Clani.y was bom in Ennis, County Clare, on September 
 14th, 1843. Educated at the Christian Brothers' .^chools, and sub- 
 sequently at St. Finnian's College in his native town, he entered May- 
 nooth in September, 1863. Having there read a distinguished rhetoric 
 ami philosophy course, and begun his theological studies, he became 
 a student of the English College in Bruges, Belgium, in 1867, and in 
 November, 1871, was ordained prie-.t for the diocese of St. John's, 
 Newfoundland. In that diocese he filled for a year the position of 
 professor in St. Bonaventure's College, and chaplain to the Sisters of 
 ^^ercy, Belvedere, St. John's, and was then for two years curate in 
 
 AMPllrrilEATRE, KILKEE, CO. CLARE. 
 
 Salmonier, and for three years administrator of Ferryland. In 1877 
 he was appointed pastor of Ferryland, and was transferred in 1884 to 
 the more important parish of Placentia. 
 
 During all his life, as a boy, a student, and a priest. Father Clancy 
 has been distinguished for assiduous attention to duty, and intense love 
 of Ireland. Well-read, eloquent, honest, and fearless, he has every- 
 where been a stout struggler in the cause of Faith and Fatherland. 
 When the Irishmen of Newfoundland, in public meeting in St. John's, 
 in August, 1896, proceeded to select delegates for the Irish Race Con- 
 vention, Father Clancy was unanimously chosen along with J. D. 
 Ryan, Esq., of St. John's, to represent at home the men and women 
 whose hearts beat tiue to Ireland among the ice and snows of Terra 
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 IRTSn If ACE rnXVEXTWX. 
 
 REV. EDWARD S. PHILLIPS, WILKESHARRE, 
 PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 TiiL Rev. Edward S. Philli[)S, delegate to the Irish Race Convention, 
 and member of the Municipal Cnuiicil of the I.N. Federation of 
 Wilkesbarre, was born near Ilawley, Wayne County, Penn.sylvania, 
 October 4th, 1857, and is son of Edward Phillips and Mary O'Hara, 
 formerly of County Mayo, Ireland, being youngest of the family. 
 As a boy he attended the public schools at Pittson, and he received 
 porticn of his cla.ssical education from Father Finnen, then Vicar 
 General of the Diocese of Scranton, and pasto*- of St. John's Church, 
 Pittson. His studies were afterwards made at St. Charles College, 
 EUicot City, Maryland. He studied philosophy and theology at St. 
 Charles Seminary, Philadeljjhia, and was ordained priest 27th 
 Sc|>teniber, 1881, in the cathedral at Scranton, by the Right Rev. Dr. 
 O'Hara. He was engaged in missionary work for two years at the 
 cathedral, after which he was located in various parts of the diocese, 
 principally Ha2elton, and came to Plains, Juno 30th, 1888, as pastor 
 of the Sacred Heart Church, which has a congregation of more than 
 two thousand .souls. Here, there are parochial schools, conducted 
 by the Sisters of Mercy, of the adjacent Convent, where Mrs. Mary 
 Carolan McQuade, a native of Carrickmacross, Ireland, is Rev. 
 Mother. There are about three hundred and fifty pupils in attendance. 
 The Convent of Mercy is beautifully situated, and the grounds are 
 spacious and attractive. As a priest, Father Phillips' career has been 
 most successful, and while ever securing the confidence of his own 
 charge, commands the esteem and admiration of all classes. 
 
 On the occasion of the notable visit of Messrs. Parnell and Dillon 
 to America, he was so struck with their description of the poverty 
 and persecutions of the Irish peo[)le by an alien government, that 
 he heartily resolved to do everything within the limit of his power 
 to redress their grievances. He has been faithful to his resolutions, 
 and while liberal in his contributions, his voice and pen are ever at 
 the .service of the Irish cause. 
 
 
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 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES OF SPEAKERS. 73 
 
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 JOHN FERGUSON', GLASGOW. 
 
 Of good j)hysi(iiie, and endowed witli vigorous attributes of mii'd and 
 body, John .Ferguson, ui tiie firm of Cameron, Ferguson 
 and Co., lias made iiimself known as a writer and speaker 
 on Home Rule, social and politico-economic subjects throughout the 
 three kingdoms. He has been often requested to stand for Irish and 
 Scotch constituencies, but has always refused the honour of sitting 
 at Westminster. His municipal career has been a great success. He 
 
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 has created a spirit amongst the working men that has sent him a 
 strong band of supporters, and he has told the Council he will change 
 its convictions, or change its members. He represents the Fourth 
 Ward, which is the only one in the city that returns three members 
 who are ardent single-taxers, all three being disciples of Henry 
 George, and members of the Executive of the Scottish Land Restora 
 tion Union. Mr. Ferguson was born in County Antrim in 1836, an! 
 is, therefore, sixty-one years of age. He received his early education 
 chiefly at Belfast. While young he did not enter very much into 
 political life, his attention being devoted to religious movements. He 
 
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 f/{rsn If ACE CONVENTION. 
 
 was closely identified with Church of England affairs, and Young Mens 
 Christian Associations. He came to Glasgow in 1859 with the usual 
 prejudices acquired in high-class schools, and liy association with the 
 ascendancy classes in Ireland amongst whom his early life was cast. 
 He had, however, learned from Professor Cliffe Leslie, of the Queen's 
 University, and other distinguished men, in classes and in society, 
 princijjles which were calculated to destroy the conservative notions o. 
 his family surroundings, and these speedily made themselves manifest 
 in the more liberal atmosphere of Scotland. While passing down 
 Nelson Street, in Glasgow, one evening his attention was arresteil by 
 a loud and animated discussion, the sound of which was proceeding 
 from a hall in the vicinity. He entered. A fierce discussion was 
 raging. The I'ope was being denounced in all the moods and tenses, 
 and two or three Irish Catholics were fighting their political battles 
 against great odds. Although the religious princi]>les as personified 
 in the person of the Pope were doubtless objectionable to one reared 
 as Mr. Ferguson had been, his broad humanitarian sympathies took 
 him to the Irish side, and he found himself hotly discussing the Irish 
 land question with men who seemed to think that tenant-right was 
 robbery of landlords, and a principle that only Papists or immoral 
 men could think of admitting. As years rolled on he became more 
 closely associated, no' only in Glasgow, but all over the Empire, with 
 his countrymen — that is to say, in the main with Catholics — though 
 not altogether, as there were always some Protestant Irish Nationalists, 
 until he fleemed the time had come to lift the standard of revolt on 
 that side of the water, and the first Home Rule Association in Great 
 Britain was established in Glasgow. He entered heart and soul into 
 the movement, with the result that several branches were formed 
 throughout Great Britajn. He was the moving spirit in the Glasgow 
 body, which for years was visited by such leading Irishmen as Isaac 
 Butt, John Martin, A. M. Sullivan, Father O'Malley, Rev. Isaac 
 Nelson, Professor Galbraith, Charles Stewart Parnell, and a host of 
 others who addressed crowded meetings of Irish Nationalists in the 
 City Hall. Ugly language was used about this time by the Press as 
 to driving all Irishmen out of Scotland. Mr. Ferguson thought it 
 necessary to organise vast processions of Irishmen in Glasgow, number- 
 ing from ,^0,000 to 50,000, in order to show that if such were 
 attempted Anti-Irishmen would have more work on their hands than 
 they were aware of. His business .suffered greatly at this time, it 
 being no uncommon thing for his firm to receive on the morning 
 following a demonstration in which he had taken part half a dozen 
 letters enclosing cheques and closing accounts, as the senders could 
 have nothing to do with Home Rulers, for it must be remembered 
 that Home Rule at that time occupied such a position that The 
 
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 niOGRAPIUCAL SKETCHES OF SPEAKERS. 75 
 
 Glasijow Ilcni/tl in an editorial imce aaked Mr. Ferguson: "Come 
 now, Ix' frank; do yon rually bi'lie\e tlial ever a i.me will come wh;'ii 
 you will lui\e a .Scotchman believing in Homo Rule?" Mr. I'erguson 
 answered ; " Ve.s, because the Scotch nation is eminently clear-headed 
 and logical. Home Rule is as necessary a conclusion in politics as 
 that 3 and 3 are 6 in arithmetic. Jt is bound to come." 'I'o show how 
 the liatreil to Jlome Rule displayed itself prior to the conversion (jf 
 the Liberal Party in 1885, it may be mentioned that while at Spring- 
 burn holding a meeting with 20,000 Irish Nationalists around him, 
 rifle bullets were fired at those on the |)latform and took efTect upon 
 two persons. A man was arrested, proof wiis given, and the authorities 
 thought six weeks sulVicient for shooting two Home Rulers. About 
 the same time a rifle bullet wius fired at Mr. Ferguson's house at 
 Lenzie, and the perforation in the plate pane is there still as a testi- 
 mony to the evil spirit created by the I'ress of Scotland at that time. 
 It would be a lesson to many Scottish Home Rulers who now cheer 
 Mr. Ferguson when he apjKjars at public meetings were they to turn 
 back to '76 or '79 and read the misrepresentations of Home Rule 
 and Mr. Ferguson that then ajjpeared in the daily ])ress. Mr. Ferguson 
 was one of the originators of the Irish Land League, which was 
 started by half a dozen men, the first meeting being held at 
 Irishtown, in the County Mayo. At the meeting he expounded the 
 land-for-the-people doctrine. His colleague at the time was Mr. 
 Thomas Drennan, who advocated the principles of advanced 
 Nationalism. Mr. Michael Davitt was another of his colleagues, and 
 would have been at the Irishtown meeting but for missing a train. 
 Had he been present he would have addressed the meeting within 
 view of the spot from which his parents were evicted in his youthful 
 days. The subject of our sketch was the first to proclaim Charles 
 Stewart Parnell leader of the Irish nation, and expressions of surprise 
 from his friends was the result. Mr. Parnell was first publicly de- 
 clared leader at a meeting in Glasgow, and also subsequently at 
 Liverpool, Mr. Ferguson accompanying him there. He has delivered 
 over 1,200 platform addresses in England and Scotland, and written 
 over 1,400 articles and letters upon economic and political questions. 
 He was in thorough accord with Henry (Jeorge when he 
 published " Progress and Poverty," Mr. George sent him a copy from 
 America, saying he would shortly visit Europe, and would like to talk 
 its contents over with him, and discuss their points of difference on 
 " capital as a factor in production, and the population question, with 
 Michael Davitt, say, as umpire." Mr. Ferguson attended the Irish 
 Race Convention, and delivered a speech of great power. 
 
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 VALKNCIA, 10. KKIlllY. 
 
 REV. PATRICK V. FLVNN. 
 
 There were few speakers at the Iri.sh Race Convention, who attracted 
 so miirh general attention in the Press and otherwise, as (lid the Rev. 
 I'atriik !•'. J'iynn, P.P., ]iallyi)rii-ken, Waterford. Father Fiynn clearly 
 did not seek notoriety, hiil was most sincere in his efforts to bring al)out 
 unity, and was eviilently anxious to do his very best in the interest of 
 Ireland. The amendment which stood in his name, and which he pro- 
 posed would, if carried, at once end the sessions and the speeches, as 
 well as all the deliberations of the Convention. This, he afterwards 
 realised himself, and withdrew his amendment, but not withou'. con- 
 siderable discussion. Every'thing can be \iewed from two stand- 
 points, and thus the newspapers on the one hand prai.sed him for his 
 sincerity and honesty of puqiose, and his willingness to make sacrifice 
 in the interests of ])eace and unity, whereas on the other, this action 
 was attributed to the great pressure that was brought to bear upon him, 
 and was, therefore, adduced as a proof of the utter lack of freedom, 
 throughout the proceedings. Some again took a humorous view of 
 the situation, and the parodies were not a little amusing. The humble 
 parish priest of Hallybricken, accordingly arose one morning to find 
 himself famous. 
 
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lundnM'incAT. sketches of speakers. ^^ 
 
 llii' K.'v, I'.itrick !■'. i'lviin. IM'., Triiitty Wiili.nit, HullybrickiMi, 
 Wnti'ilonl, is A prit'st ii| iIil- Dioccsf (if Watcifonl, wIuto Iu- was liorn 
 in 1842. I'Kiiii his earlifst years he manifostcd a dfsiri' for tiu- prit-st- 
 h(X)(I, and sd shurlly after having; atlaiiu'd die raiicpnical ;\ff\ was raised 
 
 to i\w prieslh I, which had heen tiie ainliiliiin nf his hfe. He 
 
 laiioured a.s ciiriitL* in Clonniel, ami SMlisei|nendy in Dim^arvan, 
 two of the most imjiortant parisiies of the Diocese of Waterford. 
 In Ixitii, iiis rnission was most successful, and he vrtia excee(iin(;ly 
 l)o|)nhir, especially witi> tlie jioor. He was always an aMe 
 and zealous ad\<icate in the interests of eiliication, and watched 
 over the schools in the various parishes where he has been located witii 
 the greatest solicitude. He lias, too, taken an interest in the farming 
 class, and endeavoured to assist them liy his experience, always ur^'ing 
 them to ado|it newer aiid more systematic methods. l''or some time 
 he w.as Administrator of Uallylirickm, and was in due cour.se appointeil 
 parish priest. Here ho still remains, and devotes his whole energies 
 to the spiritual and temjioial welfare of his people. 
 
 Father I'lynn ha-s heen for many years connected with Irish politics, 
 and is known throughout the length and I)re.a<lth of the land, as a 
 most earnest and uncomjiromising Nationalist. He has suffered severely 
 in the Irish cause, and home patiently the misrepresentation to which 
 he was siilijected at the time of the notorious split in the Irish Party. 
 Waterford was then, as it is now, with some modifications, a strong- 
 hold of Parnellism, and hence he was obliged in support of his convic- 
 tions, to .adc.jit a very determine<l course, and part company with his 
 best friends. His greatest opponent.'!, however, admired his sincerity 
 and honesty of purpose, and most of them have since sought his friend- 
 ship. In every movement, since the earliest days of the Land League, 
 that he considered might benefit the Irish jieople he has taken part, 
 and hy his advice and counsel, as well as by his purse, endeavoured to 
 render every assistance in his ])ower. Father Flynn is jieculiarly well 
 gifted as a speaker. His voice is distinct and pleasing, and there is in 
 his manner a tone of earnestness that must command attention. He 
 is greatly esteemed among his fellow priests, who admire his gentle- 
 manliness, his i)iety, and candour. We wish him many years to rule 
 over his jiopulous and important parish, and continue to contribute 
 l)y his ability and disinterested patriotism, to the cause of Ireland. 
 
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 //.7.S7/ A'.lrV'; COSVKSTION. 
 
 AI.DKRMAN \V. J. SMYTH. 
 
 Ai.Di.KMAN \\ . J. Smviii, Mnvor of Wnturford for 1895 9(1, lias Ijcen 
 iili'iitifii'cl witli till' piililic lift- of that city for the last quartfr of a 
 ifiitiiry. Ill" is |priii(i|ial of llic firm of Mi's.srs. W. J. Smyth and 
 ('()., and ha.H always taken a |ironiinuiil part in tlio Municipal and 
 political matters affecting Watcrford. In 1879, on the return of Mr. 
 i'arncll from America, he seconded the vote of thanks and freedom of 
 the city i)assed hy the Corporation to him, tiien cotnparatively unknown, 
 and just entering on that remarkable career, which eventually ctil- 
 
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 KEOINALD'S TOWER, WATERFORD. [W. Ijiwrcnoc, Dublin 
 
 minated in his general recognition as leader of the Irish people. He 
 was an ardent sujiporter of Mr. Parnell until the unfortimate division 
 of 1890, when he felt constrained to take the side of the majority of 
 the Irish Party. For many years he was t'hairman of the Waterford 
 Uranch of the Irish National League, and was one of those deputed 
 hy the Corporation to wait on Mr. Gladstone at Hawarden, in October, 
 i886, presenting him with an addre.ss and casket. 
 
 Alderman Smyth attended the Convention of the Irish Race held 
 in Dublin, and seconded an amendment proposed by Father Flynn, 
 
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niOGlfAPIlICAL SKETCH KS OF A'/'AMA'AVW. 79 
 
 Walfrforcl, its [)iirix)rt Loing that a committee uf those assembled he 
 appointed to confer togetiier, and investigate the differences among 
 the sections of Nationahsts, with a view to effect unity. The amend- 
 ment after consideraiiie discussion, was witinirawn. He has U'cn 
 twice elected by liis fellow citizens Mayo- of Waterford, lie is Justice 
 of the Peace for the County and City of Waterford, Ilarlioiir Cmn- 
 missioner, ^[aster of the Holy (ihost Hospital, an endoweil puliiie 
 institution for tiie accommodation of some seventy eiileriy respectable 
 n.itives of Waterford, and (lovernor of the County and City Infirmary. 
 
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HUSH RACE CONVENTION. 
 
 O'CONNOR, M.P. 
 
 Our subject is among the most prominent Irishmen in Great 
 liritain, ajid a leading member of the Irish Parliamentary Party. 
 We only purpose to give the leading facts in a career, which has 
 been already so brilliant, and which affords even brighter promise for 
 the fiitiirt'. Mr. O'Connor delivered a speech at the Irish Race Con- 
 vention, which for diction, force and eloquence, was the themo of 
 every tongue, and it is on account of his part in the great event, that 
 we take the liberty of penning what is necessarily an inadequate 
 sketch. 
 
 Thomas Power O'Connor, M.P. for Scotland Division of Liverp<iol, 
 eldest son of Thomas O'Connor and Teresa Power, was bom at Athlone, 
 
 NATIONAL LIBRAnV, DUBLIN. 
 
 County Roscommon, 5th October, 1848. He was first educated 
 at the College of the Immaculate Conception, Athlone, and afterwards 
 at the Queen's College, Galway, where he obtained the degrees of B.A. 
 and M.A. Coming subsequently to Dublin, he adopted journalisiii, 
 and remained for three years in connection with the Dublin Press. 
 He always sjieaks in the liighest terms of his treatment while connected 
 with Saunders' Newsletter, a Dublin Conservative journal. In 1870 
 he went to London, and obtained the sub-editorship of the Daily 
 Telcf/raph, and was afterwards employed in the I.nndon office of 
 the New York Herald. He puLlished in 1876, the first \olunie 
 of a biography- of the late Lord Beaconsfield, under the title "Ben- 
 jamin Disraeli, Earl of Beaconsfield,'' but changing his original inten- 
 tion, brought out a complete life of the then Premier, in a single 
 volume, under the title, "Lord Beaconsfield, a Biography." From a 
 
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 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES OF SPEAKERS. 8i 
 
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 litemry point of view it was universally admiroil, but a£ he was rather 
 severe on the Conservative leader, from his own political stan Ipoint, 
 his critics on that side were many and hostile. In 1880 he entered 
 Parliament as M.P. for Galway, and was soon one of the most ardent 
 and prominent supporters of Mr. Parnell. He was returned for hotli 
 Galway and Liverpool in 1885, but elected to sit for the latter, for 
 which he was re-elected in 1886, 1892, and 1895. 
 
 Mr. O'Connor visited the United States in 1881, and lectured in 
 the principal cities on the Irish cause. The tour lasted for seven 
 months, beginning in October and ending in May. His mission was 
 very successful, and his lectures were attended by crowds of Irish and 
 sympathisers with the Irish cause. In 1883 he was elected President 
 of the National League of Great Britain, and has been re-elected for 
 several years in succession. He was also re-elected at the Irish National 
 League of Great Britain meeting held in the Leinster Hall, Dublin, 
 September 4th, 1896. This is sufficient proof of the esteem in which 
 Mr. O'Connor i.s held by the Nationalists of Great Britain. Not only 
 is he a politician, but he is literary as well, and has written several works 
 in addition to his life of Lord Beaconsfield. He was in part editor 
 of the " Cabinet of Irish Literature," and has written " The Parnell 
 Movement,'' which appeared in 1885, and is regarded as one of his best 
 works. He is the author of " Gladsto'ie's House of Commons," an i 
 mo.e recently, " Napoleon." Beside;, he has written a large collection 
 of tales, essays, and magazine articles. Mr. O'Connor is a self-made 
 man, and is not ashamed to own it. He was first aiming for the Ci\il 
 Service, but some obstacle having been thrown in the way, he took to 
 journalism, and afterwards politics, and in his own word'' drifted into 
 his present position. In speaking of his career, Mr. O'Connor says 
 his whole success in life is the result of chance. But in the supposi- 
 tion, we are afraid, he sets too little value on his own ability. He 
 is still connected with journalism, and is editor and proprietor of the 
 Weekly San, having disposed of his interest in the Star and Sun 
 newspapers, both of which he founded. Being connected with the 
 Press, Mr. O'Connor was in a position to do good service to the Irish 
 cause, an opportunity of which he fully availed himself. 
 
 His motives have been impugned, and ho has been time and again 
 the subject of abuse, from those he sought to seive. We do not here 
 intend to offer a vindication of his character ; he needs no such vindica- 
 tion. The position which he holds in the Irish Party is strong confir- 
 mation of the confidence of nis colleagues, while his retention of the 
 Presidency of the Irish National League of Great Britain in such 
 unbroken succession, and his continuous re-election by the constituents 
 he now represents, are ample proof of the appreciation of the people. 
 He has simply held the position of President, because no other corld 
 
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 IRISH RACE CONVENTION. 
 
 he found to discharge its duties so ably. Though resident 
 in London, Mr. O'Connor is Irish to the core, and still retains enough 
 of the brogue to mark his nationality, and he is not ashamed of it. 
 He tflls us, that notwithstanding his long residence in England, his 
 thoughts ever turn to the home of his childhood, and land of his 
 hirtli. Physically he is a sjjlendid s])ecimen of his race, tall and 
 muscular, and iiroportionately built. When he speaks he becomes 
 twice magnifi"d. Mr. O'Connor is an orator in the proper sense of 
 the term. His voice is adai)ted for speaking, loud and articulate, 
 while his magnificent presence, his delightful diction, and appropriate 
 gesture lend 'in exceptional charm to his oratory. According to our 
 jiromise, we have but given a brief sketch of one of the ablest and best 
 known of Irish jioliticians, but we have .said enough to prove his great 
 ■■diilily and his many services to Ireland. We trust he will long 
 contiuiie to take a leading ])art in Irish politics, for which he is so 
 well adapted by his many yeans' experience and distinguished ability. 
 Ireland needs his services. 
 
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 UIOGIiAPITICAL SKETCHES OF SPEAKERS. V,^ 
 
 VERY REV. MONSIGNOR JOHN O'LEM^V. 
 
 MoNSiGNOR O'Leary, who dealt at somu length with an amendment 
 of Father Flynn's, Waterford, at the Irish Race Convention, is well 
 known in Ireland and elsewhere for his marked ability, anil for the 
 interest which he has taken through many varying years in Irish 
 politics. Though yet very young for a prelate, his career has been 
 remarkable and eventful. 
 
 Bom in the year 1850, at Timoleague, some six miles south of 
 Bandon, in a place commanding a view of one of the numerous inlets, 
 
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 EAOLE'S NEST, KILIAUN-Er. 
 
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 which from Kinsale Head to Bantry Bay, give such a charm to West 
 Cork scenery. He was first a pupil at the local school. Later he 
 attended classical schools in Clonakilty and Bandon, and then went 
 to Castleknock, where he greatly distinguished himself, gaining first 
 prizes in all his classes. Here he had the charge! of the library, and 
 had ample opportunity of developing that taste for reading, which 
 had so early manifested itself, and which has been so characteristic 
 of him ever since. From Castleknock he entered Maynooth. In 
 
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 IlilSlI RACE CONVENTION. 
 
 the great National College, there axe some six hundred students, with 
 often a hundred in one class. There is always a good deal of generous 
 and healthful comixtition, and it is recorded of our subject that he 
 pursued liis studies with great success, and camo out high in the 
 honors list each year. But on commencing his studies in theokgy, 
 his health gave way, and he was obliged in consequence, to remain 
 absent from collej;e for nearly two years. However, contrary to the 
 expectation of his fellow-students and his relatives, as well as his 
 pliysician, he rallied, and was strong enough to return to Maynooth, 
 where he was ordained jjriest in 1874. Despite his comparatively 
 feeble health, he secured honors in moral and dogmatic theology, 
 8crii)ture and Hebrew. 
 
 His first appointment was the curacy of Cape Clear. To most 
 people it would have been a veritable exile, but the bracing healthful- 
 ness and purity of the atmosphere, enabled him to regain his former 
 strength, and its very isolation forced him to seek consolation in 
 reading and literature. But all his time was not given to study. He 
 is practical as well as literary. Through him was built the pier at 
 the Cape, which had long been the hope and dream of the sturdy 
 inhabitants, but the work remained for the young curate to accomplish. 
 After endless trouble and voluminous correspondence with the Board 
 of Works, he eventually got the pier built at a cost of jQi,ooo, con- 
 sidered a great sum to be spent on a public work in Ireland at that 
 time. Ho also considerably aided the poor fishermen of Cape Clear 
 and Baltimore by encouragement and advice, as well as supplying 
 some of them with the necessary fishing gear. The results have since 
 been most gratifying. His next mission was Union Hall, a district 
 picturesquely situated between Castletownshend and Glandore, one 
 of the most charming districts in Ireland. In his second appoint- 
 ment he became equally endeared to his people for his piety and 
 zeal, and his general interest on their behalf. He was afterwards 
 appointed curate of Clonakilty, where he became associated with the 
 Land League, being horror stricken at the dreaded ravages made by 
 landlordism in Ireland. His name was prominently brought before the 
 public on the occasion of his celebrated disputation with Bence Jones, 
 on the relations of the Irish landlord and tenant. Bence Jones was 
 then in the height of his j-ower and glory in Clonakilty, and be'ng 
 something of a litterateur, wielded a facile and caustic pen. He 
 practised in early life as a barrister in London, and with such qualifica- 
 tions, it was difficult to expect a practically inexperienced and obscure 
 Catholic curate, to successfully combat so doughty a foeman. Father 
 O'L^ary, however, was equal to the occasion, and exposed landlord 
 tactics so ably in the Cotifcmporary Review, that many of the 
 literary journals pronounced one of his articles the best in the Con- 
 
 
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 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES OF SPEAKERS. 85 
 
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 temporary for the inoiiih. Congratulations were forthwith showered 
 upon him, from every part of the United Kingdom. 
 
 Though he took a leading part in the land agitation, and hardly 
 missed an opportunity of attending a Land League meeting, when he 
 considered his presence might be reciuired, it was liis invariable rule 
 never to be absent from any duty of the parish, a resolve which he 
 fixedly and rigidly observed. Thus he was known to make a speech 
 at a I'arnell baiKjuet at Cork at midnight and return to Clonakilty, 
 and resume his duties without any rest ; to attend a meeting in 
 Dublin, returning by the night mail to Bandon, whence he took an 
 outside car for home, lest he might disappoint his people of the 
 morning ^L1SS. Overwork, in due time, told \i\)on his constitution, 
 at no time very robust. He was obliged to take a somewhat 
 lengthened holiday, but he soon recovered sufficiently to undertake 
 the administratorship of the Bishop's parish of Skibbereen. This 
 important charge he undertook in the year 1884. He was appointed 
 parish priest of Clonakilty, and Vicar Forane in 1889. Lately he has 
 been raised to the dignity of domestic prelate, by His Holiness Leo 
 XHL, and at the time this dignity was conferred upon him, was prob- 
 ably the youngest prelate in the Catholic world outside Rome. In 
 private life he is a sterling friend, gentlemanly and accomplished. He 
 is a close student of contemporary history, while his literary produc- 
 tions are marked by great clearness and force. At one time it was 
 intended he should prepare for the bar. Had this intention been 
 carried out, the Church would have lost a model, zealous and 
 patriotic priest, and there is little doubt the law would have acquired 
 a brilliant and accomplished member. 
 
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 »f< Jh'l^/I liACl'J CUi\ VENT ION. 
 
 REV. WlLl-LUl MEAGHER. 
 
 'J'HE Rl'V. William MtiiglitT, the worthy and patriotic curate of St. 
 Mary's (,'loiiiiiel, comes of an old and resjiected family in County 
 'l'i|il)eiary, whence he drew his insiiiralions of piety and patriotism, 
 lie was ordained in the Kilkenny Cathedral, on Rosary Sunday, 1872, 
 at the coniparati\ely eiirly age of twenty-four, by Cardinal Moran, 
 Sydney, Init then Ui.shop of Ossory. Three brothers of the family 
 joined the sacred ministry; of these two are still in the Diocese of 
 Waterford, including the subject of this sketch, and the third. Rev. 
 Jeremiaii Meagher, is lately deceased. Soon after his ordination, 
 he was appointed curate of St. Mary's, Clonmel, and it has been 
 the scene of his labours for ijuarter of a century, except during the 
 brief period of his transfer, by the Most Rev. Dr. Egan, to Cahir. 
 But he was shortly re-apix)inted to Clonmel, to the great joy of his 
 former parishioners. 
 
 Father Meagher, though a sterling and unswer\'ing patriot, has 
 endeared himself to ill classes in Clonmel, and he is known over most 
 of the Southern Irish Counties for his patriotism, his piety, and his 
 genuine kindliness of heart. On the occasion of the memorable 
 sheriff's sales, 31st May, 1880, when the soldiers charged the people, 
 he with Dean Kinane, of Cashel, and other priests, and some influen- 
 tial laymen, stood by the crowd and averted what might have been 
 a terrible scene of bloodshed. In every iiolitical agitation since be- 
 coming a priest, he nobly espoused the cause of the people, and was 
 vice-president of the National League of Clonmel at a very early stage. 
 He also held the same position when the National League was re- 
 placed by the Irish National Federation. At the Parnell split, he 
 boldly stood by the majority of the Irish Party, and although the 
 Parnellites mustered strong at Clonmel, more than once they gave 
 proof of their esteem and respect for him, albeit his political views 
 were very different from theirs. But, perhaps, he is most esteemed for 
 his sympathy with the poor and his interest on behalf of the struggling 
 tenantry. He has been instrumental in effecting settlements between 
 landlords and tenants in cases where all such hope had been long 
 abandoned. No wonder that Father Meagher's name is enshrined 
 in the hearts of his people. 
 
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 niOGRAPIIICAL SKETCHES OF SPEAKERS. 87 
 
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 WILLIAM SULLIVAN, BRADFORD. 
 
 The subject of this sketcli, Mr. William Sullivan, was a delegate to 
 the great Irish Rare Convention, from the Bradford (Vorks.) Central 
 Branch, I.N.L.Cl.B., of which branch he has l)een president for some 
 years. He was born in the city of London on 15th of August, 1855. 
 His father and mother were natives of County Cork, whence they 
 migrated to London about the year 1850. Like most of our people 
 who left Ireland about that time to find homes in Knglish centres, 
 they found it hard to make headway, and consetiuently, at an early 
 
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 CIIOMWKLI.'S nillDOE, OLENOAlUiU-F. 
 
 [W. Liiwrcnce, Dutilln 
 
 age, young Sullivan had to take to work. At the age of 18 he was 
 offered a situation in Bradford, and left London for that town in the 
 early part of 1874. After filling various positions, he received the 
 appointment in 1885 of Canadian representative of one of the largest 
 houses in the Bradford tr.ade, and continued in that position uniil 
 1893, when the loss of his sight compelled him to relinquish his post. 
 During his many trips across the Atlantic he made the acquaintance of 
 several Irishmen, who, leaving home without means or friends, have 
 made positions for themselves in the New World. Like most Atlantic 
 travellers, Mr. Sullivan has many stories to tell of things that 
 
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 IRISH RACE CONVEyriON. 
 
 happened on ship-board, but the most exciting, and no doubt, must 
 interesting to Irishmen, was his trip with Mr. (J'Hrien on board the 
 Umbria in 1887, when Mr. O'Brien went to Canada to denounce ti.o 
 evictor of Luggacurran. The excitement began at Queenstown, wherj 
 thousands were gathered on the (piay waiting the arrival of the mail 
 train. When the train steamed in, Mr. O'Brien was quickly observed 
 at the door of a carriage, and was imme>..ately surrounded by a 
 cheering throng. After sjjeaking to the crowd for some time, he came 
 on board the tender, amid the cheers of the people. When the 
 Umbria was reached, about an hour behintl time, the growling was 
 loud and deep at him who had caused the delay. Mr. O'Brien it was 
 soon seen had few friends among the saloon passengers. Many angry 
 scenes took jilace between Mr. O'Brien's friends and the Tory 
 saloon passengers, which reached a climax on Monday evening, when 
 shortly after dinner, those who were on deck heard a voice shouting 
 through the darkness, "Is that the Umliria?" Being told that it was 
 a further (juestion was asked, " Have you William O'Brien on board?" 
 Then the Tory mob howled, and from a score of throats wont forth 
 the answer, " No ; we threw him overboard at Queenstown." In the 
 midst of the tumult Mr. O'Brien came on deck with the few friends 
 he had gathered round him, and on all sides were heard "Cheers for 
 Lansdowne," and "Goil save the Queen." Mr. O'Brien himself in 
 describing this scene tells us that in the midst of their singing of 
 " CjoA save the Queen," was heard the loud baritone voice of Mr. 
 Sullivan, of Bradford, singing, " God save Ireland." When at last 
 the tender, chartered by Mr. O'Brien's friends, was permitted to come 
 alongside, and Mr. O'Brien expressed his intention of going on board, 
 it was Mr. Sullivan who accompanied him to the lower deck, whence he 
 was transferred. They met again a week after in Toronto, the scene 
 of such dastardly attacks by the Orangemen. Mr. Sullivan began his 
 active political work in Irish politics in 1880, when he joined the 
 Bradford Branch of the Land League, and was shortly afterwards 
 elected a member of the committee, and since 1881 has at various 
 times held every official position of the local branch. As a public 
 speaker, he has often been called upon to advocate the cause of 
 Ireland, and at election times has been able to render valuable assist- 
 ance to both local and Parliamentary candidates, who were friends 
 of the Irish movement. In 1893 he suffered the loss of his sight. The 
 affliction fell upon him in the city of Hamilton, Ontario, at which place 
 he was just starting a season's trip. For six weeks he lay in the 
 hospital there, under the care of Dr. Osborne, and the good Sisters 
 of St. Joseph, of whose kindness and attention he speaks in terms of 
 the highest praise. He left the hospital, his sight being but partially 
 restored, and has never fully recovered. To most men, so terrible an 
 
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 mOGRArillCAL SKETCH ES OF srEAKERS. 89 
 
 alllirtioii with all tho lirif^ht liopcs for tlie future I )lu.sto(l, nil notions of 
 political work would have come to iin end. Hut it wns not so witii 
 Mr. Sullivan. In January, 1894, lie w;is elected President of his 
 branch of the I.N.I.., and since that time h;us hceii as eiicrgrtic in the 
 cause of Ireland as before. The sympathy of his friends in Canada 
 was .shown by a very handsome testimonial contributed by a very 
 large circle of friends, and the ajjpreciation of his fellow countrymen 
 in Br.idford was ex[)ressed at the l)eginninn of 1896, when they 
 presented him with a sum of 100 guineas as a mark of their sympathy 
 in his aflliction, and their apprjciation of his work for Ireland. 
 
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 DR. VV. P. O'MEARA, SOUTHAMPTON, 
 
 Dr. W. p. O'Meara was born at BruflT, Co. Limerick, in 1862. Ho 
 was educated at the Christian Brothers' Schools and St. Patrick's 
 Seminary, of that town. His studies in medicine were made at Dublin 
 London and Edinburgh. At Edinburgh, after a brilliant examination] 
 he obtained his diplomas, and began shortly afterwards to practise in 
 London. In 1890 he removed to Southampton, where he has acquired 
 an extensive practice. 
 
 At an early age Dr. O'Meara identified himself with the Irish national 
 cause, and, when a student in Dublin, was one of the founders of the 
 D'Alton Williams Students' Society, and also of the O'Connell Branch of 
 the Irish National League. His earlier instincts did not forsake him, for 
 on coming to Southampton, he founded, and was first president of the 
 Grattan Branch of the Irish National League of Great Britain. This is 
 one of the most effective and vigorous branches in the South of England. 
 He has been its president for six years. Besides, he has been active in 
 municipal affairs, and is a prominent member of the Board of Guardians, 
 and in all elections has rendered valuable service to the Liberal Party. 
 In turn, they showed their appreciation of his aid, by electing him to the 
 important position of Surgeon to the Borough Police Force, an excep- 
 tional honour, considering his brief residence there — in all, three years. 
 Dr. O'Meara is physically a splendid specimen of an Irishman, and his 
 success in life is a further proof of the capability of his countrymen, 
 when untrammeled by prejudice, to attain the highest positions. 
 
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 IRISH UACE rnyVKSTWX. 
 
 KKV. I'lVI'KR O'l.KARV. 
 
 The Ki'V. IVtcr O'l.fary, I'.l*., Castli-lynns, roimty Cork, was born 
 at I.iscarrai^ani, half way l)clwiLn Millslrcut and Macroom. lie 
 was ordainid pric-t in 1S67, ami liardly had he entered on his 
 inissiim wiii'n he was lirouglil into (Hrcct {•unnict with the Feni.'ui 
 movement, and tiie vile calumny of I'enianism against the Irish 
 ("atliolic (iries'hdod. The priests of Ireland loidii n.it It-iid their 
 ajijiroval to a ]iiiysical for(c scheme against the Hritish fio\crnment, 
 an<l for this reason, I'Vnianism proclaimed that their object in thus 
 wilhholdinj; their assent was the m<ire to enslave their people, while 
 
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 Tt'NXKL ON KENMAHF. IIOAI). 
 
 [W. IjvwTPni'O, Dulilln 
 
 gaining for themselves some personal advantage, and thereby forfeit- 
 ing every claim to patriotism. This calumny had to l^e borne with and 
 many well meaning people accepted it as indisputable. When, however, 
 Mr. Davitt started the Land League, a platform was constructed on 
 which priests and ])enple could stand together, and openly and firmly 
 express their views. 
 
 Father O'Leary was on the mission in Chai e\ille at that time, 
 and was among the first to a.scend the new platform. It was a great 
 relief to the priesthood tif Irelan<J that they had now an opportunity 
 
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 lilUdliM'HICAL SKETCH KS OF SI' i: A K Hits. 91 
 
 j,'ivcn llu;in of clearly proving tliat their aversion to physical foreo 
 nioMMiieiit.s arose neither from an afleetion for Urilish power as exer- 
 ciMod in Irelaii'l, nor fiom fear of any personal trouhlu or danger. The 
 period wliiih elapsed l>elween the founding of the Land League, aivJ 
 (he I'ainell er'sis was a time of nndinitiieil glory lioth for people \\.\ 
 jiriests in Irelmd, and I'ather O'I.eary, during all that period, madj 
 e\ery effort to 1)C in the front rank among the workers in the caii-.c. 
 The I'arnell :ri»iis, however, proved a terrilile blow to its onward mareh, 
 and with it camo disorder and disorganisati<in in all their varied forms. 
 At length the great Convention was summoned with a view to unity 
 an<l the restoration t)f order. 'J'he good priest attended and acted 
 well his i)art in endeavouring to restalilish national unity, and heal 
 the cliffereni-es which had (!estr(jyed the uflicieni'y of the Irish I'arlia- 
 mei.lary I'arty. 
 
 
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 Hi mil HACK CUSVKSTloy. 
 
 KKV. M. H. KKNNKDY. 
 
 TiiK Kov. M. H. KciiiK'iIy, uiuler a mild exturior aiwl grunt geiitloness 
 of manner, in one of tlio mont daring and fearle.sH of Irish patrioU. 
 JJorii in Mitcliclstciwn, in 1852, and rcccivinK his early education at 
 the C'lirisli.in Drothirs' Schools, lie fell himself at an early age called 
 
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 VI'IIIEDACU'B CROSS, UOMAiirERBOICE, CO. LOl'TU. 
 
 to the ecclesiastical state. His studies were made in the Irish College, 
 Paris, and he was ordained priest in 1878. His health was somewhat 
 infirm during his entire course. After some time on the Liverpool 
 Mission, he was transferred to his native <liocese, Cloyne, and ap- 
 pointed to the curacy of Youghal. The Ntruggle on the Ponsonby 
 Estate roused him to action, and he continued to espouse the part 
 
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 UU)UUM>UIC\L tiKKTCllKti Oh' St'EAKKliS. 93 
 
 of the tciiiintry until lii.s (lepartiirf fi)r Mfi'liii 'n 1HS7. At Mi-vlin, 
 the Plan of ('aiii|iiUKii wax jiiHt estatilishi'il, and lie felt iiinstraiiiL'il tu 
 tak(! tlio |h'()I)1(,''h part. Afti-r the ("oercion Act came into operation, 
 lit- was tlirico prosecuted, and in all netitenced to eiglit months' im- 
 prisonment, Ner\in|j; hIx months of the eight, lliil thi* |>rosecutioni 
 anil im|>riNonmcnt did not in the loatit degree ahate his ardour, and 
 he continued to help and cncniirago tlie iieople, denouncing land- 
 Ion lism whenever he felt it hiii <Iuty to do so. The fight in bot'.i 
 instances en led in victory for the pi-ople. The struggle wiin a iievero 
 strain n|)on Father Kennedy's health, hut it is gratifying to have to 
 record that he haw Hince l)ocome Htrong and vigorous. IliH curacy, 
 as wo write, is HIarney, within easy reach of famed Hlarney CaMtle, 
 and its magic stone. Happily he iloes not require the aids to 
 elfxiuence which the latter is supposed to impart. Ail are agreed 
 that his speech at the Irish Race Convention was a clear and eloquent 
 statement of the pomtion of the Irish Parliamentary Party, and their 
 claims tu the support uf the people. 
 
 M. O'MKAKA. 
 
 •; 
 
 Mr. M. O'Meara, was born near Dundalk, in County Louth, 
 nth July, 1S35. He formed liis connection with tho Irish 
 National Board of £)ducation in WarreniKjint, a« early aB 1852. In 
 1854 he became [irincipal in Omeath National School, being sub' 
 secpiently traineil in Dublin, and called to special class, a privilege 
 which he was forced to decline owing to deli<-ate health. .Some years 
 later he studied navigation and nautical astronomy, obtaining first- 
 class certificates. 
 
 An ardent lover of his country, he entvred the field of jiolitics 
 on retiring from teaching in 1895. His merits were soon recognised, 
 and in 1896 he was elected Poor Law Guardian for the Dundalk 
 Union. He attended the Irish Race Convention, and suggested the 
 necessity for limiting the speeches in length, which had become, i?i 
 some cases, a little tiresome. On his return ho established a branch 
 of the Irish National Keileration, despite much persistent and influen- 
 tial opposition. This action of his at Omeath, as well aa the great 
 demonstration organised there, over which he presided, attracted 
 a great deal of attention in the Press of the United Kingdom, inas- 
 much as this was regarded as one of Mr. Healy's strongholds; Mr. 
 John Dillon attended, and the meeting was successful, notwithstanding 
 a great deal of open and determined hostility. 
 
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 94 IN/SJf RACE CONVEXTION. 
 
 JOHN U. O'HIGGINS, BOSTON. 
 
 Mr. John H. O'Higgins, wlio just nrrived from Boston, displaying some 
 of tiie fatigue and worry, incident to au Atlantic voyage, succeeded as 
 si)eaker to the Hon. Edwanl Blake at the Irish Race Comention. 
 'J"he jiosition was not one to l)e envied, under the most favourable 
 of circumstances. But Mr. O'Higgins accjuitted himself very satis- 
 factorily, considering the great odds against which he had to contend, 
 anrl ringing cheers gteeted his efforts. 
 
 He was horn in Mogeela, Coiuity Cork, Ireland, in the year i860, 
 receiving the ordinary education of the National School of his native 
 
 
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 BlIAV UEAI), CO. WICKLOW. 
 
 parish. But he endeavoured to acijuire a more extended course, and 
 applied himself privately to the study of English literature, Irish 
 history, Irish topography, and the Irish language. On coming to 
 Boston, he attended the Boston Evening High School, and also the 
 School of the Young Men's Christian Association, so that he was in 
 time, enabled to secure a distinguished position on the Press. In 1881, 
 in his twenty-first year, he was elected secretary to the Castlemartyr 
 Land League, a position which he held until leaving for America in 
 1887. He was interested in the Gaelic Athletic Club of his native 
 parish, and organised the Wolfe Tone Hurling Club. 
 
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 niOGRAPIIICAL SKETCHES OF SPEAKERS. 95 
 
 Like mi st of his countrymen he was obliged ;it first to engage 
 in whatever employment came his way, and thus was at various times, 
 in the railway department, in the office of the Boston Pilot, in that 
 of Ddiitihor's Magazine, and in the extensive stores of Messrs. Ikown, 
 Durrell and Co. He was the founder of that department in the 
 Boston Pilot devoted to the Ancient Order of Hibernians. The 
 idea was successful, and soon all the Catholic papers of the country, 
 which are Irish in tone, followed the example. Afterwards he became 
 labour editor of the Post, a position which he held until establishing 
 the Hibernian Printing and I'ublishing Company. While on the staff 
 of the Post he represented that paper at A.O.H. Conventions in 
 Omaha and Detroit being delegate at the former, and had the honour 
 of seconding the resolution to grant $50,000 to establish a Gaelic 
 Chair at the Catholic University, Washington. 
 
 Mr. O'Higgins was most energetic in founding the Irish National 
 Alliance, in Chicago, 1895, and has also taken part in founding 
 branches of that society, even in the Queen's dominions. On many 
 occasions he has publicly helped the Irish cause in Boston, having held 
 the presidency of the Wolfe Tone Branch of the Irish National Federa- 
 tion in that city. He has been also interested in Irish athletics, and 
 acteu as referee in many hotly contested matches. Founder and 
 president of Division 15, A.O.H. , Jamaica Plain, he ha-s been more- 
 over, vice-])resident of Division 25, Boston, and commander of the 
 Hibernian Knights of Division -5. 
 
 On leaving Boston, to attend the Irish Race Convention, the 
 Knights j)rer>ented him with a gold watch and chain, and on his 
 return, he received a hearty welcome from that body. In .Aijril, 1897, 
 he was elected president of Division 43, Ancient Order of Hibernians, 
 Boston, and this is the best answer that can be made to those who 
 asserted he would be severely dealt with by that body, for the part he 
 bad taken while in Ireland on the Irish question. 
 
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 77?/*S// 7/.16'/!; CONVENTION. 
 
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 TIMOTHY MICHAEL HEALY, M.P. 
 
 Mr. T. M. Healy did not attend the Irish Race Convention, but in 
 its connection a great deal of interest was centred in him, and his 
 name was frequently referred to throughout the proceedings. It may 
 not be out of place, therefore, to give here a short account of him, 
 who, whatever may be his shortcor'-ngs, is an able and gifted states- 
 man. Mr. Healy, who is the present M.P. for North Louth, is son of 
 Mr. M. Healy, Bantry, County Cork, and was born May 17th, 1855. He 
 married the daughter of Mr. T. D. Sullivan in 1882, and became 
 barrister in 1885. He was M.P. for Wexford, 1880-83 > ^"i" Monaghan, 
 1883-85; for South Deny, 1885-86; and North Longford, 1887-92. 
 He is brother of Mr. Maurice Healy, M.P., Cork City and of Mr. 
 Thomas Joseph Healy, M.P., North Wexford. The following interest- 
 ing interview took place between Mr. Healy and the special correspon- 
 dent of the Daih/ Chronicle, September 3rd, 1896, in reference to 
 the great Convention : 
 
 Interest in the National Convention ended last night so far as 
 the outside world is concerned. So I have spent to-day in trying 
 to find out something as to the outside opinion of the Convention. 
 I found Mr. Healy at his villa at Howth, sunning himself by the blue 
 waters of Dublin Bay, apparently indifferent to conventions, votes 
 of censure, or anything else — beyond fresh air and rest. 
 
 " How is it," I asked, " that you are not at the Convention ? " 
 
 " The reason is this," was the reply. " It was decided by the 
 vote of the Party to have the invitations to the Convention issued 
 by the Committee of the Party, and by the Executive of the National 
 Federation. Now they expelled me from the Committee of the 
 Party, and from the Executive of the Federation. After this they 
 abolished the Committee of the Party, but there were still a number 
 of my friends on the Executive of the Federation. They summoned 
 that body to meet in London at the House of Commons ; so that 
 none but members of Parliament could attend, for it was impossibI<: 
 to expect men to come from Cork or Connemara to an executive 
 meeting at Westminster. Such a course of procedure meant the 
 packing of the Convention with a clique of Mr. Dillon's own personal 
 followers. " herefore, I declined to have anything to do with it. 
 
 "Then again," continued Mr. Healy, "the affairs of the Irish 
 Party are the affairs of the Irish Party alone. There are men from 
 Canada and the United States at this Convention. They are very 
 estimable men, no doubt, and men who wish well to Ireland — although 
 I confess to learning the names of most of them this week for the 
 
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 lilOGRAPIIICAL SKETCHES OF SPEAKERS, n^ 
 
 first time — but I decline to ailmit their right to interfere with the 
 representatives (if the Irish constituencies. The constituencies and 
 the constituencies alone have the right to say what policy their electee", 
 representatives should follow. I am myself electetl liy an Irish ron- 
 .stituency, and by my constituents alone will I be judged." 
 " Then you refuse to go before any Convention ? " 
 " Not at all," Mr. Healy replied. " If a National Con\ ention 
 were railed fairly by parish meetings duly convened in the usual 
 manner, I would abide by the findings of the gathering, but of no 
 other. 'i"he troubles in the Irish Party are purely internal matters ; 
 they could not l)e the concern of any Convention of the Iris'.i Race. 
 It wa.s on account of the Kern election that I was turned out of 
 
 HOWTH CASTLE, CO. DUBLIN. 
 
 the Committee of the Irish Party. There Mr. Dillon went down anJ 
 held a Convention to get his candidate nominated outside the con- 
 stituency itself. I insisted upon a proper county convention beins; 
 held, the choice of which should be unfettered.' 
 
 "Then you don't think that there is any chance of a rapproc/te- 
 mcnt between the different sections of the Irish Party as the out 
 come of the present Convention ? " 
 
 " I certainly do not. I should say that the result will just be 
 the reverse. Mr. Dillon's speech yesterday was an absurd speech. 
 You must remember that he said six months ago that anybody who 
 attempted to discuss the rival claims of Dillon or Healy to the Irish 
 leadership would be coughed down or run out of the room. Yet in 
 
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 98 
 
 IKISH RACE CONVENTION. 
 
 the fare of that statement he got up and founil fault with me because 
 I (lid not attend the Convention." 
 
 "Then what should be done in order to get together a united 
 Irish Party under one leader such as we had in 1891?" 
 
 "The first thing to be done," said Mr. Healy, "is to get rid of 
 ail those who iia\e any pretensions to leadership. My name and 
 Mr. Dillon's name an- mere shibboleths of faction. We are both 
 on that ground disqualified for leadership. It is hopeless to expect 
 anything like union undei such circumstances. We are the leaders 
 of sides in what almost amounts to a civil war. How can there be 
 union ? " 
 
 " I hear you offered to sene under Mr. Sexton ? " 
 " Yes, I did ; but Mr. Sexton treated my overtures as hypocritical. 
 Mr. Sexton has gone away just now and remains, as it were, under 
 water." 
 
 "But what are the prospects of a Parnellite union?'' 
 " There are none. The Parnellites are ready for union, but at 
 a Parnellite ])rice, wliich is the acceptance of Mr. John Redmond as 
 (■hairmau. T'he Anti-Parnellites are for union, but at an Anti- 
 Parnellite price, which is that the reunited party should elect the 
 chairman. As Mr. Dillon's followers would be in a majority this 
 would, of course, mean that he would be chairman ; and even if Mr. 
 Dillon did accept Mr. Redmond's leadership how long would the 
 arrangement last ? Until the next annual election of chairman." 
 
 " Vou have been charged at the Convention with breaking the 
 party pledge of the Irish party." 
 
 " I know," said Mr. Healy ; " and considering that I am the 
 author of the pledge itself, this is rather absurd. The jjledge is to 
 sit, act, and ^■ote with the Party. I have challenged my opponents 
 over and over again to point out a single instance in which I failed 
 to do this. If the Irish Party duly assembled declare by a majority 
 that I have broken my pledges I will resign my seat, and go to my 
 constituents the very next day. But I am not breaking my pledge 
 when I protest against the Tsardom of Mr. Dillon." 
 
 " Pardon me, though," I said, " but you had something like a 
 Tsardom under Mr. Parnell." 
 
 "Mr. Parnell," was the reply, "never took action, except on two 
 occasions, without consulting his colleagues. One of these occasions 
 was in 188 1, on the second reading of the Land Act; and then, you 
 must remember, there was no pledge in existence, for I did not invent 
 it until 1885. Parnell wished to abstain from voting against our 
 wishes and opinions. We obeyed his orders with the exception of 
 Mr. O'Connor Power. The other occasion was during the Galway 
 election in 1886. Then Mr. T. P. O'Connor, who had been talking 
 
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 13I0GUAP1IICAL SKETCHES OF SPEAK EliS. 99 
 
 so loudly about unity, wrote offering to resign his seat if I would do 
 the same, as a protest against Captiin O'Shea's candidature." 
 
 ";\11 these squalid details are very painful. How will they afTect 
 the cause of Irish Nationalism ? " 
 
 " Oh, my ilear sir," said Mr. Healy, " these are mere common- 
 places of Irish politics. They don't afTect our cause one bit. But 
 consider our iiosition. The Liberals were three years in office, and 
 we got nothing out of them. Of course, as a party, they made 
 enormous sacrifices on our behalf ; but first of all Lord Roscbery 
 went back on Home Rule. His speech on the second reading of 
 the Bill in the House of Lords showed that he was not at heart a 
 Home Ruler, and when he became Prime Minister he made his 
 'predominant partner' speech. What happened during the existence 
 of the Liberal Government from 1892 to 1895 is a standing warning 
 to Ireland on the Home Rule question." 
 
 " A warning against what ? " 
 
 "A warning," was the reply, "to be cautious and wary. Home 
 Rule for Ireland has been shown to be unobtainable under the.se 
 circumstances, especially as the Liberals have shown that they are 
 unable to get over the opposition of the House of I,ords. Now, as 
 ha\ing the care of a very poor and a very backward country', we 
 are justified in obtaining — in fact, it is our bounden duty to get — 
 all we can out of the Tories whilst they are in office. That will 
 admittedly be for some five years. During that time we shall be at 
 the mercy of the Tories, and the cause of Ireland will be barred 
 legislatively by a Tory administration. I look to these five or six 
 years as a training, a seed-time so to speak." 
 
 "What will the Liberals think about this? They won't consider 
 you are very grateful." 
 
 " I know," said Mr. Healy, " I have been charged with ingratitude 
 to the Liberal party. I deny that the charge is well founded. I 
 cannot feel anything else but gratitude to the Liberal party, and I 
 believe that their action was limited by their powers. But I cannot 
 help seeing, on the other hand, that among the Tories there is no 
 longer that acerbity that we formerly experienced. Even in Ireland, 
 where the manifestations of high Toryism are always the most bitter, 
 I can detect a changed feeling. I believe we could proceed, if our 
 party were properly led, to induce the Tory party into making con- 
 considerable concessions in the direction of local reforms." 
 
 " Local government ? " I asked. 
 
 " Well," said Mr. Healy, " I prefer to leave it vaguely expressed, 
 lest I might frighten the Tories. But all this is so much gain. And 
 the use that we make of these reforms will show the Tory party that 
 they can safely go forward with further progress." 
 
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 100 
 
 IlUSn RACE CONVENTION. 
 
 I'lie meeting of the Convention to-day was marked by the same 
 enthusiasm as on the previous day, but the proceedings call for no 
 partindiir remark. I had a ch.it with Dean Harris, who attends to 
 ri|iri'Sfnl the Archliisho]) of 'I'oionto. I gather from the Dean that 
 the foreign delegates arc very much imjiressed by the Convention, 
 and that their evident feeling is to go hack and recommend to all that 
 financial support from abroad should go to ^fr. Dillon. They came 
 over entirely niil)iassed, l>ut they remain converts to the Iri.-h 
 Parliamentary Party under Mr. Dillon's leadership. 
 
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 mOURAPllICAL SKETCHES OF SPEAKERS. loi 
 
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 T. HARRINGTON, M.P. 
 
 Among those on whom the Irish Race Convention has had most 
 beneficial results may be prominently mentioned the name of Mr. 
 T. Harrington, M.P. He was for inany years the leading light m 
 the I'arnellite Party, and admittedly one of the ablest ailvocates of the 
 Paniell policy, and his defection is a dreadful blow to the Parnellites. 
 At the time we write, he is not a strict adherent of any political party, 
 but he is busily engaged in effecting unity among all sections of Irish 
 Nationalists, and his efforts have been wonderfully successful. Mr. 
 Harrington is a barrister; has sat in Parliament for the Harbour Divi- 
 
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 DKVIL'S fll.KN, CO. HIUKLOW. 
 
 sion, Dublin, since 1885, in the Parnellite interest; is hon. secretary 
 Irish National League; born at Castletownbere, County Cork, 1851 ; 
 son of Denis Harrington and Eileen O'SuUivan. Educated at Trinity 
 College, Dublin. Established the Kerrrj Sentinel in 1877 ; took a 
 prominent part in the Land League and National League movements ; 
 was M.P. for County Westmeath, 1883 ; called to the Irish Bar 1887 ; 
 and was one of the counsel for Mr. Parnell at the Special Commission, 
 1888-89. 
 
 The following appeal which appeared in United Ireland of 
 
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 102 
 
 //{/S/t HACK COSVKSriON. 
 
 May I si, 1897, wius issued by Mr. Harrington, to liie nu-mljers of liu.' 
 Irish National League: — 
 
 1''ellow-C!ountrvmen, 
 
 It is now closi' iii)on lil'tei'ii years since the Irisii National League 
 was estai)lisheil by Ciiarles Stewart I'arneil at a public (Convention 
 in the Anlieiit Concert Rooms. Surrouniled by the men who had 
 borne the briMit of the Land League struggle, who had faced eviction, 
 dragooning, and im|)risonnient in tiie assertion of popular rights, he 
 gave to the country a new inilicy and a new programme to replace that 
 which the (iovernment had siip|>ressed. 'Id iiie new organisation thus 
 established by the free voice of the people he and his colleagues again 
 devoted tiial energy, fearlessness, and enthusiasm which in a few 
 brief years had crijjpled landlord tyranny in Ireland, and extorted the 
 Land Act of '81 from a hostile Hritish I'arliament. 
 
 'i'he Irish National League was met at the very threshold of its 
 existence with proclamations, coercion, prosecutions, and the other 
 machinery with which we are made familiar in the .sujjpression of 
 jiopular liberty in this country. .Since then five successive Ciovern- 
 menls, backed by the resources of Dublin ("astle, have tried their 
 strength against it in vain. 
 
 It grew and flourished in the midst of coercion and proclamations, 
 until, by the exercise of both courage and caution, it became the most 
 powerful ]Kililical organisation which any country in the world could 
 boa.st of. For the Irish farmer it ol)tained the Land Acts of '87 and 
 '91, as well as generous reductions in rent every year upon thousands 
 of estates even where the rents had been fixed by legal tribunals. 
 
 The tenants who had Ijeen evicted in the struggle received from it 
 generous support, the encouraging sympathy of their fellow-country- 
 men, and the assurance that none of their neighbours would consent 
 to take the farm from which they had been driven forth. 
 
 The General Election of 1885, following immediately on the 
 extension of the Franchire, found the country so well organised that 
 every constituency in three of the Provinces and a clear majority of 
 the fourth returned a Nationalist representative to Parliament. The 
 spirit which the org.anisation called forth in I'-eland was imitated in 
 every land where our people had found a home, until the Iri.sh race 
 all the world over were united as one man in pushing forward the 
 claim of their country to National Self-Gevernment. To break down the 
 organisation of the National League seemed to be the only hope which 
 the Unionist Party had of .stemming the progress Home Rtde was 
 making in the constituencies of Great Britain, and every device that 
 malice and hatred could invent was employed to weaken or discredit 
 the organisation. 
 
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 IflOaiiA I'lllCAL SKETCH KS OF SPEA KEliS. 10.5 
 
 But out of every such onlcal it came unscathed, and you wlio 
 remember the jirolonged inciuiry of tlie Timet S|)C('ial ("oinmission 
 will not judge liglitly of the services which it rendered to the National 
 cause. When the fatal division of November, 1890, came and the 
 Irish ranks were severeil and broken, one of the first duties of the 
 Irish leader was to safeguard the organisation whit'h luid so proudly 
 borne the banner to the very threshold of victory. In July, '91, at 
 one of the most representative conventions held during the whole 
 National struggle, the amended constitution of the Irish National 
 League was put forward by him clause after clause for discussion, and 
 amendment, and formally approved of. In conuneiiding it to the 
 Irish people on the occasion, he used these memorable words: 
 
 " We shall have in that organisation all the earnestness and courage 
 of the country — of men who believe in the future of the Irish nation 
 — of all those who believe in the right of Ireland's representatives and 
 the Irish people to independence and to independent judgment. That 
 organisation, as '.hk convention siiows, will cunstitute an o\erwhelming 
 and con(iuering body which, tiiough it may not win to-day, will live 
 until it does win.'' 
 
 That is the organisation which a small assemblage of gentlemen, 
 gathered in the Oak Room of the Mansion House a few days ago, 
 took upon themselves to sujjpress without consultation with the 
 coiuitry, and without any refeience to the men on whose shouldtTS fell tlie 
 chief burden of maintaining it dining the long period of the struggle. 
 Not only are the burning wonts with which I'arnell commended it to 
 his fellow-coiuitrymen forgotten, but his policy is openly discredited 
 and his organisati(jn cast aside. Dee|)ly as it pains me to raise mv 
 \oice in protest against a course so foolishly and so hastily entered 
 u[K)n by the majority of my colleagues, I deem it my duty, neverthe- 
 less, to warn you against the invasion of all ])opular and constitutional 
 rights involved in the course that has been taken. I'opidar political 
 organisations are not made that leaders may put them on and take 
 them off like gloves. One of their chief uses is to keep leaders up to 
 the duties they have undertaken to discharge ; and the Irish people 
 would prove themselves utterly unfit for the exercise of those great 
 rights they are struggling for if they tamely allowed any {xjlitical 
 leaders, however worthy or however tried, to sup])ress or change the 
 popular organisation without first consulting the voice of the nation. 
 The right of any man or body of men to start a new political organisa- 
 tion I do not for a momsiit call in question — much as I deplore the 
 fre<iuency with which such experiments have been tried upon the 
 Irish people. But when gentlemen who have been delegated with 
 no authority, and who have had no opportunities of consulting the 
 
 
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 104 
 
 IKISTI RACE CONVESTION. 
 
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 people, take iipoii tiiciniielvL-H to siippresH the Nution;il orKaiiisatiuii, 
 tliuii, ill my jtidgiiiLMit, such a (IcL'i.sioii, to use a inrtnurablu i)lirn.se, 
 " gous forth without autiiority aiul roriics l)afk vvith<iut ruspcct.' 
 
 'I'o the odicurs .iiiil nicniliers of the National I.iMguc biamiics 
 throughout the country 1 iipiieal to stain I lirni Ijy I'ariieH'.s principles 
 and I'ariieirs organisation. UfTer no factious opposition tu anyone 
 who may be (lis|iosecl to try the new organisation, but work up and 
 let'ogiiise your own. Now is tin; time lo limit or narrow ihe 
 boundary lines of the popular organisation in Ireland. .Slowly, perhaps, 
 but surely, the mind of the country is realising the frightful mistakes 
 that have been committed in the recent past. Men are learning to 
 concern themsehes more deeply with the future of their country and 
 its cause than with the incidents which led tu disrui)tion and severance 
 in the National for<'es. 'J'he noble policy of union and combination 
 upon lines of independence and self-respect i.s gaining in jjopularity 
 every day. Hy encouiaging and fostering that spirit, you may rely 
 upon one who knew I'arnell well that you are pursuing the (Kjlicy 
 which he would i)ursue if he were amongst us to-day. \'engeance or 
 reprisals on any .section of his fellow-countrymen he would never 
 commit himself to. The strength of his great movement was gathered 
 from the solid couibination which he effected of the Irish race, not 
 alone in Ireland but all over the world. Be it your duty at this 
 sujjreme crisis in your country's history to profit by the lesson he 
 taught and to imitate his example of patriotism. Instead of aban- 
 doning the organisation which he established, and which with his 
 leadership brought the Irish cause almost to the very pinnacle of 
 success, take immediate steps to strengthen and .solidify it. Open your 
 doors to all the old colleagues and comrades who fought side by side 
 with you in the heroic struggle of ttu; recent past. The same issues 
 are still before the country, and the same combinatit)n of forces in 
 Irish politics can carry them to final triumph. The position of the 
 evicted tenants, amnesty to our imprisoned fellow-countrj-men, justice 
 and fruits of his labour to the Irish farmer, the encouragement and 
 development of industry in our country, and, abtwe all, the futi;re 
 of our National cause, speak eloijuently to us of the vital necessity for 
 hearty co-operation ii])on the old lines. Avoid recriminations and 
 fruitless discussions of the p.xst. Turn your talents and your energies 
 to combine the people as Parnell combined them, to push to the 
 front not the cau.se of this party or that party, this leader or that leader, 
 but the cause of Ireland a Nation. With such a jxilicy you will win for 
 yourself and your cau.se the resi)ect of your opponents, the heaily 
 support of the masses of Irishmen at home, and the jiroud admiration 
 of the men of your race in every land and in every clime. 
 
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 mounAl'lllCAL SKKTCII/.S OF Sl'KAKKHS. 105 
 CHEVALIKK JUIIN IIKNKV, OTTAWA, CANADA. 
 
 Jdiin IIknkv was Ixirii in I'oiialifTi', l.'oiinty Cavaii, Ireland, April 
 if)ll), 1821, liis parents, I'clir llcni'y ami ll.irriijtt, his wifi", wliose 
 niaideti name was L'onarty, liotii bt'iiiK nali\fs of tin- same place. John, 
 the subject of thLs Nketch, emigrated to Canada, in the summer o( 
 1843. lie was enjjaged in the leather iMisiiiess in Ireland, and con- 
 tinued it for some time in Ottawa with success. In 1868 he began 
 contracting for (Joverument works, which he still follows, lie h.is 
 taken great interest in Miuiii'ipal afl'airs, and in a creditabli? manner 
 served at the Council Hoard for a period of tiiirty-.se\en years, lie 
 has been slyieil the " I'atlicr of TeniptM^uK'e," and iic has been 
 regarded with great distinction by the Protestant ami Catholic Temiier- 
 iince Societies, and in recognition of his services. His Holiness i'ope 
 
 111 MHUIA.N, 10. IKiNl: 
 
 Leo XIII. has conferred on him the title of Chevalier of the Holy 
 Sepulchre. In religion he is a Roman Catholic, ami most tolerant: 
 to all sects. It is with great pride he has to say that he was present 
 at the laying of the corner stone of all the churches of the city of 
 Ottawa. Personally, Mr. Heney is a self-made man, and in every 
 respect is iniiversally esteemed for his honour, integrity, an<l straight- 
 forwardness, <|ualities which have distinguislied him throiii^h life. 
 During his attendance as delegate at the Irish Race Convention, Mr. 
 Heney was the victim ot a very bitter attack by the Trish Daihf 
 Tiiilrprndcnf. Dean Harris espoused his cause ; and the substance 
 of attack and defence is given elsewhere in this volume. The Tiidrjiir 
 (lent refused to make apology, but it is stated that Mr. John Redmond, 
 whose connections with that paper are well known, received on this 
 account, rough handling from the Irishmen of Ottawa, which he visited 
 during a recent lecturing tour in Canada. 
 
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 IIUSII HACK COSVKSTIoy. 
 
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 VKRY KI'V. JOHN J. CANON McCARTAN. 
 
 \Vk miicK n'urft that tiino iiiid spaic |iiip|)il>it our Kivinn lit Niifllcient 
 li'iigth an atcdunt wi.rtliy of tlu- I'sti'i'im-il ami /calt'iis parish prifst 
 (pf Doiianhmori". AmoiiK thtwis whose connection with the Irixh Race 
 ('(Mivciition attractcl givat attention in the Press, may In- prominently 
 mentioned Canon McCartan. He made no wild effort at oratory, 
 but very composedly said his say. explainiiin his views in a manner 
 that rommanded attention. Towards the close of his speech, however, 
 the Canon pnrsned a methcxi of interrogation, which was unumial 
 and which, hy reason of the answering crowd, created much confusion. 
 
 I'mill Jilloto IpyJ 
 
 UOHTUhVOII, CO. DOWN. 
 
 IW. IjiwrfiK'i', Dublin 
 
 The chairman was (pMiged to interfere, i)rohiliiting this method of 
 jirocedure, and wherefore went forth the wild cry of the hostile Press, 
 and the enemies of the Convention, that all liberty and freedom of 
 speech were crushed, the very moment the least spark of independence 
 manifested itself. It was clear in the |)resent instance, to the nn- 
 1*^ j biassed, that no effort was made to crush free<lom, or independence, 
 
 ' but to preserve order, and afford, on the contrary, the speaker a 
 
 hearing, which owing to the responses of the vast assembly, was be- 
 coming impossible. The ]iith of the Canon's entire speech was 
 inde()en(lence of all English political parties, and by preaching this 
 Gospel he hoped to establish a platform wide enough for all Irish 
 Nationalists. Tt is staled that Canon McCartan had lieen for some- 
 
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 liKKlltM'inCAL SKKTl'IIES Ot' Sl'KAKEKS. 107 
 
 time previotiH tu \.\w. Coiivi'iition tin invalid, uiul well niglt nmi- from 
 u lic'il (if illticHs to lUtLMid the threat iutiiunil>ly, ami, an Ih'hI Iu- cuuiil, 
 nil! in (tening thi; Irinii cauNc. 
 
 \'fr)' Rrv. J'llm J. t.'uni)n Mci'Mtun, who iit a prii'st of iIk- An'h- 
 iliiiirHL' of Ariiiauli, wa.s ixirn in lli. ' ••h of lUtilymacnali, ('minty 
 Armagh, iu 1^4^, llu Wius orduinc . lu-itt in lii« twi'iity lift!) year, 
 hid Htudii'M having been made Muynooth, and wa« up- 
 
 l)ointcd (iliortly aflcrwanls to llu . uracy of the parish of 
 Kildri'ss. Here in: lalioiiri'd for many years, moving nmongHt iho 
 l)eople, encouraging tl.em in their dilViciihii's, and solacing them in 
 their tronl)les. lie was deeply interested in the education of the young, 
 viNiting constantly the schooln, and not infre(|nently, pcrsoiially, 
 Rupcrintending the secular and religious education. Through his /e.il 
 nnil energy in no small degree, the parish owns the lieautiful parochial 
 rhurch, which is eiptal, if not Huperior to any church in the r><ral 
 districts of the Archdiocese. The people in the ])arish of Kililress, 
 still reinemlier his many laliours with gratitude, and love to repeat 
 his name with the greatest veneration. 
 
 A career so energetic and self sacrilicing is destined, sooner or 
 later, to receive its recognition from the pro|)er tpiarter, and thus, 
 Father M<'('artan was appointed at a comparati\ely early age (larish 
 jiriesl of Donaghmore, County Tyrone, an appointment which proved 
 the esteem in wiiich he was held hy the Archl)ishii|i of Armagh. lie 
 was shortly afterwards raised to the dignity of Canon. Over this 
 important parish Canon Nf-.* 'artan still presides, and while occupied 
 with the care of a large Catholii' po|)ulation, and as earnest and as 
 har<lworking ils in his early curate days, he endeavours to lind a s[iaro 
 hour to devote to the cause of his country. He is not only a 
 sympathiser, but he is a worker, and hius more than once sealed his 
 convictions with his purse. He has Ix^en known to jiay a subscription 
 of ;^5o to the National I'"und, a gixjdly sum at one payment for an 
 Irish priest, who is nevei blessed with an overflow of this world's goods. 
 The Canon, it may be mentioned, is endo\ved with considerable 
 strength of mind, and ius soon as he discovers the path of duty, he is 
 deterred by no obstacle, but pursues that course, even though it should 
 cost him the loss of esteemed friends. His recent part in Irish politics 
 attests to this trait in his character, for the policy to which he is 
 devoted, is not universal nor is it admired in clerical circles in his vicinity. 
 Vet he adheres firmly to his own views. But it is pleasing to learn 
 owing to his warmth and sincerity of heart, which are universally 
 recognised, he has lost no friends in consequence. Canon McCartan 
 is an excellent type of the Irish .soggarth, pious, zealous, and 
 patriotic. May he be long spared to his people, who admire him 
 for his ability and sincerity. 
 
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 108 jjiL'^j/ racp: convention. 
 
 HUGH MUUrHV, GLASGOW. 
 
 Mr. Hugh iMuRriiv was Ijoiii ;it Nuwtowiibutler, County Fermanagh, 
 forty-diiL' yi'ars ag'j, and lufl Ireland when eight years of age. He 
 joined tiie Jlonie Government Association in 1872, and in 1874 the 
 Association (leterniined to form branches in the different parts of the 
 city of Glasgow, with a Central Council, formed of four delegates 
 from earli uf these various branches. Of one of the branches Mr. 
 Minpiiy IjLcaine secretary at the exceiJtionaily early age of nineteen. 
 He acted for four years as secretary, and afterwards joined the '98 
 Club. On the formation of the "Michael Davitt" Branch of the 
 Land League, he became a member, and afterwards secretary. At 
 this time the " No Rent Manifesto " was issued by the Irish leaders, 
 and tiie branches received instructions from the executive to pass no 
 resolutions endorsing tiie "' Manifesto." The " Michael Davitt ' branch. 
 
 THE QtrATP, m-BUN. 
 
 however, disregarded the mandate, and resolutions were proposed 
 endorsing the " iNLanifesto," and carried by a majority of 500 to i. For 
 this reason the branch was cut off, but after a ft,v months was again 
 acknowledged. Shortly afterwards, the "Home Government" and the 
 "Michael Davitt" Branches were merged into one, and since then, 
 no branch in Great Britain has done more for the old cause. Mr. 
 Murphy was elected president twehe years ago, and retained that 
 I)()sition ever since, except for a few months' intenal. At the Irish 
 Race Convention it supplied fourteen delegates. He also takes a 
 lively interest in Trade Union matters, and was accordingly com- 
 I)limented by being appointed president of the society, the first instance, 
 in which a Catholic and an Irishman was elected to that position. 
 This honour he retained until some two years ago. Mr. Murphy 
 delivered a \ery effective speech at the Irish Race Convention. 
 
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 niOURAPlllCAL iSKETCllES OF SPEAKERS. 109 
 
 MR. THOMAS LOUGHLIN, BRADFORD. 
 
 The subject of our sketch was born in Bradfortl, on the 6th November, 
 1866, of Irish parents. When a boy he attended St. Mary's Roman 
 CathoHc Schools in tliat town, ami when nine years of age gained a 
 Free Scholarship. Owing to the death of his father, Mr. Loughlin 
 was compelled to make his own way at an early age, but attended 
 night schodi at the Mechanics' Institute, where he earned another Free 
 Scholarship. In 1883 he became connected with the Central Branch 
 
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 (iLKNSUESK, CO. ANTBIM. 
 
 [W. Livwrcnce, Dublin 
 
 of the Irish National League in Bradford (now there are five), and has 
 been connected with one or other of the branches ever since. 
 Secretarial work was at once found for him in connection with the 
 numerous meetings held to protest against Coercion. On the introduc- 
 tion of the Home Rule Measure in 1886, Mr. Loughlin was called 
 upon to defend that policy in various debating societies in the town. 
 Shortly after the formation of the Wolfe Tone Branch I.N. I,eague in 
 1885, he was appointed financial secretary, and has remained in con- 
 nection with that branch ever since, while it has grov/n to have a 
 membership of several hundred and greatly enlarged its i)remises. 
 He has represented the Wolfe one Branch at the following Irish 
 
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 110 
 
 IRISH RACK COXVEXTION. 
 
 National League of Great Britain Conventions: Birmingham, 1887; 
 Bradford, 1892; Leeds, 1895; Dublin Irish l<ace Convention, 1896. 
 He was one of the secretaries for the Convention, l)anquet and 
 meeting, held in Bradfonl in 1892. Along with Mr. W. S. Burke, 
 journalist, now of Liver]iool, then of Bradford, Mr. Loughlin organised 
 in August, 1893, the Bradford Irish Literary Society, and got up for 
 three seasons an excellent programme of lectures, debates and 
 conversaziones. 
 
 Mr. Loughlin ha^s lectured on " Biillad Poetry of Ireland," 
 " Thomas Davis,'' " The Volunteer Movement," " Daniel O'Connell, 
 Orator and Statesman,' " The Life of Wolfe Tone," " Who fears to 
 speak of '98,'' and taken part in debates with Mr. W. S. Burke on 
 " I'oetr)- I'. Prose," " Physical v. Moral Force." The subject of our 
 sketch knows nearly all the poetry of the Young Ireland movement. 
 Mr. Loughlin has at the invitation of his fellow Nationalists in York- 
 shire and Lancashire addressed meetings in Leeds, Manchester, Halifax, 
 WJ^efield, Dewsbury, Keighley, Oldham, Shipley, and all the 
 branches in Bradford, and a place on the programme is always found 
 for him at Irish Nationalist meetings in Bradford. Mr. Loughlin felt 
 very strongly the pointed articles in the Irish Catholic on the Irish 
 \oters of Bradford at the last General Election, and acted a ' secretary 
 to the large indignation meeting of Bradford Irishmen held to u -nounce 
 those articles as "scurrilous and rabid." The Executive oi the 
 I.N.L. of Great Britain offered hirr. a few months ago the posi 'on 
 of organiser in the Midland Counties of England, a position whi- he 
 had to reluctantly decline. At present Mr. Loughlin is secreta^;, for 
 the united branches of the I.N.L. of Great Britain in Bradford, and 
 treasurer of the Wolfe Tone branch in that town. His motto is " Nil 
 Desperandum '' ; his j)oet, " Davis " ; his country, " Ireland " ; his 
 religion, " Catholic.'' 
 
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 niOGNAPIIJCAL SKETCHES OF SPEAKERS, m 
 
 REV. P. J. O'DONNELL, MONTREAL. 
 
 The distinguished young Irish-Canadian priest, who attended the 
 Irish Race Convention, is a native of Chateauguay County, Province 
 of Quebec, where he was born in the year 1856. His parents who 
 came from County Donegal, Ireland, emigrated to Canada many 
 years ago, where, by untiring iiuhistry, they made for themselves a 
 comfortable heme. P'ather O'Donnell, it is stated, is a relation of 
 Dr. O'Donnell, Bishop of Raphoe, and maile his studies at St. 
 Teresa's College, a branch of the Laval University, which is but a 
 short distance from Montreal. Subsequently he made his theological 
 
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 AASLEAOH, CONNEMAUA. 
 
 LW. Lawrence, Dublin 
 
 
 Studies at the famed seminary of St. Sulpice, and was ordained priest 
 bv the late lamented Archbishop Fabre, of Montreal, with whom he 
 was always held in iue highest estimation. 
 
 He was for some time a.ssistant priest at St. Ann's and St 
 Anthony's, but was rapidly promoted, and is now pastor of St. Mary's, 
 one of the most important and extensive parishes in the city of 
 Montreal. He is an accomplished scholar, but the pressing 
 duties of his populous parish, preclude the possibility of his 
 devoting much time to literature. Though scholarly and literary, he 
 
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 112 
 
 TIUSH RACE COXVEXTIOX. 
 
 ia at the Hame time jjosHes.sed of great business capacity, managing 
 with much tact and ability the jicoplo entrusted to his care, am' •> 
 teresting himself not only in their siiiritiial, but also in their wo.idlv 
 concerns. He also takes a deep interest in the prosperity of the 
 city generally, and is always ready to take part in any scheme for its 
 j)rogresn and advancement. Charity and mihlness arc his distinguish- 
 ing characteristics, but he is unflinching when jirinciple is at 
 stake.. He abhors dissimulation, and ia noted for his unassuming 
 piety, and all the qualities that adorn the ])riesthood. In consequence, 
 he is held in high estimation by his people, and especially by the poor, 
 whose friend and helper he has ever been. Father O'Donnell is 
 truly devoted to the land of his birth, but bears !n affectionate venera- 
 tion that land wherein rest the ashes of his forefathers, and in him 
 the Irish cause shall ever find a staunch friend. 
 
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 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES OF SPEAKERS, n.? 
 
 JOSEPH DEVLIN. 
 
 Born in February, 1872, in the West Division of Belfast, the con- 
 stituency represented by Mr. Thomas Sexton, from 1886 until 1892, 
 Joseph Devlin received his education at the Christian Brothi.Ts' 
 Schools, Divis Street. Deeply imbued in his earliest youth, v/ith 
 patriotic sentiment, and an ardent admirer of the lives and writings 
 of the great Irishmen of the past, he soon became a sympaUiiscr with 
 the sufferings of his countrymen. Familiar with the history of his 
 native land and its struggles for liberty, he was fired with enthusiasm 
 
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 DONEOALL PLACE, BELFAST 
 
 [W. Lawrence, Duliliii 
 
 by the contest which was beiiig carried on, with such triumphant 
 success by Mr. Parneil, then in the zenith of his power. When the 
 edict went out, after the passing of the Franchise Bill of 1884, that 
 the Whig and Tory strongholds of Ulster were to be attacked, the 
 Nationalists of Belfast rallied to the support of Mr. Sexton, who was 
 selected to carry their banner in the West Division. This epoch 
 marks the commencement of Mr. Devlin's connection with politics, 
 as in company with other boys of his own years, he busied himself, 
 after school hours, in lending such assistance as circumstances 
 required to the advancement of the interests of the Nationalist 
 
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 IRIUll RACK COyVEXTION. 
 
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 caiuliilate. The same year saw the foundation of the Sexton Debat- 
 ing Society, whicii was establisheil by youths ranging from fifteen 
 to twenty years of age ; in this organisation, on account of his 
 readiness of speech, extensive knowledge, and jjrecocious poHtical 
 instinct, young De\iin was recognised as the moving spirit and guiding 
 force. Tlie numiier of memiiers wlio joined its roil, increased daily, 
 until in the year 1886, it had become to be an acknowledged 
 and influential factor in the National life of the city. Mr. 
 Sexton attended a meeting of the Society held under the 
 presidency of the subject of our sketch in this year, and 
 in the course of his reply, observed, " 1 ha\e listened to many 
 speeches in my time, from many different people, but I have 
 never listened to one which gave me more genuine pleasure or surjjrise, 
 than that in which )-our C'hainnan addressed me. I regret tlie rule 
 which obliges all members of the House of Commons to be at lea^t 
 twenty-one years of age. For, were it otherwise, I think the Chairman 
 of this meeting woulil be amongst us." 
 
 Although defeated in 1885, Mr. Sexton again fought West Belfast 
 in the Nationalist interest at the General Election of 1886, and into 
 this contest, which was crowned with success, young Devlin plungeJ 
 witii all the enthusiastic energy of his nature. Having been 
 successively secretary and president of the Sexton Debating Society, 
 he became connected with the Belfast Commercial Elocution Cla.ss ; 
 it was here that he found a congenial sjihere for the exercise of his 
 histrionic faculties, and so rapid was his jirogress that he succeeded in 
 securing in a single year both the gold and silver medals, prizes 
 awarded for proficiency, and much coveted by youthful asj)irants to 
 distinction. He ;iext became secretary of this class, and continued to 
 hold this position for two years until elected in 1889 to a similar 
 office in the Belfast Young Ireland Society. The year 1888 saw his 
 formal election, although only sixteen, to the Committee of the 
 National League, and of this body he remained an active member, 
 and an energetic worker until the Parnell crisis compelled the 
 Nationalists of Belfast to consider their jiosition. Of the National 
 Committee which succeeded the National League, he acted as secretary, 
 a jjost which he also continued to fill when the National Federation 
 was called into existence to -oice the sentiments of the Nationalists 
 of Belfast. During these changing times he worked might and main 
 to spread the light and show to Ulster the path of duty. 
 
 After the establishment of the Federation, he was unanimously 
 elected in 1892 as Civic Delegate, a position to which he was again 
 called in 1894, by the united voices of his fellow members of the 
 Federation and of the Nationalists of the Northern Capital. During 
 the existence of the National organisation, the best proof that can be 
 
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 lilOGHAPUWAL SKETCH KS OF Sl'EAKKRS. 
 
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 iuldiiCL'd of its representative I'iiaracler and eflieiency, of the energy 
 and resolute patriotism of its members, is to be found in tiie fact that, 
 in addition to bearing the expense of a Parliamentary and se\eral local 
 Municipal contests, it has also collected and forwarded to the central 
 executive in Dublin a sum amounting to over ^3,000. 'J'he confidence 
 reposed in Mr. Devlin by the leaders of the Irish Party has been 
 illustrated on several occasions by the onerous duties which he has 
 been called njion to fullil. T'oremost amongst them may be munlioiiu,! 
 his management and su[)ervision of the election in North Meatli, 
 which was held as a result of the petition of 1892. 
 Here he set to work with characteristic courage and determination, 
 and succeeded in <'om])letely frustrating the efforts of his ojjponents, 
 by his elo<iuence, combined with his energy and sound judgment. 
 When the General Election of 1892 was in full swing, the Unionists 
 of Ulster conceived the somewhat far-reaching project of bringing to 
 Belfast, several hundreds of English working-men delegates, to absorb 
 in the atmosphere of the stronghold of Irish Unionists the opinions 
 which they were anxious to have spread throughout Great Britain. At 
 the shortest notice Mr. Devlin organised a monster demonstration at 
 which the visitors were i)resent and heard the Irish claim presented 
 with such clearness and force, that the vast majority of them returned 
 to England fully convinced of the justice and feasibility of the 
 Nationalist demand. On two different occasions, within the last few 
 years, Mr. Devlin has been in\ited to enter the House of Commons as 
 an Irish member, and each time, despite the advice of his friends to 
 the contrary, he has declined to avail himself of the honour. 
 
 Steadfast in the belief that the su])port of a united Party at West- 
 minster is essential, to that aim he directs his efforts, and devotes his 
 great talents to the .sen-ice of his country, and claims no reward, but 
 the satisfaction of feeling that he is contributing to the advancement 
 of her cause. 
 
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 IRISH RACE COyVENTJON. 
 
 HON. JOHN COSTIGAN, OTTAWA, CANADA. 
 
 1 1 used to be said of the Gcraldines, the De la Poers, ami otiiur uruat 
 Anglo-Norman families who settled in Ireland many centuries ago, that 
 they, in the persons of their descendants, iiltinialely became llihernids 
 ijisis Hil'tniiores," more Irish than the Irish themselves." This is a 
 saying founded on a great historic fact, but in later times, and especially in 
 our own days, the saying may be applied to many descendants of Irish- 
 men in the Colonial possessions of the Hritish crown. Though born in the 
 Dominion of Canada, no man who boasts of having first seen the light in 
 
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 MINNAIN CLIFFS, ACHILL. 
 
 [\V. lirtwrenee, Dublin 
 
 the Emerald Isle, is a truer-hearted Irishman, or one who has given more 
 proofs of devotion to Erin than the subject of this brief sketch, the 
 Honourable John Costigan, a member of the Queen's Privy Council for 
 Canada, and a foremost member of the Dominion House of Commons. 
 Mr. Costigan was born of a good stock at St. Nicholas, in the province 
 of Quebec, on the ist of February, 1835, and through his boyhood, and 
 while a pupil at St. Anne's College, where he received his education, he 
 gave many proofs of the firm and masterful strength of character, and 
 integrity of resolution, which have since distinguished him in public as 
 
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 lilOGRAPJIICAL SKETCHES OF SPEAKERS. 117 
 
 well as in private life, gaining for him from political opponents, as well 
 as from friends, tiie name of '' Honest John Costigan." In early man- 
 hood Mr, Costigan was engaged in the lunii)cring business, and in this 
 way acquired a very extensive knowledge of parts of the British North 
 Amcri(-an possessions tiieii little known, a knowledge which has since 
 often served him. He evidently l)elieved in an early marriage, for when 
 only twenty he married Miss Harriet Ryan, daughter of Mr. J. R, Ryan, 
 a v'orthy and respected resident of CIrand Falls, in the province of New 
 Urui swick. 
 
 Mr. Costigan early turned his thoughts to politics, and, prior to 
 confec'eratioii, was elected to sit in the Legislative Assembly of New 
 Uruns.vmk, (or the good old constituency of Victoria, which he rejire- 
 sents fct ti'is day in the Parliament of Canada. He was then a young 
 man of only iwenty-six, and no better proof can be given of the excel- 
 lence of his character, both as a man and a representative statesman, 
 than the fact that since Confederation, at every general election, he lias 
 been returned for the same seat by overwhelming m.ajorities, largely 
 composed, in later years, of the sons of the men who first sent him to 
 represent them in the popular chamber. Mr. Costigan's public career 
 in his native country, will always be remembered for his intimate con- 
 nection with two leading issues, commonly spoken of as the " New 
 Brunswick School Question" and the "Costigan Irish Resolutions." 
 It is not uninteresting to remember, now, at a time when the eyes of the 
 English-speaking world are turned upon the people of Canada, wrestling 
 with the " Manitoba School Question," that in the 'sixties, and 'seventies 
 there was much trouble over the same (luestion of education in the 
 maritime provinces, especially in New Brunswick. John Costigan 
 ardently championed the cause of the oppressed Catholic minority, and 
 from his place in the House of Commons, on the 20th of May, 1872, 
 moved an Address praying His Excellency, the Governor-General, to 
 disallow the New Brunswick School Act, on the ground " that said law 
 is unjust, and causes much uneasiness among the Roman Catholic 
 population." This occasioned a great deal of discussion not only in the 
 House, but throughout the country, in public, and in private, through 
 the Press and on the platform, but no tangible result foUoued in the 
 direction indicated by the mover of the address. Nothing daunted, 
 however, tlie gallant Irishman, for so we love to call him, returned to the 
 charge again and again, and kept up an agitition which influenced public 
 opinion not only in the province of New Brunswick, but throughout the 
 whole of the Canadian Confederation, to such an extent, that it may 
 safely be asserted, to no man more than to the Honourable John 
 Costigan, do the Catholics of New Brunswick owe such concessions in 
 
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 llie praclical workint; out of the School Act, as have since, from time to 
 time, hceii obtained by them. 
 
 It was, however, in the Session of iSSj tliat Nfr. fosti^an achieved 
 iiis crowninj; distinction as an Irisii |ialriot by moving in eiocpient terms, 
 .iiul triumphantly carrying through the House of (,'ommons by an 
 unanimous vote, an address to Her Majesty the Queen, passed by the 
 House tin what are known to fame as tiie " ("ostigan Irish Resolu- 
 tions," praying for Home Ru'e for tlic Kingdom of Ireland, for the 
 release of the " suspects," and for other ameliorations of the condition 
 of the people of tlie land of iiis fathers. 'The same address was carried 
 through the Senate of Canada by an overwhelu.ing majority, only six 
 Senators recording their dissent, This achievement so ende.ired Mr. 
 Costi^^an to the Irish people in Canada, and, indeed, to all friends of 
 Home Rule the world over, that the great statesman, Sir John 
 .Mexandcr MacDonald, then I'rime Minister of the Dominion, sum- 
 moned the Now Brunswick Irish jiatriot to the Councils of the Nation, 
 and on ih'j 2,5r(l of May, 18S2, Mr. Costigan was sworn of the Privy 
 Council, and made Minister of Inland Revenue. 
 
 This portfolio Mr. Costigan held for by far the greater part of the 
 fourteen years, in which he was a Minister of the Crown. Too much 
 cannot be said in his praise as a Departmental Administrator and a 
 man of affairs. Mr. Costigan became Secretary of State in the 
 Thompson Covernment, holding that Ministry until the formation of 
 the Covernmcnt of Sir Mackenzie Bowell, immediately after the tragic 
 death at Windsor Castle of the great statesman and jurist, Sir John 
 Thompson, who has left a permanent impress upon the laws of the 
 Dominion. Mr. Costigan then became Minister of Marine and 
 "sherics, and so remained until the defeat of Sir Charles Tapper's 
 short-lived .\dniinistration in the (Jeneral Election of June, 1896. 
 
 The attendance of this distinguished Colonial Minister at the great 
 Irish Race Convention held in Dublin is but one out of many proofs 
 which he has afforded all his life of unllinching devotion to the cause 
 of Ireland. From advocating that cause no inconvenience has ever 
 deterred him ; he has been instant in proclaiming " in season and out 
 of season " the rights of Ireland ; as a Minister of the Crown, over- 
 whelmed with the cares of State, he never failed to find — one might 
 almost say sometimes to make — time to attend every meeting to which 
 he has been invited, to further the cause so dear to his heart. 
 Nor was it by word or by pen alone, that he laboured ; it is part of 
 his claims to honour, that althougli so many years in the highest ranks 
 of public life, Mr. Costigan is now, as he always was, a poor man ; yet 
 out of his means, such as they were, he has never failed to contribute — 
 
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nJOGUArillCAL SKETClfKS OF SPEAK!': US. ng 
 
 too generously, in fact— to funds raised for Itisii i)atrioti( purposes. 
 But it is the muititudu of his private benefactions which endears him 
 most to llie peoi)le nmon^ wliom he lives, and who know him best. 
 No charitable cause ever a|ii)calc(l to him in vain. Heart and liand 
 have ever been open to the claims of the widow and the orphan ; and 
 the Irish people of Canada know full well that no m;ui of their race 
 has done, in a si.ictly honourable way, more j^nod than he in safe- 
 guarding; the interests of that portion of the [xipiilation, whose reprc- 
 sentative he was in the (!abinet. The people of Ireland will unite 
 with the people of Canada in holding this tndy good, self-sacrificing 
 and distinguished man in grateful and in loving remembrance, aud 
 will wish him and his amiable life-pariner many long years to come 
 of useluhiess and honour. 
 
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 IRISH RACK CONVKSTION. 
 
 RKV. JAMF.S CLANCY. 
 
 TiiK Rev. Jamks Ci.ANtv was l)Ofn in ijinis, on llie .jrd Sciitcnihcr, 
 1859. ICdutattd at the Cliristian Itfothcrs' Schools in that town, ami 
 afterwards at tlie Dioiesan College, lie entered the Irish College, I'aris, 
 in .September, 1877, and after a dihtiiigiiished course of studies, was 
 ordained prie 'i October, i88j. Api)ointed immediately after to the 
 curacy of I 'eakle, Co. Clare, he has since filled curacies in Lower 
 
 Feaklo, (,'c and in Clouglijordaii and Lorrlia, Co. Tipperary. 
 
 \n all these parishes he has endeared himscir to the people by his 
 zealous and sympathetic discharge of duty. He is a close student of 
 Theology an<l a gifted preacher, and adds to the usual .Tccomplishnients 
 of u Catholic priest, that ut an exceptionally deep and extensive knowledge 
 
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 of English literature. In public life, Father Clancy has been distin- 
 guished by an ardent nationalism, consistent and uncompromising. 
 We may mention, in passing, that in his case such a spirit is hereditary. 
 Since 188a he has taken part in the National movement in all the 
 districts in which his ministry was cast, conducting a working branch 
 of the National organization, in the days of its legal suppression as well 
 as in the time of its tolerated existence. He has often spoken at public 
 meetings, both in Clare and Tipperary. He has also lectured occa- 
 sionally; generally on some phase of Irish history, or Irish letters, and 
 in the political polemics of recent years has contributed letters, both to 
 the metropolitan and provincial Press, remarkable for lucid argument 
 and conclusive force. 
 
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 WILLIAM O'HRIKN, LX M.l'. 
 
 In thin Kketcli il is imt our iiilcnticm tci trr:it \fiy cxliniistivfly of 
 the ilistiiiniiislicd siilijcct, wild lia.s .simi' iHS^ I'llliil so |irnMiiiii'iit ,\ 
 |)la('e in iri.sli jxilitics, und wlio is known not only in Irulaml, Imt 
 thronfrlioiit the Knglii(lMt|ii'iikin); worhl ami clsuwht're. Mr. William 
 O'Hricn attcinlfil tlu' Irish Kai'i- Convention, tlionnh not then a 
 im-inU'r of I'arliaiin'nt, and ilfliM'n-d a M'ry i'(TiMii\c ami tilling 
 speech. One would think at tiincs his ({cstiire is extravagant, Imt In- nt'\ur 
 fails in carrying with iiim t'lc andicncc ni mii.inr, n prelty fair test 'f 
 
 PANS OK KYLEMOnE. 
 
 oratory. He is not what the wiseacres call prudent, and is charged 
 with making [lolitical blunders. In our days of carping criticism on Irish 
 politi<'s, it would l>e very dillicult, indeed, to find any one, however 
 prudent and far-seeing, to satisfy the [jupular standard. Whatever 
 may be his political shortcomings, they are more than compensated by 
 his many excellent (piallties in i)rivate life, and his intentions which 
 are always well meant. 
 
 Mr. William O'Brien, son of the late Mr. James O'Brien, Mallow, 
 was born in 1852, and was educated at the Dio<-e:ian College, Cloyne, 
 
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122 
 
 IRISH RACK CONVENTION. 
 
 and at the (jiiuen's > 'ollcge, Cork. He represented the borough of 
 Mallow from 1883, until, as a borough, it became extinct in 1885. He 
 then became member for South Tyrone, defeating by a majority of 
 55, ('a|)tain .Si.merset Maxwell, f'(in.ser\ative. In 1886, on the occa- 
 sion iif the f'leneral Klcction, he was defeaied by Mr. T. W. Russell, 
 Unionist Liberal, who had a majority of 99. But he was forthwith 
 returned unopjiofed for North-East Cork. He was elected for Cork 
 city in 1892. Mr. O'Brien was one of the best known of the Irish 
 Pairliamenlar)- Party. He w;ts connecteil with Tliilird Ireland 
 for some years, where his stirring articles kept alive the Irish political 
 movement, but made him, in time, a suspect of the Government. In 
 i\ugust, 1 836, he attended the Chicago Convention as a delegate from 
 the National League, ho also visited Canada to arouse sympathy with 
 the National cause but his mission was not generally successful. 
 
 In addressing the House, Mr. O'Brien was always fluent, and usually 
 forcible, while at times he was bitter, and political opponents were 
 careful to eluda his reach. He has been once suspended for violating 
 its rules, and has been imprisoned four times under the Coercion 
 Act. It will be rememlx;red he refused to don the prison garb, point- 
 ing out to the authorities the essential difference to be made between 
 political anil ordinary criminals. This drama, in which he was 
 successful, is one of the most stirring events in his life. In 1890, 
 along with Air. Dillon, ALP., he was liberated on bail, to .stand his 
 trial, but he forfeited the bail, and escaped to America. In January, 
 1891, we find him as well as Mr. Dillon, in conference with Mr. 
 Parnell in Paris, wishing to effect the retirement of the latter from the 
 leadership of the Irish Parliamentary Party, riut no expostulation 
 or remonstrance could change the mind of that determined states- 
 man. He immediately took sides against him, and was returned as 
 an Anli-ParneHi'e for Cork city, and for the North-East Division of 
 Cork. He is now disconnected with Parliament, and lives quietly — 
 except for an occasional stirring speech on behalf of unity, and in 
 tiie interests of the tenant farmers. Let us hope that he is mustering 
 iiis forces at his charming Irish Cottage for prolonged Parliamentary 
 work at no very distant date. Mr. O'Brien has also ventured into the 
 domain of literature, ami wrote while in prison "When we were Boys," 
 which had for some time a remarkable vogue. It would not be advis- 
 able here to enter into the merits or demerits of the work ; it is sufficient 
 to say that while it made for its author many friends, it also created 
 ?ome enemies. From a literary point of view it undoubtedly possesses 
 consideral)le merit. He has also ventured into the domain of poetry, 
 but it is questionable if he will ever ])ursue literature as a ]irofession. 
 We give the following samjile of his muse, which was written very 
 shortly after liu" Irish Race Convention, and speaks strongly for unity. 
 
 
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BWGRAPUICAL SKETCH KS OF Sl'EAKENS. 12.^ 
 
 UNITE ! 
 
 Shame, brothers, shame ! Here's the day of Iwltle breaking, 
 
 See a nation straining wildly for the music of your guns! 
 Think, sf)ldiers, think ! Freedom waits but for your waking — 
 And your cmii) but wakes to discord and your blows smite your 
 own sons. 
 
 Your country's cheek 
 Your faction shriek 
 Dyes scarlet with your shame I 
 
 Hear the foemen laugh their loudest in th'.ir rod ranks grim and steady 
 
 While your jarring war of curses mad their thirsty ears imbibe : 
 " But yesterday for panic-flight our beaten hosts were ready — 
 Our mirth's to-day the fools who'd lose a countr)- for a jibe " — 
 A jibe, a flout. 
 Some faction shout. 
 While Ireland's red with shame ! 
 
 Hark! the warning from the green graves where the deathless dead 
 lie watching : 
 " Not luigland's sword, but brother's feud, for ever struck us down." 
 Hark! the exile's prayer the Heavens from a hundred lands are 
 catching : 
 "Touch their heart?, O angel's wing of peace, ere our golden 
 hopes are gone ! '' 
 
 But no — ever no! 
 Still the curse and blow, 
 While Freeilom's golden moments go. 
 
 Think, O comrades, of the camp fires where we laugh'd and quaff'd 
 together, 
 When our souls flashed fire divine at touch of Ireland's holy hand, 
 In days when, welcome thunderclap or triumph's blazing weather, 
 We sought the shock with England's hosts, our peerless soldier band I 
 Have all perish'il — 
 Dreams so cherish'd — 
 When we thrill'd at touch of Ir- land's holy hand ? 
 
 Hark! a murmur from the martyr graves and o'er the ocean swelling! 
 
 Tho air grows <lark with menace of a race in wrath uprisen : 
 " I'etty breed of brawlers, cease your babble! — of your swords of foul 
 stains telhng 
 Purer hands wilt use to scourge you to graves curs'd for your treason. 
 And legions ten 
 (")f truer men 
 Will spring to Ireland's sun bright flag new risen!" 
 
 
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 124 Jh'L^J/ HACK (JOSVENTION. 
 
 JOSKl'H I'ATRICK KVAN, NEW YORK. 
 
 JosEi'ii Patrick Kva> was Ihjiii in the city of Limerick, and received 
 his early education at tlie sciidols of the Christian Brotiiers, in Sexton 
 Street and 'Jhoinond Gate, afterwards attending the private schools 
 of Rohan and O'Xeil. He was apprenticed to the firm of Bernard 
 McXiilty and Son, in (leorge Street, to learn the trade of pa[)er 
 staining and painting. L'jion reaching his eighteenth year he left his 
 native land for the United States, where he continued to work at the 
 nianufacttne of ])a|)urhangings for seven years after his arrival, in the 
 city of New Brunswick, New Jersey, during which time he was the 
 
 TllU.VONl) muiKlIC AND KINO JOUN'S CASTLE, LIMEHICK. 
 
 imentor and patentee of many useful appliances, now universally 
 employed in the manufacture of wallpapers. 
 
 Ahout this time he married the daughter of the late Captain 
 AVilliam Boy Ian, and soon after\vards gave up his connection with the 
 manufacturing branch of his trade, and removed to the city of New 
 \'ork, where he engaged in the painting and decorative business, soon 
 achieving distinction in that department. 
 
 As a hoy he was wont to play around the historic Treaty Stone, 
 when, like Ireland's hopes, it was half buried in the earth, ere it was 
 
 
1 
 
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 .r-^y^ 
 
 \ 
 
 BWGRAI'UIVAL HKETCllEii OF SPEAKERS. 125 
 
 accordeil tht- dignity of a pedestal on which to rest, aiid lind b.ituty 
 from vandal hands. In later years the inemoiies it represented, and 
 the lesson it taught were treasured and studied, and to make Ireland 
 a free and seif-goNeniing nation became the aspiration of his life. 
 To assist in i.ciiieving this object he became a member of every 
 organisation in America, that, for the time, gave hope of doing good 
 for Ireland. When the Land League was organised in America, lie 
 was among the first 'o join it, and soon became one of its most trust'id 
 leaders. In tlie National League, wiiicli su'ceeded it, he gave hij 
 services as freely. A few days before the rupture took place in thi' 
 party, acting ;is Chairman of the Executive Committee of the 
 Municipal Council of New York, he organised the most successful 
 jjubjic meeting ever held in America, in support (jf the Irish cause, 
 which responded to the aijpeals of the Parliamentary Delegation by 
 contributions amounting to $28,000. 
 
 When the Executive of the National League in America, declared 
 tliemselves inactive, or neutral as between the divisions of the party 
 in Ireland, he was one of the founders of the Irish National Federa- 
 tion of America, organised to support majority rule. He was elected 
 its secretary, which office he has filled continuously with marked abilitv, 
 and at great ])ersonal sacrifice. During the long contest with faction, 
 ^[r. Ryan's wise counsel has guided the course of affairs in the United 
 States. He has always stood an irremovable obstruction in the path of 
 the factionist. He attended the Convention as ^ delegate from the City 
 ("ouncil of the Irish National Federation of New York with which he had 
 been connected since its conception. In the presence of this great Conven- 
 tion, he demanded — in the name of the exiled Irish Race — that division 
 in the Parliamentary Party should cease, or the discipline necessary to 
 compel unity be enforced. In Belfast, his reception by the Nationalists 
 was extremely enthusiastic. In his speech in St. Mary's Hall, there, 
 he said, " England must count on the fact that she has to contend 
 not only with the Irish in Ireland, but that she must fight the Irish 
 Race all over the world, and so long as England denied justice to 
 Ireland, they would stand a barrier in the path of her commercial 
 l)rogress, or her territorial aggrandisement." 
 
 In view of what ha.s since occurred in Venezuela, and tiie recent 
 rejection of i\\i Arbitration Treaty, this is very significant, if no' 
 ])rophetic. Mr. Ryan is still the ])ossessor of vigorous health, and 
 hopes to live to see the day* when the doors of an Irish Pariiament 
 House shall be oiwned to admit the representatives of a self-governing 
 nation. 
 
 
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L 
 
 1^6 llilSlI h'ACJ'J COXY KXT ION, 
 
 PATKiciv (;aij.a(;hkk, new york. 
 
 Mr. I'aikick CiAi.i.agiikr was Ixini in Coiiiity Mayo, Ireland, forty- 
 six years ago, ami Irit for the UnitcJ States in 1880. Ilavinff luanied 
 the liiiiliiing trade in Ireland, and mastered the details of the New 
 World requirements in America, he engaged as contractor and builder 
 in New York city, about twelve years ago, and ranks to-day among 
 the leading builders of the great city of New York. He built the 
 magnificent armoury of the Seventy-first New York Regiment, and 
 nianv of the great |iul)li(; and jjiivate buildings, for which New 
 \'ork is remarkable. \n earnest Irish Nationalist, he became con- 
 
 ( 
 
 J 
 
 DELPni, connemaha. 
 
 nected with the Land League at its formation in America, and has 
 l)een one of the most earnest and active workers in the Irish National 
 movement since. Always a generous contributor, he was elected 
 i)resident of the City Council Irish National Federation of New York, 
 and has always devoted his valuable time to the work of the Federa- 
 tion of America. Elected a delegate to the Irish Race Convention, 
 he visitetl his native place while in Ireland, where his sound advice 
 did much to convert many supporters of the minority party. He has 
 brought to the service of the Federation the same genuine ability and 
 enterprise that he has manifested in all his business engagements. 
 Courteous and affable to those who differ with him, he has won over 
 to the national cause many valued and influential supporters. Though 
 a silent delegate at the great Convention, he is, and has been a most 
 determined and plodding worker in the Irish cause. 
 
 y 
 
 \ ■ 
 
 x\ 
 
 V 
 
/ 
 
 / 
 
 BIOGUAVUICAL SKETCHES OF SPEAKERS. 127 
 
 WILLIAM LUNDON. 
 Mr. William Lundon was born 31st August, 1839, in liallinlough, 
 Kiltecly, Cminiy Litnerick. (Originally of tiie farming class, his 
 present position is that of classical teacher. Since 1861 lie has ((in- 
 ducted an academy for classics and mathematics in Killeely. His 
 j)upils mostly aim for the priesthood, jiassing on to the Diocesan 
 College of Thurles, and many (jf tiiem ailo[it the foreign missions, 
 studying in the various missionary colleges of Ireland. Early in the 
 Fenian movement, Mr. Ltuidon cast in his lot with the hrave young 
 
 From iilioto tiy] THE pntLINs, bkowniiai,!,, CO. DOXEOAT,. [\V. Lawri'mo. DiiliUii 
 
 men around him, endeavouring tf) the best of his lights to right the 
 wrongs of his country. On the suspension of the Habeas ('orpus 
 A(;t in February, 1866, two informers turned up against him, but !w 
 succeeded in escaping to America. He, howe\i;r, returned with many 
 others on the eve of the rising in 1867. After the ill-fated rising lie 
 was arrested, tried, and confined in Limerick and Dublin prisons until 
 Julv, 1868. Twenty-one years later he was again imprisoned by Mr. 
 Halfour. He is at present Secretary to the Kilteely Branch of the 
 Irish National Federation, and has been County Delegate foi 
 Limerick for the third time. He never shrinks from expressing 
 his views clearly and firmly when the interests of his country re(|uire 
 him. 
 
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 IJS 
 
 iniSn HACK COXVEXTIOX. 
 
 REV. DENIS O'lIARA. 
 
 
 TiiF. iinnic of "Ollara" is well known in Ireland. For more tiian a 
 thoMsanil years tin- (Vllaras have Ix^en the lords of I.eyny. Their 
 ruined rastles are in every corner of the liarony, ami from Uelclare 
 Castle, on the confines nf Mayo, to Menlough Castle, near the sea 
 in Sli}{o the descendants of this Milesian race are still in evidence. 
 The Rev. Denis O'Hara mav fairlv claim kimlred here, hut it is perhaps 
 
 IIKKXIX PAUK, DlllI.IX. 
 
 better to deal with him personally, than treat at great length of his 
 ancestry. 
 
 Father O'Hara, almost from his birth in Cloonacool, in the Diocese 
 of Achonry, on the 24th June, 1849, gave evidence of future distinc- 
 tion, and of a strong predilection for the ecclesiastical state. Hence, 
 he was sent at an unusually early age to the Diix-esan College, 
 liallaghaderren, where, in a short time, he Iiecame the idol of his young 
 conijianions, and acquired sufficient information to enaWe him to 
 matriculate for the National College at Maynooth. Here, too, he was 
 regarded by all — superiors and students — as a youth of great promise, 
 
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 mOGRAPUlCAL SKETCH KS OF SPEAKERS. 129 
 
 and having been called to ordination during his twenty-second year, 
 he enjoyed the proud distinction of being " the youngest levite of 
 them all." 
 
 His missionary career, whe'her as curate in Kiltimagh, or as 
 administrator in Hallaghadurreun, or as I'.P. in his present parish, has 
 been one of unparalleled success. As priest he has caused religion 
 to flourish, as patriot he has commuiiicMted the ardour of his love to 
 his [)eoplc, iis a l)ene\olent and practical man he has gone 
 amongst them, and taught them how to imiirove their lands and homes ; 
 and many there are whom he has raised from the slough of 
 despair, and who, happy tn-da/ in the realisation of the ho|)es he 
 brought them, teach their little ones to bless his name, and the 
 piteous cry of povertv has in many homes been supplanted by " God 
 bless Father O'llara." 
 
 Father O'Hara is a firm believer in organisation. If he wishes 
 the salvation of souls he straightway enrols his peojile in the .Sodality 
 of the .Sa(."red Heart — men, women, and children, he enrols them. 
 It is needless to say that under his care, these societies are in a 
 high state of efficiency, and it is particularly pleasant to be able 'o 
 state that notwithstanding his great and unceasing labours in other 
 fields of labour, "the vineyard of the Lord" shows that it is still 
 his chief concern, and the state of religion in his parish reflects more 
 credit on this indefatigable priest than do all his other remarkable 
 achievements. The marvel is how, amidst a thousand works, he ha^ 
 time for all, and besides, seems entirely given up to the people's 
 spiritual advancement. 
 
 It would be impossible in a short sketch to do justice to his labours. 
 The church of Monastenedan was once regarded as the crowning effort 
 of a singularly successful career, but this little gem of architectural 
 beauty, built on the bleak and barren mountain side, is now eclipsed 
 by many works of this master-hand. His works in Kiltimagh alone 
 would fill a volume — the four schools, the four residences for 
 teachers, the parochial house, the curate's house, the fourteen artisans' 
 dwellings, tb" technical school, the convent, and the church in all its 
 stately grandeur; each a work sufficient to be regarded as the labour of 
 a life time, so perfect in every detail, and yet, all these have grown 
 up in the space of nine years, whilst during the same time the face of 
 the country has been changed, new roads ha\e been made, bridges 
 have been built, plantations here, drainage schemes there, and 
 better houses for the parishioners have been built under his personal 
 supervision. 
 
 Merits of such a high order could not but be heard of outside the 
 confines of his parish, and hence the great and universal rejoicing 
 when his appointment as a member of the Congested Districts Board 
 
 S 
 
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no 
 
 lUISTI UACE COyVKNTION. 
 
 was made known. Since then his sphere of usefulness has been 
 extended, and many parishes are now beginning to feel the influence 
 of their L'ntfr|)ri.sinf; neighbour. 
 
 As a politician he has always been regarded as a man of great 
 sincerity and singleness of ])ur[)ose. Hence he has been unanimously 
 elected three vears in succession as County Delegate for Mayo to 
 the Council of the National Federation. His parishioners are all 
 sterling Nationalists, and his parish is a model of organisation and 
 unity, so mii<-h so, indeed, that in the recently contested elections the 
 ojipdnents of Mr. Jnliii Dillon reco'uised that it would be labour in 
 vain for them to solicit votes within 'he boundary of Kiltimagh. 
 
 On the advent of father O'Hara, the parish of Kiltimagh was one 
 of the M-ry |)oorest in Ireland. But tilings have changed, and changed 
 wnndiifiilly, and all honour to the man, who, single-handed has brought 
 about the change, and effected so much good. There were here no 
 rich to contribute bountifully to his assistance, no well-informed 
 persons to ronfer with, yet the good work has been done; and it 
 would seem that the energy of a whole-souled leader reiinires ])ractic- 
 ally no co-operalion ; it surmounts all difficulties, and ne\er waits to 
 think of failure. Thus it is with Father Denis O'Hara, the pious 
 jiric.t of Kiltimagh. the worthy and ujiright citizen, the truest and 
 most faithful of friends, and the [latriot with(jut fear and without 
 reproach. 
 
 (■■ 
 
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 ■-■■:j 
 
 UIOGIiM'lllCAL SKKTVUKS OF Sl'KAKFNS. 131 
 
 DENIS Kll.l KIDK, M.l'. 
 
 Among the speakers at the Irisli Race Convention was Mr. Denis 
 Kilbride, M.P. for North Galway. Mr. Kilbride's speech was brief 
 but relevant. lie i)ointe(l out some of the relations existing between 
 landlord and tenant, stating tiiat the only sohition of the Irish 
 land <|iicstion was the system under whicii the tenant should |iiirchase 
 the interest of the landlord, and be wholK independent of him. As 
 a farmer himself, and one who had studied the question in all its 
 
 From plioto by] 
 
 KYLBMOIIE CASTLE, UO. OALWAY. 
 
 [W. Lawrence, Dutilin 
 
 /'-; 
 
 l-.earings, Mr. Kilbride was in a position to speak with a great deal 
 of authority on the subject. l'"or many years he had been intimatelv 
 connected with the land agitation, and by reason of this connection, 
 he came into great prominence in Ireland. Therefore, much interest 
 was centred in him personally, and his speech was listened to with 
 great attention. 
 
 Mr. Kilbride, son of Thomas Kilbride, is a native of Queen's 
 County, and was born at Luggacurran, in 1847. Early in the I.and 
 League days, he became associated with Irish politics, and has ever 
 since, at great personal sacrifice, done e\erything in his power to 
 improve the condition of the Irish tenant farmer. He became M.P. 
 
 akil 
 
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 lUISn It AVE CONVENTJON. 
 
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 f(ir South Kerry, ii roiistitiienry which he repre.sentfi<l from 1887 lo 
 1895. Sinre the latter date he represents North ("laKvay. and con 
 tiiiiies liis deep interest in the fanning class. Last January, at n 
 tneetiiij; of tlie Iris!) Party iield in Coinmittee Koom 15, of tiie House 
 of Commons, he moved that Afr. Dillon he entrusted with the moving 
 of an aniendtiieiit lo the Aildress, with reference to the agricultural 
 distress in Ireland, thus showing his continued concern for the well 
 being of the Irish farmer, and that the land (|iiestion may he taken 
 ns his department in the Irish Party. 
 
 He feels, iix every thinking man wiio h.xs li\ed in Ireland, and 
 has liecome ac(|uainli'd witli the condition of tiio people, that ,at the 
 hottom of most of the Irish cliniculty and discontent is the land 
 question, and nnti'. this is settled on a Imsis that will afford the Irish 
 farmer the means of living in comparative comfort, it is useless to 
 hope he will ever, or ran ever, rest satisfied. 'I'lu' Urilish House of 
 Commons has been so far unwilling or unable to deal with this ipiestion, 
 and hence arises the cry for Home Rule for Ireland. Some conces- 
 sions have lieen made, but even with these concessions, the Irish 
 farmer is still very jKior, and utterly unable to keep ])ace with the 
 foreign competition in farm i)ro(luce, wiierewith the Uritisii market is 
 closed to him. This is well enough for Kngland, whicii is a manufactur- 
 ing country, but utterly ruinous to Ireland, which, it may be said, 
 IS purely agricultural. Xo matter what may be the depression in the 
 price of farm i)rniluce, the landlord's account must be satisfied, and 
 although the Land Courts periodically fix the rent between landlurJ 
 and tenant, they usually fail to give satisfaction, being largely com- 
 posed of those who could not be sujiiwsed to act generously to the 
 farmer. Tlie l.ind question, therefore, is one of great moment in 
 Ireland, and upon it hinges most of the discontent that has been for 
 many years distracti'ig the country. To this matter, Mr. Kilbride 
 gives himself heartily, and never loses an opportunity of aiding the 
 cause of the Irish farmer. He is exceedingly ]iopular with his col- 
 leagues, who admire his frankne.ss and disinterested patriotism. Wc 
 express the hope that he may remain for many years to come, a 
 member of the Irish Parliamentary Party, and continue to take the 
 same interest in the Irish tenantry which he has done for so many 
 years in the jiast, and that in the fare of so much dogged opposition 
 and at such great personal sacrifice. 
 
 L 
 
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 lllOdHAPIlWAL SKETVllKS OF SPEAKFAiS. lu 
 
 RF,V. RiCMARD I.YI TI.K. 
 
 Rev. Riciiahi) I.vtti.e, of Moneyrca, County Down, is a 
 young Unitarian minister, who l)cranie noted — political o])- 
 |iiiii('iits woiilil say, iKittirioiis — during the past five or six years. 
 as the staiinchest and most outspoken ailvouite of Home RmIi; 
 amongst the Protestant clergymen. Mr. I.yttle was born at Uarmhili, 
 near Dromore, (!ounty Down, on 6th March, i8()6. lie is the son nl 
 Mr. Richard I.ytlle, a merchant in Dromore, who lias sprung from a 
 
 From pbuto by) 
 
 NEWCASTLE, CO. DOWN. 
 
 [\V. Linvn'iiic, Dulilin 
 
 I 
 
 -..1 
 
 good old stock of gentlemen farmers in the Donacloney district. His 
 mother was Miss Mary M'VVilliam, of Banhridge, whose family were 
 connected for several generations with the Irish linen trade. 
 
 As years went on, however, the naturally intelligent and broad- 
 minded youth, in search of truth and political enlightenment, began to 
 read the Freeman's Journal, and other National newspapers, as well 
 its the Anti-Irish organs to which alone he had been accustomed. He 
 studie 1 Irish history privately, for the schools and colleges afforded him 
 no instruction in that subject, and with the melody of his mother's Irish 
 songs still echoing in his heart, young Richard L)-tt]c became a 
 
 ._ > 
 
M4 
 
 IIUSII li. [(■!■: ('O.WHM'IOS. 
 
 < 
 
 itiorniinh Nationalist :iiiil llnnn' Uiilcr, imt diily from patriotic senti- 
 ment, lint frimi the most jiroronnil conviction and fixed |)rinci|>li'. His 
 father, Mr. I.vltle, lieli! .1 I'.irni, williin a mile nf liis place of l)Msiiie»«, 
 on which his family rcsiilud. Owin;; to a defective title, he was dix- 
 poMcssed of the fami, prior to the pansnge of the Art of 1881, and 
 IiIn claim for ^2,000 f<ir tenant ri^ht wax disalloweil. On this farm 
 the younj; Kichard w.is liorn, and the hoy passionately loved the jilace 
 of his liirth, the Kfcen fields, ihe fragrant lawn, the dear old home, 
 where the Hrst happy years of his life were spent, and where, following 
 a iiatnral bent, he had U'coine an expert and daring rider. 
 
 At the age of fonrleen. Master kichard F.yttle U'came a jjiipil in 
 I.nrgaii College, where he not only made satisfactory jirogress in his 
 studies, liut became an enthusiastic athlete. He was intended for the 
 law, but relini|iiished that profession in f.avour of the ministry, and 
 entered the L'nitarian College al Manchester, at the age of eighteen. 
 'I'here lie remained three years, completing the course in classics, 
 history, ]>hilosophy, theology, and literature, earning his diploma. 
 
 Having before the end of his course, gained the valuable Tate 
 .Scholarsiiip, he entered Owens College, Manchest(;r, and became a 
 hisloryhonoiirs student, 111 connection with X'icloria University. Tiiere 
 he remained two years, when he -esigned his scholarship, owing to a 
 temporary aihri^nt of the right eye, brought on by over-work, which 
 cut short a scheme r»f r' rouged studies, and rendered necessary a 
 change of rt-sideiv I of work. 
 
 M' I.vttl< '<ly rc'i viverf.'d, and subsetiuently accepteil 
 
 I mis "call" from the historic, and non- 
 
 •^i oneyrea, aiii ! was installed as minister in 
 
 1. line of able ministers, of whom the best 
 
 wen. ,. .tcher DIakely, the eloque"* .advocate of 
 
 ,.)lic Emai' jialion, and the Rev. Harold Rylett, who became 
 a i-rominent leader in the Irish Lanci I-eague in 1880-84. 
 
 Since hi^ ettlemenl in Monevre:; in 1889, Mr. I.yttle has (K'voled 
 himself j.ssiduously to his p' -ochial ai jw-storal duties, and therein 
 has won thi .affection and re.,.ined the 
 tion of two hun(hi'(l families. TiiO- 
 in iiolilics, nave, with an enlighteni 
 worthy of imitation in all Christian 
 sehlom met with in the North of liei, 
 piustor in the exercise of his right of | 
 the doctrines if their religious belief. 
 
 Soon after :iis return to Ulster Mr. Lyttle organised a band of 
 Ulster Protestant Home Rulers to aid at British elections in counter- 
 acting the unpatriotic action of Ulster and other Irish Unionists; and 
 was himself a frequent speaker at English and Scottish elections, cross- 
 
 a th 
 
 sn' 
 
 •glance of his entire congrega- 
 is flock who differ from him 
 rality and broad-mindedness, 
 
 iiunities, though unfortimately 
 , most loyally supported their 
 
 vate judgment, which is one of 
 
 n 
 
 _v--^- 
 
 - 1 I 
 
 ( 
 
 
lilOaiiAPniCAL SKETCH KS OF SPKAKK/fS. 135 
 
 ing the chuniii'l fi)r 11 cotiplu of days, uiid speaking, wIumi he could 
 not Sparc a loiigiT .ilisi'iicc from his pastoral charn'.'. 
 
 Ill iS(;3, hi- proiiiotffj thf incinorial to Mr. (Jladstonc in fa\(iur 
 of his Irish policy, which was sinned by over 700 Unitariaim in Ht-lfast 
 and district, incliidin(; thirteen ministers. 
 
 In iH(;4, Mr. I.Ulle icinc'ived llic ide.i of an organisation of 
 patriotic Irishmen, for advancing the cause of National Self-(iovern- 
 mt'iit, and consonant with this idea, the "Irish Women's Association ' 
 Wiw formed in the Octoln-r of that year. This association '.uw floii- 
 rishud exceedingly. It h.is a large iiinl eiitliiisiaslic mcmliership of 
 Catholic and IVotestanl ladies, and has added to its original programme 
 the cultivation and preservation of Irish National sentiment in Ulster, 
 <(y ;'\N.ikeniiig a lo\t' for, and diffusing a knowledge of Irish history, 
 Irish literature, nuisic and art. .V pleasing fiMlnre of this association i> 
 the perfect harmony witii wliicii Catholic ami I'lotcstant ladies work 
 together in the pnimotion of liiusc worthy ohjects. 
 
 Well versed in all the burning ([tiestions of the hour with a liread'h 
 of sympathy that takes in all who suffer wrong (,r o|)[iression, without 
 distinction of rai'e, creed, class, or |)olilics; a lluent speaker, a i-onu'iy 
 |)resence, .ui enthiisiiustii; Nationalist, and an earnest l)elie\cr in, and 
 worker for. National Self-Cio\ eminent, the Kev. Mr. I.yttie is an ex- 
 cellent si)ecimen of a brave ami iieli)ful young Ulster I'rotestant 
 patriot. Ireland needs more like him. 
 
 If 
 
 'I 
 
 KOI NU TllUiai, SWOnas CO. DtUI.IN. 
 
 .1 / 
 
 i*^ 
 
n 
 
 136 
 
 IRISH RACE CONVENTION. 
 
 
 \ 
 
 I 
 
 GEORGE J. LYNSKEY. 
 
 I Mr. George J. Lynskey, who at present fills so distinguished a part 
 
 \ ill tho jjuhlic life of Liverpool, is Irish, and is proud of tho fact. 
 
 '\ Some years ago, the name of Irishman was not a passport to success 
 
 ' ' in England, but happily that harrier has been, in a great measure, 
 
 urokon down, and this pleasing change is largely due to the ability, 
 the uprightness, and '.m general adaptability of such Irish, as the 
 subject uf our sketch. 
 
 Mr. I.ynskey is brother of Canon Lynskey, Clifden, Galway, whose 
 career is given elsewhere, and was born at i\shgrove, Tuani, in 1862, 
 
 ; After a remarkable course aa a student, he secured his law diploma, 
 
 and soon came to practise in Liverpool, where ho found scope enough 
 
 I for his ability, but where ability only could succeed. He possesses 
 
 many of the qualities of the elder brother, especially his energy an,. 
 
 ^ perseverance, and only by such means, combined with his great talent, 
 
 coiJd he have attained the distinguished jxisition which he now holds. 
 
 Mr. Lynskey was present at the IrisL Race Convention, as represent- 
 
 ' ;■ ing the Irishmen of the important city of Liverpool, which is generally 
 
 regarded as the Irish capital of England. His speech was brief and 
 rele\'ant. Coming forward as he did towards tho close of the third 
 day, he was evidently anxious to get to the point, and state his case 
 in good earnest. He is a strong advocate of the rule of the majority, 
 for, to his mind, it is impossible to preserve order and enforce dis- 
 cipline otherwise ; and as every Irishman, who has the welfare of his 
 country at heart, he laments the unhappy divisions that have paralysed 
 the power and influence of the Irish Parliamentary Part" ' the 
 British House of Commons, and afforded the hosi'le Eng, . .1 public 
 an opportunity of sneering at the mention of Home Rule, and the 
 very name of Irishman. It was easy to see that Mr. Lynskey felt 
 the force of his own remarks, and he was in a position to speak, 
 living as he did in a country where the Irish politician is often socially 
 ostracised, and regarded with no small amount of suspicion. He is 
 evidently a ptactised rijjeaker, clear and forcible, and aims at making 
 his statements intelligible and incisive, in tht, fewest possible word< 
 Since coming to Liverpool, no matter what might be the personal 
 sacrifice, or pecuniary disadvantage, Mr. Lynskey has never ceased 
 to take part in current Irish politics, and aid, to the best of his power, 
 the cause of his country. It would not, indeed, be surprising if, at 
 no distant date, pflitical honours await the young and promising Irish 
 lawyer of Liverpool. 
 
 .'S 
 
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 i 
 
 ) 
 
 K' 
 
niOGUArnicAL sketctiks of si'kakers. i.n 
 
 
 ALPnONSUS QUTN. 
 
 Mk. Ai.piionsu.s Quin, who di'livcri'd a sliDrt Imt effective speerh nt 
 the Rare Convention, is a native nf County Tyrone, lioni in the jjarish 
 nf Arjjoe, 15th July, 186 1. He is, as was his father, a farmer, anil is 
 therefore deeply interested in any movement that roncenis that depart- 
 ment. He joined the T.and League in 1880, and remained secretary 
 of the local branch luilil that organisation liccanic illegal. .\t the 
 DnMin Convention of i88r, laider the presidency of Mr. I'arnell, he 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 ^-^^^^^m^m^^ -^" 
 
 IIUINS ox DEVENMSIl ISLAND, LOtKlH ERNE. 
 
 was present cs delegate. Mr. Quin has Ijeen conducting agent at 
 various parliamentary elections, especially during the time of Mr. 
 Parnell, of whom he was a great admirer, and who.se policy he strictly 
 followed, until the great Convention of 1896. Since then he has been 
 an adherent of Mr. Dillon. Though laying no special claims to 
 oratorical powers, he delights in oratory, and recalls with pleasure his 
 visits to thd House of Commons during some very notable debates. 
 He is now connected with the Irish National Federation locally, and 
 hopes the Irish Race Convention, so representative of Irish blooti, 
 throughout the world, may effect unity and [leace among Irish 
 Nationalists. 
 
.^ 
 
 — , I 
 
 138 
 
 lUlHlI UACE COXVEXTION. 
 
 iiliii I 
 
 Vl'RY REV. DR. FLANNEKV, ST. THOMAS, ONTARIO. 
 
 Very Kev. William Flannery, D.D., was Ijorn in Nenagh, County 
 Tipiierary, Ireland, January, 1829. After a preliminary classical course 
 in his native town, he went at an early age to a college in the South 
 of l''r,nice. When his philosophical and theological studies were 
 completed, with the consent of the then Bishop of Killaloe, he 
 \()luMteered with others to go to Canada, and being ordained at St. 
 Michael's Cathedral, Toronto, 22nd May, 1853, became Professor 
 (if English literature, and after^\•ards of rhetoric, in the (^atholic College 
 (if that cilv. 
 
 I'rom Iiliotoby) SALMON LEAP, IIKLLKIJK, CO. KKliMAXAdK. 
 
 I\V. Lawrein'C, Dublin 
 
 Here he remained for some years, until his health gave way, when 
 it was considered necessary that he should return to his native hills 
 to recuperate. He was received cordially by the bishop of the diocese, 
 and recovering from a malignant fever, by which he was for weeks 
 prostrated in his nati\e town, he was appointed to the curacy of 
 Toomevara, Diocese of Killaloe. In his new cure he was very 
 successful, and achieved a reputation for zeal and piety. 
 After some time, the Most Rev. Dr. Flannery conceived 
 the idea of a Diocesan Cathedral, and selected the curate 
 
 
W!k 
 
 ") 
 
 
 I" 
 
 y\ 
 
 BIOGIfAPIIICAL SKKTCIIKS OF Sl'KA K Fh'S. M9 
 
 of Tu(jmL'var;i for what iirovcd a rather (lilTicult atid trying mission, 
 that of colli'cliiig fiinils in the United States for the undertalciiig. A 
 pulilic l)ani|iiet was tendered him (in his deiKirture, and high hdpes 
 were entertain'id of his forlhcoiiiing success, but the American ('i\il 
 War Itroke out abput this time, and extending over some years, 
 rendere<l it imiiossihle for iiim to succeed. All tiie spare moneys were 
 re(inirfd for war puri)oses, and so the collecting had to he abandoned 
 Dr. Flamiery, in the meantime, engaged in missionary work. The 
 [iroject of erecting the cathedral wa.s for the time abandoned, but it 
 is gratifying to have to record, that a beautiful cathedral church has 
 since been completed, during the administration of Most Rev. Dr. 
 McRedmond, and through the energy of Dean White, Nenagh. 
 
 Dr. Flannery has been the life long friend of Right Rev. Dr. Walsh, 
 Archbishoi) of Toronto, and the Archbishop has ever ailmired him for 
 his excellent (pialities of head and heart. He is an accomi)lished 
 scholar, contributing now and then articles of rare merit to the 
 periodicals and Press on Catholic subjects. In lerognition of his 
 scholarly attainments, the Georgetown University at Washington, 22nd 
 June, 1892, conferred upon him the degree of D.D. He is pastor 
 of the Church of the Holy Angels, in St. 'I'homa.: and his charge 'S 
 a very important one. In October, 1895, he celebrated the silver 
 jubilee of his residence there, recei\ing the liearty congratulations of 
 his parishioners, as well as of his many admiring friends among the 
 liriests of Ontario. 
 
 Dr. Flannery spoke in the Leinster Hail at the Irish Race Con 
 vention, afterwards at Belfast, Clonmel, and at a ban<iuet given to the 
 foreign delegates by the members of I.N. Federation in the City of 
 Cork. He is now in his sixty-eighth year, forty-four of which have 
 been spent in the sacred ministry. But his upright form, his cheery 
 voice, and elastic step give promise that he will not only live to 
 celebrate the golden jubilee of his priesthood, but that he will be 
 spared many more years in the interests of the church and his com- 
 I)atriots in Canada. 
 
 -.:J 
 
 H_' 
 
 ,^\^ 
 
I40 IRISH HACh: ((IXVKXTIOX. 
 
 JOHN li. DKVJ.IN, WII.KKSHAkKK, PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 Mr. John Ji. Devlin, win > iiIIi'ikIlmI tliu Irish Rare Convention, is resi- 
 (Ifiit ill Scott Street, \Vilivesl);irre, I'a. He was born at Carrickma- 
 cross, ('(iimlv M<>ii;ii;haii, in lliu year 1H40, s(;n of James Devlin and 
 Alice Uyrne. Mr. J)evliii delights tu sjieak of his mother, and tells 
 \vilii infinite relish a story of her patriotism, which casts some light 
 on tlie treatment to wiiich the Irish were subjected in their own 
 conntry at ihe hands of aliens and usinpers. Alice Byrne, then x 
 
 From photo liyj hapids of castleconnell, CO. limekick. [W. Lawreneo, Dublin 
 
 young woman, as was the custom at that time, attended the May fair 
 of CarrickmHcross, her hair decked in green ribbons. The wearing' 
 of the green was a mortal offence, and soon she was brought to task 
 by Captain Steele, of the Orange Yeomen. Her answer was not quite 
 satisfactory, and the gallant captain at once set about cropping her 
 hair and ribbons with his sword. The result was a free fight, in 
 which the Y'eomen were worsted by the peasantry, but the girl 
 de[)ri\ed of her hair and ribbons. Her son is ever proud of his 
 l)atriotic mother. 
 
 Mr. De\lin attended the parochial schools of his native town until 
 his seventeenth year, when he went to Dublin, where he was engaged 
 
^•J> 
 
 vv: 
 
 lUOaiiAl'lIICAL SKETCIfhS OF S/'KAKKlfS. 141 
 
 ill ihf leather l)imiiics.s, winch is still hia department. In Dublin he 
 joined the United Irishmen, but the society was short-lived for the 
 spies of the Jlrilish Government were soon on their track, and all the 
 leaders were arrested. Voiing Devlin ami a few other active workeis 
 made their escape first to Glasgow, then Edinburgh, and finally 
 Liverpool, coming to the United States in 1S59. He has been an 
 active member of every organisation ha\ing for its object the well- 
 being of Irelnni) since coming to Amerii'a. Ho was a member of 
 the Land League, the Glan-na-Gael, is now President of the Council 
 of the Irish N. Feileration, AVilkesbarre, and wa.s instrumental in 
 raising a compiny in Mauch ('hunk in 1866, to assist the Fenian 
 uprising in raiuuhi. Ikit Le ("arnmism and the assassination of Dr. 
 Cronin, showed him that revolutionary societies were injurious to the 
 cause of Ireland, and he now confines 'limself to strictly constitutional 
 measures. 
 
 Shortly after his advent to Amciica, Mr. Devlin marrieil Mary 
 Anne Tree, of Mauch Chunk, by wl om he has a very ])romising 
 family of sons and daughters. He live.-, happily, and has been only 
 once in Ireland in the s|)ace of 37 years. Nearly all his relatives, in 
 tlie interim, have jjassed away. An ardent Catholic, Republican in 
 ]K)litics, a ty|)ical American citizen, a total abstainer, an ui)right and 
 faithful friend, Mr. Devlin yields to none in his love for the mother- 
 land, and it is his proud boast that he lived long enough to return 
 to the land of his birth, and strike a constitutional blow on its behalf 
 lieneath the shadow of Dublin Castle. 
 
 t, 
 
 
 IRELAND'S EYK. 
 
( 
 
 insii iiAci-: co.whWT/fi.y. 
 
 CHARLES HERRON. 
 
 The siiliji'ct iif tliis skL'tcli was hoiii in tlio [laiisli of liallinnscreen. 
 near iJiiipuistuwii, Cdiiiity Derry, in the year 1864. Alllioiigli of the 
 farming class, at an early age he Wius remarkable for his studious 
 habits, ami (hi- groat proficiency lie; exhibited at the local National 
 Schools. The family is noted for talent, and among the most gifted 
 students of Maynooth was a brother of our sui)ject, who died a few 
 months l)eforu comi)leting his theological course. 
 
 Mr. Charles Herrou was for some years connected with the Irish 
 National Hoard of Ivliication, but is now retired, having through a 
 relative ac(iuired considerable i)ri\ate means, whereby he is enabled 
 to live in absolute independence. He is still resident in his native 
 jiarish, and in that purely Celtic 'luarter, known as Sixtowiis. His 
 time is mostly devoted to study, especially the study of general Knglis*i 
 literature. However, he loses no opportunity of interesting himse'f 
 in any mo\euient for the Ixinefit of his country, and is always con- 
 nected with the local branches of the Irish National Federation. His 
 speech at the Irish Race Convention was brief and to the point. He 
 de|)lored the divisions among the Irish Parliamentary Party, but was 
 glad as an accredited representative of South Derry to be able to 
 state there was no disunion in the ranks there. Mr. Herron appeared 
 on the occasion to think himself somewhat out of place, but there is 
 little doubt he coukl become an accomplished speaker. Rumour 
 lias it that there are honours in store for him ; he is already a Pcxir 
 Law Guardian of the Magherafelt Union, and some hint that he is 
 ii coming Justice of the Peace, at no very remote date, while others 
 go so far as to hold him up for Parliamentary honours. It is doubtful 
 if Mr. Herron is not entirely too wanting in confidence, and too 
 retiring for such distinctions. But we are convinced he has th? 
 welfare of his coinitry at heart, and will rejoice to effect in his own 
 quiet way, any possible good for Ireland. 
 
 «^'^. 
 
 
 I 
 
 I ' 
 
 
<t; 
 
 I' 
 
 ,v ' 
 
 JilOGUAVlllCM SKKTCUKS OF Sl'KAKKHK. 143 
 
 HON. JOHN M.KKOWN, ONTARIO, CANADA. 
 
 The Hon. John McKeown, Q.C., was born in the County of Tyrone, 
 in 183,^. Hi.s family eniigrati'd to Canada, when he was but a mere 
 lioy, and .settled witliin twel\e miles of Niagara Vails. His father, 
 
 IN Till: DAItdl.i:, CO. WICKLOW, 
 
 who was a land sur\ey(^ir, was actively identified with the formation 
 of what was practically the first Catholic parish in the Niagara 
 Peninsula. After a time tlie family renuned to St. Catherine's, where 
 young John entered the Grantham Academy, and completed his pre- 
 paratory course for the university. 
 
 I 
 
 II 
 
 \ 
 
■ ; 
 
 144 
 
 IlilSIl ItACH ('(KWKSTIOX. 
 
 » 
 
 
 
 ITi! fiiteroil till' University of Toronto in 185 1, where he made a 
 iirilliant conrse f)f classics and mathematics, and was one of the first 
 Catiiolic graduates of that now famous institution of learning. He 
 passed the various examinations at Osgood Hall, and lit'camc barrister- 
 at-law in 1852. 'Ihc following year he hcgiui the iiraclice of his 
 profession in the city of Hamilton, where he established a large and 
 lucrative business. He ran in the Reform interest for the House of 
 Commons in 1873, but was defeated l)y the Hon. Thomas Merrit. 
 In recognition of his loyalty to Liberal principals, and of his success 
 in his profession, he was appointed C^rowii Attorney for the County of 
 Lincoln, and the following year received his commission as (Queen's 
 Coiuicillor. When it was a question of selecting delegates for the 
 great Irish Race Convention, Mr. McKeown was chosen in association 
 with Dean Harris to represent the Irishmen of .St. Catherine's, Ontario, 
 His speech at the Dublin Convention wa.s characteristic of the man, 
 and marked by much common sense and considerable force. Mr. 
 McKeown lived but a short time after his return to Canada. He died 
 at the "Hotel Dieu '' Hospital, Kingston, and w.os attended in his 
 last moments by Archbishop Cleary, an Irishman also, a great prelate 
 and a distinguished scholar, who, with his characteristic 
 tenderness repeatedly visited him. Mr. McKeown was an accompli- 
 shed classical scholar, an able lawyer, and a consistent upholder and 
 defender of the rights of the Catholic minority in Ontario. He was 
 a inan of large impulse, and generous attributes, and by his death the 
 legal profession in Canada suffered a severe loss. He was a consistent 
 Catholic, a generous supporter of his church, and a man whose exam|ile 
 fur good, was far reaching and effective. 
 
 f 
 
 c • 
 
.,' ■ ■ I 
 
 
 niOGRAFlIICAL dKKTCHEH OF SPEAKKUH. 145 
 
 UR. I'AlklCK J. ri.MMlNS, BOSTON. 
 
 1)K, Patrick Joseph Timmins is a native of the County Fermampli, 
 Ireland. He was born on llie 28tl» of Februar)-, 185 1, in De'ry- 
 kurrib, one uf the many i)ictiires(iue islands of Ui)i)er Lougli lirn.', 
 close to the historic Croni ("aslle, famed for its siej^es in the time of the 
 Williamite and Jacobite Wars. Dr. Timmins' birtiijilace was three 
 miles from N'ewtownbutler, anil his chili ihood years were associated 
 with endless journeys in llat-bottomed cots, among the numerous 
 islands, and to the main land for chapel, school, and market. He is 
 the second of a family which consistetl of eight children, having four 
 brothers and three sisters. His father, Mr. Francis Timmins, was 
 the first Catholic I'oor Law Guardian elected for that district. 'J'he 
 earliest school Dr. Timmins attended was conducted by a school- 
 master who gathered a fitful class wherever he could among the 
 children of the islands. When able to read he was sent to the nearest 
 National School, three miles away by water ami road. That distance 
 was shortened into two miles, through the kindness of Colonel Saunder- 
 son, the present member of Parliament of North Armagh, who i)er- 
 mitted the children of the vicinity to take a short cut through his 
 demesne. From the National Schoijl young Patrick Timmins was 
 placed in an academy, conducted by a Presbyterian clergyman at 
 Clinooney, near Clones. Here he commenced the rudiments of classics, 
 and at the age of fifteen was transferred to St. Macartan's Catholic 
 Seminary at \Ionaghan. Among his professors at that institution 
 were the Most Rev. Dr. Owens, the present Bishop of Clogher, and 
 Canon O'Connor, who is now parish priest of N'ewtownbutler. He 
 spent three and a half years at Monaghan, and then proceeded to 
 Maynooth. In this last college, he went through the regular course 
 of languages, English literature, logic and metaphysics, but not thinking 
 that he was called to an ecclesiastical state, he did not commence 
 theology and the sacred studies proper. He left Maynooth in 187 1, 
 and shortly afterwards came to the United States, where some of his 
 relatives had preceded him. 
 
 Not having as yet decided on a profession, he accepted a [losition 
 as teacher of classics in the well-known College of Holy Cross, Wor- 
 cester, Massachusetts, and later transferred his ser\ices to St. Francis 
 Xavier's College, New York. While here he decided to adojjt the 
 medical i)rofession, and proceeded to the celebrated Georgetown 
 University, at Washington, D.C., where he relinquished teaching and 
 took up the full course of the medical faculty. For clinical instruction 
 he attended the Providence Hospital, Washington. He received his 
 M.D. degree with honours in 1878, being voted by the college to 
 
 U 
 
 ( ■ 
 
 ,-^ --. - -• 
 
 
 I '. 
 
 IN 
 
 C A 
 
 K^ 
 
 '-■^o 
 
 M 
 
I 
 
 146 
 
 lltlSll RACK CONVENTION. 
 
 deliver (he valecJictory aJdrcits at the graduatiuii cert-moiiy. He nlio 
 
 cil)t:iiiif(l llie fiK'iilly i)ri/c of liis year, consisting of a gold inu<l:d, 
 annually granted lu th'i student wliu ^lassed the best written exaniinu- 
 tions. ik'ing now a doctor in medicine, l)ut desiring to obtain a better 
 grjsj) of liis profession, lie spent a year acting as resident physician 
 to the Children's Hospital, and to the ("ity Hospital, Washington. 
 While there he contributed papers on " Scarlatina by Inoculation,' 
 and other kindred subjects to local medical journals. From Washing- 
 ton he went to Troy, N.Y., where he |)r.ictisecl as a jihysician for a 
 year and a half. In 1H80 he married Miss Mary Anni- Uoyle, of 
 Rnxliiiry, MassacliMsctts, and removed to Maiden in the same State, 
 where he remained for two years. Desiring the greater scope of a 
 large city, he finally, in 1883, came to South Hoston. Here he rapidly 
 gained an extensive practice, and is now one of the best known 
 ])ra(titioners in that district of the New England Metropolis. Ur. 
 Patrick Timmins is a citizen of the United States, and an enthusiastic 
 aihnirer of American institutions. He is devoted to his profession, 
 but continues to feel a lively interest in all things concerning the 
 welfare of his native land. 
 
 "f!^^^^^^:. 
 
 ST. KEVIN'S KITCHEN, (II.KNUALOUUII, CO. WieKLOW, 
 
HKKlliM'lllCM. SKKTClll'.S OF S/'NAK Fh'S. 147 
 
 REV. JOHN SCANI,AN. 
 
 TiiK Rev, John Slani.an, who seconded llie vote of thanks lo the Ilishop 
 of Raplioc for prcsichng so patiently and eflicicntly over tlic great Irish 
 Convention, was horn at l-'ortane, 'I'lilla, Co. Clare, in 1844. lulucattd 
 in the local schools, and in the Jesuit College, Limerick, he entered 
 Maytiooth College in i860. Here, after a distinguished course, extend- 
 ing over seven years, he was ordained priest. He was appointed 
 
 rrom ]iliiito l)y]| 
 
 cLU'l's OF Moniin, co. clahe. 
 
 tW. Ijiwronop. Dutilln 
 
 successively to the curacies of Castletown- Ara, 1867 ; Toomevara, 1868 ; 
 Dunkerrin, 1873 ; and Ennis, Co. Clare, in 1877. In Ennis he laboured 
 till 1888, when he was appointed Parish Priest of the united parishes of 
 Cloughjordan, Ardcroney and Kilruane, in the County of Tipperary. 
 Father Scanlan is one of the most genial and unassuming priests of the 
 Diocese of Killaloe, yet he is always ready to take part in any movement 
 on behalf of his people and country. 
 
 1 
 
I4» 
 
 IKISII HACK ('()yVKi\TION. 
 
 AI-KRF-I) U'F.mi. 
 
 Mr. Ar.rRKi) Wkiiii was born in Dublin in 1834. His fnth.-r, Richard 
 I), Wcljh, took a i)rominent part in the toctotnl and anti-slavery 
 agitations, for many years ciliting tlic .-/////■ .S'/iifv/r .iilroitU. Alfred 
 Webb learned printing when a cliild, and served as apprentice, man, 
 ininagcr, putner, and owner, from 1850 to 1893, excei)ting two years, 
 when he dug for gold, worked in the liiish, and served as sailor in 
 Australia. 
 
 
 ■^ ■ « ( 1i 1 ill ■ I 1 1 <i < !i 1 ■ I I I ■ 
 VT-l 1 1 1 1 TJIll: '^ I„ 7 Till i ■" 1 f I 
 
 Fnini pliotij liyj 
 
 t()l.l,l;ilK (lllKKN, 1)1 IlLIN. 
 
 tw. Ijiwrcncp. Dulilin 
 
 His first essay in literature was a Life of John Mitclul, in 1850. He 
 lias written a Co'iipi-ndiiim of Irish Biography, now out of print ; 
 numerous tracts, polished and otherwise ; and varied contributions to 
 the Press. Interested in Irish affairs from his earliest years, he threw 
 himself into politics as a Nationalist and Home Ruler thirty years ago. 
 He served in Parliament as Member for West Waterford (being thrice 
 elected without opposition), from 1890 to 1895. He parted company 
 with Mr. Parnell after the divorce proceedings. He was elected 
 President of the Indian National Congress at Madras in 1894. He 
 has always, whilst devoted to his native land, felt himself in his interests 
 
 UV_ 
 
' m 
 
 HI nan A r/iicA l skktci/es of fir fa kfhs. 149 
 
 ami oliligations to have for his country th'-* world, and his countrymen 
 all mankind. Absorption in |)olitics led him to neglect, and ultimately 
 l^ive up business ill 189^, He has travclli-d much, coinmeiicin^^ with 
 the (bounty Wicklow, liciii;,' twice round the world ami in Amcricai 
 bcsiiles India, ( ireeco, and many visits to Switzerland and Italy, not to 
 speak of haviiiir bci;n in every county in Ireland. He now Icids a 
 quiet life in his library, his garden, and on his lucvci.E, desiring 
 nothing more than that he should yet have a renewed opi)ortunity for 
 service in the National cause, through the Irish people sh:tkinf,' off their 
 present lethargy- laying aside their feuds, foolbills, cvci.KS, horse-racing, 
 and horsey demonstrations, and giving themselves to an earnest effort 
 for Home Rule, 
 
 
 Fi 
 
 / :, 
 
 t; 
 
 It 
 
 'A • 
 
 ??^ 
 

 ISO 
 
 IRISH RACE CONVENTION. 
 
 11 
 
 JOHN EDWARD REDMOND, M.P. 
 
 Mr. John E. Redmond, member for Waterford ("ity, is the son of the 
 lati- \V. A. Redmond, M.P., BallytrLMit, and was born in 1851. He was 
 educated at Clongowes Wood College and Trinity College, Dublin; 
 Barrister, Gray's Inn, 1886 ; Irish Bar, 1887. Married 1883, Johanna, 
 
 1;!!^ 
 
 r.VKLIAUKNT sglAKi;, TUINITV COLLEGE, Dl ULIN. 
 
 youngest daughter of the late Mr. James Dalton, of New .South H'ales. 
 Was M.P. for borough of New Poss, 1881-1885 ; North Wexford, 1885- 
 1891 ; Waterford City, 1891 ; re-elected, 1892 and 1895. Though Mr. 
 Rcdmciiu was not prv f nt the Convention, yet, as leader of the 
 Parnellite Party, great in' .t was taken in him by those who attend'dd, 
 and for that reason it nas ueen thought desirable tr give him a pl?ce. 
 
THE CONVENTION 
 
 *"('. 
 l."*! 
 
 $^ 
 
lii 
 
 -MOST RliW I'AIRILK ODUXNEIJ,, \).\)., 
 Bishop of Ra[)lioe. 
 
 (Sue |>i». 11. l.Vi, 'Mft. > 
 
r-^- 
 
 f 'S3 ] 
 
 5tisb IRace Convention. 
 
 FIRST DAY— 1ST SEPTEMBER, 1S96. 
 
 i 
 
 m 
 
 The Convention assembled at noon. 
 
 Mr. Justin M'Carthy, M.P. — Fellow-countrymen, I have the 
 honour and pleasure to move that the chair he taken at this great 
 Convention by the Most Rev. Dr. O'Donnell, Lord TJishop of Ra|)hoe. 
 
 Very Rev. Canon Shinkwin, P.P., Handon, seconded die resolution. 
 
 Mr. Uavitt, M.P., put the resoluti'^n, which was adopted amid 
 cheers, renewed again as his Lordship took the chair. 
 
 The Chairman — Gentlemen, my first duty as chairman is to ask you 
 to appoint honorary secretaries to this Convention. 
 
 Very Rev. Canon Lvnskkv, P.P., Clitden — I have <cry much 
 pleasure in doing a very perfunctory duty heic to-dav. It is that ot 
 proposing that Rev. Fatiier .MGuire, C.C, Enniskillen ; Captain 
 Donelan, M.P. ; Rev. Father O'Callaghan, C.C, Mallow ; David 
 Sheehy, M.P., and Michael Davitt, M.l'., be appointed honorary 
 secretaries to the Convention. 
 
 Dr. Amiirose, M.P., seconded the resolution, which was carried 
 unanimously. 
 
 The Secretaries laid on the table the Agenda of Resolutions sent in 
 pursuance of notice of 20th August.* 
 
 The Chairman — I shall ask Father M'Fadden of Gweedorj to begin 
 the ])roceedings with an Irish prayer. CCbjvacutt) an ya5U)icpu)u'ii)re'5uuc 
 DiMn U)uiui5 01s v'oiW'^'^ "" V«'r^ 11101)16 )'(i.t 
 
 Rev. J. M'Fadden, P.P., advanced to the foot of the pl.itform 
 ind read as follows, the entire Convention remaining standing duiin;^; 
 the reading : 
 
 1ti OCnim ail Cita^, a^uy a mine, a^uy an Spioviain Maonii. fCmen. 
 Tuii^luif;, a 8pio]\aiT) Naoitii, T)'uiiii-iomij^uii)e, aicUoii ciioi-ocoTio tiveiTiiiieui;, 
 a^uy avam loiiiica reiiie -oo i^]mTxi vein. 
 
 Tlainnin. Cuiyi cusainn do 8p oiiat), aguy c]\ufucayi uco. 
 Viwasiiax). CCguj- acnuativai'D ru ai,a\T> an culiiiun. 
 
 ■SuiTmiip 
 CC "Dhia, -DO ceac;aifi; cporoce na t;-C|veiT)iiieac le loniifiar) an Spiotiaif 
 
 •These resolutions will be found set out at end of Thursday's iiroceedings. 
 f'Tlie Parish Priest of Gweedore will say a prayer at the opeuing of this great 
 *:^.. '> 
 
 Convention- 
 
'54 
 
 IRISH RACE CONVENTION. 
 
 )i.i!t; 
 
 r- 
 
 Maoirii ; cnlmiri T)uinii itif an Spiona-o coasnn, s" m-bUippainooiy'^aii cer'j\c, aKujf 
 in a Y^'jluyyan so tn-beiT)eat) |<ioix-srti,iT)eai(ij> oi\nainii : Xl\\A lofo Cjiioj^; liji 
 Tj-TiSMquiu. tCiiieii.* 
 
 The Chairman — Before any other business is done I have a joyful 
 message for Ihc Convention that ougiit to be delivered at once. 
 Centuries ago, when the two Hughs fought bravely for Irish freedom 
 anil freedom of conscience, as well as Irter on in the d;>.ys of the Con- 
 fedcraticn of Kilkenny and of Owen Roe, luland hid no more helpful 
 friends than Paul V„ Urban VIII., and Innoce.it X. Well, once more 
 
 " There's wine frt'in the Koyal J'ope 
 Upor the ocean green." 
 
 This great Convention was summoned to end Irish dissension, and I 
 hold in niy hand a gracious message from tne illustrious Pontiff Leo 
 XII I., just received through the distinguished Rector of the Irish College, 
 Rome, in which his Hohness prays that dissensions may be ended. 
 When you have heard the message in L;.tiii and English, I shall leave 
 it to the si)ontaneous act of the assembly to manifest its gratitude for 
 such an exalted favour. 
 
 ROMA. 
 BISHOP OF RAPHOE, DUBLIN. 
 SANCTISSIMU.S, BONU.M SPIKITUALE ET TEMPORALE HIBER- 
 NOKU.M EXOPTANS, FINEM DI.SSIi.VSIONUM PKEC.\TUR. 
 
 KELLY. 
 In English : — 
 The Iloi.v Father, vearnino for the simritoal and temporal wel- 
 
 KARE OF TilE IRISH I'KOPLE, I'RAYS FOR THE ENU OF DISSE.NSIO.NS. 
 
 The favour of such a Prince should not long remain without ac- 
 knowledgment, and I wish to be empowered, if it be the will of this 
 Convention, to send back the following; message in thu name of the 
 Convention : — 
 
 MONSIGNORE KEI.I.Y, CoLI.EGlO IrIANDESE, POMA. 
 Conventus Rcntis Ilibernicie Sanctissinio gratias a^it amplissimas de verbis 
 lienignissiniis, quie uti favorem cxiinium, pacisijue aiiguri'im felicissinum, una vtce 
 oniiics nccipiunt deleg.ati. 
 
 Eriscoi'us Rai'otensis Praeskj 
 In English : — 
 
 The Ir].-.h K.nce Convention begs to express its profound gratitude to the Holy 
 Fatlicr fur his most kind and siluiary message, whicli all the delegates receive as s 
 signal favour, and .as the happiest augury of peace. 
 
 Now, g^■ntlenle^, tliere is a letter from his Grace the Archbishop of 
 Toronto, which the Rev. Father Ryan, St. .Michael's, Toronto, his dele- 
 gate, is here to read to you. Tne letter is one which I am sure you will 
 all hear with pleasure. 
 
 • " In the n.nme of the Father, and of the .Son, and of the Holy Ghost. Amen. 
 
 "Come. O Holy Glicst, teplen'-h the hearts of Thy faiihlul, and kindle in them 
 the fire of Thy love. 
 
 " Versic'e. Send forll Thy Spirit and they shnll be created. 
 
 " Response. And Thou hhalt renew the lace of the earth. 
 " 1 ET us PRAY. 
 
 " O God, Who, by tht light of the Holy Ghost, didst in^'ruct the hearts of the faith • 
 ful, gram that by the s.ime Spiiit ve may know what is rij^ht, and ever enjoy His 
 consolation: ihiough Jesus Cliri.t, our Lord. Amen." 
 
tI 
 
 v^ 
 
 FIRST UA Y-CORRESPONDESCE. 
 
 '55 
 
 Rev. Dr. Rvan — His Grace not being able to come to this Con- 
 vention, wished nie to read this letter to the Convention to-day : — 
 
 Toronto, AiiRHst 13th, 1896. 
 Rev. Fathep, Ryan, Rector of St. Michael's CATiiEnRAi. 
 My Dear Father Ryan — As it is quite out of my power to assist at Iho qrcnt Ir.sh 
 Convention to be lield in Dublin in tlie bepiniiiiif; jf ,Se(iieml)cr, I hc.uliy clo|niie you 
 to attcnj tlieruat as my representative. You know my views on this Convention — its 
 necessity and its purpose. Tho>e views were su'^st-inlially evprcssed in my letter on 
 the sulyect addressed to the lion. Ed.v.inl lilake in Oclolier last. It was lelt then, as 
 it IS now, in order to obtain Home Kule or any other measure of justice from the 
 Imperial P.irliamcnt, that the Irish National representatives sli.>idd clipso their limkcn 
 ranks, .and re-establish ainonijst them unity of alin and action. The Ccmventlon was 
 suKijesled as a means of elTectinf; this desirable and necessary union. The eauie^inesi 
 and alacrity with which this iileawas taken up liy the Irish people at home and abroad 
 proved that some such Convention was felt to be a necessary means of restorinj; unity 
 to the Irish rarllamentary representntives, and that it was expected to be also an 
 efficacious method of perpeluatinu that unity. The Convention is now a great and 
 memorable fact. May the kiml Providence of God direct and cotilrol its delilierations, 
 and m.ay this assemblage of Irishmen be the siartinL;-p >int of a great patriotic move- 
 ment that will find its issue in complete success (or the c.uise of lloiiie Rule, and in a 
 glorious victory for the just libeities and rights of a so ely-tricd and long-sullering 
 people. 
 
 Believe me to be, my dear Father Ryan, 
 
 Yours very truly, 
 ■ • "frJoiLN Walsh, 
 
 Archbishop of Toro.ito. 
 
 Mr. David Sheehv, M.P., then read the following : — 
 
 Irish National Federation of .\merica. 
 Secretary's Office, Room 26, Cooper Union, New York, August igih, 1S96. 
 To THE Chairman of the Joint CoMMirTPr, ok the Irish Natkjnal Feuera- 
 TioN AND Irish Pari.iamentarv Party, Duiii.i.n. 
 
 Dear Sir— But for circumstances over which I have no control, resulting from a 
 recent injary which has confined me to bed, I certainly would be with you as a dele- 
 gate 'n the Race Convention soon to be held in Dublin. As a sincere friend of the 
 movement to secure Home Rule for Ireland by constitutional means, I would like to 
 offer a brief plea for unity, and to present a view of the present situation of affairs in 
 Ireland as it appears to one pl.iced, as I am, beyond the inlluence of the dllTerences 
 which now e.xist there, and which threaten tc Wieck the cause. It is but charitable to 
 suppose that those who arc directly responsible for the situation have been unable to 
 realise the ' onsequence, or to see beyond the exigencies of the petty and personal strief 
 in wlii'"h they are engaged. Those at a distance, who are free from every inlluence 
 beyond 'he one wisii— to accomplish the g.catest good for those of the Irish race who 
 have remained in Ireland — can certainly grasp the situation fully, and are the better 
 able to suggist the remedy. The Irish who have been sent into exile for various causes, 
 and are now scattered over the face of the earth, have kept green, under every vicis- 
 situde, their love of the old lanJ, and have throughout evinced no less interest in the 
 vtelfare of those left behind. Eveiy appeal from famine aid other distress h.as ever 
 been generously responded to, and the contributions in the past by funds to improve 
 the political and national condition cf Ireland have been unprecedented as to tht 
 amount given and the extent of time through which the 'nterest was maintained. It 
 may be truly claimed that, but for 'his aid from abroad, Ireland to-d.ay would be 
 little better than a desert waste, and .all trace of the Irish race would have disappeaied 
 long eincf, as the country became settled up by a foreign people. 
 
 With the growing dissensions of past years in Ireland a large majorit> of the 
 Irish people abroad have pasiied from a state of despair to one of apalliy and of 
 indifference. But while those who have given deeper thought to the situation have 
 time and again been discouraged they have not lost faith in the future. The Race 
 Convention now tc be held is the outcome of this coiifidcnce, and the delegates ivho 
 
mm 
 
 r 
 
 'S'"' 
 
 IK/Sn PACE COSVENTION. 
 
 I ':>! 
 
 attend from abroail have been selected as tlic fit repiesentalives of those wlin cnn^tilute 
 tlic most thoughtful elemtnt amongst the Irisli race outside of Ireland, These men, 
 therefore, have a right to a respectful hearing and to expect the honest co-operation of 
 all «ho claim to be advocates of 'lome Rule. One great object of the Convention is to 
 enable everyone to throw asiile past dilTerences, all ol which have had, to a great 
 extent, no belter foundation than misunderstanding. If it be true, as is held, that all. 
 re;;ardlc5s of other differences, hold in common a desire to advance the interest of 
 Irel.ind, then all can meet in this Convention without the slightest loss of self-respect. 
 Support comes (lom the Irish people, and not in the interest of a single individual. It 
 is therefore eipially incumbent iliat he should honestly co-operate and contribute his 
 best etforts to formluate some plan of org.inisation and policy for the future which will 
 remove the condition from which he has sulTered, and to which all mny in common 
 subscribe. But rest assured that the man who will not acce|)t such an invitation is no 
 friend to Ireland, and looks only to his own personal ends; his occupation would 
 be gone if the Irish people were again united. Let him bear in mind that by his 
 ncijlect of duly at this crisis he will place himself beyond the pale of sympathy when 
 called upon on some future day to receive the verdict which will be jiassed inevitably 
 upon him by the Irish people at large — an unenviable distinction will rest upon him. 
 The time has p.assed for all sentimentality, as it has seldom happened in the history 
 of Ireland that a more important crisis than the present has presented itself. Home 
 Rule cannot be gained at present without a united people to make the demand, and 
 without it Ireland can have no future. While it is perfectly natural, and even essential, 
 that individual difTerences of opinion should exist as to the proper mode of accomplish- 
 ing any public movement, yet, as soon as a course has been determined upon by a fair 
 vote of the majority, the limit of individual oi)position has been reached. Unless this 
 principle be fully acknowledged and a loyal co-operation be rendered afterwards to the 
 will of majority, political success must fail in any movement. If an organisation 
 cannot divest itself of such a stumbling block it should cease to exist. In truth il 
 must be slated that the impression exists with us that the present condition of affairs in 
 Ireland is to be traced directly to repudiation, or want of appreciation by a limited 
 number, as to the vital importance of political success in acceptmg without question the 
 will of the majority. Unless the people of Ireland are blind from partis.an zeal, and the 
 leaders arc indifferent as to the future welfare of the country, all must now realise that 
 the only remedy rests in throwing aside all past differences of opinion when faults have 
 existed on all sides, and the nearest approach to unity of the people must be brought 
 about at whatever individual cost. If this end be not accomplished at the coming Con- 
 vention as the result of general co-operation by compromise and by individual sacrifice 
 for the common good, then may God help Ireland. The end of all aid and sympathy 
 from abro.ad will have been reached, and the univers,al verdict will be that the Irish 
 people are no longer worthy of name or country. The Irish race will pass away to 
 other lands, to be absorbed by every nation of the globe, and in a limited time the 
 traditions, history, and language of the dear old land will have disappeared, and lie as 
 much something of the p.ast as those of the ancient Greeks and Romans. I will be 
 with you in spirit, and will look forward with profound interest to the result of your 
 deliberations. 
 
 Yours very truly, 
 
 Thomas Addis Emmet, M,D. 
 
 Mr. SiiEEHV, M.P. — There are other letters, but they are so numerous 
 that it is impossible to read them all. Therefore, they will be handed 
 to the Press.* 
 
 The Chairman — Men of the Irish race, there is only one way in 
 wliich I m;iy hope to return thanks for the unique honour which this 
 chair confers upon me. It is to launch at once on this magnificent 
 Convention the business that has brought you here from the four shores 
 of Ireland an<i from many lands beyond the seas. To you, gentlemen, 
 our kith and kin, come home from abroad, we who live in the Green 
 
 * These will be found at ead of this day's proceeding*. 
 
I 
 
 FIRST DAY-TIIE CHAIRMAN. 
 
 »57 
 
 Isle say from our hearts in the sweet language of your fathers, "Ccad 
 iiiille failte." In your love for Ireland you are here from the great 
 Rci)ublic of the West, where so many millions of our peoi)lo have Iniilt 
 up for themselves a position and a name, and whence in times of trial 
 has come to us the most generous support for every National demand. 
 You are here from self-governing Canada, one of whose great Prelates 
 first sui^gestcd this Convention to end our dissensions. You are ronie 
 from friendly Nova Scotia and Newfoundland. You are come even from 
 Australia, which has always vied with America in support of the National 
 cause. You are here from Africa, where, in our days, to the South it 
 promises to rival the Northern splendour of fifteen centuries ago. Then 
 the never-failing Irishmen of Enghnd and Scotland are here ; and lastly 
 the tried men, priests and people, who live in the old land, in long array, 
 from every county and every shore. You have come from near and far, 
 at great inconvenience and expense, to work for the old cause, and to 
 banish from our midst the bitterness of strife, filled with the idea that 
 love of our motherland implies co-operation, and love, and friendship, 
 and forbearances among ourselves in her cause. In my time I have seen 
 the young family outcast on the roadside from the home the strong man 
 had built ; I have seen the priest dragged to prison for trying to shield 
 the victims of such wrong; I have seen thousands of little boys and girls 
 of from nine to twelve years hired into agricultural service far away from 
 the homes where they ought to be at school ; I have seen throngs of 
 young people leaving the old and weakly behind, and hurrying to the 
 emigrant ship ; and I have often asked myself: Will tlie emigrants ever 
 come back ? Will they ever send us back the power to change these 
 things and to undo these wrongs? Well-picked men of our race are 
 nere today from every land of the Irish dispersion, and with God's 
 blessing before they go back the foundations will be laid broad and deep 
 of that victory-compelling unity which this great Convention was called 
 to promote. The unseemly dissensions which led up to the adoptron by 
 the Irish P.arty of a resolution to take counsel of the Irish race are only 
 too familiar to need any reference from me. 
 
 But in the last days of June this year an event occurred that of 
 itself should demand the summoning of this Convention. That event 
 was the publication of the report of the Financial Relations Commis- 
 sion. I do not refer to the separate reports, however important, 
 signed by d fferent groups of Commissioners ; not even to the mar- 
 vellously reasoned conclusions of one who above all others sustained the 
 cause of Irelaml on that Commission. What does the Report of the 
 Commission itself say, with an approach to unanimity that is unparal- 
 leled in such things ? What have the experts and custodians of the 
 Britisli Treasury endorsed ? They find that this poor country at the 
 very least is over-taxed between two and tiiree millions a "ear. That is 
 the rule, that is the administration for you of the stranger, and to im- 
 prove my argument, let me say, if you will, the well-meaning stranger. 
 When we talked of a geni.il climate, a fair soil, teeming seas, an intelli- 
 gent people, and said there was something radically wrong with the 
 system under which our population fled the country, and our cities and 
 industries decayed, we were answered back that this might be tolerable 
 as Irish sentiment, but that the Parliament of Westminster knew how to 
 
 .M,M 
 
v 
 
 I lli 
 
 'S8 
 
 IRISH RACE CONVENTION. 
 
 make even justice prevail in its dealings with our country not less than 
 in its treatment of any Knglish county. At Inst the trutli is out. This 
 poor l.iiid, that shares so little in imperial expenditure, is dc.;, foiled by 
 over-taxation. Her financial life-blood has been drained aw.iy until, 
 from the industrial standiroint, she has .,^'en redu(-ed to the condition of 
 a jicrpetual invalid, while the neighbouring countries grow and jfrosper. 
 Did the system against which we contend ever receive .such a blow 
 before? Let it go to the (kinocr.iry of these countries and to the 
 friendly peoples of the world that the existing system stands ( oiivicted 
 of a monstrous wrong. It L the kind of wrong that all can appreciate, 
 and for that very reason the report of the Financial Relations Commis- 
 sion, I venture to say, is an epoch-making event. It is a Nasmyth 
 hammer with whioh to crush argumentative opposition to Home Rule. 
 
 But at a time when the National strength ought to be conscien- 
 tiously applied to wield that hammer let us see that some of ourselves 
 do not waste the needed energy or put the machinery out of gear. If le 
 had now the united party of 1880-1890, speaking with one voice in the 
 Imperial Parliament on behalf of Ireland, ere this the leading iiv.'n of 
 both English parties would have been forward to acknowledge that the 
 finding of the Commission is a huge outstanding fact that compels im- 
 mediate attention from any statesman who will not deny the plain axiom 
 that justice to the governed is an obligation of Government. I'lierefore, 
 it is my opinion that if we do not now unite to press the unanswerable 
 claims of our country, history ought to deal with the dissentients more 
 severely than it does with the wars of clan on clan some centuries ago, 
 or the divisions in the National ranks within living memory, when our 
 people in '47 and '48 were slain in hecatombs by famine, and by pagan 
 jiolitical economy, while two or three Irish ])arties contended for the 
 National allegiance. There was far more to dividegood Irishmen then than 
 there is now. And an event has occurred that ought to remake the whole 
 Irish situation in the eyes even of Knglish parties. Every pledge given 
 against Home Rule is greatly in need of reconsideration in the light of 
 the astounding financial wrong to Ireland that has been revealed, or 
 rather proved conclusively this very year. The existing system is one of 
 spoliation, and it is beyond the wit of man to devise any adequate 
 remedy for stopping our current loss — not to speak of dealing with 
 accumulated restitution — that will not comprise the establishment of 
 self-government in Ireland. 
 
 We care not from which English party the Irish party extracts that 
 right. We shall ever be grateful to the men who first emblazoned our 
 cause on their banners and carried it successfully through the Hous*^ of 
 Commons. But Home Rule is now in money alone valued for us at a 
 minimum English estimate of 2^ millions a year, and I say we owe 
 independent opposition to every party that refuses that refund and the 
 political machinery for its profitable public use. That is one suggestion 
 for uniting again the ranks of Irish Nationalists ; and I believe that 
 if the Convention will issue some such declaration on the subject as 
 submitted in more than one of the resolutions on the piper, much will 
 be done towards promoting the unity we desire, even though we have 
 not in this hall, I deeply regret to say, the advantage of the co-operation 
 of all the Home Rule members. I go further, and say that by stating 
 
 I ill 
 
JOHN DILLON, M.P. 
 
 (See pp. 17, :'45, 311, ,113.) 
 
 
 ix 
 
 '' (fli 
 
 
 11 ^H 
 
 
f' 
 
 ifio 
 
 H{lS/f HACK CONVt:STl()N. 
 
 anew what the Nationalist policy really is we can, through this Conven- 
 tion, make it so well iiii(lursto(jd tiiat the i)ul)li(' opinion of our race 
 will, after a little, he everywhere at its bark, and, des|jitc delusive tries, 
 fei|uire unity in the pursuit of it. Our |)olitical creed is an old one by 
 which we mean toi^lin^ so lonj; as (lod gives us strength to work for 
 Irelan<l ; and we have the men who have observed the constitution ol 
 the Irish I'arty, and who by their record in days of stress have shown 
 that they possess the ability, the courage, and disinterestedness to give 
 effect to Nationalist principles at any cost to themselves. Depctid ujjon 
 it anything that can be said against the independence of the Nationalist 
 I'atty under Mr. M'Carthy or Mr. Dillon, might as well be said against it 
 in the years that follo.ved tiie cementing of tiie I,ii)eral alliance under 
 Mr. I'arnell. Tiie truth is the practical working out of independent 
 opposition or independent sujiport has its ditliciilties at every stage, and 
 nothing apjiears easier than for any Nationalist member to make out 
 some kind of case against his neighbour over any understanding with 
 an English (larty. 
 
 As an outsider I may be i)ermitted to express a few thoughts further 
 on the subject. It is the sense of the Coiivention that no man or 
 set of rnen .should be at all put in competition with the interests of 
 Ireland. If that be so, the cause of Ireland must, a fortiori, be our 
 itaudard in dealing with Knglish parties. 'I'lierefore, tiie princi[)le of 
 independent op( osition in our time is opposition to every parly that 
 won't grant the demands of Ireland — above all, the demand for national 
 self-government, which we look upon as comprehensive of all others. 
 Then, when any one parly adopts your prugramnie, the op|)osiiion as 
 such ceases, and co-ojieration begins and contuuies, unless there is 
 some failure in making good the coni[iact. IJut, before (■ither |)arly 
 adopts your programme on Home Rule, how far will you hel[) tiiem to 
 l)ass other useful reforms ? When one adopts it, how far will you help 
 the other to pass useful legislation, or impede them as a means of 
 forcing your National views i* Again, in regard to the party that stakes 
 its fortunes on your cause and shares your victories and reverses, if they 
 fail to carry Home Rule through both Houses of I'arlia.nent, will you 
 allow them to go on with English legislation either on the principle of 
 mutual help or on the hope of improving the chances of Home Rule at 
 an election? Again, what grievances in legislation or adininislra'icm 
 Inllicted by a party favourable to Home Rule would amount to a suffi- 
 cient reason, on National grounds, for defeating them in i'arliament or 
 at the polls ? 
 
 These are some of the questions that must inevitably claim solution 
 at the hands of our I'arliamentary representatives ; and, in the nature 
 of things, it seems to me there is only one rational \.'ay of solving them. 
 Our members go to Westminster with a distinct mandate to wrest Home 
 Rule by just means from Whig or Tory indifferently, and in the councils 
 of the party, after mature deliberation, to determine how Ireland and 
 the Irish cause requires the decision to be cast in the circumstances of 
 each emergency. They make mistakes like other men. But do we 
 expect in our time to have abler or more devoted representatives ? I 
 think not. Only, besi<les consulting their constituents often and fulfil- 
 ling their covenants with them faithfully, they must work together in 
 
 ..ill., 
 
FIRST DAY— Til H <'ll A I lt.)f.\ .V. 
 
 iflt 
 
 Parliament in the spirit of their pledge, standing as one man, aixt 
 spcaltinn with one voice, and making our country rcs|)cctcd before 
 tliosc who, BO far, love not our cause. Without this iliscipiine Mr. 
 I'ariieli's splcMidid poHtical genius could have done little; with it, under 
 (iod's l)lessiiig, a just, wise, active, and bold policy is sure to succeed. 
 No F.nglishiiian or set of Knulishnien can keep Home Kule in the 
 front of iiolilics, What can ami ou^ht and will win the Iii^h c.nuse i» 
 the unitcil I'ffort of the Irish race at home and abroad. Minor relorms 
 arc imi)orlant. Some of our grievances clamour for redress. Hut they 
 must not take our attention from the National remedy whiih a Parlia- 
 ment representative C(iiially of every class and creed anil interest in 
 Ireland can supjily. It will be seen hereafter that the Knulishmen who 
 are most frieniliy to Ireland in this respect are also the wisest friends of 
 ICn^lind. I!ut we may be forgiven if, in her straits, our sympathy and 
 interest lie concentrated on our own i)oi;r country. In the sinjjle depart- 
 ment of education, simply because the views of Ireland's representatives 
 h.ive been ignored, the primary education of the people was cast on lines 
 that left our emigrants, as a body, without the least maiuial or technical 
 tr.uning to compete in America or Australia with other nation.dities 
 drilled from childhood in the aptest ways to cam a livelihood, and after 
 lialf-acentury of protest, we are still without a university for the Catholics 
 of Ireland. 
 
 They say these grievances are now to be redressed, I hope they 
 are; much better late than never. Hut if the redress comes, m.irk the 
 time. It C(jmes far too late ; and until you have native goverimient 
 every other grievance will have to be agitated for periiap;; half a century 
 before a halting remedy is applied, and we will be always kept behind in 
 the march of human progress. Now, we tliink this is a fate to which we 
 ought not tamely submit. The mixed race that has sprung from this 
 soil, with the blood of Celt and Saxon, Dane and Nor'uan intermingled, 
 has a mission of its own, a genius and ideal of its own, virtues and 
 endowments of its own, faults and follies of its own, which give it a 
 distinctive character in evt;ry land uiuler the sun ; and we want Ireland, 
 the cradle-land and nursery of our race, to be guarded with loving care 
 and tended with filial devotion, and develoi)ed by native genius. It is 
 next to useless to argue our cause unless we stand united behind our 
 arguments. Despair of winning anything by argument has driven poor 
 Irishmen to deplorable deeds, for which an inhuman punishment has 
 been exacted. Perhaps the report of the Financial Relations Commis- 
 sion will make the case of the poor political [irisoners better understood. 
 In any evt it, if this Convention proclaims the National policy on a basis 
 broad and strong, and demands fidelity and discipline in carrying it out, 
 the Irish jjeojjle will be once more united, and. Cod giving it, no power 
 shall be able to resist the justice of the Irish cause. 
 
 The Chairman, rising again — As regards the procedure, I have to 
 announce to you that there are several resolutions and groups of resolu- 
 tions on the agenda paper, and some resolutiotis have been handed up 
 that are not on the agenila jiaper, and what I intend doircr !=■ '" take the 
 agenda paper in order, and, in the first place, I inv' Webb to 
 
 propose the series of resolutions that stand in his n, W hen these 
 
 resolutions are seconded in Qlobo, they shall be put siiiaratcly one by 
 
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 (716) 972-4503 
 

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 162 
 
 inisn RACE CONVENTION. 
 
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 one, beginning with the first for discussion, or amendment, or approval, 
 or rejection ; and as the debate goes on I shall try to find what other 
 resolutions submitted to the Convention are germane to those that come 
 first, so as to allow the whole discussion to go on together. One word 
 more, which I know is unnecessary. In the Convention on Tara in 
 ancient Erin, the representative Irishmen there assembled enjoyed 
 privileges which members attending a modern Parliament might 
 well envy. But any violence or insulting language was severely banned 
 as being unworthy of an Irish deliberative assembly. I am sure that, 
 while the delegates here will freely use their right to speak their own 
 views, and the convictions of those who sent them, on unity or dissen- 
 sion, or policy, or public organisation, or party, or leaders, or finances, 
 the manly, self-respecting, high-toned spirit of the past will be perpetuated 
 in this great Democratic Convention of Irish representatives. 
 
 Mr. Alfred Webb— My lord and fellow-delegates, ladies and 
 gentlemen, it is impossible not to feel deeply moved in laying these 
 resolutions before this great assembly, the most widely representative 
 of Irish feeling at home and abroad that I have had the honour to 
 attend. Men come and go ; the personnel alters from generation to 
 generation ; yet the National movement ever renews itself, and urges 
 forward deep and strong in our day as in that of our fathers. I bring 
 these resolutions forward as a basis for discussion, trusting that movers 
 and seconders will be found to introduce them separately and seriatim. 
 They so fully express my sentiments, my longings, at this important 
 crisis, that there is little need I should with many words stand between 
 you and them, and really important and representative speakers. let 
 me, however, express the spirit with which they have been prepared, 
 and in which I trust they will be discussed. We assert the nationality 
 of our country — dearer to us than life, essential to her progress, essential 
 to her well-being, essential for union within her shores, essential to a 
 real union with Great Britain. We in this land are not necessarily two 
 nations. There is not a righteous interest that every man, woman and 
 child within the four seas of Ireland does not share in common. The 
 ttrife between us and England, which has prevailed through the ages, 
 and which will prevail so long as the attempted stifling of our aspira- 
 tions cries out to heaven, is unnecessary. We all desire its termination. 
 Ireland is qualified to be the best friend England ever had. We can 
 never forget, and shall never forget, the thousands of England's sons 
 and daughters, who, especially of late years, have proved themselves 
 our most sincere and devoted friends. We desire, forgetting past 
 differences, to extend ihe hand of fellowship to all willing to aid in the 
 regeneration of our country. A united party — a party in which the 
 views of all will be considered, but which can be relied upon to act as 
 one, will be the best means to that end. For the maintenance and 
 efficiency of such a party effective discipline will be necessary ; neither 
 constituencies nor the country at large will rest satisfied with pledges, 
 professed in the letter, broken in the spirit. We feel for all who have 
 been led into evil ways by a state of things in which justice is " sold, 
 denied, or delayed," and every other feeling is obliterated in commisera- 
 tion for brutal treatment — for treatment meted out by no other 
 western nation to political offenders — for treatment which in the light 
 
 tt- 
 
 / . 
 
 
 .^"^ 
 
ALFRED \VEI3B. 
 ,Sce pp. U8, 1G2.) 
 
 JUSTIN McCarthy, ji.p. 
 
 (Seo pji. 23, ISS, icy.) 
 
 \ 
 
 ll 
 
 m 
 
 ■i 
 
 MICHAEL DAVITT, M,P. 
 iSee pp. 26, 293.) 
 
 VERY HEV. PATRICK CANON LYNSKEY, 
 (See pp. 29, 1S3.) 
 
 
 ■-!n.^'j«v,.-__V 
 
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1^4 
 
 IRISH RACE CONVENTION. 
 
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 of recent events staitingly brings into relief the fact that there is one 
 law (or the Englishman and another for the Irishman ; one law for the 
 rich and titled, another for the ordinary citizen. We desire to press 
 forward in the work of making the lives of the masses of our people— 
 whether in town or country— better, happier, and brighter. We desire 
 thf.t education should be brought fully into accord with the religious 
 feelings of our people. We desire that Irishmen should have the same 
 rights in the matter of county and municipal government as the people 
 of Great Britain. We are determined that the inequalities and wrongs 
 of the present system of taxation shall be altered. We believe that 
 the preservation of the ancient language of the country tends to raise the 
 thoughts of our people, to open for them an inspiring field of mental 
 culture, and to make them better citizens. The .e are the sentiments 
 that I feel sure will animate our discussions, and that will be voiced in 
 the resolutions that will be passed. Tliis Convention is a supreme 
 effort for reconciliation and unity. We trust it will prevail. But if, 
 unhappily, it should not, none, either at home or abroad, will be 
 absolved from the duty of carrying on the work as best they may, of 
 throwing in their lot with and aiding to the best of their ability that 
 body of men which show themselves most ready to forget the past, to 
 bury differences, to join heart and hand for Ireland, and who thus 
 prove themselves likely to be most powerful in forwarding the sacred 
 cause of their country's re Jemption. I beg to introduce the following 
 resolutions: — 
 
 (1) Reunion. — ■' Seeing that divisions amongst Irish Nationalist representatives 
 paralyse to a great extent iheir power of serving Ireland, cast discredit on Ihe country, 
 and tend to alienate the support of the Irish Race and to destroy their confidence in 
 the efficacy of Parliamentary action, we record our firm conviction that it is of the first 
 importance to Ireland that the Nationalist representatives in Parliament should be 
 reunited into one Party ; and, in the spirit of the recent resolution of the Irish Party, 
 we declare that, ' In our earnest desire to accomplish that result, we are prepared to 
 meet on fair and equal terms all Nationalists who will join in the attempt to reconsti- 
 tute a united Home Rule Party, in which every supporter of the movement shall be 
 cordially received and justly considered, regardless of all past differences, and having 
 regarc" only to his capacity to render service to the common cause.' We are glad to 
 observe in the composition of this Convention and in the spirit shown throughout the 
 country, marked evidence of a growing tendency to reunion, and we invite the Irish 
 Nationalist Party to take such further steps as may to them seem calculated to promote 
 the cause of reunion ." 
 
 (2) Unity. — "That we recognise as the essential element of the existence of an 
 elTective Irish Party the hearty co-operation and cheerful subordination of each 
 individual in carrying out the Party policy, as settled (after free discussion) by the 
 judgment of the greater number. That while we are glad to observe that on grave 
 questions there have been but few intelligible differences of opinion in the Irish Party, 
 and none difficult of reconciliation by reasonable men willing to agree, we most strongly 
 condemn those public disputes regarding minor questions of persons and tactics which 
 have so gravely impaired the power of the Party. We solemnly call upon every man 
 belonging to the Irish Party, in answer to the prayers of our people all the world over, 
 to forget old differences, to sink personal feelings, and to act for the future as good 
 comrades and fellow-soldiers in the spirit of this resolution and in the support of that 
 party unity on which the fate of Ireland so largely depends. We ask the Irish Party 
 to take such steps as may in their judgment be found necessary to the establishment of 
 unity and discipline in their own ranks, in accordance with the resolutions of this Con- 
 vention ; and we assure them of our unfailing support in the execution of this essential 
 task." 
 
 (3) HoMB RuLK.— " That this Irish Race Convention reasserts the immemorial 
 claim of Irel.\nd a Nation. We declare that England is governing Ireland wrong- 
 
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 lully, by coercion, nnd against the people's will ; that each year proves afresh the 
 futility of tlie altcmpt j that Irish evils mainly flow from alien, irresponsible, uniformed, 
 and unsympathetic rule ; and that no policy, whether of severe repression or of partial 
 concession, can allay her rightful discontent, or will Blacken her efiorts to obtain a 
 Legislature and an Executive making and administering laws for Ireland by Irishmen 
 on Irish soil. We declare it the prime duty of the Irish Parliamentary Party to 
 continue to maintain its absolute independence of English Political Parties, and thus 
 to preserve its (rcedom to give an independent opposition or an independent support 
 to any Party, as may seem l)cst in the interests of the National cause. 
 
 (4) Amnesty. — " That, while hailing with satisfaction the release of some of the 
 Irish Political Prisoners, we are indignant th.it relief has come so late, after their 
 health had been broken by long years of suffering. We condemn the brutal treatment 
 which Enylaiid, while boasting herself to be the advanced gu.ard of fre<!dom amongst 
 the nations, inllicts on political prisoners sentenced for offences arising out of Irish 
 grievances. We mark the contrast in feeling and in action exhibited by England 
 towards the Irish prisoners and towards other political oflenders, as for instance, 
 the Johannesburg Committee and the Jameson Raiders. We call (or the immediate 
 liberation of all the remaining Irish political prisoners still enduring the horrors of 
 penal servitude, and we request the Irish Parliamentary representatives to press with 
 insistent urgency for their release." 
 
 (5) Land. — "That the Irish landlord system and methods have tended to im- 
 poverish, exterminate, and expel the Irish race, and have thus been the fruitful source 
 of misery, discontent, violence and disturbance in Ireland. That the last Land Act, 
 while bettering the condition of certain classes, fails to give the vast majority of the 
 Irish tenantry that security against excessive rents and confiscation of improvement! 
 which isessentiallo their well-being and to the success of any scheme of land purchase; 
 fails to give necessary powers (or the enlargement of too small holdings by 
 the compulsory jnirchase of grass lands from which the people have been driven, and 
 fails to make adequate provision for the restoration to their homes of the evicted 
 tenants, to whose courage and endurance such benefits as the farmers of Ireland have 
 obtained are largely due, and whose case must ever appeal to the sense of honour and 
 gratitude of their fellow-countrymen. We condemn the lateness of the period and 
 the shortness of the time allowed for discussion, and the indecent threats of with- 
 <lrawal, by which legitimate debate was curtailed ; and we declare that the Act cannot 
 be accepted even as a temporary settlement, and that the only hope of the tenantry 
 rests in a united .md determined Parliamentary Party, backed by a great agrarian 
 combination, watching the operation of the Land Laws, exposing cases of injustice, 
 and demanding a full measure of reform." 
 
 (6) Taxation.—" That we rejoice that the evidence taken before the Financial 
 Commission has at length made too clear for argument the injustice under which Ire- 
 land has been so long and is still labouring in the matter of Imperial taxation, and we 
 record our grateful thanks to Mr. Sexton for his arduous and most successful labours 
 in this regard. We call upon the Irish Party, at the earliest moment, to press upon 
 Parliament our demand for the redress of past -vrongs, and for the relief from present 
 unequal burdens imposed by the representatives of rich and powerful Britain upon 
 weakened and impoverished Ireland." 
 
 (7) Labour. — "That, while we hail with satisfaction the improved condition of 
 those labourers for whom homes have been provided under the Labourers' Act, we 
 regret that the great body are still without decent habitations and plots of land. Not- 
 withstanding recent improvements, we claim that, whilst maintaining due supervision, 
 the procedure should be further shortened, simplified, and cheapened, the appeal to 
 the Privy Council abolished, and the Act made more widely uselul ; and that the 
 Irish labourers shall be given the same franchise for the elections of Guardians as is 
 possessed by the English labourers ; that we recognise the just claim of urban labour 
 to an improvement in the laws as applicable to the housing of the working classes of 
 the towns, and we sympathise with every effort for a reasonable reduction in the hours 
 of daily toil." 
 
 (8) Local Govbrnment.— "That we condemn the non-representative and 
 irresponsible system of Local Government in Irish counties by Grand Juries, and the 
 narrowness of the franchise in Irish boroughs ; we demand the immediate application 
 in Ireland to Local Government, in all its branches, of those principles of democratic 
 control which have been so fully carried out in Great Britain.' 
 
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 IRISH RACE CONVENTION. 
 
 (9) EUUCATION.— "That for Catholics wc demand iicrfect equality In the law 
 and adminlslralion in the matter of education— primary, intermediate, and university 
 —and the recognition therein not only of the "alional spirit, but also of the highest 
 educational right — namely, the religiouj training of youth in accordance with the 
 priceless principles of religious liberty and freedom of conscience ; we demand the 
 establishment of a University which shall afford to the Catholic people of Ireland 
 »-ducationaI opportunities equal to those enjoyed by the favoured minority of her popu- 
 lation in the University of Dublin ; we ask for a practical extension of technical 
 education in agriculture and other industrial arts on a system adapted to the special 
 needs of Ireland, so that her children may be better fitted to develop the resources of 
 their country." 
 
 (to) Gaelic Languaob.— " We hail with satisfaction the successful efforts that 
 are being made at home and abroad to revive and extend interest in the preservation 
 of the Gaelic tongue, and we urge upon all those who can further the ihterests of this 
 movement to give every help and encouragement to the preservation and study of our 
 ancient Irish tongue by the children of the Gael " 
 
 Rev. Dr. Ryan, of Toronto, rose to second the introduction of the 
 resolutions i to lo — My lord, chairman and gentlemen of the Irish 
 Race Convention, I deem it a great honour to be invited to address this 
 magnificent gathering of the men of the Irish race, and I consider it an 
 especial privilege to be asked to second these resolutions. Now, gentle- 
 men, before i speak to these resolutions I would like briefly to define clearly 
 and distinctly my position and the position of my fellow delegates before 
 this Convention and b'fore this country. I am here essentially in a 
 representative capacity. In the first place I represent the Archbishop 
 of Toronto. I think, gentlemen, you will admit that that has been 
 abundantly proved by the letter of his Grace which I have read to this 
 Convention. I am here secondly as the representative of the Irish 
 people of Toronto, and it will suffice to tell you our methods, our demo- 
 cratic methods, in electing delegates to show you that I and my fellow- 
 delegates are truly and honestly the accredited and authorised represen- 
 tatives of our country. Bear with me while I briefly tell you how the 
 thing was done. The parishioners were asked to assemble and discuss 
 the consideration of choosing delegates, and so they did. Then, electors 
 were chosen from different parishes of the city of Toronto, came to- 
 gether, and in the same free and untrammelled assembly discussed and 
 considered those elected representatives. These are our ways of elect- 
 ing delegates in Canada, and, therefore, we, perhaps unworthy— that is 
 not for us to say — we are the duly elected, authorised, and accredited 
 representatives of the City of Toronto. The same method was observed 
 in all other Canadian cities, and, I believe, in the cities of the United 
 States, and, therefore, I wish to emphasise the fact that we come here as 
 duly authorised and accredited representatives of the Irish race in 
 America. But now, gentlemen, a word on these resolutions. Perhaps 
 it may seem a little hazardous to begin so early in the day in this discus- 
 sion—for I wish to tell you, gentlemen of the Convention, that wc come 
 here perfectly free and independent. I take these resolutions as they 
 have been read, and I wish the Convention to clearly understand that. 
 They have been read in globo, they will be taken up afterwards in par- 
 ticular, and proposed and seconded, and put to you for discussion, 
 amendment, or rejection, as you may think fit. Therefore, I take them 
 in general. The three first resolutions, perhaps, more nearly concern 
 the foreign delegates than the domestic considerations in the others, of 
 
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FIRST DAY— REV. DR. RYAN. 
 
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 which the people at home are the best judges. The first resolution 
 seems to me to embody what were the ideas of the mar\ 1 represent, the 
 Archbishop of Toronto. He said : " You understand my mind 
 thoroughly on this question." He has written it, and I have read it for 
 you — " Tell them, in brief, that I agree with all my heart in Home Rule 
 for Ireland; that I believe Ireland has a right to make laws for Ireland; 
 that I believe Ireland will not only be more prosperous at home, but 
 will be a greater strength to the Empire if she has the Home Rule to 
 which she is entitled. We say here, as our Premier in Canada lately 
 said : ' We in Canada', he said, 'are a loyal people because we are a free 
 people.' "And tell them further," said the Archbishop of Toronto, "that 
 as Ireland has the right to Home Rule in a native Legislature, so has 
 she the power to obtain Home Rule. And that power, say it," he con- 
 tinues, " that power to obtain Home Rule is a united Irish people and 
 a uniteu Parliamentary Party." Therefore, coming here I find these 
 resolutions that seem to me almost in the very wording to express the 
 ideas and thoughts of his Grace of Toronto. 
 
 Now, my dear friends, we come not to any party, to any man. We 
 come to Ireland, to the Irish people. We come to the Irish nation, 
 and we spealc to the heart of the Irish nation. We care not for party, and 
 we care not for persons. That is perhaps your affair, and you have the 
 intelligence and the power to settle your own affairs. But we say this, 
 as coming from abroad, that in every representative political action 
 there must be a party, and in every party, to have it truly representative, 
 there must be freedom of private discussion, but there must be, too, 
 strong insistence on the practical principle of majority rule, and 
 following sharp and fast on the insistence on majority rule, a loyal 
 obedience to the authorised expression of the people's will. These are, 
 in general, the elements of any successful and united party. Now, 
 friends of the Irish Race Convention, I say we come here not to dictate, 
 we come here to suggest, we come here to advise, we come here inde- 
 pendent, and that independence we shall preserve. We are not com- 
 mitted to any man or to any party, much less are we controlled by any 
 man. We come in the cause of Ireland, and we stand by the Irish people, 
 and what to the Irish people in their united strength may seem best 
 to do, that the Irish abroad will stand by, and that they are determined 
 to maintain. Now, in conclusion, I would say this as a Canadian 
 representative, that we, perhaps, have some special right to be here, 
 for you know that Ireland has appealed to Canada. Ireland appealed 
 to Canada for sympathy and moral support, and the answer was two 
 historic resolutions in our free Dominion Parliament of Canada. One 
 of these resolutions was proposed by a representative and leading man 
 of one party, the Conservative Party. It was proposed by the Hon. 
 John Costigan, or as we call him familiarly in Canada — though he has 
 been for a long time a politician — we call him the "honest John 
 Costigan." He proposed the first resolution of sympathy for Ireland in 
 the Canadian Parliament, and again Canada answered. Then another 
 resolution was proposed by the Hon. Edward Blake, the then leader 
 of the Liberal Party in the Canadian House of Commons. And 
 again Ireland spoke to Canada — this time for financial aid — and we 
 gladly, and immediately, and generously responded according to our 
 
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 Dlt. llOliKUT AMIinoSE, M.P, 
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 HON. EDWAIID BLAKE, M.r. 
 (See pp. 20, 232, 290, 317.) 
 
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 UKV. FHANK UYAN, D.D. 
 (.'<C0 pp. 39, 155, IWi.) 
 
 DAVID SlIEEUY, M.P. 
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 FIRST /).! r— .1//?. JUSTIX M-CARTffV, .V. T. ir,o 
 
 means. And the third time Ireland appealed to Canada— tliis time not 
 for moral support, not for liiiancial aid — slie asked for moic. Ireland 
 asked Canada fur a man, and we looke<l round about and we selected 
 one of our ablest, bravest, and best — a knight without reproach, and we 
 know him — the Hon, Edwaril Ulake ; and we answered your appeal and 
 sent you a man to help you in your Tarlianicntary work and warfare, lint 
 now it is Canada's turn lo appeal to Ireland. We do not seem to ask 
 for much, my dear friends, yet indeed it is much. We appeal to you to 
 be united. I know very well that reunion will cost some sacrifice — 
 some personal sacrifice — but if I read the story of Ireland right I fmd 
 that Ireland has been a sacrificial country and the Irish a sacrificial 
 people, and I know that that spirit of sacrifice would cause them to 
 sacrifice themselves for their country's sake. Now, it may be necessary 
 to have personal sacrifices, and great personal sacrifices. Hut oh ! the 
 cause is mightier, the cause is greater than any individual in the 
 country, and therefore we appeal for this unity, and men of the Irish 
 race, let not our appeal go unheard. It is a reasonable appeal, it is a 
 righteous appeal, it is a holy appeal, and let us go back to gladden the 
 hearts of our people and be able to tell them that the Convention has 
 indeed attained its end. Not comi)letely — we are not fools enough to 
 tliiiik that, but as our distinguished and able and elo(|uent chairman — 
 and I am glad he is chairman — says, all we can hope to do now is lo lay 
 the foundations broad and deep and strong, and therefore to give hope to 
 our people— hope and aspiration for the future — that we may de|iend 
 upon it now — that we shall have what the Archbishop of Toronto wants 
 — the unity of the Irish people at home and abroad, ami in that cause 
 as our able chairman has said, a united Irish people at home and 
 abroad must compel unity at home. And that is the power, and the 
 only power, that can lead us on to victory for the cause we love so 
 well — Home Rule for Ireland. 
 
 The Ch.\irman. — The introduction of the resolutions has been pro- 
 posed and seconded, and now Mr. Justin M'Carthy is going to sjjcak to 
 the first resolution. 
 
 Mr. Justin M'Carthy, M.P.— My lord and fellow-countrymen— I 
 am anxious to say a few words, and they shall be only a few, in support 
 of this first resolution which you all have before you. There is no need 
 of my taking up your time with any lengthened address, because the 
 m.agnificent and convincing speeches you have heard can have left no 
 doubt on the mind of any man here as to the course he is bound to 
 pursue for the sake and in the cause of his country. No Convention 
 ever held in Ireland, or that could be held, could have opened more 
 auspiciously than this Convention to-day. We began with that most 
 gracious and benignant message from his Holiness Pope Leo XIII. 
 We had the wise and powerful letter of his Grace the Archbishop of 
 Toronto, and we had the letter of my personal friend, and the frieml of 
 many here, the Irishman who bears the illustrious Irish name of Thomas 
 Addis Emmet. I do not know how any Irish Convention could be 
 opened more auspiciously than by messages such as these. Now, we 
 have two powerful motives in calling this Convention. The first is to 
 bury the past, and to take counsel together and make resolve for the 
 future. These two results are to be brought about by the common 
 
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 INI S 11 RACE COyVEM'WN. 
 
 consent of such representative Irishmen as arc gatliered so siicrcssfuUy 
 in tills hall today. Now it may be asked why did wc — why, that is to 
 say, did that section of the Irish Parliamentary Party to which I belong 
 — why did we put ourselves forward to bring together this Convention ? 
 Well, for one reason. Hecause wc are numerically by far the strongest 
 Irish Party, and therefore, we felt that it became us to liold out the hand 
 of brotherhood and friendsliip to other Irishmen. I am bound to say, 
 and I am sure I si)eak for all my friends, that if any such aiipeal had 
 been made to us by any body, however small, of Irish Nationalists, we 
 should have welcomed that appeal and made the most practical response 
 to its application. But we thought we were bound to come forward as 
 no such appeal was made to us, and say to all Irishmen who believe 
 in Home Rule, and work and hope for its success, we thought our duty 
 was to say to them, " Come in and work with us on the old lines and 
 on the old principle, that the majority shall decide the course of political 
 action. Come in and join with us. We ask for no open act or act of 
 penitence ; we are willing to believe you were actuated with the best 
 motive, but only let the dead past bury its dead, and now come in and 
 work with us once again in harmony for the cause of Ireland." 
 
 Surely that appeal ought have been prompdy and generously res- 
 ponded to by other Irish Nationalists. It may be even yet. I am not 
 going to anticipate any evil result or failure. Now let me remind 
 this meeting what was the course in the old days when we turned out 
 (lovernmeiit after Government, and made it plain to every English 
 (lovernmcnt that without the consent of Irish National members nothing 
 could be done in the House of Commons. What was our policy then ? 
 It was this. At any crisis we held a meeting of the Party. There were 
 many divisions of opinion in these consultations. Every man, even 
 the youngest raw recruit, gave free expression of his opinion. Wc 
 debated every question out, and then we took a vote, and the decision 
 of the majority ruled the whole Party ; and many a time, and not before 
 the division in the House of Commons was taken, the Irish Party after 
 a debate for hours in the Parliament in which all manners of opinion 
 were expressed, the Irish Party went into the division lobby as one man. 
 Now, we want to restore that condition of things. We want to get all 
 Irish Nationalists to work on that same principle. But let me tell you, 
 that human wit can discover no other way for conducting a Parliamentary 
 movement to s access but on the principle that the party shall be bound 
 by the decision of its majority. Debate as we will amongst ourselves, 
 when a vote is taken we must become as one instrument and one man 
 again. It is my belief, and the belief, I hope, of all of us here, that a 
 Convention such as this will be able to enforce that principle again. If 
 you enforce that principle we shall be only too glad to welcome back 
 any fellow-Nationalist who may have differed from us for any reason — 
 we shall welcome him back, and be prepared and glad to work with him 
 until the end is gained. But when the principle of the command of 
 control by the majority is not recognised, then he indeed must be a 
 sanguine man who could say he saw a chance of the near success of the 
 Iiish Nationalist cause. 
 
 Mr. Thomas Hunt, of Melbourne, Australia — My lord, ladies, and 
 gentlemen, I come before you to-day with a message of jieace and with 
 
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 VIRsr DAY— Mil. THOMAS HUNT. 171 
 
 a request for national nniiy. 1 have heard of people going through fire 
 and water to serve tlieir country. I may claim to have gone through a 
 portion of the latter element, for I may tell you (hat to pass througii the 
 Red Sea will give you more notion of what a reward there may he in 
 (uture for those who are alive in Ireland. I came here from a tree 
 country, blessed with one of the freest constitutions in the world — I have 
 come here representing the people of Victoria, and the only reward 1 
 shall look forward to — I sup[)osc 1 shall not myself see thcday when I lome 
 Rule is granted — is that some descendant or friend of mine may he ahle 
 to point to this, one of the noblest historic gatherings tlint ever asseml)lt,'(l, 
 and point to me as one who took a small part, indeed, in the deliberations 
 of one of the finest assemblies that ever I had the honour to address. 
 One or two things suggest themselves to me princi|)ally as auguries, and 
 good auguries indeed, for tlie future. One is the circumstance that tliis 
 gathering is presided over by the eminent gentkmin who left nothing for 
 men like myself to say, because he has sounded faithfully and fearlessly, 
 and with great ability, wiiich all of us admire, the true key of national 
 unity, and coming from a democratic community myself, and caring very 
 little for individuals, and who were in tlie front or in the rerc in the great 
 battle for Ireland, coming to you with this message I say, that it augurs 
 well for this great gathering that you should be addressed in the tone 
 and spirit that you were in the beginning; and it is a further augury for 
 your success that we have had bestowed on us the blessing of the Head 
 of the Church to which, I presume, most of us belong. Another thing 
 I may be allowed to allude to, and that is the pleasure it affords me to 
 see so many of my fair countrywomen adorning this hall. I am proud 
 of that circumstance, and I hope to be able to carry back to my friends 
 in Victoria the proud message that they, by their presence, have con- 
 tributed largely to unity in the Irish ranks. I disclaim possession of the 
 gift of eloquence of some of your great countrymen who have kissed the 
 Blarney Stone. But I hope to be able to see that stone before I leave 
 Ireland, and after I get back to my people in Victoria I shall then for 
 the first time in my life be able to claim some of that eloquence that 
 people who have kissed the Blarney Stone are supposed to actiuire. But 
 1 have been connected with politics in America. As a little boy, in '58, 
 with my father and mother, I had to become practically an alien to my 
 country nen, for the reason that there were no opportunites for a growing 
 up fam.ly. I was born in the historic county of Tipperary, and left 
 there thirty-eight years ago with very poor prospects indeed. We, Irish- 
 men and descendants of Irishmen in Australia, may be said to number 
 one-fourth of the population. In that respect we were necessarily handi- 
 capped in the race for prosperity, and also by the fact that the other 
 three-fourths had had better opportunities of technical and other instruc- 
 tion than we had. But, notwithstanding all the difficulties, I am a very 
 poor specimen indeed of the many Irishmen who have forced their w.iy 
 to the front in Australia, But I am proud to say that in my small way 
 I performed my duty as a man, and never forgot where I was born and 
 the land that I love. Whilst I say that, it is only natural, coming from a 
 free country, that I should love the soil of that country as I do. In 
 that country indeed it is very rarely that disloyalty to the silken con- 
 nection with the British Crown is heard of, But if this disloyalty to tiie 
 
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 Crown is spoken of in any way it is not by Irislimen, but by nomoboHy 
 else, thereby showini; liiat, given the snine conditions of life and the 
 same opporlunitits in Ireland to govern ourselves by and for the people, 
 I say there would be no more loyal or true rare, a rare that would tend 
 to build up, cousolidiite, and solidify the empire you now depise. 
 
 I don't w.int to trench too much on your time, as I am, as you may 
 iinagine, naturally of a modest disposition, coming from the country I 
 do, and scarcely knowing your habits in this, as appears to me, almost 
 a foreign country, but I wish to say that since I came here I am ex- 
 ceedingly jilcased with this beautiful historic city of Dublin, and, as 
 comi)ared with many of the cities on the Continent and elsewhere that 
 I have had an ojipoitimity of visiting, there is not a sounder jjolitical 
 atmosphere — certainly a jiurer moral atmosphere — in the world, but it 
 is for us here assembled to try and make the political atmosphere 
 purer. I believe it is quite within your power ; but coming from a 
 country where we are small in proportion to the population, I think it 
 right to tell you there is not a man in this assembly has a stronger 
 feeling as to the riglUs of minorities. I would coerce no man to fall 
 into our ranks even for the cause of Home Rule. I would not coerce 
 him in that direction, but if our National Party is to be a factor in 
 bringing about Home Rule, and if there is to be a National Govern- 
 ment in Ireland at any time, we can get it not by internecine struggles. 
 We can't get it, as has been said to day, by bringing up the dead ashes 
 of the past. We must consider those who are opposed to us, and while 
 not desiring to force our own opinions, we should be generous to those 
 who are in a minority, because by that means — those ore the only 
 means — we can conciliate them and bring them into line in the 
 direction we desire. I have belonged to a political party, and confi- 
 dentially I may refer to one issue on which I took the right on a public 
 platform to say in opposition to the party — that I would do my own 
 small best in the direction of securing the right for the people to whom 
 I belonged, to cduc^ale their children in a Christian fashion. I held 
 that right individually, but if the conditions in Victoria were the same 
 as they are here, I would advocate in my own party the necessity of 
 enforcing e<lucation in the direction I reciuired ; but if my own party 
 determined that the lines I was advocating were lines that they could not 
 accept, I honestly say I woulil keej) my mind on that point, or retire 
 from the party altogether. Except with that spirit there can be no 
 party government— and let me say, that party government here is some- 
 what different to that of our country, because we fight party against 
 party for local political issues, while in this country you have only to 
 fight the foreign enemy to restore your freedom. I fear again I am 
 presuming too much upon your indulgence, but I prepared no speech 
 and I prefer the imjiromptu to the carefully prepared speech. I think 
 I may be excused if I refer to one or two other topics which touch this 
 resolution — in fact series of resolutions. 
 
 At least 200 delegates met in an Hibernian Hall in Melbourne, 
 representatives from every town and hamlet in the country, and I was 
 chosen to attend on their behalf as their delegate at this great Conven- 
 tion. I came here as free as the atmosphere, so far as I am concerned, 
 not bound in any way to any individual, no matter what might be said 
 
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 FlliaTDAY—HNV. IK U'l'ALLAGIIAi\'. 
 
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 outside — and, jjciliaps, there are some outside who arc willing to traduce 
 instead of praise men who canii; hero for tlic unsfilish, devoted, and, I 
 nii>;lit f.iiy, noMe i)iiri)0sc of even tryitiH to assist the people of Ireland 
 to secure the restoration of that inilepeiidcnrc of whieh she was robbed. 
 I was also asked, comin),' throuj;li South Australia, to represent the people 
 of that colony, nearly as large ns the whole of Europe. We have in the 
 six colonies six legislatures independent of one another, while in all, there 
 is not a po])ulation equal to the decimated Iran population. There are 
 something like three or four millions of people in the group of colonics 
 having separate and independent legislatures. Each works out its 
 political destinies. They arc progressive, and in the matter of reform 
 they conduct themselves as respectable citizens. Surely this spirit of 
 democracy would be brought about if we had a United Ireland. On 
 behalf of the people I represent, I ask for unity, and then Home Rule 
 must necessarily follow. lx;t me, then, have a small recompense for 
 coming through fire and water to reach here, and I say that no other 
 mission in the world would have brought me to undertake such a journey. 
 My wife, who is an Australian native — I do not mean to tell you she is 
 a bl.ack, because that would be creating a false impression — she said to 
 me when she learned of the object of my intended mission : " You must 
 assuredly go." I felt proud of that encouragement, and nothing more fully 
 fortified me than, as a small recompense for the journey I have undertaken, 
 coming from the remotest part of the earth, to see that unity will take place 
 amongst the peo])le. Home Rule for Ireland, which was unfashionable 
 some time ago in Victoria, is quite fashionable now. Not only had Irish- 
 men esjjoused the cause of their brethren at home, but by their action they 
 had won many friends from the English amongst whom they lived. They 
 all agreed and admired the liberal spirit in which some Englishmen 
 had turned to the just cause of Ireland wh-.-n once the prejudice was 
 removed from their eyes, and when they became just in their better 
 feelings. 
 
 Rev. Denis O'Cali-ahitan, Boston — Most rev. chairman and 
 fellow-countrymen, the city of Uoston, in the old colony of Massachu- 
 setts, merits, I think, a word before this presence and before this 
 illustrious assembly of Irishmen, gathered from far and from near to 
 consult together on Irish affairs. No one, 1 think, at all acquainted 
 with National affairs abroad during the past two decades of years, to go 
 back no further, will deny that Boston — and when I speak of Boston, I 
 think I can well include all the New England States (New York is able 
 to reply for itself) — has ever failed in its duty of granting support to the 
 National cause and upholding the hands of Ireland's children on their 
 native heath. I feel justified in saying, from a thorough knowledge of 
 what the Irish people in the New England States, and in Boston in a 
 special manner, have done, that among all the States of our fair Republic, 
 Boston has ever held, and holds to-day, a good second place. Where 
 in my city has not the beat of the National pulse ever been felt, and the 
 hearts of the people not depressed or joyful, whenever news came from 
 across the waters of the success or failure of the Irish cause ? There are 
 some fellow-countrymen, I feel, on this platform to-day, and perchance 
 among you, who may well recall the time, in the crisis of Irish National 
 alTairs, when the afTairs of Ireland were more or less in the balance, how 
 
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 FIRST DAY— REV. D. O'CALLAGUAX. 
 
 «7S 
 
 the clergy of the Archdiocese of Boston, under the leadership of their 
 illustrious and distinguished Metropolitan, assembled in council together, 
 and sent across the waters words of cheer, and also substantial aid, to 
 help the cause of Ireland. And, fellow-countrymen, the thought occurred 
 to me to pay a visit to iny native land on the occasion of this Conven- 
 tion, and I want to say here, in allusion to our distant friend who 
 crossed the waters of the Red Sea, who proclaimed himself a Tippcrary 
 man, I proclaim myself a child of Rebel Cork. But, as in duty bound, 
 I called upon our illustrious Most Rev. Archbishop John J. Williams, 
 and said to him : " Your Grace, I have been requested by some of the 
 patriotic Irishmen of Boston to come and attend this Convention." 
 The illustrious prelate — and here, in this distinguished presence, I 
 will say no truer Irishman walks the American soil — said to me, 
 raising aloft his venerable hands* "Go, in God's name, and if 
 you can say a word for unity amongst Irishmen, you will have done 
 more than a ything else, as a man, for Irish afifairs." And in this 
 connection, whilst speaking of his venerable name, allow me to join 
 in connection with it the name of another Irishman — an Irishman, 
 in one sense, more true, because born on Irish soil, venerated wherever 
 an exile Gael has gone — I allude to him whom all Irishinen mourn, the 
 late distinguished and patriotic John lioyle O'Reilly. Three days before 
 lie died I walked with him in the streets of Boston — Washington .Street, 
 I think — and our conversation was on Irish affairs. It was some time 
 l)cfore his sad death, before disunion c.mie amongst Irishmen, and the 
 fair flag of unity was held still alo^t, and turning to me, he said : " Ivilhir, 
 it is an honour and a glory to-day to be an Irishman in the clubs of 
 Moston." "And why is this? "said I. "Simply because the charge 
 seems to be cast aside that Irishmen cannot be united once again, and 
 they are proud, those who had previously kept their Irish origin con- 
 cealed, they are now proud of their countrymen in Ireland." But from 
 the time, and from that sad time, when Ireland's flag went down by 
 disunion, apathy and deep-seated discouragement had taken possession 
 of the people of Boston and of New England. But they have com- 
 missioned me, gentlemen, to come here and tell the reason why they 
 feel so. Their hearts are still warm for Ireland and Irishmen, but they 
 are discouraged and they are saddened by the dissension which prevails 
 at home. It is patent to them that a hopeless disunion prevails amongst 
 Irishmen, and it is patent to the enemies of Ireland as v.'ell, and they 
 cry out: "Oh! my God, will this continue?" And they say: "May 
 the watchful spirits and guardians that watch over the towns and ham- 
 lets of Ireland prevent it from taking place ;" and they say : " May the 
 martyred spirits, the martyred souls for Ireland's faith and Irish freedom, 
 prevent the dire accomplishmen;." And hence they said to me : " In 
 our name, say to the men of Ireland that if Ireland wants prosperity — if 
 it desires peace — if, in the days of the near future or the remote, they 
 desire Boston's aid and Boston's co-operation — then must they believe 
 in and live up to that ancient maxim, a.s old as the hills : ' United we 
 stand, divided we fall.' " Such are the convictions of the people of 
 Boston, and I can only say, in their name, that when union prevails 
 amongst you once again, they will stand forth and rally round the Irish 
 flag, just as they have ever done in the days of the nast. 
 
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 IRISH RACE CONVENTION. 
 
 Mr. MosKS CoBNWAi.i, K'inberley, South Africa — My lord bishop 
 and genlleaien, I assure you that I rise with a feeling of pride, mingled 
 with fear, to address this glorious gathering of Irishmen, many of iliem 
 from distant parts of the world, assembkd here for the noble object of 
 trying to restore peace and harmony in the distracted ranks of the Irish 
 Parliamentary Party. Pride, I say, because for the first time in my life 
 I have the opportunity and privilege of addressing mv countrymen in my 
 native land, and fear lest I might fail to place before you the sorrow and 
 shame which the unhappy divisions existing amongst men that ought to 
 be united have brought to the hearts of thoie I represent in distant 
 Africa, and other parts of the world. A shorl, time ago I was honoured 
 by my fellow-countrymen to represent them .'it this Convention. I told 
 them I would attend, not as a Dillonit'^, Healyite, or Parnellite, but as 
 an Irishman, and that statement met with the unanimous approval of 
 those present on that occasion. It is, my lord, incomprehensible to 
 Irishmen abroad why men professing to have the same object at heart 
 should be divided into different sections and factions — quarrelling 
 amongst themselves about non-essentials, and disgracing their country's 
 cause. These quarrels and factions alienate the support of thousands of 
 Englishmen and Irishmen. I do not know what is the experience of 
 those gentlemen representing Irishmen in other British Colonies, but my 
 own has been a sad and bitter one. Many colonists holding high and 
 honourable positions whom I have the honour of knowing, and who up 
 to recent times were ardent Home Rulers, have changed and modified 
 their opinions, not because they think it would not be right and proper 
 to give Irishmen the right to make their own laws in their own land, but 
 because they feel that if ever the right were conceded these wretched 
 quarrels would be increased and even intensified. I appeal to all who 
 come here, not as partisans but as Irishmen, to say if these gentlemen 
 are justified in thinking so ? It is a mistake to consider that this feeling 
 is confined to Englishmen alone. Thousands of Irishmen like myself, 
 who have spent their lives abroad, and others who equally love Ireland 
 though they never set foot on its green shores, but who have heard from 
 their parents' lips the story of her wrongs, have grown lukewarm in their 
 support of Home Rule. I may t';ll you, that the overwhelming majority 
 of the Irishmen of South Africa are in favour of Home Rule. Living in 
 a land where every man has equal rights, and fair play, they are loyal to 
 the Queen and Constitution. Irishmen in past times have filled some 
 of the most important positions in the colony, and at the present time I 
 need only name Sir Thomas Uppington and Lord Rosmead, the 
 Governor and High Commissioner, who is an Irishman and a Home 
 Ruler. The people there believe that the people of Ireland should be 
 granted the right to make their own laws in their own land — a right 
 which every free people should enjoy, and which has been conceded to 
 nearly all colonies, and that all matters appertaining to the Empire 
 should be discussed in the Imperial Parliament, where Irishmen should 
 have a proper proportion of representatives. The Irish people in the 
 Colonies would never consent if they had a voice in the matter to be 
 deprived of a share in that mighty Empire, in building up which our 
 countrymen took such a part, and which has afforded a home to numbers 
 of our race. The Colonies and India do not belong to England alone. 
 
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 FIRST DAY-MR. CORNWALL: MR. DROMDY. 
 
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 They belong to Great Britain and Ireland, and he would be a poor 
 Irishman who would willingly forego a right to his share in such an 
 Empire. We also believe that the granting of Home Rule would enable 
 a local parliament to develop the resources of the country and encourage 
 industries, and do many other things which are now utterly neglected by 
 the Imperial Parliament through want of time to attend to them, as well 
 as from a want of knowledge to understand them. We also believe that 
 the granting of Home Rule to Ireland would bring together men of 
 different views and religions who now keep aloof from the movement. 
 We believe, above all things, that Home Rule would bring back to our 
 country the peace and happiness for which Grattan, O'Connell, and 
 Parnell, and innumerable Irishmen fought and struggled, and for which 
 men of our race will continue to struggle, until this boon is granted, but 
 which will never be achieved until we put an end to dissension. Let us 
 only be united, and let us prove to the world that we are fit and deter- 
 mined to achieve our independence, and no power on earth will in time 
 prevent us from achieving our object. I will not detain you any longer. 
 There are a number of other gentlemen here who, by their experience, 
 are better qualified to speak to you. I thank you very kindly for your 
 patient hearing, and I have much pleasure in supporting the resolutions 
 before you. 
 
 Mr. Charles H. Bromby, North Tasmania — My lord and brother 
 delegates, I have been sent from an island so far away that it is not 
 even marked upon that large map of the world which decorates the 
 card of admission here to-day ; but though far away, I can tell you that 
 the hearts of Irishmen there beat strongly with love of their native 
 land ; and their children, who have never seen Ireland, and will, 
 perhaps, never see it, are brought up with the same love of country 
 as they themselves who have been exiled from this soil. In some ways 
 it seems to me that the island in the seas so far away further resembles 
 our own island at home in many respects. They resemble each other 
 certainly both in physical appearance and also in the beauty of their 
 women. The people there also resemble the Irish people in this, that 
 they are as fond of a little friction when they come to deal with political 
 questions. We fight and go for one another on such small questions as 
 a railway for north or south, or east or west, but if we have this friction 
 there, we did not commence differences until we got our own Parliament, 
 and we had our friction afterwards. In that country, where Smith 
 O'Brien and John Mitchel spent many days and years, owing to their 
 love for Ireland, the people joined together to obtain a free Constitution. 
 Now, I must tell you flat and plain that we in that country are astonished, 
 and feel hopeless of your cause, when we see the way in which Irishmen 
 at home are going on. The children of the race abroad see that the 
 principal men are Irishmen, that the Governors of the Colonies are Irish- 
 men, that the judges are mostly Irishmen, that the two first Speakers in 
 the House of Commons in Victoria were Irishmen, and they are aston- 
 ished that the people at home do not join together to gain the freedom 
 of their country. Having said this, I may be allowed to make one or 
 two practical suggestions as to how we out there think it ought to be 
 done. In the first place, of course, it is the majority which ought to 
 rule. I need not insist further upon that. But, as there are those who 
 
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 178 
 
 IRISH RACE CONVENTION. 
 
 have followers in the Irish Parliamentary Party, and as it is of the 
 greatest importance to gain them over to act like one man, I would 
 suggest that in treating with them, in speaking of them, or in writing of 
 them, you should do so with a kindly spirit — tre£.t them as though they 
 were one day to be your leaders and frici Is. We in Tasmania — and 1 
 think in this I can speak of Australia — do not care whether it is Dillon, 
 or Redmond, or anybody else, so long as he is appointed by the majority. 
 It, however, you cannot persuade these men to come back, then there 
 must be an appeal to the constituencies. The people of this country 
 are the best judges of the last resort. So go amongst the voters who 
 vote for those men who will not have majority rule, and endeavour to 
 persuade them not to vote for those men in future. I say that the man 
 who will not abide by the decision of majority rule is as great an enemy 
 of Ireland as if he were an English Unionist. All the shouting in the 
 Leinster Hall will not do if you are not prepared to agitate, agitate, 
 agitate. Go, then, amongst those constituencies who have returned 
 members who will not have majority rule, and tell them of the words 
 of wisdom you heard here to-day from my lord the chairman and other 
 speakers, and, if you do but work hard, I feel confident that at the 
 next General Election a different result will be attained. Looking 
 through your resolutions, every one of which, of course, must have your 
 full support, I have only seen one single word there with which I couldn't 
 agree, and it is where one of the resolutions makes reference to 
 " the Conquest of Ireland." My lord, Ireland has never been conquered. 
 If the resolution said " The origin of English rule," I could understand 
 it. And how did that rule begin ? It was through dissension. It was 
 not a conquest which brought in the Normans. It was one of your 
 own princes who sold his country because he did not agree with the 
 majority. I need not tell you the history of your country. You know 
 that when any misfortune was brought upon her it was brought upon 
 her by dissension. I shall only say in conclusion that if Ireland is 
 only united once more she can make England tremble, as she made her 
 tremble befo:e, and it will not be long before she will have won back 
 her long-lost rights. 
 
 Very Rev. Dean Harris, Toronto — My lord chairman, ladies, and 
 gentlemen, there is a possibility of inflicting too much of a good thing 
 upon an exceedingly patient audience, and if we bring no further con- 
 solation home with us across the sea we will carry the assurance that 
 Ireland had presented to us the most forbearing audience that ever we 
 addressed. As Father Ryan has said, we are not representative of any 
 particular seciion or any particular party. We are not purchasable com- 
 modities. We come here sons of the soil free and independent, and 
 when any section of the Press or any body of men say that we are 
 nobodies, in the na.ne of God where will you find an honest man ? If 
 the Hon. John Costi^an is a nobody where will you find a great man ? 
 We come twenty-three stron? from Canada. I make no boast of this to 
 you, but I mention it as an indication of the strong feeling of Irish 
 patriotism that animates us — each and every one of us is paying his own 
 expenses. We come at considerable sacrifice of time and convenience ; 
 and we are here to do what we possibly can to patch up the difierences 
 that exist amongst the Irish people. For six months in the year, in the 
 
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 THOMAS HUNT. 
 (See pp. 48, 170.) 
 
 UEV. DENIS O'CALLAGUAN. 
 (See pp. 4U, 173.) 
 
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 MOSKS COKNWALL. 
 (See pp. 61, 176.) 
 
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 HON. CHARLES HAMILTON BROMBY. 
 (See pp. M, 177.) 
 
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 IIUSII RACE CONVENTION. 
 
 country I come from, the northern lakes are so linund by one solid mass 
 of ice that sometimes they put their railroads across the ice and rush 
 their heaviest trains across it. But there is a certain season in which 
 this ice begins to break up ; it forms into fragments, and t'len a child of 
 two years old could not stand upon it. Where you have a solid, com- 
 pact body of united men you can bear any load that is put upon you ; 
 but when you are broken into fragments you are as the melting ice. I come 
 from the banks of the Welland Canal, where, fifty-four years ago, there 
 were three thousand of our fellow-countrymen engaged in digging that 
 extraordinary canal that extends from Lake Erie to Lake Ontario. That 
 canal is not inferior in its construction to any canal in the world. The 
 banks of that canal were honeycomed, and are to-day, with the graves of 
 our buried countrymen, and we, their sons, have come to appeal to you 
 in the name of God to close up your ranks. We come with kindly feel- 
 ing towards Mr. Redmond. We come with kindly feeling towards Mr. 
 Healy. We come with kindly feeling towards Mr. Dillon. We are not 
 bere, gentlemen, to question their motives ; we have not come to dictate 
 any policy to you ; we have not come to intrude upon your private 
 affairs. We have come as respectable beggars to ask you, in the 
 name of God, to form yourselves into a solid body, and be as you were 
 five or six years ago. Whatever may be the acrimonious feelings and 
 divisions amongst yourselves we know them not. We believe in our 
 hearts that the three divisions that exist amongst you are composed of 
 honest, intelligent, and brave men. We all recognise that this meeting 
 has to do what it possibly can to draw these three together and make 
 them into one, so that as the husband and wife are two in one, the 
 Dillonites, and the Healyites, and the Redmonites may form three in 
 one. More than tnis I have no right to say to you. The Canadian 
 delegation includes our chairman, the Hon. John Costigan, and our 
 secretary, Mr. Cronin. We have with us Hugh Ryan, perhaps, the 
 largest contractor in the Dominion of Canada, a man who has come here 
 at great sacrifice ; and when, therefore, any section of the Dublin Press 
 shall say that we are nobodies we throw the lie back in their faces. 
 Have we not the right to expect from all parties courteous treatment ? 
 Are we not entitled to fair play when we come from thousands of miles 
 away? What right, therefore, has any body of men to stigmatise us 
 before the people of Dublin and the people of Ireland as nobodies 
 representing nobody ? I, for one, am in a position to say that myself and 
 my colleague from the banks of Niagara were elected by the Irishmen of 
 Niagara to bear to you Irishmen a message of peace and brotherly love, 
 and the petition that you will do what in you lies to stand together man 
 to man until in the end we have accomplished the great end for which 
 we have been working — Home Rule for Ireland. On this platform to- 
 day you have a distinguished example of the power of burying differ- 
 ences. You have here one of the most distinguished Protestant 
 gentlemen from Canada, the Hon. Mr. Blake, the leader, the head, and 
 the chief for many years of the great Liberal Party of the Dominion of 
 Canada. You have here an equally distinguished Catholic gentleman, 
 the Hon. John Costigan, a member of the Queen's Privy Council in the 
 Dominion of Canada, and of tl e Executive body that governs that 
 country. These gentlemen have fought face to face against each other 
 
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 FIRST DAY— REV. PATRICK LYNCH. 
 
 i8i 
 
 for thirty years — for thirty years they have never laid the shield or buried 
 the hatchet, but when it was a question of doing anything for Ireland 
 they stood together shoulder to shoulder and hand to hand. If, 
 therefore, this distinguished Prostestant gentleman and this distinguished 
 Irish gentleman have given this example to the parties that are divided, 
 and if they have proved the possibility of union on a common platform, 
 what is the reason that Parnellites, Dillonites, and Healyites cannot 
 come together on this platform also ? My lord bishop, I thank you 
 very much indeed for your courteous reception, and the ladies and 
 gentlemen for the hospitable, kindly and generous brotherhood they 
 have extended to us. We want to go back to our own people — we never 
 may put our foot here again ; forty-nine years ago I was born in Cork — 
 the city that John Mitchel, in Steinway Hall, described as the home of 
 rebels, of fair women, and of handsome men — so we want to go back, 
 perhaps, never again to see you, and we want to tell our people, from 
 platform and from pulpit, and on the public streets, that the delegates 
 from Canada met with a kindly, hospitable reception from the people of 
 Ireland, and that we are grateful for it. One word more. A gentleman 
 said to me, in my own city, " If they don't now settle we may despair of 
 Ireland." " Despair," said I, "Never." " Despair of the people that 
 have fought for centuries. So help me God, so long as there are three 
 Irishmen living I will never despair of them." 
 
 Rev. Patrick Lynch, Manchester — My lord and gentlemen of the 
 Convention of the Irish Race, the words I shall address to you will be 
 brief indeed. Other gentlemen are anxious to speak, and I shall take 
 up but very few minutes of your time. Now, it seems to me that the 
 main reason for the assembling of this Convention is to promote union 
 amongst the people of Ireland themselves. If the people of Ireland 
 were united they would stamp out dissension amongst the Parliamentary 
 leaders in twenty-four hours. Gentlemen, this is the message which 
 those who sent me here charge me to deliver. I speak as a Lancashire 
 delegate, and the Lancashire delegates are here to-day to speak for a 
 half a million of the Irish race in England. In the town of Manchester 
 we have a much larger population of Irish either by birth or by blood 
 than there are in the cities of Cork and Limerick combined ; and if in 
 this magnificent gathering the cities of Cork and Limerick possess weight, 
 as unquestionably they do possess weight, then I say Manchester, with 
 a larger Irish population, ought to possess an influence as great. My 
 lord and gentlemen, for the last twenty years we in Lancashire made 
 ourselves political pariahs before the people of Ireland. In the elections 
 for Poor Law Guardians, of members of the City Council, in the election 
 for members of the County Councils, in every public gathering where 
 the Irish vote could tell, the great principle that moved us to record our 
 votes is the question; " Is the man an Irishman ? Is the man friendly 
 to Home Rule and the cause of Home Rule ?" If he was, he got power 
 and place by the votes of the Irishmen of Manchester. Last November 
 I saw the blank walls of one of the wards of the city of Manchester 
 placarded, calling upon the Irish voters to vote for a certain candidate 
 tor the City Council because he was a friend of Ireland and a Home 
 Ruler. Now, you all know that the Manchester City Council cannot 
 grant Home Rule to Ireland ; but I think you will agree with me when 
 
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 IRISU RACE CONVENTION. 
 
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 1 say tliat lliis mode of action — the t.ictics of the Irish in England — are 
 exirenicly wise, It is by keeping Home Rule so prominently forward, 
 and by making it the polestar of every other public question, that wo 
 have driven home to the minds of the people of England the justice 
 and honesty of Home Rule. I ask you to agree that the voice of Man- 
 ciiester ought to have weight in an assembly of this kind. What I say 
 of Manchester is equally true of all the great towns of Yorkshire, of 
 England, and Scotland. In the ordinary state of political things in 
 England, both parties are nearly equal, and it is the Irish vote that 
 comes in the determiner of the political scale in England. You in 
 Ireland may give your vote for Home Rule, but in Ireland you are 
 simply the wooden shaft of the spear. It is the vote of the Irish people 
 in England that makes the steel end of the spear. [A Voice — " What 
 about Scotland ? "] I include Scotland with all my heart. Now, gentle- 
 men, we are happy and proud to see representatives here from every 
 country in the world almost where the Irish race are found. We have 
 gentlemen here from America, from Canada, and from Australia, and 
 we have a large number from the dear old land at home. Now, gentle- 
 men, I think that if ever there was a truth it is this. America may send 
 gold in abundance to help the cause, Canada may do the same and 
 give wealth in like manner. You here at home may be as united as 
 you will. England, if England pleases, can keep you down as she has 
 kept you down for the last seven centuries. I say distinctly, America 
 may give gold, and you at home may give help for unity, but if Home 
 Rule is ever to be won it will be won more by the force of the Irish in 
 England than by any other factor which assists in its winning. Having 
 said this, I would not discharge my duty if I did not deliver in full the 
 message which those who sent me here to speak for them commissioned 
 me to deliver. It is this. They are becoming restive at the continuance 
 of the dissensions in Ireland. If dissension merely existed amongst a 
 half-dozen or dozen of the Parliamentary leaders they would give it but 
 little thouGiht, but when dissension exists amongst the people it is this 
 that dismays them in the cause of Ireland. Their message, therefore, 
 to you, representatives of the Irish race at home, is this — " Close your 
 ranks, stand together like men, shoulder to shoulder, and we, the Irish 
 in England, will vote our last man, and spend our last shilling, and fight 
 your battle to the last ditch on your behalf." 
 
 Mr. Patrick Dunlevv, Philadelphia — I have come here from the 
 "City of Brotherly Love," bearing no malice to anyone, but peace and 
 goodwill. I need not tell you that it is the Quaker City of the United 
 States, and in that relation I have great pleasure in supporting the reso- 
 lutions of the Quaker gentleman of Dublin. I would remark, by the 
 way, that I have been delegated to come here from an organisation 
 through which all the money that has been raised in our city for the last 
 sixteen years for the Irish cause has come, and, to all whom it may con- 
 cern, " I can read my title clear." I have been much impressed with 
 this land of my birth since I first set my foot upon it a few days ago. It 
 appears that, after forty-five years' absence, I have not forgotten the 
 faculty of perpertating Irish bulls. I have been much impressed, and 
 particularly so here to-day, as it reminds me of the series of gatherings 
 and public demonstrations and meetings that we have held in our city 
 
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FTRST DAY— REV. DR. FOLEY. 
 
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 since the d.iys of the Land League movement up to a few months 
 ago, in favour of the Irish cause. The character and importance of this 
 meeting can be testified to by the eminent and prominent gentlemen 
 who are here on the stage to-day. Without boasting, I can say that our 
 city has marched in the forefront of Ireland's freedom from the beginning 
 until now. We have never failed in responding to your appeals ; and 
 your very last appeal from the distinguished gentleman who has addressed 
 you, Mr. M'Carthy, we generously answered it. But the unfortunate 
 dissensions that sprung up among you here were carried across the water 
 to our fair land, and permeated some of our best workers in the cause. 
 But time has worked wonderful changes ; and I say to you to-day that 
 in leaving the shores of America for this Convention, I was clasp;d 
 heartily by the hand and bid God-speed and success by the men who 
 differ with me. I can, without presumption, say to you that I represent 
 Parnellites, Healyites, and Nationalists to-day. I can say to you that 
 their wish and their prayer is for unity, and I trust in God that here in 
 this collective representative Convention there is wit and wisdom, 
 statesmanship, disinterested love of our land and of her cause, sufficient 
 to rise superior to all difficulties, and find a way out of this miserable 
 condition. Do this, and I can go home, and with renewed energy and 
 renewed effort, turn to the work of restoring confidence, and with that 
 confidence will come again our suppurt ; and with a united front, and 
 pressing home the essential question of Home Rule, it is but a few years, 
 I firmly believe, until you will enjoy it. 
 
 Rev. Dr. Foley, Nova Scotia. — My lord and gentlemen, I think 
 that this Convention has commenced with very hai)py auguries. We 
 have received a letter from the workingman's Pope — the democratic 
 Pope Leo XIII. — and the most rev. chairman of this meeting is an 
 Irish Bishop who talks tersely, directly, like a man, and with a courage 
 that has placed the men of his race always in the forefront of the battle. 
 I see around me gentlemen who are famed the world over, and I am 
 convinced that their political sagacity will crown with success the cause 
 of Home Rule, imperilled though it may be. That this Convention, 
 gentlemen, meets at the instance of a Canadian Archbishop is for us 
 Canadians an object of legitimate praise, but that it meets for the pur- 
 pose of proclaiming to all Irishmen of goodwill the joyous tidings of 
 unity and peace, is a matter of higher import and of more heartfelt 
 congratulation. I am not too sanguine when I say, though I be an 
 Irishman, that round the world ring the confident congratulations of the 
 Irish race. They are confident that to-day is the starting-point with a 
 revivified Irish nationality. We have heard in our country reports of 
 disaffection and disunion, but remember that they emanated from the 
 Press that has ever striven to extort a verdict against Irishmen, and we 
 did not believe them in their entirety. Yet we knew that the embers of 
 discontent were smouldering ; that sooner or later they might develop 
 into a consuming blaze, and leave only ruins where once stood the fair 
 fabric of the Irish National Party. This we knew, but our only hope is 
 that this Convention— the wise counsels of this Convention — may pre- 
 vail in effecting a complete reunion. Wt: are not here to-day, ladies 
 and gentlemen, either to speak of or to criticise the past. We are here 
 simply to look to the future, and it seems to me that no man, no matter 
 
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 FIRST DAY-REV. DR. FOLEY, 
 
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 in what light he may regard this Convention, can reasonably duny our 
 right and privilege to say a word at the present juncture. 1 have been 
 sent here by the Irishmen of Ilahfax, and instructed by them in the 
 most solemn manner not to say one word of a denunciatory character 
 against any gentleman who has upheld the fame and loyalty of the old 
 land, against any members of the Irisii I'arty who have, to ciuote the 
 words of Mr. Gladstone, made the cell a national shrine and the prison 
 garb a dress of the highest honour. And we, the delegates from Nova 
 Scotia, ask you, " Will you not send us back with a message that may 
 re-awaken the old-time enthusiasm, and convince us that the principles 
 for which Irishmen are battling are greater than any man or section ?" 
 An Irishman of Halifax said to me the morning before I started: "When 
 you go to Ireland, tell them, for God's sake, not to spend their days 
 sjieechifying, but get down to some practical business. Tell them to 
 lay down some commonsense platforn) on which all Nationalists can 
 stand." And we are sent here not to identify ourselves with any party. 
 We come from a democratic country, where the rule of the majority 
 prevails, and we wish that the will of the majority of the elected repre- 
 sentatives of the Irish people should prevail in the administration of 
 Home Rule affairs. We stand by the principle of majority rule, and 
 any man who obtains a majority of one vote, be he any member of the 
 Irish Party, no matter how he may be called, will have our support in 
 the National movement. 
 
 The Irishmen of Halifax behind me beseech you to bury the carrion 
 of dissension that stinks in the nostrils of decent men. Give us a 
 guarantee before we leave this Convention that we may on public plat- 
 forms and in the Press plead your cause without indignity and without 
 subjecting ourselves to the taunts of men who would say that Home 
 Rule is a mere fanciful speculation. What joy was ours when the 
 hereditary English statesman made a speech in which he said : — " The 
 flowing tide is with us." What joy was ours when unity brought us to 
 the verge of triumph. But the old drama was once again enacted, and 
 Irishmen were divided. Halifax and Nova Scotia are one with you and 
 your struggle for right, for the promotion of your industries, and for the 
 shapmg of your own destiny. They beg me to tell you that if they are 
 prosperous, if they share in the blessings of a Christian civilisation, if 
 they stand together irrespective of politics in the determination to shape 
 their own destinies — it is as the result of union. Our Archbishop— to 
 show what a democratic city it is — our present Archbishop, the Most 
 Rev. Dr. O'Brien, enjoys the distinction of being President of the Royal 
 Society of Canada, a society that contains some of the most prominent 
 scientific and literary men in the country. Our Lieutenant-Governor 
 rejoices in the good name of Daly j the Mayor who preceded the present 
 man had the Irish name of Keeffe ; and I mention these matters to show 
 the true democratic character of the country where the majority must 
 prevail. I am convinced that you will send us back to Halifax with a 
 message to gladden the hearts of Irishmen who are confident that this 
 Convention will shield our country from the destroying rays of internecine 
 dissension. Close up your ranks. Do not, I beg of you, cause us to 
 hang our heads for shame. Do this, and I tell you on their behalf that 
 you will have the material and moral support of all Irishmen ot good 
 
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 iniSn RACE CONVENTION. 
 
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 will. Yon will have the admir.ition of your cncmici, nnd of o'l who ran 
 appreciutu the work of a united nnd duteruiincd race. I hope this ('on- 
 vcntion may l)i; ahli; to place m\ the N.ilional Registry this entry ; — " In 
 the month of .September, 1896, in Dublin, the Irish I'arty was regener- 
 ated in the xaviiig waters of unity by the ('anadian Arc hbishoj), with the 
 greater Ireland as its sponsor, and was given for its legitimalo parents 
 the majority of the representatives of the Irish people." 
 
 The Chairman — There is a telegram from Bolton, England, which 
 I will ask Mr. Davitt to read. 
 
 Mr. Daviit, M.P. — The following telegram has just been received :— 
 
 The memhcm of the Nalinnnl I.ca(;i'e "f Orcal Britain send Rrfelinpto Irelnnd'n 
 lon> lUAemlilcd in council, ami |>i»Y tliai (!<kI may liless llivit ileiiln'ratlon^, nnd lirini; 
 
 Scace and unity to Ireland. May llie lirtt tliuu^lit of all be Ireland over all. liuU 
 ave Ireland. 
 
 Mr. Kennedy, Wellington, New Zeal.ind — My lord and gentlemen, 
 you are aware that I come from probably the most remote country 
 represented here today, a country that is as large as Great Britain and 
 half of Ireland combined. Our population is small, only three-quarters 
 of a million, and the Irish population in the colony is only one seventh 
 of the whole. We therefore know what it is to be in a minority. Now, 
 the question upon which we are sent here is the question of unity. If 
 there is any other mode of ruling a country than the rule of majority we 
 would like to know it. New Zealand was the land of ex|)erimental 
 legislation. We tried many lines of action, but we never discovered 
 any other means of ruling except the rule of the majority. A celebrated 
 politician had said, " The privilege of the minority is to become a 
 majority." We have a representative Parliament on the widest possible 
 scale, and there is no particular love between the two parties — the "ins" 
 and the "outs" — and the minority tries to become the majority. We 
 ajipeal to the Irish people to sink their differences, and if they find in 
 the course of time that any of their members go wrong, then let them 
 go down to the people and oust them. The majority must bind the 
 minority. We Iiishmen in New Zealand are ardent Home Rulers, and 
 there are other men who are not Irishmen who sympathise with the 
 Irish cause; but they now point to the divisions amongst Irishmen, 
 and Irishmen are not only discouraged, but they are made a laughing- 
 stock by those dissensions. I was, therefore, sent to Ireland to point 
 out the absolute necessity of unity and majority rule. 
 
 The Chairman — There is a telegram from Quebec, which Mr. 
 Davitt will read. 
 
 Mr. DAVirr, M.P., read the following telegram — 
 
 Hon. John Costigan, care Chairman, Irish National Convention. — Represent 
 ui. Meeting Irishmen tonight unanimously resolved send Convention brotherly 
 greetings, heartiest sympathy. Pray God bless your labours with much success in 
 interest of union of Irishmen at home and abroad in the grand cause of Home Kule 
 and fair play to Ireland. — Felix Carbrav, Chairman. 
 
 Rev. George F. Marshall, Manchester, New Hampshire — My 
 lord, ladies and gentlemen, I do not appear here for the purpose of 
 making a speech. Enough has been already said to convince every 
 honest man in this gathering that our Durpose here, and our purpose in 
 
FinST DAY-REV. GEOROE F. MARSHALL 187 
 
 (. I 
 
 
 coming arross the ocean, w;is to try and induce divided Nationalists in 
 Ireland to throw aside their dissension and disunion and to work all 
 together once more for our dear old country. VVe have come here to 
 urge upon you to cast aside your differences and endeavour to form once 
 again a grand uniti'd party, such as we had a few years ago^a party 
 that would suffer dictation from nobody, and that would compel that 
 despot, KngLtnd, to give Ireland relief from the oppression under which 
 she is suffcrmg. I do not come here to speak on behalf of the one party 
 or the second party or the third party. I appreciate the men who hciong 
 to those parties. I give them credit each of thinking that they are on 
 the right road. When I was leaving the United States and now, I may 
 say, 1 had and have an open mind as to which of the three parties was 
 the best to obtain Home Rule for Ireland. It is for you to decide, and 
 to decide by giving a majority. And when you have given that m.ijority 
 you should stand by that majority, giving towards the minority all defer- 
 ence, but, at the same time, seeing that that majority shall rule, and 
 also insisting that the gentlemen who shall be elected by that majority 
 shall have perfect control of the party, as the potter has control of the 
 clay in which he works. I say that party should be in his hands in that 
 way, and that he should insist they should all work together to advance 
 the interests of Ireland, and endeavour to take away the shame attached 
 to our dear old land — that shame which discord, dissension, and dis- 
 union have brought upon her. Say to your leader when you have elected 
 him ; " You were elected for a certain end ; for that you must fight, 
 sinking all minor differences for the common good." Let us see such a 
 state of things, and then we can demand our rights from one of the 
 greatest powers on earth. Years gone by it was a hard thing to build 
 up an Irish party, but as years rolled by the party, once started, grew 
 and grew until it became one grand united party, and even until it was 
 courted by English parties. VVe want a party now on the same lines. 
 We want a parly now that will work firmly and steadily on the same 
 lines. It is of no importance to us, delegates who have come across 
 the ocean, whether it is the tried and true John Dillon who will lead the 
 party ; it is of nc importance to us whether it is William O'Brien or Mr. 
 O'Connor who will lead the party ; it is of no importance to us whether 
 it is Mr. Healy who will lead the party. No ; but it is of the utmost 
 importance to us that one man shall rule, that his rule shall be strong, 
 and that it shall be obeyed ; in fact that he shall rule, as we say in Irish, 
 with l«'li laimiv. We were told before we left the United States that our 
 efforts would be of no use, and that it would be useless for us to inter- 
 fere. Yes; but I did not believe those statements, and. I do not believe 
 them now, when I see in the chair of this historic gathering a descen- 
 dant of the O'Donnells. I have confidence in a Convention composed 
 of such men. Here we have a man who comes to the front as the friend 
 of Ireland presiding at this meeting, and brings new confidence and new 
 strength to our country ; and with this new confidence and new strength, I 
 hope we shall be able to go back to our friends across the ocean and 
 tell them that there is a fair prospect of union, and that after all what 
 was going on was only a little row and a little skirmish, and that the 
 shame which dissension and disunion brought upon Ireland will shortly 
 be wiped out 
 
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 Very Rev. M. A. Clan.jy — I, too, have been sent with a message of 
 pc.ice and goodwill and reconciliation from the iron-bound coasts of 
 Newfoundhnd to the fair Green Isle of Old Erin. Though I cannot 
 boast of represp- Jng any very large number of Irishmen, or any very 
 large country, as far as population is concerned, nevertheless, though we 
 are only a small section of people, we are animated with the same im- 
 pulsive love of Ireland, the same great desire for Ireland's freedom that 
 the most boid-hearted in Ireland can possibly feel. You do not know, 
 and you cannot feel the burning shame that comes into our faces when 
 we are told over and over again : " What good are you Irishmen doing 
 at all ? What is the reason that for even one sacred moment, when in 
 that moment you might possibly touch the goal of liberty, you cannot be 
 united amongst yourselves?" My colleague and I from Newfoundland 
 come here to implore you to grasp our hands in brotherly love, that we 
 may be united as one man in the demand for Home Rule. But 
 as the most necessary thing you must be united amongst your- 
 selves, ard I fancy that from this great Convention must go forth 
 a manda'e, strong and powerful, and irresistible, that will com- 
 mand unity amongst the Irish Parliamentary Party. A great deal 
 is said about majority rule. All of us who live in self-governing coun- 
 tries, such as Newfoundland, must admit majority rule, and although we are 
 a very small number of people we can manage our own affairs. No doubt 
 we have occasionally a little friction, but it is oi.'y now after Home Rule 
 has been obtained. Before this Convention assembled I believe an 
 effort had been made to unite the various sections into which un- 
 fortunately our party is divided. These approaches were made by men 
 who had been previously in a kind of way political enemies. They were 
 not very cordially received, however, but there should go out from this 
 Convention a mandate insisting that those now separated should come 
 together and be of one fold. There is very little use, after all, in harping 
 all the time on this unfortunate want of unity. No doubt, within p, very 
 short time since, we who followed the debates in the English House of 
 Commons often lamented and often groaned for one brief hour of blind 
 old Dandalo. We wanted the master hand and powerful mind of 
 Charles Stewart Parnell. Not many more words do I intend to address 
 to you for th,» present ; but I am reminded here to-day of a story I read 
 a great many years ago when the Nation was the people's voice. It is 
 the story of the revolution in Spain in the year '42, and the hero of this 
 story said — " Neither Christina, nor yet Don Carlos, and let our rallying 
 cry be ' Liberty for Spain.'" And I will say likewise — " Neither Healy, 
 nor Redmond, nor even John Dillon, but let our rallying cry be 'Liberty 
 for Ireland.' " 
 
 Rev, Edward S. PnitLiPS, Pennsylvania — Most rev. chairman, 
 fellow-delegates, ladies and gentlemen, I did not intend when leaving my 
 home in America to make an address at this Convention, for I believed, 
 as most Americans believe, and what most Irishmen know, that there is if 
 anything too much orating in Ireland. I came here not to make a speech 
 but to do something. I was not born in Ireland. I would like to have 
 been born in Cork or Tipperary after the reputation these two worthy 
 children have given of these two places. I may say, as we are all giving 
 something of our pedigree, that my parents were married at the foot of 
 
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 (See pp. 57, '178, 21)2, 313.) 
 
 liEV. PATHICK LYNCU. 
 (Sce'pp. 69, 181.) 
 
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 PATRICK DUNLEVY. 
 (See pp. 62, 182.) 
 
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 VERY REV. WILLIAM FOLEY, D.D. 
 (See pp. «5, 183.) 
 
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 190 
 
 IRJSH If ACE CONVENTION. 
 
 Nephin Beg, and if they remained there a short time I would not have 
 been born in America, and as our young friend, Dr. Foley, said, it 
 is no fault of mine if I am not an Irishman. I came here to represent 
 the most intensely patriotic organisation in America — the Ancient Ordei 
 of Hibernians, representing directly about ten thousand anthracite coal- 
 miners in Pennsylvania, and the particular district from which I have 
 come as a delegate is Lucerne. Therefore, I have a right to speak on 
 behalf of Irish unity. I have been told by my fellow members of the 
 Ancient Order of Hibernians to counsel unity if necessary, and it is not 
 necessary to speak of unity, but for God's sake to do something for 
 unity and for Ireland. Gentlemen, we have heard a great deal al out 
 unity. That word " unity " is magnificent all the world over — in America, 
 Australia, New Zealand, South Africa, Great Britain, and Ireland, when 
 it is on paper, but I ha*-e not yet heard one suggestion as to the means of 
 promoting unity in Ireland. I have heard, with which I must disagree, 
 one delegate say tyranny is necessary among the bosses — among the 
 leaders. Gentlemen, I think that there is a great deal of trouble in the 
 ambitions of leadership, and I hope tl at out of this Convention there 
 will arise one whom Ireland can trust (A Voice— Sexton). I can't dis- 
 countenance the magnificent work of the present chairman. I admire 
 him for the work that he has done, and as all the speakers have said, 
 and the magnificent orator from the North of Ireland, O'Donnell, has 
 said, Ireland is greater than any man, Ireland is greater than leaders, and 
 if the leaders be at fault then the people should know how to right the 
 wrong. The people should be the law, and should rule. I live in a 
 country in which there is government of the people, for the people, and by 
 the people, and every time I'll swear by the people, because with the 
 people all united it makes no difference about leaders — the country 
 cannot go wrong. If, gentlemen, out of this Convention will come 
 something good for the people of Ireland, for the proper representation 
 of the people of Ireland, I care not who is leader, I'll go back to the 
 patriotic Order of Hibernians (Board of Erin) and tell them I did not 
 come in vain to the land of my fathers. 
 
 The Chairman — The proceedings of to-day will close with another 
 speech. We have had a great advantage of hearing at considerable 
 length the splendid messages that hav ; come to us from our friends 
 abroad, and the delegates of the Convention have had an opportunity of 
 digesting a good deal of the proposals that are put forward upon the 
 agenda paper ; hence, it is my purpose on to-morrow, please God, while 
 allowing to the utmost of my power all the latitude of discussion, to 
 make a good way through the agenda paper. I hope to-night ycu will 
 be able to consider the resolutions, and, therefore, while taking occasion 
 to-morrow to explain thoroughly your views with regard to them, I think 
 it would be possible for you to come to a conclusion, and, if necessary, 
 to p. division on them, without very long debate. I may mention that 
 in connection with resolution (i), of the group "A," on looking over the 
 paper I find resolutions " L " and " M " germane to it, and they shall be 
 taken early to-morrow in conjunction with it, and likewise the resolution 
 of which notice has been handed in by Father Flynn, Waterford, which 
 very probably he will move as an amendment to the resolution that 
 appears first on Mr. Webb's list. 
 
 AS 
 
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 II 
 
FIRST DAT— MR. JOHN FERGUSOX. 
 
 191 
 
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 Mr. John Ferguson, Glasgow — My lord and fellow countrymen, 
 after the magnificent addresses which you have been listening to, and 
 particularly after the address delivered by the distinguished ecclesiastic 
 who occupies the chair, and under whose presidency I am proud to-day 
 to speak, I feel that it is, indeed, too much at this late hour to ask you 
 to listen for more than a very few minutes to the words I would like to 
 say to you. I come from a land once hostile but now united in friend- 
 ship for Ireland. I come from a country where we had to fight for our 
 political rights and political existence as Irishmen — a fiercer fight than 
 any you have had perhaps in this or any country in the world. We have 
 had Irishmen shot on the platform while maintaining our green flag 
 above. We have had bullets through our windows to tell us of the 
 hostile feeling of the Scottish people. That day has passe 1 away, and 
 we roused the spirit of Celtic kinship amongst the Scottish people, 
 and to-day Scotland stands solid for Home Rule. My lord, my eye fell 
 at once upon the words upon the scroll at the back of the hall, and I 
 went back in thought twenty-three years to the great Convention. I 
 looked at the crowded gallery here and I thought of the gallery in the 
 historic Rotunda, when, under the great Isaac Butt, we met there, 1,200 
 delegates, the best Parliament Ireland had seen for seventy-three years. 
 We were then defying the law, for let our American and Australian 
 friends take this back with them, that in those days such a meeting as 
 this subjected every delegate to imprisonment and fine ; it was contrary 
 to law to hold a delegate assembly in Ireland. But our grand old Irish- 
 man showed us how to break the law, and by-and-by they had to repeal 
 it because we were too many for them. T3ut in those days " God Save 
 Ireland " would not have been placed upon the gallery of our Convention. 
 We have advanced since then. The names of Allen, Larkin, and 
 O'Brien — another name should be there, you know it — it is in Giasnevin. 
 There should be many other names, but there should be another martyr 
 added to the three ; he came from Glasgow. The Convention reminds 
 me of something that then interfered with unity in our ranks — one the 
 broken remnant of the gallant Fenian movement, which had not yet 
 quite made up its mind that the unconstitutional battle should be no 
 longer fought. Let no man fear to name the Fenian Brotherhood. 
 Has not William Ewart Gladstone, that distinguished Englishman, said 
 — the words are not Ferguson's words, but Mr, Gladstone's words — 
 " The depth and intensity of the Fenian movement has taught me the 
 necessity of legislating to avert a danger from the Empire? " And sai({ 
 that greatest of all English statesmen, that highest-minded and purest man 
 of all English statesmen, although he has often gone wrong, said he, " It 
 has been said that they are the scum of the Irish race ; but my friend Mr. 
 Maguire's book shows to me that the Fenians are the very cream of the 
 Irish race." That, my lord, was provoked by those who put up " God 
 Save Ireland " at the meeting. 
 
 I apologise for the digression, and I go on with my subject. There 
 was another element of dissension at the meeting ; that element inherited 
 the glorious traditions of O'Connell, the glorious traditions of the Young 
 Ireland Party, and it was not prepared to turn aside from the simple 
 Repeal of which we heard a good deal, and which gave us a good deal 
 of trouble, even for Isaac Butt's grand scheme. But ultimately we 
 
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 772/^/7 TZ.IC^; CONVENTION. 
 
 conquered, ultimately we had a unity in Ireland for years; and oh, 
 fellow-countrymen I what was the result of that unity ? Look at its 
 result. The Established Church — the Church in which I was born and 
 to which I belong — the Established Church was disestablished and put 
 into an honest and honourable position, in which it is now. And the 
 landlords, the foreign garrison in Ireland, that plundered it of twelve 
 millions per annum, that have wrought such havoc in the land of the 
 O'Donnells — ah, we clipped their wings ! Two or three millions out of 
 their income are to-day in the pockets of the Irish people. Not much, 
 I admit, but still it is something. But better than all, we have established 
 the do:trine that they had no right to any of it whatever. We sent a 
 Commission up to the Highlands of Scotland which wiped out all the 
 arrears — you have not quite got that far yet — wiped out all the arrears and 
 took forty-five per cent, off the rent. But we established by our united 
 action Land Courts in Ireland which asserted the principle that no man 
 should pay rent for any improvements of his own or those of his prede- 
 cessors in title. I admit that, because of your disunion and because of 
 your want of loyalty to your principles and your party, that has not 
 been carried out as well as it would, but now is the time for a forward 
 march. We have taught these men that they must no longer gather 
 where they have not scattered, or reap where they have not sown, and 
 now is the time for a united forward march. Oh, brothers dear, we 
 must not again by our dissensions lose the vantage ground we have 
 won. I am told all round no good will come of your Convention ; it 
 will be just a large crowd of enthusiastic people ; they will cheer unity, 
 but anoiher crowd could be got up on the other side to-morrow. Not a 
 bit of it. God Almighty has made mankind thus — that although some 
 men upon any given subject may be so prejudiced, may be so full of 
 hate, or of love, that they are unable to see the broad principle of truth, 
 yet the great majority of men upon any one question can be taught that 
 Magna est Veritas et prevalebit — we will make the truth prevail. I 
 have been excited by the magnificent speeches, and have got into an 
 enthusiastic spirit by the gathering of the nation and the sea-divided 
 Gael on the platform. I want now to deal shortly with one question 
 raised lately in England, and by the Times newspaper in particular. 
 It says there are now only four and a half millions of people in Ireland, 
 and that we are so weak that we cannot get what we want. The Celt is 
 gone with a vengeance, and the Times boasted that the Celt would soon 
 be as scarce as a Red Indian on the shores of the Manhattan. But in 
 relation to the foreigner the Celt is just as numerous in Ireland as ever 
 he was, and he is armed with a power he never had before, and Ireland 
 can now be properly represented in the House of Commons. But, then, 
 what if Irishmen have gone with a vengeance ? They are armed with 
 a hundred tim^s more power in foreign lands, and wherever the English 
 flag flies there, too, are found members of the Irish race. The Alabama 
 claim would never have been pressed home but for the Irish population 
 in America, and the Venezuelan question, which is giving England so 
 much trouble — I venture to think that some of our fellow-countrymen 
 have something to say to that. The Celt has gone away with a vengeance, 
 but he is coming back in many ways. He is not coming back with the 
 green flag flying over shotted guns, but he is sending the produce of his 
 
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 adopted country into England and is breaking down her monopoly. 
 Now, too, we can return eighty-six members of Parliament to the House 
 of Commons. We are not loyal umler the present circumslancts, and 
 we cannot be loyal under the i)resent circumstances, but we offer 
 Kngland a chance of making us loyal, if we get a National assembly in 
 Dublin to manage our National affairs, wc are satisfied to have an 
 Imperial House for the Emi)ire, in which Ireland should be properly 
 represented. Supposing Englpnd exposes itself to the world by 
 muzzling our members, by putting them out — and I admit they have the 
 physical power to do that — then where is the constitutional assembly ? 
 Under these circumstances, is not the Government in Ireland manifestly 
 a coercion Government ? England in these days cannot afford to rule 
 Ireland with the sword ; England must appreciate Ireland, and here we 
 offer her the hand of friendship, but wc must have national selfgovern- 
 ment. 
 
 " Oh ! brothers, Rather close to keip 
 The land we'll win once more ; 
 Division were the direst curse 
 That darkens now our door. 
 The God of Nations musters us, 
 
 And leads us forth once more ; 
 Now who can break what He has bound. 
 While aach to each is true i 
 
 " And when the nations onward march 
 
 In belter days to be, 
 Our Irish (lag shall lloat 
 
 Amongst the banners of the free. 
 Its colour then will speak of hope 
 
 Like sunshine's glistening sheen, 
 And all the world be better 
 
 For our wearini; of the green." 
 
 I have much pleasure in supporting the resolutionj. 
 
 Mr. D.wiTT, M.P. — The Convention will now adjourn until ii 
 o'clock to-morrow. The doors will be open for delegates at 10.30. The 
 following telegram has just been received by Mr. John Dillon : — 
 
 A meeting of advanced Ulstermen, held in Wolverhampton yesterday, wish 
 you, for Ireliind's good, to be firm and just in pressing for release of political 
 prisoners. Please read to meeting. —James IIarvev. 
 
 The Convention then adjourned at 4 o'clock. 
 
 [Of the many letters handed to the Press at the conclusion of first 
 day's proceedings by the Secretaries, the following were printed. They 
 are arranged in order of dates.] 
 
 Archbishop's House, Logan Square, 
 
 Philadelphia, July 10, 1896. 
 
 To Messrs. Thomas Addis Emmet, M.D. ; John D. Grimmins, Joseph F. 
 
 Daly, and Others. 
 
 Gentlemen, — I am greatly honoured by ;our invitation to act as a delegate-at- 
 
 large from the United Stales to the Irish Race Convention, to be held in Dublin on 
 
 September 1st, 1S96. Nothing but a sense of duty woulil prevent my acceptance of 
 
 thia honour. I have made appointments for Confirmation and other functions for 
 
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 JIAIITIN KKNNKDY. 
 
 (Si'C pp. Wi, l«i.) 
 
 HEV, GKOUGK V. MAnSIIALU 
 (Sec-pp. 0?, 180.) 
 
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 UEV M. .\. CLANCY. 
 (Seo pp. 71, 188.) 
 
 UEV. EDWARD .S. PHILLIPS. 
 CSco pp. 72, 188, m.) 
 
 ^ 
 
 
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 FIRST DA Y— CORRESPONDENCE. 
 
 195 
 
 September, whicli render it iinpossiliL' fi)r me \'< be absent for tlie time le.niin-d to 
 attend the Convention. I wish it from my heart entire sutceaa, unU bhail uul (urj;ct 
 to pray (or thb object in the Holy Sacrifice. 
 
 Yours very faithrully, 
 
 •* r. J. KVAN, Archbishop of I'hiladelphin. 
 
 'I 
 
 Mackay, Queensland, July Ijth, lSy6. 
 
 To THE I'RESIDENT ANt) REPRESKN lATIVRS OK THE IklSIl NATIONAL 
 CONVENIION, UUU.IN. 
 
 (jentlcmen, — We, the undersigned, on behalf of the members of tlie II.A.C.U. 
 Society, No, 233, St. I'atrick's Uranch, Mackay, Queensland, conpratulate the pro- 
 moters of this Convention, and we hope that by its means the antag<inism to Ireland's 
 best interests will be entirely obliteiated, leaviny; a united party, for without unity 
 representation becomes a farce, and you cannot expect the support liom Australians 
 which otherwise we would gladly contribute to the cause of Home Kule for Ireland, 
 lielieve us that in Australia there are thousiinds of Irishmen, and others who have 
 watched with painful anxiety the constant bickeiinys ot Ireland's supposed reiiresenta- 
 tives. What concessions can you expect if by yonr own comluct you merit the oppro- 
 brium and laughter of your enemies ? We know that the represenlalives cf Ireland ate 
 as capnble and intellectual as any other representation of like importance, but whdc 
 this division in the ranks exists, so long shall Ireland- suffer. It is with pleasure we 
 notice the elVorts of Mr. Davitt and others advocating the liberation ol the Irish |)oli- 
 lical prisoners, ;ind hope their eflorls will be rewarded. W ilh our best wishes lor the 
 success of your Convention, we remain, youis, etc., 
 
 CllAS. I'KAZER, President. 
 
 John 1'. Down, Vice- President. 
 
 MiLllAEl. Bakkon, Treasurer. 
 
 CiiAKi.iis Mezuek, Secretary. 
 
 D. Maricey. 
 
 Adelaide, S.A., July I4lh, lSj6 
 John Dit.l.ON, Esq.. M. P., Chairman. 
 
 Irish National Federation, 24 Rutland Sipiare, Dublin, Ireland. 
 
 l.iear Sir, — The members of the South Australian Branch of the Irish National 
 Federation deeply regret that they are unable to appoint a delegate whose business 
 engagements permit of his leaving for Dublin in time to take part in the Pan-Celtic 
 Convention. At the same time they are unwilling to allow the occasion of a gathering, 
 so important from its constitution and objects, to pass without expressing a hope that 
 the cause of Ireland may be furthered by the deliberations of the Convention. 
 Nothing is more desired by the sympathisers in South Australia with the cause of Irish 
 autonomy than the reunion of its supporters at home. They feel that the greatest 
 strength of their opponents lies in the division of the forces that tight for Home Rule, 
 and that a consuinmation so devoutly to be wished for as reunion ought to be possible in 
 the case of those of one blood and aim. From the visit of Mr. J. K. Re<lniond and his 
 brother twelve years ago to South Australia, to the split in the Irish Party, the move- 
 ment for Home Rule gained ground here. The Press of South Australia, reflecting 
 local opinion, met the demands of the Nationalists with sympathy or fair criticism. 
 But the division in your ranks at home checked the growth in our colony of sympathy 
 with Home Rule. It has, to a great extent, diminished the power of your country- 
 men to help you by discounting, through the so-called object lesson afforded by 
 internal dissensions, the effect of their advocacy of your cause. 
 
 'ihe Irish, and the descendants of Irish in South Australia, still fervently long for 
 the success of your efforts to establish an Irish Parliament to ileal with purely Irish 
 affairs. They believe that in local autonomy lies the solution of the Irish question, 
 and the strenj;th of the empire. With that obtained, the abilities and energies now 
 spent in the fight for a change in the political relations of Great Britain and Ireland 
 would be directed to the i;ood government and development of the country, wifi 
 promise of excellent results. But they feel that they can do little to increase thv 
 
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 196 
 
 7/^/5// /dJt'JS; CONVENTION. 
 
 mcnsurc of sympalliy cxlemled to you here wliile the division exists In your ranks at 
 home. They, Ihercfnre, wish ymi (loH-specil in vour elTorts, throiijjh the I'.inCohic 
 Convention, to tiring nliout reunion. May your delilieintions meet with liuccess worthy 
 of the f;rcat issue at slake, and ul the self-sacrificing zeal und patriotic aspirations uf 
 those who take part in them. 
 
 r.iithfully yours, 
 
 P. M M. r.l.VN.v, 
 
 I'lcsidcnt Irish Naticmal Fcdera'ion, 
 .South Australia. 
 
 Irish National Federation, 
 
 Auckland, N.Z., 18th July, 1896. 
 John Dti.r.oN, Esq., MP. 
 
 Dear Sir, — I have the honour by direction of this branch of the Irish National 
 Federation to forward you the following resolution unanimously and with acclamation 
 passfil at last night's meeting : — 
 
 "That we, the Auckland Uran h of the Irish National Federation in meeting 
 assembled, in common with all loyal supporters of, and sympathisers with, the cause 
 of Ireland at home and abroad, records Us conviction of the paramount necessity for 
 unity amongst the supporters of Home Kule, and <lesires in the most earnest manner 
 to convey to the National Convention to be held in Dublin the unanimously expressed 
 wish and hope of this branch that, ignoring all diflerences and prejudices, and disre- 
 garding all considerations, the result of the deliberations of the Convention may he a 
 resolve to cordially join together in and maintain a laslini; course of united action, 
 upon which depends the success of the Irish Home Kule movement.'' 
 
 I have only to add my own prayer that our earnest wishes and desires may, as the 
 outcome of the Convention, under Divine Providence, bs consummatid 
 I am, dear sir, yours laithfuliy, 
 
 Jos. A. Toi.F, President. 
 M. J. .SllEAHAN, Hon. Sec. 
 
 Catholic Summer School of America, 
 
 Plattsburgh, N.Y., July 20th, 1896. 
 
 My De.ir Mr. Ryiin, — Many duties devolving upon me at the opening of the 
 Summer School session have hindered me from answering your letter of invitation to 
 act as delegate to the great Convention at Dublin, Septeml)cr 1st. I am .orry to say 
 that it will be impossible for me to accept it, much as I may wish to do my liest 
 towards the realisation of our hopes for general unity of action in the great cause in 
 which a people's interests are centered. I have been the prime promoter in bringing 
 to Worcester, Massachusetts, for the 7th of September, a great demonstration of the 
 temperance forces of Massachusetts, and it would be unbecoming of me to be absent. 
 It would be like " Hamlet " without the Dane. As the success of the movement 
 depends upon my personal endeavours, I have turned the matter over in many ways, 
 and have come to the conclusion that it is absolutely necessary for me to remain at 
 home for this event. 
 
 I hope that the distinguished delegates who will attend the Convention from all 
 parts of the world will be successful in teaching Irish representatives the necessity of 
 unity. In particular I hope they will impress upon them the lesson which we have 
 learned so well in America — that majorities rule, and that all men should turn their 
 interests to the common cause of mother country. 
 
 I appreciate very gratefully the confidence of the Federation in selecting me as 
 one of its delegates at large, and I would certainly strain many points to act in that 
 capacity to the best of my ability. You can realize, then, that it is a sacrifice for me 
 to remain at home, but I feel that uiy remaining is demanded by duty to the interests 
 I have gathered about me at that particular time. 
 
 Please accept my grateful thanks and honour, and believe me, in the hoiies of 
 unity, your friend, 
 
 [Rev.] Thomas f. Conaty, 
 
 ^/t-. 
 
I 
 
 'I 
 
 /'V/W/' 1K\Y COURESI'OMU'.XCh:. 
 
 "H 
 
 Bunhti), N.Y., July J8lh. 1896. 
 
 JUSEI'II I'. KVAN, I'.M]. 
 
 My Dear Sir, -I bi-j; In nturn my licnrlfcll lli.inks, Ihrmiuh yoi', to ilio gciulc- 
 men wliosu nimis arc signed 1(1 lIuMiivilatiun si> kindly sriit me. I'ltaso to tniivcy 
 to tlii'm the hit;li iipprccialion in which I hold Ihc honour ihoy have ronferred iiiKin 
 nie, ami n'.Mirc them that nothinu less than the inability to leave home at the staled 
 time could prevent me from enioyinp the proud priviic(;e o( repr^senlin^J the Irish 
 National I'ederntion of America at the Dublin Ctonventinn. I have lately added 
 pastoral lalniura to my editorial duties, and the dual rcs|Hinsibilite» will claim my 
 close personal attention lor some time to come. Again thanking the gentlemen 
 named and yourself most heartily. 
 
 I am, very sincerely yours, 
 
 [Kev.J Tatkick Cronin. 
 
 i 
 
 , I 
 
 llj King William Street, Adelaide, 2S1I1 July, iSyO. 
 John Dit.i.ov, Ksq., M.P., nublin. 
 
 Afy IJear Sir, — I enclose cutting which will appear in the S,<iillicin Cross 011 
 Friday next. It was wire<l to me from .Sydney, with reipiest to po-l it on to you, so 
 ns to catch nn earlier mail than if sent from Sydney. Our branch of the I.N. 
 Federation in Adelaide sent on a letter of congratulation and euconraKcincnt last 
 mail, iind I have also written to Mr. IJavitt. I sincerely trust the Convention 
 may lie the me.ins of uniting our people in an invulnerable phalanx to meet the 
 common enemy, and I congratulate you on the high and responsible position to which 
 you have l)cen elevated. We regret very much that South Australia wdl not be 
 directly represented .at the Convention. Were my Ministerial I'arliamcntary dutiei 
 not 80 imperative nothing would please me lietter than to attend. 
 
 Very truly yours, 
 
 J. V. O'LoGlll.lN, v.r., r.N.F. 
 
 Extract from Sonlhcni Cross, Adelaide, re meeting in Sydney, 27lh July, 1896 :— 
 
 ''TiiR rAN-CB!,ric CONVF.NTION. — We have received the following telegram 
 from Sydney :— An enthusiastic meeting re ran-Ccllic Convention was held Monday 
 night at Ihe Guild Hall, Sydney. Mr. F. B. Freehill occupied the chair. The 
 sjHjakers were the Hon. R. E. O'Connor, lion. John Toohey, .Messrs. J. P Garvan, 
 William EUard, Jos. Carlos. The following resolution carried — 'That this meeting 
 records its unabated interest in the Home Rule movement, and urges upon the 
 delegates to the forthcoming Pan-Celtic Convention that in order to secure the 
 restoration to Ireland of her Parliament, it is essential that every legitimate means 
 should be adopted to re-unite the National representatives under one leader.' " 
 
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 College de Chezal-Benoit, 
 
 Cher, France, A'linist 28th. 
 To John Dillon, M.P. 
 
 Dear Sir,— I am honoured with being the moi.!hpiece of my Irish ecclesiaslical 
 friends here, who regret not to be able to sanction by their presence, but who at least 
 assist by their prayers and wishes, the great and glorious Convention in which much 
 of Ireland's weal is involved. Though estranged from the dear old land, like so many 
 others who have tasted the bread of exile, our love of country remains ever woven 
 round our hearts, as the love of our mother, and it is with our hearts and minds fondly 
 straying over to green Erin that we watch and glory in our country's gallant struggles. 
 Distance, however great, precludes us not from l)eing keenly interested in her faith, 
 in her language, and her future. We, too, can feel the misery of Ireland far away, 
 and it is with hearts grieved even to sadness at the spectacle of her seemingly never- 
 ending calamities that wc pray God for her speedy happiness. Greatly we lament to 
 
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 & 
 
l.^S 
 
 Iinstl RACE CON VEST ION. 
 
 Iwliolil tlic splril life irscil revull wliicli Mcm« lo tinimstf K fuw of our lioiicsl lountry 
 iiifii, mill which issii hurlful to our Nntional inlcrcats, «hiKt i;riitifyiim lo evi-ry foe 
 i)( Irclamrs riKhls nnd Irelanil'a welfare. Hut we rejoice at leiijjth to near Iriihincn 
 alt the world over souniling the tium|ict of |>eace, and with one voice lilnmin^ disiicn- 
 hion and calling fur unity. To elFcct thin unity at such a nioinunlouH crisin, your 
 Imnicnse re-union is unilouhledly the lient ami surest nii in' In consequence, it rftlcclj 
 no lilllo credit and hmiour on its talented promoters, as well as on the numerous 
 dele){atcs who enhance it by their altcndancc, Itcsidvs, it lays the ground of a great 
 and fervent hope -all a nation's rancour and bitterness crowding lo a burying point, 
 and that |)eo[)le— the most heroic and virtuous on the face o7 the earth— Idendeil 
 ti>(;ether both in views and aspiration^, will then get rundy for that other gicnt day of 
 which the Convention is the harbinger, and on which all the wounds of Erin will Ix: 
 healed and her tears wiiied away. Divided as they arc by their insane dissensions, all 
 Irishmen concur in this one exalted sentiment- this one sublime sensation— their 
 thirst after the hour and the inetVable desire of Ireland's freedom. Now it is that this 
 hour is beaming with a cheering warmth and a seductive brilliancy, and any Irishman 
 who refuses to sacrifice his parricidal passion and his bitter resentment on the altar 
 of the Convention which is the altar of his country, obscures the fair prospect, and 
 must no' only bo "unnational," but unnatural. The great and resiK-clable gathering 
 will, we hope, be crowned with success, and thus, please Cod, Irishmen will henceforth 
 stand shoulder to shoulder, and once again make Ireland a reunited National Ireland, 
 and show the world " what Irishmen can do." 
 
 I remain, dear sir, in the name of my Irish I'rofessors and Seminarists, yours 
 failhlully in C. J. 
 
 tUev.] Uanikl UucKl-Ky. 
 
 Ashley House, .Staveley Road, Eastbourne, 
 38th August, 1896. 
 
 Sbcrbtarv, Irish National Fbiiekaiiun, 34 Ruti.and Squarr, Dublin. 
 
 Dear Sir, — I deeply regret that owing to ill-health, nnd having been for the last 
 ten days laid up with inlluenia, I shall be unable to attend the Irish Race Convention 
 on the 1st Keptcnd>cr, as I am nut yet well enough to travel, and my doctor will not 
 allow me to do so for another week. 
 
 I am, dear sir, faithfully yours, 
 
 J. EUiiTACB JAMBSON [M.I'.] 
 
 12 Stories Alley, Leith, August jotli, 1896. 
 To David Siieeiiy, Esq. 
 
 Dear Sir.' -I'lease submit the enclosed resolution on liohalf of the Irishmen in 
 Leith in the interest 01 unity and the Irish Parliamentary Party. Wishing you every 
 success, 
 
 I remain, dear sir, yours truly, 
 
 Francis Donaghv. 
 
 Leith, 30tli August, 1896. 
 
 At a meeting of the T. D. Sullivan Rranch held to-day the following resolution 
 was unanimously passed in view of the forthcoming gathering of representatives of the 
 Irish Race in Dublin :— " Irish residents in Leith, Scotland, are desirous of impressing 
 upon the people of Ireland the urgency of once and for all putting their foot on the 
 neck of faction from any quarter whatever ; and we believe that the Irish people, after 
 duly considering all phases of what has been the cause of disunion, should ask the 
 promoters of faction through their constituencies to retire at once from public life and 
 allow their places to be taken by those who are willing to pursue such a p<«licy a» will 
 best serve the interests of the Irish people." 
 
 .^.. 
 
 ■J 
 
FIRST DA Y-^CnnRKSPnyDENCE. 
 
 •99 
 
 T. Iliirkr, 9 Albert Strei-I, Ccmcliy Roai) 
 Darnell. Au^unt joih, 1890. 
 To David Shekiiv, M.P., Dulilin. 
 
 Dear Mr. Sheeliy, — (!irciiinMnnccs prevent uii from liiinR pemonnlly reprfucntcil 
 at the grent Convcnlion of our hcittlcrcil r.icc. cnn-c<|iiciitly wu aili>|it llii« method ol 
 exprcHsing our feclhigii, SpcAkiiif; nn lieh.ilf of eifjhly iiu'nilx'rs >>( mir hrnnch, nml 
 nn hehalf of the Nnlionnlisl ixipulaliim of Dai wen, wo arc solid for unity. Disunvioii 
 now, at in llie past, is, and Ims l>een, the cmsu of our cmiiilry, her people, and her 
 cause. Uur uiie desire then is to aee unity restoreil once mon- in the Natioiinlist 
 ranks. Irish freeiloni must not he nacriliced for perioiial spleen : Ireland first, 
 personal l-<iidutiun and andiitioii aflcr. No man shonld he allowed to lull ihu progress 
 ofunily and freedom. The eyes of nil nations are locussed on your delilieralions to- 
 day. Aye, the very spirits of departed heroes who loved lieland more than personal 
 ambition, will he hovering over anil aliout you. SnrsKeM. (irattnn, I'hiod, Curian, 
 Charlemont, Filzgeiahl, Tone, and Kniiiiet, O'Connell, Milehel. Matlin, Meagher, 
 Hult, and Tarnell, they were nil for Ireland. Therefore, in (lod's name, close your 
 ranks, show a bold front to the common enemy, and show the nations that Ihu Celtic 
 race are both worthy ol and capalde of inana(;ing their own affairs. (iod bless your 
 proceeding, and God save Ireland is the wi-.h of the Datwen Uranch. 
 
 Signed on behalf of ihe Darwcn llranch, 
 
 \Vir.Li.\M M'Cartiiv, Tresldcnt. 
 Tllo.M.vs LuRKt, Secretory. 
 
 Mouse of Commons Library. 
 
 August 31st, 1896. 
 D. Sun liv, Esf].. M.P., Diiblin. 
 
 My Dear .Sheehy, — Your card of admission to the Convention received on Satur> 
 day last. 
 
 I regret that on account of pressing private nfTuirs I cannot at present leave 
 London. 
 
 I ho|ie sincerely that the issue of Ihe Convention's deliberations will be satisfac* 
 lory to the people of Ireland.- -Yours sincerely, 
 
 James O'Connor [M.P.] 
 
 The following telegram was also read : — 
 
 " To Chairman Irish Race Convention, Dublin. .South Islington Branch, 
 Ixindon, hcaitily widi success to Convention, and sincerely hoi)e that lasting benefit 
 to Irish cause may result from its deliberations, (iod save Iieiand. Caink, Presi- 
 dent ; Slynk, Vice-President ; Miss LVNCll, Trctsurer." 
 
 Letters regretting inab lity to attend and of sympathy with the Con- 
 vention were received from Very Rev. Dean Beechinor, Launcestown, 
 Tasmania ; Messrs. Thomas O'liiicn, Gormanstown ; and C M'Carthy, 
 Ne.ith, Glamorganshiie. 
 
 '■■. < I ' 
 
 •v. 
 
 
 -*v 
 
I 
 
 ( ) 
 
 JOHN FKllUlXiN. 
 (^k•e pp. 73, m.) 
 
 ALDEUMAN W. J. 8MYTU. 
 (See pp. 78, '£U.) 
 
 IIKV. I'VlllK'K I'. I'l.VN.v, 
 (Heopii ,TU.-J(U,VUU '^X).) 
 
 THOMAS I'OWKIl O'CJONNOIl, Bl.l'. 
 (SCO 80, 201, 3U>.) 
 
 
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 f 101 ] 
 
 SECOND OAY-JNi. Sfi rTI- MDER, 1S96. 
 
 (' 
 
 A 
 
 The flmir was taken at ti o'clock by the chairman, 'liu Most Ry/. 
 Dr. O'DoNNi.i.i., Bishop of Raplioc. 
 
 Mr. Davitt, M.l'.— I have to announce that two ilcloKatcs from 
 Anurica havo arrived — (loncral Martin T. MacMahon, of New Vcnk, 
 ami Mr. Michael .Mur|)hy, of New York. I have also to annoimro tint 
 I liave received from llohart, Tasmania, tlic ciodentiaK of another 
 dekgatf from that isl.ind. The Rev. Kiljier 0'C;:ilia'.;han, of Mallow, 
 one of the hon. sees, ot this Convention, is a[)pointed to represent South 
 Tasmaiii.i. 
 
 The CnAiHMAN — In the course of the procec lings yesterday n notice 
 was handed in of a motion to limit the time of the speeches. Now, it 
 may bo well to see liist what |)i()^res3 can be niade without any such 
 limit. Resolutions I. and M' k" pr.ictically on the lines of the (list 
 resolution proposed by Mr. Wiibb, and the convenient course, I think, 
 will be to allord the j;enllen)en entrusted with those resolutions an 
 op[)orlunily to speak, if they are so dis[)osed, on this I'irst resolution of 
 Mr. Webb's, 'there is another resolution wliich does not a;ipi.ar on the 
 agenda paper, to which I referred last ni({lil, and which, in a somewhat 
 different form, will be p.oiiosed by Father I'lymi, of Waterford. I am not 
 sure, but it may be an amendment to these resolutions, and if it bc(|uite 
 convenient for Father Flynn now, I think it will help the progress of our 
 deliberations if he addresses the assembly in the first place. 
 
 The following resolution was under discussion when the Convention 
 adjourned the previous day : — 
 
 (1) Reunion. — ".Seeing th.it divibiom nmonqnt Irish N.itionalist repreicniativcj 
 paralyse, to a great extern, llicir power ol servinc Itcl.iml, cast discrcilit on the 
 country, and tend to alienate the support of tlie Irish Race, and to destroy their con- 
 fidence in the clTicacy of I'arliainent.iry action, we record our (itm conviction that it is 
 of the first importance to Inland that the Nationalist rupiesenlalives in I'arlianicnt 
 should be reunited into one I'arty ; and, in the spirit of the recent resolution of the 
 Irish I'arly, we declare that : 'In our earnest desire to accomplish that result, we are 
 prepared to meet, on fair and equal terms, all Nationalists who will join in the attempt 
 to re-constilule a united Home Rule I'arty, in which every su|>i)orter of the movement 
 shall lie cordially received and justly considered, rejjardless of all (wst dilferencos, and 
 havini; regard only to his capacity to render service to the ciminon cause.' We arc 
 ylad to observe in the composition of this Convention and in the spirit shown through- 
 out the country, marked eviilence of a growing tendency to reunion, and we invite the 
 Irish Nationalist I'arty to take such luither steps us may to them seem calculated to 
 yiomote the cause of reunion." 
 
 * All the resulutiuns on the agenda paper will be found at the conclusion of Third 
 Day's proceedings. 
 
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 /7?7,9/7 BACE CONVENTION. 
 
 
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 Kev. P. F. Flynn, P.P. — The amendment that I have to propose is 
 worded as follows : — 
 
 "That this Convention select from the delegates here assembled a committee of 
 arbitration consisting of liome and foreign delegates, which committee shall be 
 empowered to provide for the consideration and acceptance, if approved of by the 
 Convention, a set of rules forming a common platform, upon which all Irish 
 Nationalists may stand again united, and woik loyally together as a whole for the 
 good of our common country." 
 
 My lord, ladies and gentlemen — I rise before this magnificent 
 assembly to propose this, what I consider to be the practical work for 
 which this Convention has been summoned. Yesterday we had the 
 advantage of hearing delegates from all the world over, I may say, and 
 they all came empowered to act in this magnificent assembly, and I re- 
 niirked that they scored a point when they said they came untrammelled, 
 unijledged, unbiassed, and with only one idea, and that was a prayer 
 and a request that the people of Ireland should be again united. We 
 have heard, therefore, the prayer for unity, and each and eveiyone in 
 this hall, his eye is hot to see a united Ireland again. Eloquence will 
 not unite the people. Eloquence may please them and electrify them, 
 ijui in order that the Convention may be able to say "zw//, vidi, vki" a 
 common platform must be established, on which the people of Ireland 
 shall be called upon to stand, as you have the power and the right to 
 demand. If such a resolution as I am proposing be not adopted, the 
 delegates will go home, and they will be able to say, " I have come and 
 I have seen," but they will not be able to add the magic words, " I have 
 conquered, I have put down strife, and I have put down faction." The 
 business of this Convention is to form a platform upon which all Irish 
 Nationalists may stand together, as of old, shoulder to shoulder, acting 
 in concert, honestly, manfully, and practically, for the good of the 
 country. It is not necessary, my lord and delegates, to enter at length 
 into the necessity of a resolution or amendment of this kind. I think it 
 will have the approbation of everyone who is honestly inclined to see a 
 united Ireland again. The factionists will not respond to your call. It 
 was not supposed that they would respond to it, and we have evidence 
 to-day that they ignore it with contumely. But you, the Irish people — 
 you have the power and authority to say "go," and they must go; 
 " come," and they must come. You are the masters of the situation. In 
 you rests the power — on you lies the heavy obligation of making the 
 members and the people a united and compact body again. Are you 
 prepared to do your duty ? If you are I say unhesitatingly that you will 
 adopt the resolution that I have proposed to you ; and if you adopt that 
 I think you will cut the ground from under dissension — you will have 
 saddled the right horse, and all Ireland will know who are riglit and who 
 are wrong. AVith these few remarks, I beg to propose formally the 
 resolution or amendment that stands in my name. 
 
 Alderman W. J. Smyth, Mayor of Waterford — My lord and fellow- 
 countrymen, it is with a great deal of diffidence 1 presume to come 
 before an assembly of this kind to-day to second any amendment or 
 resolution. But, impressed with the importance of such a gathering as 
 this is, I, as a consistent Nationalist all my lifetime, considered, on 
 looking over the agenda paper yesterday with Father Flynn and some 
 
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 SECOND DAY— MAYOR OF WATER FORD. .-03 
 
 friends, that there was nothing practical on it to make the Convention end 
 in any practical purpose being accomplished. I was more impressed by 
 that on yesterday evening when the delegate from Pennsylvania re- 
 marked that he had been listening all the evening and day to different 
 speeches, but that he never heard a single suggestion as to the practical 
 result of the Convention. As Father Flynn has properly said, eloijuence 
 is very good, but eloquence will not unite us. And as we have met here 
 to-day for the purpose of unity, I unhesitatingly appear before you to ask 
 you to accept the resolution proposed by Father Flynn, or any amended 
 resolution that may spring from it. I appear iiere to second that motion, 
 as I said before, as an Irish Nationalist ; I am no man's man. I never 
 was any man's man. I was always, in my humble sphere, my country's 
 man, and it is for that purpose I ask you here to-day to consider, calmly 
 and quietly, the resolution that has been proposed to you, because, unless 
 some such resolution or kindred one is accepted, we will go as we came 
 and end as we came. Gentlemen, it has been stated in canvassing this 
 resolution that the different parties, amongst whom there is more or less 
 friction, have been asked already to this Convention. They have been 
 asked to this Convention, but they may naturally say that those who 
 asked them had no power to ask them. (Cries of " They had.") I am 
 only talking, gentlemen, on what is said. I am not expressing my own 
 opinions ; but I say, when the mandate of this Convention goes out to 
 them, I would then say that the man or the patriot — the man who 
 professes to be a patriot, and refuses to respond to this Conven- 
 tion here to-day, will take on himself a responsibility more 
 fearful than has yet rested on any of our members, and a 
 resjionsibility which, if I know my own countrymen, those wiioni 
 he is obligated to will make him answer truly for. Gentleman, I am 
 more impressed by this, because I come from a city which has taken no 
 undecided part. The citizens of Waterford, for reasons satisfactory to 
 themselves, and in which they are perfectly justified, have tak;n a 
 certain course in this quarrel. I, as a citizen of Waterford, along with a 
 great many others, have differed in that way, and we have a right to 
 differ ; but unless some mandate of the kind that we propose is sent 
 forward to them, how can I or any other man ask a man who differs from 
 me in politics, and v ho has a right to differ with me — and honestly 
 differs with me — how can I ask that man to surrender and say, " You 
 are right and I am wrong ? " If you want to have unity we must go and 
 meet them, and ask them to meet us. We must hold out the hand of 
 fellowship to them, and say we have been differing, we have been dis- 
 united ; now at last let these disgraceful differences end, and let us shake 
 hands once more, and work together for our country's cause. We want 
 no renunciation of principle, we want no recantation of errors. We may 
 be wrong and they may be wrong. Let us come forward and say we 
 are all working for the one end. The people are united. Unity is the 
 one nolicy for attaining our right ; it is the miserable dissensions and 
 quarrels of those that ought to be ashamed of the quarrels that have 
 led to disunion. I have taken a life-long interest in tlie fortunes of my 
 country, and I say it is time now for the people to take up the power 
 which they possess — take it into their own hands ; and I reiterate the 
 sentiments of Father Flynn when I say that the men who arc our leaders 
 
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 IRUII HACK COXVEXTION. 
 
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 are tlie servants and not the masters of the people. I arr not actuated 
 by any party or ]icrson;il consideration. There is no man in tliis 
 assembly rcsjiccts the gentleman behind me more than I do ; but no 
 m.itter who they are or what they are if they stand in the way of their 
 country's union, let them go. I won't detain you any longer ; it is for you 
 to say will you accept it or not. 1 ask you to accept it or some modified 
 form of it. I understand this amendment will be opposed, and I ask you 
 therefore, as a confederated body to-day, whoever proposes or criticises 
 this amendment let him put forward some alternative. Let us have no 
 carping criticism with no result. The proposer will acce|)t any modifi- 
 cation of the amcndnient. Let any other resolution be put forward, and 
 there will ije no warmer supporter of it to-day than me. Let us have 
 some resolution of the kind, and not go away with nothing in our hands. 
 Let us not make the Convention a farce and a fiasco. If we do fail in 
 our efforts to-day it will not be my fault, and I'll go back home again 
 regretting that the men wlio ought to be patriots and leaders of the 
 people have not found themselves able to sacrifice petty jealousies for 
 the common interest and honour of our poor country. 
 
 Mr. T. P. O'Connor, M.P. — My lord bishop and gentlemen of the 
 Convention, this body has shown itself an extremely responsive and 
 faithful echo to the sentiments which brought it into existence. It was 
 brought into existence for the purpose of putting down dissension and 
 re-establishing unity in the Irish movement. It arose originally from a 
 letter of the Archbishop of Toronto, followed up by a resol ition, to which 
 I shall have to refer by and by, passed unanimously by the Irish Party 
 calling this Convention together. And every gentleman who has ad- 
 dressed this meeting has made himself also the faithful and responsive 
 echo of the feeling which the Convention represents, that feeling being a 
 desire for putting down dissension and for the re-estabhshment of unity. 
 Yesterday we had, I think, one of the most remarkable and striking 
 manifestations that an Irish or any other political body ever saw. We 
 had a number of delegates from almost every part of the world, every 
 single one of them, if not Irish by birth, Irish by extraction or Irish by 
 sympathy, bringing before, not only us, but the larger world outside, the 
 great fact which we ought always to remember, and especially in 
 moments of depression and discouragement, that the cause of Ireland no 
 longer rests upon the comparatively small number of Irish people within 
 the Irish shores, but rests on the wider and stronger basis of a world- 
 wide Nation. But as that array of speakers from all parts of the world 
 brought home to us our strength, it also brought home to us the means 
 by which that strength can be properly utilised, and our weakness there- 
 fore removed, and the joint and unanimous appeal of all these gentlemen 
 was that discussion should be put down and that unity should be 
 restored. And, therefore, my lord bishop, if I were to approach the 
 consideration of any proposal made from any quarter whatever in any 
 other spirit than a spirit of trying to help to put down dissension and the 
 restoration of unity, I would put myself at once in direct conflict with 
 the dominant and overwhelming and passionate opinion, not only of this 
 gathering, but of Irishmen wherever they are. And, therefore, my lord, 
 I think I need scarcely assure this audience that I approach the con- 
 sideration of Father Flynn's amendment in e.xactly the same bpirit as he 
 
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 his spoken, and as everybody else lias si)oken — namely, a spirit of try- 
 ing to find some means of putting down dissension and restoring unity, 
 and I am bound to say this, that, apart from the object with which this 
 amendment was proposed, it recommends itself to my jud!,'ment and 
 yours, I am sure, from the character of the man who proposed it. There 
 is not even in this large gathering a more honest, a braver, or a more 
 sincere priest or Nationalist in Ireland than Father Flynn, who proposed 
 tiiis resolution, and I am perfectly sure that in the remotest recesses of 
 his mind and of his conscience you could not find any trace or any 
 desire, whatever, in proposing this resolution but the desire to put 
 down dissension and restore unity, and, therefore, I approach this 
 amendment as an honest amendment intention, proposed by an honest 
 mind for an honest end, and the one test which I shall apply to it is, will 
 this amendment carry out the purpose which it intends or will it not ? If 
 It carry out the purpose then in heaven's name let us all support it. If it be 
 destined to fail, to defeat the purpose of unity, equally is it our duty 
 unanimously, or if not unanimously, by an overwhelming majority, to 
 reject it. Well, now, I shall test it. 
 
 A Voice — Give us the alternative. 
 
 Mr. O'Connor — If my friend will allow me to proceed with my 
 argument I am sure [ shall give it in a way to which no sane or suscep- 
 tible man can object, and every opportunity will be given to accept or 
 refute this argument. My lord bishop — I first must call attention to a 
 single fact. I don't do it by way of complaint, but by way of elucidating 
 the situation. In the first place an opportunity was given to every man 
 in Ireland— to every Nationalist in Ireland — to present to this Conven- 
 tion for consideration any proposal or any amendment which he desired. 
 And, of course, the object was to give to this body, which has most 
 important if not supreme functions to discharge and fulfd, adequate 
 opportunity of reading in print and camly considering any proposal 
 that was made. Well, the proposal of Father Flynn does not appear in 
 the agenda paper. That to a certain extent takes the Convention at a 
 disadvantage, but that is not the complete history of this amendment. I 
 am glad that calm and better counsels have prevailed. Better counsels 
 will always uUimately prevail in such cases. But I feel bound to give 
 this Convention the original form in which this amendment was handed 
 up to the chair. And here is what it was— 
 
 Rev. P. F, Flynn — If I thought it well to change my amendment 
 and to put it in the form in which I changed it before this assembly, I 
 do it for a certain reason. I did it that it might commend itself to every 
 individual in the assembly. I found on consideration that it might be 
 ''ontcntious in the way in which it was worded, and I want to avoid 
 contention if possible. I want to have no friction, and, therefore, upon 
 advice I changed the resolution, because I was informed it would obtain 
 a more general support if I did so. Therefore, I say it is unfair — and I 
 submit the matter to the chairman — I say it is unfair to animadvert to a 
 resolution that I never proposed. 
 
 The Chairman — As Father Flynn's resolution reached me in its 
 unamended form, and was seen here by a number of persons yesterday 
 in its unamended form, including Mr. O'Connor, I don't think, on a 
 strict point of order, 1 can rule against Mr. O'Connor reading the text. 
 
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 SECOND DAY— MR. T. P. O'CONNOR, M.P. 207 
 
 But for the harmony of the Convention I suggest a middle course to Mr, 
 OTonnor, and that is without reading the resolution as amended in its 
 ordinal form to give the Convention his memory of what it was. 
 
 Mr. O'Connor — Of course, my lord bishop, I shall immediately 
 comply with your suggestion, 'nd I will give, without even looking at 
 the original amendment, my recollection of what it was, and Failicr 
 Flynn will have an opportunity of correcting me if I mistake its terms by 
 my recollection of it. The original amendment was that a committee 
 of arbitration should be appointed from this Convention, consisting of 
 seven members of what were called the three contending sections of 
 Irish Nationalists — and I think the foreign delegates were to have a 
 representation of ten — and that this committee should submit to this 
 Convention a plan of action upon which all the three contending 
 sections could ultimately unite and work together. I am very glad, I am 
 delighted, no words can express my joy, at the withdrawal of the original 
 form of the amendment, because it is a withdrawal from a position which 
 I would have felt it my duty to condemn and reprobate in the strongest 
 manner. It is true that there are two contending sections of Irish 
 Nationalists. There is the Parnellite Party, and there is the Irish 
 Parliamentary Party. When you deal with the Parnellites they are 
 entitled to demand, and you are compelled to admit, that they are a 
 separate and independent party. They are wrong for being so. Don't 
 misunderstand my position. They are entitled to call themselves a 
 separate and independent party, and we are bound to acknowledge 
 them. They have very good reasons as they may think, very bad 
 reasons as you and I may think, but they broke the Party pledge, and a 
 certain number of constituencies elected them after breaking that 
 pledge. Therefore, they are entitled to be regarded as a separate and 
 independent party. But we come to the Irish Parliamentary Party. 
 What right has any man to describe it as consisting of two sections or 
 two parties ? Gentlemen, I am going down to the very root of this 
 whole difficulty, and if this Convention is not going to end in emptiness, 
 in laughter, and in contempt, it will have to go down to the roots of this 
 whole difficulty. What right has any man to speak of two sections in 
 the Irish Party ? Let us see what is the constitution of that Party. 
 Every single member of that Party, without exception, has signed the 
 pledge to sit, act, and vote wilh the Irish Parliamentary Party, to be 
 bound by the decisions of its majority, and either to loyally obey its 
 decisions or to honestly withdraw from the Party. I put this point to 
 the Convention. I say that every single member of the Irish Party 
 signed that pledge ; but I go further, and I say he was elected because 
 he signed that pledge, and I say further, that if he had refused to sign 
 that pledge he would have been ignominiously rejected. Therefore, the 
 pledge of party unity and party loyalty is the whole foundation or right 
 by which any member of the Party sits as an Irish representative. What 
 follows from that ? That to speak of two parties in our Party is to tear 
 down and destroy, not merely — T will do nothing now to destroy the 
 future — but I say that to admit or acknowledge or recognise, to treat as 
 one of the high contracting parties, one section of our Party, instead of 
 with the Party as a whole, it is to tear down the foundations of National 
 unity now and for ever. (Prolonged cheering, the whole assembly rising 
 
 
 
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 to their feet and waving their hats. The demonstration was repented a 
 second time.) 
 
 Does anybody in the possession of the ordinary amount of human 
 sense not devoured by some demon of prejudice and folly, does anybotly 
 suppose that we who have to bear the burden and responsibility of this 
 movement approach any proposition from the point of view of personal 
 rancour or personal interest ? We would be not merely inhuman 
 monsters, who were betraying their country, but such a phenomenon of 
 insane folly as no political movement ever produced. If this movement 
 succeed, and by your help, and in spite of foes withm and without, it is 
 going to succeed, if it succeed I don't know what personal glory its success 
 would bring to us. But if it fail you may be sure that upon our heads the 
 guilt and the responsibility will be laid. Therefore, any pi()))osition for 
 conciliation, concesbion, and union that has the appearance of safety and 
 a stable future, demands our cordial assent. Does that mean, however, 
 that we are to lead you into a fool's paradise and ask you in the name 
 of conciliation and concession to accept a proposition which would lead 
 to the destruction, not merely now but for all time, of the principle upon 
 which unity must ever be founded ? I am very glad to see that Father 
 Flynn has abandoned the proposition that there are two sections in the 
 Irish Party. I am very glad of the reason he gave for it. I am sure 
 the premier desire of Father Flynn was to do an honest day's work for 
 Ireland. I do not impute any other motive to Father Flynn, and I am 
 sure he will give me full right to discuss freely, and even, if necessary, 
 to condemn some of the opinions he propounded, without meaning any 
 disrespect, for he enjoys my personal respect. I am very glad at the second 
 reason given by Father Flynn for abandoning his proposition. The second 
 reason was that he had consulted his friends, and his friends advised the 
 withdrawal of the proposition in the interests of the Convention. Aye, 
 the reason was that he knew that the sovereign assembly, the power and 
 magnificence of which he has publicly testified to, would, if the proposi- 
 tion of two sections in the Party was put before them, scout and trample 
 upon such a proposition. Well, now, I come to the consideration of 
 what are the methods and means by which dissension is to be put down, 
 and now I will answer my friend who, in a somewhat premature — 
 though naturally with the ardour of an ardent Irishman — in a somewhat 
 premature spirit asked me for my alternative. Is this Convention 
 sovereign or not? (Cries of "Yes," and cheers.) I3 it a success or a 
 failure? (Cries of "Success," and renewed cheers.) Is it a hole and 
 corner, squalid, and petty little gathering? ("No.") Is it a miserable 
 little affair, or is it, as Father Flynn must acknowledge, and gladly 
 acknowledge, the largest, the most representative, and the most noble 
 gathering of Irishmen that ever assembled together? I will throw some 
 light upon the situation that I think will help to guide you in your 
 decision. This Convention was initiated by a letter of the Archbishop 
 of Toronto, and was called by a unanimous vote of the Irish Party. 
 Every member of the Irish Party was one of those by whom this 
 Convention was brought into being. Why is not every member of the 
 Irish Party here? Gentlemen, I don't intend to lower my speech to the 
 point of personal controversy, and I hope you won't do it for me. I am 
 discussing no man, but principles. Why isn't every member of the Irish 
 
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 I'ariy here ? If lie had cliargus to make why is not he here to make 
 thuiii ? If he had complaints to alle^'c why is not he here to make them ? 
 If we be the dishonest and ur.Pcnipuloiis tricksters we have been declared 
 to be a hundred limes over, why are not these charges, taken from i)rivate 
 and whispered conversations, from private letters, from newspapers that 
 can be avowed or disavowed — why aren't they torn from these dark and 
 narrow recesses and brought here into the light of day where we stand 
 now before our fellowcountryuien ? Furthermore, this Convention — I 
 must recur to the point again and again, because it is the essence of the 
 situation — this Convention was called by the unanimous vote of the 
 Irish Tarty. Did every member of the Irish Party do his best to make 
 it a success ? Why, my Lord Bishop, is not it notorious that every 
 device and every means, fair and foul, have been exhausted for the 
 [lurpose of making this Convention not the great success it has been, 
 but an abject and miserable failure. I will not scandalise the enemy by 
 telling all I know of the attempts that were made to destroy this Conven- 
 tion, esjjecially in the full and satisfactory knowledge that these attempts 
 have failed. They have been made ami they have failed. Well, what 
 WIS the first line of attack ? The first line of attack was to withdraw 
 from the Convention, and not come before it with any charge. The 
 second line of attack was to try and prevent the Convention from being 
 a success or a numerous body. But now we come to the third line of 
 attack, the most insiduous of all. Father F'lynn is no party to it. FVom 
 the bottom of my heart and conscience I accjuit him of any share or any 
 responsibility, or even any knowledge of the third line of attack. 
 
 Rev. E. MuRNANE, Bermondsey, London — 1 rise to a point of 
 order. 
 
 Mr. O'Connor — My lord bishop will keep order. The third line 
 of attack is this — the Convention is here assembled ; its power and 
 authority are acknowledged by everyone. 
 
 Rev. E. MuRNANE still continued to call out "Point of order," and 
 was brought by one of the stewards up to the front of the platform. Mr. 
 O'Connor sitting down in the meantime. 
 
 Chairman — May I ask your point of order? 
 
 Rev. E. MuRNANE— My lord, I was unwilling to interrupt Mr. 
 O'Connor, but I wish to ask your lordship (I have brought delegates 
 here on the plea that every party was welcome to this meeting). I ask, 
 therefore, my lord, whether you think that the speech that Mr. O'Connor 
 is making is likely to bring about that unity that we have all corne here 
 for? 
 
 Chairman — It is not the province of a chairman of a Convention 
 like this to say whether any speech delivered to the Convention is 
 effective for its jjurpose or not. 
 
 Mr. O'Connor — My reverend friend was quite within his rights to 
 try and interrupt me on a point of order, and he has been ruled riut of 
 order by the lord bishop who is in the chair ; but our reverend friend 
 was really making an argument, and what I suppose appeared to his 
 better judgment a reply to my argument, in place of a point of order. 
 And what was his argument ? That I was controverting the principle 
 that everybody was welcome to this Convention. Why, I am reasserting 
 th.1t principle, and my complaint is that though the doors have been 
 
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S/CrnXD DAY— MR. T. 1\ O'CONNOR, M.V. 211 
 
 ;^ 
 
 opt-ned as widely and generously as tliey can, men have not ronii' here 
 iind accepted our invitation. Now, gentlemen, I go to the thir<l lipe o( 
 attack on the Convention. My reverend friend is ([uito at liberty to 
 (liHer from mc as to the eflcct of my words. It will be for you to 
 decide. Hut 1 come to the third line of attack, and what does that 
 mean? The Convention, in spite of every effort to make it a failure, 
 has been a success. In spite of every effort to make it small it has luen 
 un|)recedentedly large. In spite of every attempt to make it disunited 
 it has been unprecedontedly harmonious. You are here, T believe, of 
 one mind. I believe I may go further and say that that one r. ind is the 
 determination that party unity must be preserved by [jarty loyalr/and by 
 majority ride, which is the only method by which any party, or any 
 society, or any government ran be kept together. I believe further that 
 besides being of one mind you are of one ]>urpose, and that besides 
 beinj; of one purpose you are also inspired by the resolve, the inflexible 
 determination to make that purpose effective for the future of I.eland 
 Well, what does that mean ? It means that you are determined, as I 
 understand your convictions and your tem[)er, not merely to assert yojr 
 faith in the principle of party unity and party loyalty, l)ut also to pro- 
 claim to all the world your stern determination to put down every man 
 and every set of men who would stand in the way. Vou see, gentlemen, 
 that that determination of yours, while it is full of hope for the Irish 
 movement and for loyal men, is full of teiror and danger for the disru[)- 
 tionists and wreckers, and, therefore, a removal of the greatest danger 
 that ever threatened them would be the removal of your determination 
 to put down all wreckers, and, therefore, the wreckers want to stand 
 between you and your determination. Well, if a committee were 
 appointed--a conmiiltee of arbitration — for the purpose of settling our 
 differences on one platform, what would become of the Convention ? 
 Assume the committee was in the next room, I want to know how long 
 the committee is to last — I want to know ho.v long it is to sit, and when 
 it is to report? When is the committee to be expected to re[)ort ? It 
 would be a pretty quick committee if it reported to-diy within a few 
 hours. We are not going to sit beyond four, and I don't think it could 
 report before that. Therefore, it could not report to-day, and wotdd it 
 report to-morrow ? I do not think it could. Aye, but if it were a com- 
 mittee consisting of the right kind of men who were determined not to 
 make this Convention effective, but to make it impotent, it would be 
 quite ready to report on Friday, when the Convention would have 
 disappeared as completely as the snow in summer. And so you sec this 
 great body, which was brought here for a great work, and is determined 
 to do that work, would be in such a case dispersed without doing any- 
 thing, and I say, therefore, that the carrying or acceptance of such a 
 proposal would mean the death of the Convention. And, speaking in 
 no language of exaggeration — speaking in no heat — but speaking from 
 the depths of my conviction and consideration of this rpiestiori, I declare 
 it my opinion that the death of this Convention would be the death of 
 the Irish Constitutional movement. 
 
 And now, gentlemen, I think I have dealt with the tactics and 
 purposes, not of Father Flynn, but ot those who are the enemies of this 
 Convention. Gentlemen, it may be a hard thing to say, but it must be 
 
311 
 
 IKISII /{ACE COW EXT ION, 
 
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 Slid, tlu' oneway torestorf unity is to put down disunion, and the one 
 way to put down disunion is not to treat it as an independent and equal 
 power gaining authority by its treason, but to do wiiat Fatlier Flynn asks 
 you to do and what the Mayor of VVnterford asks you to do— to do your 
 duty and show your determination that any man who violates his pledge or 
 breaks up party unity will no longer have to deal merely with the majority 
 of his colleagues but with a united and determined and a manly Irish 
 people. And now I may be asked if we have any plan for dealing with party 
 dissension. My answer to that is this : Read your agenda paper ; read 
 the first sentence of the first resolution. The first resolution, as you 
 will observe, begins by expressing the great concern of this Convention 
 at the existence of dissension. It goes on to hold out again, as we have 
 done many times before, the hand of friendshij) and fellowship to every 
 Nationalist who is now arrayed against us ; and then, as our invitation is 
 not accepted, it goes on to say that we are glad to observe in the 
 composition of this Convention, and in the spirit shown throughout the 
 country, a marked evidence of a growing tendency tore-union, and "we 
 invite the Irish Nationalist Party to take such further steps as may seem to 
 them calculated to promote the cause of re-union." Or, in other words, 
 you command your Irish Party, and you give them full powers to take 
 any and every step that may bring about the re-union of the Nationalists 
 of Ireland. What more do you want? Do you trust your Irish Party? 
 If you trust your Irish Party, trust them all in all or not at all ; and if 
 they are good enough to be entrusted with the liberties and the cause of 
 Ireland they are good enough to choose the time, the season, and the 
 means by which the Parnellites can be approached. Look at the second 
 resolution for a moment, though I am a little out of order in alluding to 
 it, but the amendment to a certain extent deals with the second as well 
 as with the first resolution. What does the second resolution say? 
 Tiiere again you call upon the Irish Party to be united ; you call upon 
 them to observe their pledge, to preserve their unity, and you call upon 
 them, voicing your opinion, to take such steps, if the pledge be broken, 
 as to make the pledge respected by every member of the Party. Now, 
 there is my alternative proposal. My proposal is to stand by ,'ie reso- 
 lution on the agenda paper, which has not only expressed a wish for 
 union, but it points out the body and means of restoring union. Now, 
 my friends, one word finally. We are to-day at the partmg of the ways 
 in Irish politics. As this Convention decides the movement will live 
 and grow, or fail and die. I make the distinction between our present 
 movement and tlie Irish cause. Movements have failed before, but the 
 cause of Ireland is green and immortal, and if our means and our 
 methods fail we know very well what the spirit of our countrymen is, 
 And what I put most solemnly and earnestly to Father Flynn and to 
 every good and sincere man — can there be a more serious and a more 
 terrible responsibility on any man or any set of men than to make 
 our people think that the Constitutional movement has failed and driven 
 them back into dangerous and terrible measures, and have former times 
 repeated, and men again like those who walked out of English jails a few 
 weeks ago — men decrepit and prematurely old. Is that to go on ? Is 
 it to be repeated? Are you going to send other Aliens, I^rkins, and 
 O'Briens to the scaffold ? Are you going to send other Davitts to 
 
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 HKCOND DAY—HKV. JUUX LEAHY. 
 
 2 1,1 
 
 Dartmoor, or have yon made uj) your minds tliat this Constitutional 
 movement shall get a united supjiort, and in that way, in spite of treason 
 anil of malice, shall make the world once more resound to the tread ol 
 the united Irish millions marching on to peace and victory. 
 
 The Very Rev. John O'Learv, IM'., V.l'., Clonakilty— My lord, 
 rev. gentlemen and delegates of this magnificent Convention, I wish to 
 add a few observations of mine to what has been said by the tlo(iuent 
 member who has just addressed you. In regard to the resolution, or amend- 
 ment rather, proposed by my friend. Father Flynn, of Watcrfonl, I can 
 fairly say that I have the honour of knowing l-'aiher Flynn for many long 
 years, and enjoyed, I may say, |)erhaps, his friendship, I have to endorse 
 everything said by Mr. CJ'Connor relative to tlie splendid ability and 
 marked patriotic services and that well-known interest which he has 
 always taken in the cause of Ireland. Having said so much regarding 
 the proposer of this amendment I now come to deal with it on its 
 merits, and will begin by saying that I fully agree with every observation 
 made by Mr. O'Connor as to the insiduous nature of the attempts made 
 to interfere with tlie harmony and success of our Convention. I trust 
 I'll not be found to re))cat in my weak way any of the arguments that 
 have been so .splendidly elucidated by him. There are yet a few 
 remarks that occur to me on points in this amendment that Mr. 
 O'Connor has not dwelt upon. Now, gentlemen, we are asked to 
 appoint a committee of arbitration. I unhesitatingly say here to-day 
 before you and before the whole world that this Convention is the 
 committee of arbitration. We know the men who are here, their names 
 have been in the papers ; we know their credentials ; we know their 
 representative position ; we know many of us who have never missed 
 a Convention in Dublin or Cork for the last sixteen years — we know who 
 welcomed their honest faces at this assemblage as we did in the old 
 days of the Land League and the National Federation. If there is 
 anything to be arbitrated u|)on it is by this Convention it should be 
 arbitrated upon in the open light of day. Gentlemen, I will not trash 
 out mere technical or constitutional questions as to how far we may 
 constitutionally and legally sub-delegate any powers to any committee 
 whatever. I will not trash out technical things of that kind, but I will 
 say to you that you could not possibly form any subcommittee what- 
 ever that would have a thousandth part of the influence and of the 
 moral effect produced by those here assembled. In the second place, 
 my dear friends, I take it for granted that at this period of our lives 
 we are not mere tyros in politics. We know something about how 
 committees are formed, and is not it a curious thing that when we have 
 now the second edition of this amendment — the first edition has been 
 dealt with — I saw it, and I would have dealt with it were it not taken from 
 before me — but when we have now the second edition we do not find 
 on that paper the name of a single man to whom we are to delegate 
 this power. We all heard of the amendment of the Prime Minister who 
 thought of his pnrty making a leap in the dark, but there never was 
 such a leap into nebulous tenebrosity as there would be if we were to 
 form a committee — I hope my friend. Dean Harris, is listening lo 
 me— of veritable nobodies. They are the nobodies in reality, because 
 there is no man or anbody put before us. 
 
 
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 JOHN U. O'lIKIOlNS. 
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 TiyCTUV .tllClIAKL UKALY. 
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SKCOSD l)AV-lii:V. WtLI.IAM MlLUi II KR. ais 
 
 Now, Kciitlcincn, it \vc wcro to find on tliat paper the names of a sub- 
 committee ul representative public men, and it we were to lie a'Miretl, 
 in tlu' secoml place, by une hIio had aiitlioriiy to sjieak, tliat each and 
 every one of these men would i;o into the s.inu- room, or into some other 
 pi, ice in this city, and };ive tiieir best efforts to the drawinj; up of this 
 platfuriii, and bring it here before us, and if we were to be assured that 
 at some date belore this (.'onventicjn was dissolved, and the delegates 
 sjiit away to their homes to the fiirlheiinost (jiids of tiie earth, that this 
 report would be presented to ns, and it we were to consider it, I, gentle- 
 nun, make bold to say that there is no man here present today who 
 Would be more anxious to stretch a point, it I ccnikl stretch it, in order 
 to briiv^ about unity and harmony in our ranks. I defy anyone to say 
 I have not been as well in polities after the split as I was before the split, 
 and I defy anyoi. • to point to a bitter or rankling word I ever nave 
 expression to, whr ■.her to rarnellites or to the new section, and there- 
 fore all luy senli nts and the feelings of my heart would rise uj) to 
 second and endo the resolution proposed by Father Mynn. llut, 
 gentlemen, be givi none of I se paiticulars that you would rt(iuiru 
 m the small st little . > iiit if you lirou^ht a person into (ouit. No bill 
 of p.irlicul.UH, no n.inn;.s nHiilionetl, no lime nientioneci. ('icntlen)en, 
 we know what the result would be. It is not easy for the most rabid 
 malignity of party to scoff at this magnificent gathering; but there is not 
 a scoffer in tiie land that might not point tlie arrows of scorn at the 
 deliberations of thfs bogus and holeandcorner niteting. We are the 
 representatives of Ireland and of the Irish race, and we are not i)rivilegcd 
 to speak. Yes, let there bo a committee of arbitration as there is here 
 to-day, and whether it be a man belonging to the party that left us unfor- 
 tunately in i.Sqo, or to that section that seems now as if they were about 
 to leave us — it there be such a section — or whether it be any other man 
 in this assembly, he will be heard here with any proposition that he makes; 
 he will be heard with the greatest patience and the greatest considera- 
 tion. And, gentlemen, are we to s',ii)pose that after the Irish nation and 
 its best minds have been giving their best thoughts to this weighty matter 
 for so many months and tor so many years— are we to be toM that there 
 will be wisilom to be found in hidden and dark recesses, and that no 
 practical suggestion <an be made by an Irishman before his fellow- 
 countrymen ? 'I'herelore, 1 say that no matter even if this amendment 
 were proposed by an angel from heaven, the trail of the serpent is over 
 every word. What, then, my lord and gentlemen, is it for us to do ? It 
 is for us, in my opinion, to vote down, if it be put to the vote, strenu- 
 ously and manfully this amendment, which can possibly do no good, 
 which will inevitably do harm, which will make us the laiinhing stoc k of 
 ►ur friends as well as of our enemies, and which will send this Conven- 
 tion away, if it should be adopted, sine die et sine fnntii, send us away 
 for ever without having tlone one particle of good. Gentlemen, I thank 
 you very heartily for the very patient hearing you have given me. 
 
 Rev. Wii.i.iA.M Mkauiikr, C.C, Clonmel — Ladies and gentlemen, 
 as yesterday was for oratory, and today for work, I will be as 
 brief as possible. I appear before you lo supp.<rt the amendment of 
 Father Flynn, of Waterford, and I will tell you that this is the 
 lourth Convention I have attended in Dublin. This is not self- 
 
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 iniSH RACE CONVENTION. 
 
 laudatory, but for the purpose of making known that I am an 
 old soldier in the cause, and that I have Irom the beginning main- 
 tained the principle of majority rule. I am for no person. 1 am lor 
 the cause. I have suffered for Ireland, and so has Father Flynn. 
 And I can truthfully say that Father Flynn has suffered more 
 in the cause of Ireland than any speaker who has appeared be- 
 for-? you to-day. Father Flynn's amendment was inspired by the 
 purest and best motives. I was present at an assembly of honest 
 Irisiimen who, having read the programme of this Convention, came 
 to the conclusion that it would be desirable, in the interest of unity, in 
 order to have our work complete, that a committee of the Convention 
 should be freely elected yc jterday. Father Flynn has not been honestly 
 represented here. It was early on yesterday that Father Flynn drew up 
 this resolution, and it was handed in to the Chair very soon after the 
 Convention had opened. Father Flynn wished to submit that it should 
 be received at yesterday's proceedings, that the committee should have 
 last evening to deliberate, and that they shou'd have a platform this 
 •^orning to submit to the Convention, That was merely in accordance 
 with the licence of the agenda paper. The agenda paper stated that any 
 member of the Convention could submi' t the assemblage a resolution. 
 Father Flynn, knowing how deep-rooted strife and dissension are in the 
 land, and knowing that after passing quietly the resolutions on the 
 agenda paper, and returning to our homes, we would hear next week 
 that disunion had not been wiped out of the ranks, wished that a 
 programme should be freely submitted for your approval, and it was for 
 you to accept it or reject it. Father Flynn was then not dictating to the 
 Convention. The resolution of the sub-committee would be submitted 
 for your approval or disapproval, and it was in that spirit that Father 
 Flynn proposed this resolution, and I believe I am within the bounds 
 of truth in saying that there is not a purer or a more patriotic Irishman 
 than Father Flynn, of Ballybricken, Waterford. We must be brief. I 
 hope, as we are here for unity, we will set the example ourselves to day. 
 Yesterday was a day that confused our enemies and rejoiced our friends. 
 Yesterday was, in the words of the immortal O'Connell, "a great day 
 for Ireland." I hope, as yesterday was, so will to-day be. I believe 
 that when Father Flynn will appear before you again, the error that has 
 gone abroad will be removed, and that you will consider more favourably 
 the amendment that he has submitted for your approval. I have very 
 great pleasure in supporting Father Flynn's amendment. 
 
 Mr. William Sullivan, Bradford — My lord, ladies and gentlemen, 
 we have come, myself and my colleagues, from England — Irishmen 
 living in the heart of the enemy's country — to try and do our part over 
 here to settle Irish differences, as we have worked like men in England 
 for this holy cause of ours. When we heard the amendment proposed 
 by tlie R.ev. Father Flynn, we were astonished that anyone should think 
 that we were so blind as to accept any retrogressive motion of that kind. 
 I do not know Father Flynn myseK, but I fully accept all that has been 
 said of him by his friends as to his good intentions. But we do not 
 want good intentions — we want good judgment. Here we are split in 
 atoms. When we go on public platforms in England, and endeavour to 
 heal up the differences of others, what are we told ? " Go and heal your 
 
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s 
 
 SECOND DAY— MR. WILLIAM SULLIVAN. a,j 
 
 own difilerences before you come to us." 1 come from a town where we 
 bad been described as miserable miscreants by some of those who had 
 been members of your party. We had been called ignorant caitifTs also. 
 Why ? Because at the last general election, we thought of Ireland 
 before we thought of anything else. We put our foot down at the last 
 election. We parted with warm friends because we thought Ireland 
 required our help first and foremost, and we were prepared to make any 
 sacrifice to that end. Well, Bradford elected Tories at the last election, 
 including Byron Reid, who called Father M'Fadden a murderer. From 
 that you will see it would have been a disgrace to us had we acted in 
 any other way than the way in which we have acted. We have come 
 here to get strength for the cause of Ireland, and also something that 
 will give us strength to fight our own battles in Great Britain. We are 
 not going to be burked or put aside. I have been sent here with my 
 colleagues to take counsel as to the best means of putting an end to the 
 dissensions »hat unhappily exist. I do not believe in describing the 
 diflferent sections as " ites." I am no " ite," but I am an item in the 
 National movement, and T say there is no man outside of the Red- 
 mondites — no Irish member of Parliament who has a mandate to fight 
 against majority rule. What ir it we have to consider ? I say to you, 
 Irishmen living in Ireland, what are your differences? What are you 
 quarrelling about ? We are all supposed to be agreed upon one prin- 
 ciple. We are all Nationalists. It has often been said there must be 
 differences of opinion. V/e know that the rivulets flow down the moun- 
 tain side, join the stream, and flow on to the ocean in one compact mass. 
 Well, what I want to say to this great gathering is that the groundwork 
 of all unity is obedience to majority rule. We know these men may 
 differ, but you men should know what we have to suffer in England 
 when we find one Irish leader on a public platform at home blackguard- 
 ing his colleagues and their enemies. As I have told them before, it 
 matters net to us what your differences are. We don't want to hear 
 them. Keep them to yourself, but fight the cause of Ireland before the 
 world. You may have your differences, but do you imagine for one 
 moment that the men who could noi. agree at the Round Table Con- 
 ferences that had taken place to heal our splits — does anyone imagine 
 that we are going to get it from a committee of this audience ? There 
 are twenty or thirty men in the audience that each of us may know. 
 Who are the men we are to take for the committee ? Are we to put on 
 the committee the men who have been fighting each other ? Who else 
 are you to put on it ? They are the only men that we know, and they 
 are the only men we would trust. 
 
 Now, I say that the amendment spells delay, and delay spells 
 danger, failure and damnation. If we cannot have wisdom in a multi- 
 tude of counsellors at any rate we will try. When I think of the cause 
 we are fighting for, when I think of the mighty issues that are at stake, 
 it breaks one's heart to think that thvi men whom the Irish people have 
 trusted are the very men who knoci'ed the olive branch .ut of our 
 hands. What we want is to keep the I.i:h ppople. We talk of the 
 glories of the country, and we have heard our frieml: from America 
 and Canada, all of them prosperous men, giving incentives ic fight for 
 the liberty of Ireland, to fight to keep the people at home, for if you 
 
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 IRISH RACE CONVENTION. 
 
 want to see the condition of the people who have left our land go into 
 the bye-ways and tlie slums of Liverpool, Boston, Chicago, New York, 
 and I'hiladelphia, and see where our Irish girls have gone to. I say, if 
 there are curses that cry to heaven for vengeance, it is the curse that has 
 fallen upon our pure-minded girls, who have gone from their pure homes, 
 driven from the old land. Why were they driven out? Because of 
 faction. I have seen the people leaving Queenstown harbour, the 
 bone and sinew of the land. What becomes of them often I want to 
 know? We want these people to stay at home. We were told yesterday 
 by the most rev. chairman of the extent of the overtaxation of Ireland. 
 The only way to put an end to »hat overtaxation is by getting Home 
 Rule for Ireland, and the only way to get Home Rule is to have one 
 determined and united voice from Ireland demanding Home Rule; and 
 to men who will not agree with the majority then I say, in the Yankee 
 phrase, " Let them git," and they will have to get. We have men here 
 from all parts of the world. We have men from England whose 
 nationality burned bright, and we all appeal to you to be united, for we 
 are all united in England. We don't know what you are fighting for. 
 We have come here for a mandate, a mandate of peace or war. We 
 appeal to every section of the Convention to act like the mighty streams 
 that flow through your land. You have differing opinions, but like the 
 rivulets that flow into the main stream, let each differing section flow 
 into the main stream that travels on until our great cause flows in the 
 broad ocean of Irish prosperity and liberty. 
 
 Dr. W. P. O'Meara, Southampton — I, like the speaker who has 
 preceded me, come to you from England, and I do not think that I 
 would have said anything if it was not from a desire to draw out from 
 the body of the hall the opinion of the delegates who remain there. I 
 rise to support the amendment that has been moved by Father Flynn, 
 and I do so for this reason. When I go back to Southampton, the 
 branch of the National League called after the renowned Henry Grattan 
 will demand of me what I carry home to them, what is the result of our 
 Convention. And if I tell them that we passed such a resolution as the 
 firsl resolution that is on the agenda paper, they will say to me, " What 
 good is that?" We leave the matter in the hands of the Irish Parlia- 
 mentary Party to deal with the sections that have sprung up in their 
 own ranks. If the Irish Parliamentary Party had done their duty you 
 and I would not have been here to-day. If the Irish Party, when they 
 found men in their own ranks did not obey the pledge which they had 
 signed to sit, act, and vote with the majority ; if, when they found that 
 they did not, they did not drive them from their ranks, then, I say, it is 
 lime that some other means should have been chosen. It is very hard 
 for humble men from the ranks like myself to follow and try and contro- 
 vert the arguments used so ably by Mr. O'Connor. But, nevertheless, 
 I have got as much interest in the country as Mr. O'Connor, and I am 
 sure every delegate in the hall has the very same right to express his 
 ideas. Mr. O'Connor tells us that this Convention itself is a committee 
 of arbitration. How can it be a committee of arbitration, when, upon 
 his own admission, he tells you that members of Parliament who ought 
 to be here, and who are members of the section who have created the 
 discontent, he tells you that they have remained away ? 
 
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 (Soo p. 101.) 
 
 VERY UEV. JOHN J. CANON McCAKTAN. 
 (See pp. m, 265, 271.) 
 
 C'lIKVALIKIt JOHN IIEN'EY. 
 (3oo pii 105, 205.) 
 
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IRISH RACE CONVENTION. 
 
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 A Voice — 'I'liL'y ought to be hcru. 
 
 Dr. 0'Mkar.\ — It is no answer to tell me they ought to lie here. 
 1 aiii perfectly well aware they ought. Hut the fact remains, and facts 
 are what we have got to deal with, that a hirgc portion of the Irish 
 representatives have remained away from this Convention. If they 
 have remained away, and they are men of influence and position and 
 liave followers throughout the country. If these men remain away, how 
 can you get them to arbitrate ; how can you say we are arbitrating with 
 them now when the deliberately abstain from coming amongst us ? In 
 the same way the members of the Parnellite Party — I look around for 
 any well-known representatives of the Parnellite Party, and I don't see 
 any of them here. 
 
 A Voice — It was their own fault ; they were invite^, to come. 
 
 Another Voice — Did you see the Independent ? 
 
 Dr. O'Meara — Yes, my friends, I saw the Independent to-day, and I 
 thought it a disgraceful production, and it is a poor day for Ireland when 
 a paper which describes such a Convention as this as an "assembly of 
 asses" can be publicly sold in Dublin. I support the amendment on 
 these grounds, that if these men will not come to us we, like Mahomet, 
 must go to the mountain. We must go to these men if they will not 
 come to us. If these men do not come to us we must go to them (loud 
 cries of " No, no"). Do not misunderstand me. I do not mean to say 
 that we are to sacrifice a single principle that we have stood by and 
 fought for ; but I mean to say that we must go to them, to meet them 
 and try and get them to come into our ranks (applause and interruptions). 
 I don't want anyone to misunderstand me in this hall. I am an ardent- 
 supporter of majority ru)p and thoroughly convinced that any man wh'.> 
 does not obey it ought to be kicked out of the party. But I think tliis 
 is a time and epoch for conciliation, and the best course we can adopt 
 for the good of the country and the good of the cause we all hold so 
 dear is to support and carry the amendment moved by Father Flynn 
 (applause, dissent, and cries of " Vote "). 
 
 The Chairman — There are some cries of " Vote," but I think we 
 might hear one or two more speakers. 
 
 Rev. P. O'Learv, P.P., Castlelyons — My lord and fellow-delegates, 
 you have lieard a great deal of eloquence to-uay. You have heard a great 
 many very solid maxims put before you to-day, but we delegates as a 
 body are not whai you can call Ciceros — we are not all born to be like 
 Demosthenes — but I think as a body the great majority of us have been 
 born with a fair share of common-sense. Consequently, as we cannot 
 pretend to a very exalted standard of eloquence, and also being 
 iiQssessed of only the ordinary amount of common-sense, and claiming 
 no more, we do not come here to enter into dark and mysterious details 
 of the subject. There is an amount of mystery about this business of 
 unity that I confess I cannot fathom. An amendment has been 
 proposed asking that we who have come here from the ends of the 
 earth and every part of Ireland should now hand over to somebody 
 else the very purpose for which we came here. Now, suppose you 
 appoint a committee of arbitrati n of course the committee appointed 
 will come before you and say : "Please gentlemen, tell us what we are 
 to do." Gracious me, wis there ever a committee of arbitration that 
 
 MM 
 l^ : 1 i 
 
SECOND DAY— REV. 1\ O'LEARY. 
 
 321 
 
 had not to come before the pcoiile who appointed them, and get in 
 black and white the lesson they were to carry out? Your committee 
 will come and ask you to give them a programme and an agenda paper, 
 and, of course, you will say : "Of course, we do not exactly know what 
 we are to give you." Suppose we are anxious to show respect to those 
 who have come from distant parts — from the ends of the earth — and 
 we wish to appoint some of tliem on the committee of arbitration, 
 they will ask us something like these questions : " Tell us," they will 
 say, "is this dispute about Home Rule, because if it is we will settle 
 the matter at once." But you will say : " Oh, no, we are all agreed as 
 to Home Kule. Every one of us, even those most opposed to each 
 other on other matters, are as one in support of Home Rule. In fact, 
 even those most prepared to destroy each other, are in proportion 
 most desperate advocates of Home Rule." The committee will say : 
 " Gentlemen, what are we to do ? You are all united on the question 
 of Home Rule, and so there is no disunion at all." Their next question 
 is: "Come to the point, does the difficulty consist of some jioint of 
 detail; are you disunited as to whether it should be Home Rule or 
 some other kind of local autonomy or self-government?" And you will 
 say : " Oh, no. Home Rule is all right, and we are all united on the 
 point." The answer is, " What is the row about then ? " But then 
 sombody will say, " Oh, that is a very deep (luestion." It is an 
 exceedingly deep and mysterious question. There is some awful 
 dynamite business at the root of it, and if you touch it you will be blown 
 up. So take care you don't touch it. I confess myself that that im- 
 pression has been made upon my mind. 
 
 I came into this Convention feeling that the business was the plainest 
 and most simple and open that could be, but when I have listened to 
 the speeches on both sides I have asked myself is there not some terrible 
 thing under this that I can't understand? So really and truly, as a 
 delegate speaking to delegates, our duty here is to face this matter. 
 What is the row about let us ask, as nobody else can give us an inkling 
 of what it is about. Is it about majority rule ? Not at all. They are 
 all most terrible sticklers for majority rule. But I must confess that on 
 that point of majority rule I am afraid there is a screw loose. What is 
 the meaning of majority rule ? That is the question. You remember 
 the story about the animal in thj wilderness. One man swore it was 
 blue, another that it was black, and another that it was red, but they all 
 swore what was true, because one saw it blue, another man saw it black, 
 and another man saw it red. Now, I ask again, what is the meaning ot 
 majority rule ? I have seen sometimes in the Press very strange ex- 
 pressions from men whom I consider excellent judges upon what 
 majority rule means. I remember a man in the public Press protesting 
 that he never would enter the Party because why should he for ever re- 
 main in a miserable minority. And now suppose I myself was a layman, 
 and were elected a member of the Party that represents this country in 
 the English House of Commons, and that this majority rule is proposed 
 to me as the fundamental principle of the existence of that Party, and 
 the source of its power — supposing somebody asked me : " What do you 
 mean by voting, sitting, and acting with the majority ? " These are 
 three nice words, but, oh, how easy it is to slip between them. I am, of 
 
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 323 
 
 im^n RACE CONVENTION. 
 
 course, bound to obey the majority. Very well. I come to you and 
 say : " I will obey the majority as long as the majority goes right. But 
 is there any man on the face of the earth so stupid as to expect that I 
 would obey a majority that is going to the mischief.'' Is that majority 
 rule? What is a man in the minority to do? 
 
 A Voice — To obey. 
 
 Father O'Leary— That is the point, and let the delegates pronounce 
 their opinion out. If you examine the language you will find that there 
 is a terrible mistake when a persons says, " I will obey the majority as 
 long as the majority is right." Imagine a man in the minority believing 
 the majority is right! There is no such thing. Every man in the 
 minority is fully convinced the majority is wrong. Therefore I say, and 
 I think there are no delegates here but will agree with me, that the men 
 in the minority are bound to obey the majority, even when the majority 
 is politically wrong. Every man in t'le minority is bound, I say, to sup- 
 port the majority, even when the majority is wrong. There is no second 
 word about it. If you minimise the principle, if you give the men in the 
 minority head-room to slip away, then you whip the ground from under 
 the whole business. Every man is bound to obey the majority, even if 
 flatly politically wrong, and every man who won't do his duty is not 
 wanted, except to make himself scarce. Now, I'll ask another question 
 bearing upon this idea of delegation. I ask another question — Who 
 are we ? 
 
 A Delegate— The people. 
 . Another Delegate — The majority. 
 
 Father O'Leary — Hear, hear. We are the assembled representa- 
 tives, duly elected and sent here from all parts of Ireland, and from the 
 ends of the earth. As we ..'and here to-day, or sit here, we are the 
 supreme court of the Irish jation. Now, the result of that fact is that 
 we are now to lay down the law for majorities and minorities, and that 
 we are bound to do it ourselves, and not to go delegating it to anybody. 
 There is no question of delegation. What are you going to delegate ? 
 You are going to send three or four people from the different parties to 
 approach certain people, and say, " Will you obey the majority?" and 
 they will be delighted to say, " We will obey the majority when it is 
 right," and so the delegates will come away with no other answer. Very 
 well. Therefore there is no use delegating your power ; keep it in your 
 own hands ; keep the bridle in your own hands. You are here assembled 
 as the representatives of the Irish race. Do not let any man put his 
 hand outside yours on the bridle. If you do you lose control of the 
 seat, and leave the whole guidance with others. That is no Demosthenes 
 eloquence. This is business. Do not mind eloquence; decide for 
 yourselves, and keep the power in your own hands. 
 
 A Delegate — We are the power. 
 
 Father O'Leary — There could be only one reason for delegating a 
 question to a committee, and that was where details and mysterious 
 calculations, which would take up too much time from a body of men, 
 arise. In this question there was no such thing. It is the simplest 
 question that ever was put before a body of men — viz., "Do your duty." 
 The only real question to be deliberated upon by the delegates come 
 together is not a question that regards personal feelings, animosities, and 
 
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SECOND DAY— REV. P. 0' LEAHY. 
 
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 pique. The whole Irish race is to be represented here in this hall ; 
 delegates have to come from the ends of the earth at great trouble and 
 expense in order to rub against the grain. Another question for us, as 
 practical, tommonsense men, who have come here, is this : I said (hat 
 we are the supreme court of the Irish nation ; are we to enforce our 
 decrees? Tlie proposer of iht; amendment certainly made his proposal 
 in a most honest spirit. I differ with Mr. O'Connor on one point in 
 regard to that proposal. He said that the amendment was changed 
 because that, unless it was changed, it would be trampled upon and 
 rejected unanimously. Now, I don't believe that Father Flynn changed 
 his resolution witii that motive. I disagree with Mr. O'Connor on that 
 point. I believe he changed his resolution merely for the purpose of 
 promoting unanimity, and, secondly, that he had no motive whatever in 
 proposing the resolution first or in altering it afterwards, or in insisting 
 u|)on it now, except the motive of shaping some resolution out of these 
 deliberations — the very thing we are anxious for ; the very thing the 
 l)eople in the country are asking: Will the Convention do anything? 
 Will it do any good? Very well. We have not, of course, a military 
 force to carry out our decrees, but there are things that are stronger than 
 a military force. We have at our disposal, at all events, the public 
 opinion of the great majority of the country. Unfortunately, there is an 
 element of dissjnsion. There is a certain element it is not easy at first 
 to grasp or realise. If I am a member of the minority, and happen to 
 be a clever fellow, 1 can know how to manipulate a majority rule, and 
 how to manipulate my friends and my intluence in the country, to 
 appeal to the crowd from the authority of the Convention. Very well. 
 Tne practical question is, then : How is that to be opposed and remedied? 
 I want to answer that question. Eloquence is a very fine thing, but one 
 practical action is worth all the eloquence ;in the world. If you lay 
 down the law that every man in the minority is bound to obey the 
 majority, even if the majority is wrong, lay down that law. There is no 
 person in this assembly that will have any objection to that. I think 
 there is no person in this assembly who will allow a member of the 
 minority in the Irish Party to question whether the majority are right 
 or wrong. Of course, during the deliberations, when the party are 
 met in their Committee Room, then every man is bound to stand up 
 and give an account of the faith tnat is in him. Every man is bound 
 then to stand up and debate the point to the utmost extremity of 
 his t.ilent. But the moment the decision is given, and the majority 
 goes against him, he is just as solemnly bound to bow his 
 head and follow the majority, and do so in such a manner as 
 that the country abroad will not get a single hint of anything that 
 occurred within. He is bound to that solid obedience to the majority 
 that he has to follow them when he thinks that they are wrong, 
 and to do so without offering complaint before the country in such 
 a manner as that he would injure the cause of his country by his 
 complaint. 
 
 What is the support the majority is to get ? In other countries that 
 have their own Government, when the majority decides, the Executive 
 Government of the country go forward armed to the teeth to support 
 the majority. All the resources of the country are placed at the dis- 
 
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 posal of the majoriiy. 'I'hey liavu all the wcaltli of the country. The 
 very moment ihu Tories g'X into powt-r in Hnnland all liio millions of 
 English taxation arc at their disposal. They have the army and the 
 navy, and better than the army and the navy, they have the nicjney. 
 Conseiiucntly, if you wish — I am n'ving my own opinion on this point; 
 it is a mere personal expression, and one that I give out from myself 
 alone — if you wish the Convention of the Irish race to have a result; 
 if we wish to see that our majority will have its way, that the minority 
 will have to submit; if we want to see that done, what is our duty ? 
 Our duty is to come out and support the majority, and the back of my 
 hand to the nunorily. Let us ignore them altogether, and let lliem 
 alone. \Vc don't want theiu. We want our majority, and our majority 
 are our rcprcseiuatives. And let me tell you, and 1 dare say you under- 
 stand it as well as 1 do — we delegates have no masters here. The leader 
 of our majority is our servant — the members of our majority are our 
 servants. Those who refused to come here, and even insulted some of 
 our worthy deleg.ites — those men are our servants, and they refused to 
 do the duty that we appointed for them. They are all our servants. If 
 a servant refuses to do the duty we have appointed for him we dismiss 
 him, and we get another man in his place. If he does his duty, and 
 does it well, we pay him. I assine you, I believe tlie whole cpiesiion of 
 unity is in that question of the paying. Our friends from foreign countries 
 came here, and over and over again I listened yesterday to the most 
 affecting, and the most heait-rending, and the most piteous ap|)eals to 
 the peop'e of this country to imite. I would, with all respect, suggest 
 to our friends from across the seas one idea. Tiiere was a certain man 
 at one time who said he would give a certain portion of llie people what 
 weather they liked. They came together, and said that they came to 
 him for the weather. He said, " W hat sort of weather do you wish ? " 
 Some said wet, some said dry, some said cold, and some said hot, " Oh, 
 gentlemen," said he, " agree, and then I will give you whatever you want." 
 That one word that I have heard throughout the country and across the 
 sea for the last two years has caused me the most bitter vexation. I 
 have heard it said by our friends in foreign climes, " Unite, and we will 
 send you everything." How in the world can we be expected to do 
 that unless our friends from foreign climes will change the principle a 
 little bit ? You come here from the ends of the earth to try and establish 
 union in this country. We came here on account of the respect we owe 
 you. Therefore, I think theie is not a delegate that will not agree with 
 me when I ask you to go back to your own country and say that, " The 
 majority are united, and it is our duty to sujiport the majori y," and 
 when asked about the minority to say, that they ate nowhere. You 
 come iiere in this glorious assembly, ti;e most extraordinary gathering 
 of Irishmen since the days of Cormac Mac Art. It is the most extra- 
 ordinary assembly, as our most rev. chairman said, since Irishmen came 
 together from all quarters of the country in the days of the great " Feis 
 Teamhra." We tell our friends who come here that our duty is to 
 support the majority, to give them the standing, and to give them the 
 money. I will give them this guarantee, that it, as they once did, the 
 hundreds and the thousands and the hundreds of thousands in cash 
 come from Australia and America to the majority, you will find how 
 
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 IIIISIJ RACE CONVENTION. 
 
 soon the minority will fall into line. "Oeij^e Rafi aon foifsAil an caipReaTj.* 
 'I'hat is the suggestion that I have to make, and it is a practical one. I 
 will ask every delegate from Ireland to send tiiat message in the most 
 solemn manner away to America and Australia, and say, that the people 
 are united, for we are practically united, and then when you have the 
 money from those countries sent home to till the war chest once again, 
 then, believe me, you will have a party that will be respected. That is 
 the suggestion I have to make instead of the amendment which has 
 been put before you. 
 
 Rev. U. V. MuRNANE, Bermondsey — My lord, may I just say a 
 few words of personal explanation, and also make an appeal to this very 
 great gathering of our race? I am the representative of a branch— I 
 am the founder of a branch — of the National League in Bermondsey, 
 and therefore I am sure the esteemed jjiesident of that organisation will 
 not feel that in the question I asked him a little while ago I had any 
 personal feeling. But remember we have come here — we, the children 
 of Erin, have come back now to trv and retrieve in some way the grand 
 traditions that our people h.ive giveii to us. I confess tliat the speech 
 of the most reverend chairman gives us wonderful courage and hope, 
 for in it he spoke of unity, and there was not one word uttered by his 
 lordship that gave the sligiitest offence to the tenderest susceptibilities 
 of any section of the Irish jieople. May I try to follow up tie line 
 of lliought of the delegate from Southampton. Remember that in every 
 place where the Irish peu[)le have gathered together there you would 
 have a little Ireland rejjrodueing the traditions and the faith, and, 1 am 
 sorry to say, the dissensions and divisions of the Irish people at home. 
 May I say to you, personally, that I am in accord with the great majoi ily 
 of this meeting. Surely we liave not come here to push the niterest of 
 any party before the cause of Ireland ? Surely we are not going to 
 make a desert and call it peace? We have come here to make a golden 
 bridge, over which those who differ from us may approach us again and 
 reunite with us. Therefore, whether the platform is to be drawn up by 
 the committee, or whether this great Convention is to decide, will you 
 remember that the future will be very difTerent from the past? In the 
 past it has been one section against another, but if it goes forth to the 
 world that a programme was drawn up and adopted by this great 
 gathering, surely you get full strength, and with the great power that 
 will be behind us we can begin anew in a far stronger way. Surely we 
 have come here to make peace with our divided fellow-countrymen, and 
 not to cut off a still larger numl)er. This Convention will strengthen 
 the supporters of majority rule. It is difficult now to go into the 
 question of why those dissensions have arisen, and as to the differences 
 and jealousies that have existed. When I was coming to this Conven- 
 tion the words I used to the meeting gathered together to select a 
 delegate was that I was coming hereon the understanding that no names 
 were to be mentioned, that no sections were to be referred to, and that 
 the whole object was to bring about unity amongst our separated 
 brethren. I told Parnellites and the men who followed Mr. Healy, that 
 
 ' The end of every Gospel is money. 
 
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« 
 
 S/'JCONI) DAY— REV. M. U. KENSEDY 
 
 -'^7 
 
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 if tliey came here they would have fair play. 1 said to ihcm tliat this 
 was a (luesiion for the Irish people to scltU-, and not the leaders. We 
 are in favour of a policy of independent opposition to every p:irty. I 
 implore of you, therefore, not to he of a (lartisan character, hut let us 
 say " Ireland above all, and Ood save Ireland." 
 
 The Chairman— I think it will accord with the sense of the Con- 
 vention that one speaker, and only one speaker more should address 
 you for the motion ; and although it is not in right order, yet I think, as 
 it is his desire, I am sure the Convention wdl heir a lew words in 
 support of his amendment before I take a division. I call upon hatlier 
 Kennedy, late of Mcclin. 
 
 Rev. M. 15. Ki;NNr,nv,C.C., Hlarncy — Mylord and fellow-countrymen, 
 I have endeavoured to follow closely the arguments advanced in sujiport 
 of the amendment moveil by Father I'lymi, and I fail to find any reason 
 why he and those of his opinion should not leave to the decision of this 
 grand Convention the settlemeiit of the ipiestion. Are we not siiecially 
 selected by the Irish peoi)le f(jr the purpose of bringing about unity 
 amongst our countrymen, and arc we to delegate our powers to a 
 committee to go out of this Convention, whose authority a section 
 of the party has ignored. Upon the success of this Convention — 
 the most reiirescntative Convention of Irish Nationalists that ever 
 assembled in Ireland — depends the future of Ireland for a generation. 
 It is i)lain that for three or four years, owing to the noise and squabbling 
 in this country, no progress whatever has been made ; and if this 
 Convention fails to bring Irishmen within one bond of brotherhood, 
 and show them that it is the duty and the interest of all Irish Nationalists 
 to strive together, we shall write ourselves down a fickle and brawling 
 race, fit only for the lot of slavery and unworthy of the sacrifices made 
 by our Irish friends abroad. Fellow-countrymen, if we were in earnest we 
 should have no leisure for wrangling. Recrimination and scjuabbling 
 over every petty point of policy are not the weapons of men who have 
 an honest appreciation of the sacredness of the work on which they 
 have entered. No Irishman who is worthy to have any share in this 
 great National struggle will descend to chmour — to the petty squabbles 
 of John Doe and Richard Roe. Well, if subjection and discipline and 
 self-restraint must be the motto of those who elected us, and who, like 
 us, have to fight in the ranks, surely it must work disastrously to the 
 progress of our cause if we tolerate insubordination on the part of those 
 who are our lieutenants and the trustees of the National interests in 
 Parliament. Unless we compel them to yield a loyal acquiescence to 
 the mandate of the ruling authority of the Irish Party, all our efforts to 
 maintain an efficient reitresentation at Westminster will be paralysed. 
 Speaking from his Metropolitan See in this city, a great Aichbishoj) 
 laid it down as the duty of Irishmen of his day tlial they should bend 
 all their efforts to marshal and organise the elective i)ower of the 
 country so as to ensure a right direction being given to every available 
 vote. But it is no longer to organise and marshal our forces into one 
 grand irresistible army the country is summoned. It is now with some 
 — happily a small minority of our fellow-countrymen— it is now with 
 them every chieftain for himself, every section for itself, every malcontent 
 for his own grudge, and Ireland in such a clash of interests goes to the 
 
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 litis II RACE CONVENTION. 
 
 Saxon, where she went before, tlKoiigh divided counseli and the wnnl 
 of a rontr.il nuihority capable of enforcing obedience and directing the 
 combative power and strcnRtli of the nation. 
 
 I say to you, fellow-count'ymen, to (nu-ll dissension you must keep 
 the story of the past in your hearts. I'action, and the spirit of faction, 
 have r()l)bcd Ireland of niany a glorious story in tiie jiast, and until that 
 spirit has been exorcised from our midst it will continue to leave us at 
 the mercy of those wlio can keep the future in their eye, and act up to 
 the level of their destiny. In politics, as in the conduct of a great army, 
 there is no such thing as strengtii without discipline and combined 
 exertion. It is trui; we ari- twenty millions of peo|)le, counting our 
 fellow-countrymen in AriU'rica and elsewhere, but it is also true t'- '.'. 
 we were twenty millions ten times over our numerical lot would be 
 politically powerless unless we proved our title to freedom i)y working 
 unitedly and working untiringly for tiie noble object we have m view. 
 Have we not one of the most powerful, one of the strongi'st countries 
 on the earth to contend with, and here at home have we not a power- 
 ful and meri:iless class who traditionally, and for every selfish motive are 
 opposed to us, and why squander any of our resources in bye-battles as 
 to who is the best man in the Irish I'arty, or in petty squabbles for the 
 leadership of the Party, bycbattles and squabbles tliat can only make 
 our cause odious, and, what is worse than odious, can make it con- 
 temptible ? ity the details of our wrongs, and the fierce denunciations of 
 injustice and oppression, we have created a public opinion in favour of our 
 claim to legislative inde|)cndence ; wc have roused an<l enlisted on our 
 side the feeling of America and Australia and of Liberal iOngland ; we 
 have at our back in this struggle the respert and syni))athy of all honest 
 men in Kurope. What do I say ? Degraded and weakned as Ireland at 
 present is by dissension, we stand now uiion a vantage ground that even 
 Mr. Parncll had not. I'ecause we have dcmoiistiated l)y the conclusiv- 
 evidence of triumphant experience that a Home Rule I5i'' ' ''a-^ 
 throiigli the eye of the needle of the House of Commons 
 this juncture we allow dissension to sjjlit up the countrv 
 camps as there are rival pretenders to the leadership, to 
 not yet vacant, we shall be only trilling with the men > 
 whose sympathies are with us, and we shall be abdir 
 claim to the generous aid that our exiled friends in America . 
 have been giving to us. Every evil that we have suffered, e\cry misfr - 
 tune that we have sullcred for centuries past, is due to one cause *'iat at 
 certain jieriods of national trouble and distraction, we cease to con ider 
 ourselves as a nation of united brothers, whose first duty it is to i \ert 
 our common efforts, not in recrimination or in mutual destruction, but 
 to oppose the common enemy. J-ook into your hearts, fellow-couiury- 
 men, they were made for love and confiding friendsliip. What fatal 
 power has changed their nature and converted them into the dvvcliing 
 places of diseoni and distrust ? Long ago it was the policy of the tyrant 
 who divided that he might command. To-day it is the tiiri)uleii<e of a 
 few who will not yield to the will of the majority. Well, let insubordina 
 tion prevail, and to-morrow set in the chair whom it elects. How caii 
 he expect to have obedient or disciplined followers in the Party or in the 
 country — he who raised himself into authority by deeds of disorder and 
 
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 . ever any 
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 niOMAH I,()II(1IIMN. 
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 (Soopii. HI, lTI.) I 
 
 JU.SEl'U DKVLIN. 
 (8L'e pp. 113, -m.) 
 
 UON. JOHN UO.STIUAN. 
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 undiscipiinc? If a rubtliious minority bliould at length succeed in 
 attaining to control, must they who have been vanquished by the leader 
 of the preser t strife cease to contend for the supremacy ? Has lie not 
 marched to power through rapine and plunder — has he not set at naught 
 the democratic i)rinciple on which alone he can hope to govern — the rule 
 of the majority ? Is this drama of dissension, then, to go on for ever ? 
 No, no, in the name of tlu beating and resolved hearts of millions of my 
 countrymen, I siy no, no. Ireland has had, like every other land, her 
 times of distracticn and degradation. Rut r.he is rising — has ar'sen — 
 from the nightmare of strife and dissension. There is hojie on her 
 brow ; above all, there is resolve in her heart. And, ah ! men ot 
 Anerica and Australia, if you knew how much it nerves and ennobles 
 the hearts of us here, and our countrymen, to find that we arc not alone 
 in the world, to know that high-soulcd freemen like the patriotic 
 American priests and delegates who addressed us here to-day and 
 yesterday pant for union a nongst all sections of Irish Nationalists, and 
 pray for it, for us, you would not grudge the pains you take for poor old 
 Ireland. I, as one Irish priest, say to you — " God bless you." 
 
 Mr. M. C)'iMi;ar.\ P.L.G., Dundalk — I do not wish to make r. speech, 
 but I take the liberty of making the suggestion that there should be a 
 limit to the time given to tiie Sjj 'echos. 
 
 Rev. r. F. Flvnn, P.P. — My V J and brother delegates, I am 
 extr'-'iiely grateful for your giving me an opportunity of replying to the 
 very strong and exhausting criticisms that have ["^en passed upon my 
 amendment. In the first place, I will take the liberty of saying that 
 nearly every speaker who spoke against the amendment spoke as if I 
 wished to take the decision of this matter out of the hands of the Con- 
 vention. Gentlemen, I had no such wish, and, gentlemen, my amend- 
 ment on the face of it told that most distinctly, and I am surprised that 
 any one of the ability of my friend, Mr. O'Connor, and other gentlemen 
 who spoke, could misconceive my meaning when I said that a committee 
 could be appointed by yourselves who would report to you — (c.ies ol 
 "When?") — report to you for your own consideration and your own 
 approval, and you would be tli^ masters of the rituation. 1 therefore 
 have not withdrawn the decision of this matter from the Convention. I 
 came here, gentlemen, to jiromote unity if I can. There are two ways 
 of promotin;; unity. One is by cutting off, and the other is by amalga- 
 mation. T don't want to cut off if I can help it. To cut oft" should be 
 our last and final decision. The men who would be cut off have done 
 magnificent work for Ireland. But I would hope that when they would 
 reconsider their position they would gladly join our ranks again and act 
 together once more. J gentlemen, left out a part of the resolution 
 which I handed to his liirdr.liii) yesteiday, and I have done that in the 
 interests of peace and in the interests ol uiiion 1 have dune it because 
 I thought it formed a more universal and less contentious platform. I 
 introduced no names, I introduced no parties, and our Parliamentary 
 representatives well know how committees are to be formed, and how 
 they are to work, and when they ii.ve to sit, and how loni; they have ti 
 sit, and with all their cleverness and with all their ability, I defy them to 
 fix a time when any committee would sit, or should sit. Mr. O'Connor 
 is familiar with Parliamentary work, and he knows well that if the 
 
 / 
 
SECOND DAY— REV. P. F. FLYNX. 
 
 '3' 
 
 principle of a Bill be admitted, that Bill can be corrected and modified 
 in committee. I aclsed you only to admit the principle of my amend- 
 ment, and that you yours-jlves be your committee. 1 ask you to admit 
 the prmciple of my amendment. 
 
 A Delegate — What is the principle ? 
 
 Rev. P. F. Flynn, P.P — The principle is that we elect a certain 
 number of delegates from this Convention who will draw up rules that 
 will bo approved of by th"; Convention. (Interruption and cries of 
 "Withdraw,") 
 
 The Ch.mkman— Kindly allow the speaker to proceed without inter- 
 ruption. 
 
 Rev. P. F. Flynn, P.P.— I fir.a here in letter M the following:— "That 
 a committee, consisting of the following gentlemen, be appointed to 
 amend the constitutio.i of the Irish National Federation." Now, you 
 can see the names in letter M. This committee will be formed — it will 
 sit how long ? 
 
 A Delegate — It will be rejected. 
 
 The Chairman — I have got written notice from Mr. M'Govern, of 
 Cortmore, Dunboy, that the resolution is withdrawn — absolutely with- 
 drawn. I wish to say it is w.thdrawn in favour of Father Flynn'."! 
 amendment. 
 
 Rev. P. F. Flynn, P.P. — I do not think, gentlemen, I have anything 
 else to say except this. It has been stated that I made a great mistake in 
 the original resolution by admitting that there were three or four parties 
 in Ireland. The principal speaker who criticised me reduced them to 
 two, and of those two the larger he divided into sections. I say, and 
 the country holds, and it is my opinion, that that is a distinction without 
 adifference. I believe there are three prrtics in Ireland to-day with 
 whom we are going to unite. I, at all events, have endeavoured to 
 explain n y position. I am grateful to the gentlemen who spoke so 
 favourably of myself and my character. I can say the same of them, 
 and I am only sorry that I have not an opportunity of grasping the 
 hands of every member of the :,ea-di ■ ded Gael, and uniting them once 
 more in a common, compact body, to work for Hie regeneration of our 
 common co mtry. 
 
 The Chairman — I am going to take your voice upon the resolution 
 and the amendment. The amendment goes first, and it just occurs to 
 me to say, from r'l I have heard, that if it were a question of majority 
 rule I have not heard a dissentienr voice. 
 
 At this point Father Flynn ai^proached his lordship and spoke a few 
 words to him. 
 
 The Chairman — Gentlemen, is there one here who has not heard of 
 Father Flynn's services to Ireland ? Out of love for unity and Ireland, 
 and to promote harmony, he withdraws his amendment. (Loud and 
 long continued cheering, the whole assembly rising to their feet and 
 enthusiastically waving hats and handkerchiefs.) 
 
 Rev. P. F. Flynn, P. P. — Gentlemen, lam mostgratefulforyourapplause, 
 and I say, now i..at my action has met your approbation, I feel hope, 
 and only wish it was in my power to do anything further for the restora- 
 tion of unity ; and I only hope that if there be any gentlemen wiio have 
 the same feelings and ideas on this subject that I have, that if I could 
 
 
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 231 
 
 imRn NACK COXVENTIOy. 
 
 be their leader in the present circumstances 1 would ask them to follow 
 my humble example. 
 
 The Chairman — I will now put the resolution, which is as follows: 
 
 ■ "Seeing that divisions anior.|;^t Irish Nationalist reiiresenlatives paralyse, to a 
 great extent, their \f ver of serving Ireland, cast discredit on the country, and tend to 
 alienate the sup|>ort ni the Irish race and to destroy their confidence in the cflicacy of 
 Tarliamentaiy action, we record our firm conviction that it is of the liist importance to 
 Ireland that the Nationalist representatives in Parliament should be reunited into one 
 party; and, in the spirit of the recent resolution of the Irish Party, we declare that — 
 ' In our earnest desire to accomplish that result, we aie prepared to meet on fair and 
 equal terms all Xationali^ls who will join in the attempt to reconstitute a united Home 
 Rule Parly, in which every supporter of the movement shall he cordially received and 
 justly considered, regardless of all past differences and having regard only to his 
 capacity to render service to the common cause.' We are glad to observe in the com- 
 position of this Convention, and in the spirit shown throughout the country, marked 
 cviilcnce of a growing tendency to re-umon ; and we invite the Irish Nationalist Party 
 (o take such further steps as may to them seem calculated to promote the cause of re- 
 union." 
 
 The Chairman — All within the barrier in favour of the resolution 
 will say "Aye." (Loud cries of " Aye.") All against the motion will 
 say " No." 
 
 There being no response : 
 
 The Chairman — I declare the first resolution on the agenda paper — 
 in discussing which so much has been done to debate the other ques- 
 tions — unanimously tarried by this great Convention of the race of Erin. 
 Will you kindly cast your eye an the second resolution on the agenda 
 paper as follows. The Hon. Edward Blake will speak to the 
 lesolution : — • 
 
 " Th.at we recognise as the essential element of the existence of an effective Irish 
 Parly the he.irty co-operation .ind cheerful subordination of each individual in carrying 
 out the party policy, as settled after free discussion) by the judgment of the greater 
 number. That while we are glad to observe that on grave questions there have been 
 but few intelligible differences of opinion in the Irish Party, and none ditiicult of recon- 
 ciliation \)y reasonable men willing to agree, we most strongly condemn those public 
 disputes regarding minor questions of persons and tactics which have so gravely 
 impaired the power of the Party. We solemnly call upon every man belonging to the 
 Irish Parly, in answer to the prayers of our people all the world over, to forget old 
 diflerences. to sink personal feelings, and to act for the future as good comr.ades and 
 fellow-soldiers in the spirit of this resolution and in the support of thjit party unity, on 
 which the fate of Ireland so largely depends. We ask tlie Irish Party to take such 
 steps, as m.iy, in their judgment, be found necessary to the establlsliment of unity and 
 discipline in their own ranks, in accordance with the resolutions of this Convention ; 
 and we assure then-, of our unfailing support in the execution of this essential task." 
 
 The Hon. i^. :w Blake, M.P. — Gentlemen of the Convention, the 
 happy unanimity with which, after e.Nhaustive debate, the first resolution 
 has been carried encourages me in the hope that the second resolution 
 may meet the same result. You have already resolved with reference 
 to those Irish Nationalists who are divided from the great organisation 
 wbii h summoneil this Convention, who are divided from the Party, and 
 from the majority in the country of Irish Nationalists — you have already 
 unanimously resolved to extend to them a cordial and generous and 
 frank invitation to enter into and move in co-operation with you in the 
 sacred National cause. Reunion, as you have determined, is of the 
 greatest importance to the cause of Ireland. You, as men of common 
 
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 /-^ 
 
 SECOND DAY—IIOK. EDWARD BLAKE, M.D. 23,-? 
 
 sense, know that where a common battle is to be fought in one arena, 
 the division of those who fight upon one side into two armies is useless, 
 wasteful, and destructive. Furthermore, you recof.^nize that the union in 
 the nature of things must be a cordial union, a vital union, a real union, 
 a union of will and of sincerity, which shall make one single organisation 
 governing the movement of the forces, as all complex organisations must, 
 for effective work, be governed by the voice and morale of one single, 
 controlling, self-created jjowcr. A merely nominal union, a sham union, 
 really discordant, full of rivalries, seeking causes of dissent instead of try- 
 ing to find common ground of agreement, would be, and if it has existed, 
 has been an intolerable situation. The sorest woinids that can be 
 inflicted uyion men are the wounds of their professing friends ; the most 
 dangerous blows in the fight are those which are struck in the flank and in 
 the rear. Numbers are important to an army ; therefore, we are for re- 
 union. But morale is of far more benefit to an army than mere numbers. 
 A general, it has been said, is \\orth forty or fifty thousand men. Why? 
 Because his |)resence and spirit inspire confidence, and produce that 
 morale and spirit which makes every man do tenfold work. 
 
 Now, it has been said that wo are not doing anything practical. I 
 say we are are doing business, and we are doing everything that is practi- 
 cable. \\c began by the appeal wliich has been made to those wlio are 
 effectively at this moment outside our ranks. We propose to deal in 
 this Second resolution, which I humbly support, with the principles of 
 union — not ineiely of the union wiiich we seek to consolidate with them, 
 but also of that union which we wish to exist within our own ranks as 
 they stand to-day, And, therefore, this resolution, in its first paragraph, 
 describes that kind of union, which this Convention is asked to define, 
 as the real essential union, which is to be its mandate to the people 
 throughout the country : — 
 
 " Tliiit wc rccdjjnise, .is the esscntml clement of tlie existt-nce of .in cfTectivc Irish 
 I'arly, llie hearty cu-upor.ition and cheerful stibordination of each inilividual hi carry- 
 ing out the party pcdicy as settled (after free discussion) by the judgment of the 
 gieatcr nuuiher." 
 
 I do not bel' ^ ,• that there exists in the breast of a single member of this 
 Convention .. disposition to quarrel with the paragraph which I have 
 just now read. Such a statement is true of all political parties. Our 
 contlitts in this day, whether of peoples or of those who are represen- 
 tatives of peoples, arc conflicts of opinion, conflicts of thought, conflicts 
 of intellect, conflicts of emotion, where the arena is the field of thought. 
 Men who are in general agreement as to great and capital objects 
 towards which they seek to arrive, we must necessarily expect will 
 combine for those capital objects while preserving a certain measure of 
 indei)endence of thought and action, with a view to influencing those 
 with whom they co-operate upon all the minor details and tactics which 
 are to be used in order to reach the attainment of their great ends. In- 
 telligent men, thinking men, though combining in the capital object, will 
 yet necessarily have various shades of opinion upon these minor matters ; 
 and in politics, above all tilings, questions of tactics, questions of ex- 
 pediency, as distinguished from questions of principles — questions of 
 time, of method, of manner, of ojjportunity, of ])lace, of degree— are the 
 commonest questions with which we have to deal. All these various 
 
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 clcmeills liavc nolliin;; to do witli i)riiici|ik-. Tiny :ii\; very ilillHiilt, 
 very complicated. Ifpoii tlu'iii iiilmi will difl'or in jinlgnicnt, but if they 
 do not agree to suhonlinate their opinion to the oi)inion of the greater 
 number of their fellow-countrymen, there can be no successful party 
 action, there can be no taking even the first step towards the common 
 end. Free consultation there must bo, wliere\er consultation can in tlie 
 .stress of battle be had ; but after that consultation, in which every man 
 is free to s|)cak his own mind, a derision arrived at by the majority must 
 be accepted by the others,not, indeed, violating their consciences, because 
 if a capital occasion occurs in which a man believes that the wliolc 
 future will be wrecked by the pursuit of that course, he need not vote 
 for it, but. ivithcbaw ([uietly from the party. 
 
 So much for the cases where consultation is possible. Tln're are 
 other cases in war, and there are other cases in the Parliamentary 
 conflict, where ].revioiis consultation is impossible. Nobody who knows 
 anything of |)ohtics but knows that nothing is more likely to hapjjen 
 than the unexpected in the course of a debate. On the floor of Parlia- 
 ment the general in command may find himself confronted day after 
 day, hour after hour, with an absolutely new situation. It was my 
 niisfortimate at one time to lead a jiarty, and I Iiave often said to my 
 friends — "Oentlemen, I will consult you whenever I can, and as often 
 as I can, upon what I forecast to be the future, so that you should share 
 my responsibility. Occasions may arise when no previous consultation 
 is possible ; then I will do my best according to my judgment, and then 
 I expect you will stand by me as loyal men facing the enemy, sustaining 
 me for the hour, whether in the flank or in the rear, and if uiion the whole 
 you think 1 am not worthy of your confidence, then later on court-martial 
 me." While this is the rule in ordinary political parties, and a rule u])on 
 which I myself have acted — while I say this is the rule of ordinary political 
 parties, and applies to ordinary political battles, does it not apply with 
 tenfold more force in the case of Ireland ? Ours is a case wholly 
 exceptional. We arc waging a war for a nation's cause, and our success 
 depends ufjon our presenting to the world the spectacle of unanimity. 
 At the best we are eighty-five men in the midst of a Parliament whose 
 total membership is 670. We are few as we stand. Are we to be for 
 ever divided ? We may, perhaps, be weakened by the loss of a few 
 votes. But divided counsels are infinitely more deleterious than the 
 loss of a few votes. Our enemies rely to-day, as they relied in darker 
 days, upon our discord. You recollect that speech of Lord .Salisbury, 
 in which, with brutal frankness, he told the English people not long ago 
 that all they had to do was to be patient a little with the Irish trouble, 
 for that ever since the days of Strongbow all Irish troubles settled 
 themselves by the divisions that arose. I say to you, take counsel from 
 your adversaries. Be wise, and learn a lesson, before it is too late, 
 from those jibes and taunts that are directed at you. 'I'hesc jibes and 
 taunts are applauded by the enemies of Ireland. It is always said to be 
 only the great majority that fails, and dissenting individuals are 
 encouraged. Why ? Because discord is the best thing in ofier to 
 render powerless the Irish race, and achieve a continuance of that 
 domination that it is our duty to overthrow. Now, I don't like 
 quotations, but I will give you two short quotations. They are from 
 the speeches of two prominent men in the ranks of Irish politics, 
 
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236 
 
 IlilSII HAi !■: CONVEyTION. 
 
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 made al the grand Convention lield in tliis city in November, 
 1892, after ilie (lencral Election of 1892, and tiiey deal with 
 the situation which had been treated by the unliaijpy split, 
 and solved, so far as it was possible to solve it, at the deneral 
 Election. The first reference that I shall read is by a man now 
 unhappily retired from the service of the Irish Party because of those 
 dissensions which we deprecate 
 
 A Voice — Sexton. 
 
 Mr. Blake — Mr. Sexton said this — 
 
 " A united Irish people, a unitci] IrisVi I'-irty, lias licen substantially restored. The 
 grand princi[iles, the indispensable principles of conduct and action, liave been the 
 subject o( our struggle. If those piinciples had been su|)pressed the Irish cause was 
 lost. What were lliey? Let me rec.iU Ihcm to your minds, and I ask you to fix them 
 on your minds for over. The first was that the Irish cause, the cause of Irish liberty, 
 and the fortunes of the Irish people, is supreme in its demand for allegiance, in its 
 claim upon tlie services of every Irishinan, and no oilier cause, and no other claim, 
 shall ever he brought into rivalry or competition. The second principle was that the 
 representatives of a people struggling to be free must firmly act logetlier. They must 
 net together or they will not win. The third principle is that in order that they should 
 act together they must pledge themselves to disci|)line and obedience. The lourthand 
 final principle in this code of fundamental and indispensable principles of the Irish 
 cause is this —that the penalty for the breach of this solemn pledge is exclusion from 
 public life. I say if these principles had been suppressed the Irish cause was lost. 
 These principles were challenged ; they were allacUed and they were defended ; they 
 were defended and they were maintained ; they have bi en maintained and carried to 
 the front of our public life, and there they will remain lor ever." 
 
 I am afraid that that promise has not been fulfilled, and owing to the 
 disappointment of these expectations the eloquent speaker, whose words I 
 have read, has for the time felt himself forced to quit the arena and cease 
 to give the country those unexampled services that for many years he ren- 
 dered to the cause which is dearer to him than lile. Now, I want lo read 
 for you another extract or two from a speech delivered at the same Con- 
 vention by another able and prominent member of the Irish Party, who 
 has not withdrawn from public life, though, I regret to say, his presence 
 does not adorn this platform. 
 
 " What, then," he asked, " should be the spirit in which we approach this occasion ? 
 I say in a spirit of reserve, in a spirit of recolltction, in a spirit ol due solemnity ; and 
 I say that if there were patriotic hearts in Ireland — I care not how extreme they be — 
 to hail the coming of that dtiy, they should rejoice and they shoukt be willing to work 
 in unison with their brethren, no matter what minor det.ails have separated them. I 
 decline the invitation lo make current controversy in Ireland one long post-mortem 
 examination, and if we fail by our dissensions, by our divisions, to achieve the purjMse 
 which we all assert, history will not engage in a discussion as to a nice apportionment 
 of blame, but will curse the folly of the men who, in the l.ast and the declining years of 
 the great statesman whose life is dear and precious to Ireland, sjient the time in odious 
 recrimination. True it is," he said, speaking of those upon whose conduct he was 
 animadverting — the separated minority, " true it is, they rate themselves very highly, 
 and adopt noble maxims. Did you ever know in the history of heresy and schism 
 that one was ever started without maintaining that it alone had the true deposit of 
 faith ? Did you ever know any creed to be promulgated in any country that there was 
 not something to be said in lavour of? And accordingly I take my stand " — 
 
 as I take my stand this day— 
 
 " And accordingly I take my stand in regard to all the questions of the future, in 
 regard to the Honrie Kule Bill or any other mailer. I judge them by one fact— 
 namely this, that they pledged themselves before conventions and the country to abidf 
 l>y the rule of the m.ijority, and they have broken that rule. And why is it that they 
 
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 SECOXl) DAY—Iioy. KhWAIil) HLAKK, M.I'. .'.57 
 
 sinnfl aloof from llicir countrymen ? Is it n question of principle, some qne^tions about 
 the Innd or the judiciary ? I say it has become the merest personal question. There 
 arc ccriain men who would rather rule in hell than serve in heaven ; who would rather 
 he captain of the Forty Thieves than a private in the repular army. If the>;e nine 
 statesmen came hack witliin the bosum of their parly — for it is their party— and had 
 to debate in the forum and councils of that party with Mr. Sexton, Mr. John Dillon, 
 or Mr. 0'Hrien,on questions of land or judiciary or of veto, I think they would very 
 soon lind their level and their match." 
 
 I rigrcc with those scntiniciils ; hut they arc not applieahlo tu I'ai- 
 ncllitcs alone. 'I'hey arc not applicable to I'arncliites cliielly. Tliey arc 
 applicable to other men and more modern .situations. I apjily them to- 
 day, and to-day they arc as applicable as they were that day. Well, now 
 1 say that it is better that there should be 71 really united men according 
 to the principles that arc stated in this resolution, than 82 divided aj^ainst 
 themselves. And better that there should be 60 than 7 1 so div ided. 
 Now, turn to the seco.id jiortion ol the resolution which states — 
 
 " Th.it while we arc gla'l to observe that on grave questions there have been but 
 ft-'W inlclli^ilile diflcrencis of opinion in the Irish parly, and none diflicuU of recon- 
 cili.aiion by reasonable men willing to agree, we most strongly condemn those public 
 disputes regarding minor questions of persons and tactics which have so gravely im- 
 paired the power of the party." 
 
 You will obseive that this resolution is framed, I am glad to observe, 
 by Mr. Webb in the spirit which ought to actuate the spirit of this 
 Conventi'-n ; it deals with ftimlamental principles of action, and does not 
 invite dispute as to the merits of individuals or minor tiueslioiis. This 
 paragraph deals with two great questions — first with fundamental (}ues- 
 tions upon which we have agreed on which I need say nothing more ; 
 and next with minor tiucstions of dispute. Now, how are these eiuestions 
 to be treated to-day ? Some of us would like, on such an jncxaiTi|)led oc- 
 casion as this to vindicate ourselves from attacks on matters to which no 
 doubt this resolution has reference. A great service was done for the Irish 
 cause at great personal cost in the silence which has been observed in these 
 conditions. It was believed that on the whole public disunion, scandal, 
 and dissension, which is a fatal thing, should cease, and the effort was 
 made, perhaps too long, to preserve silence under attack so as to minimise 
 the atmosphere, the area, and the acuteness of dissension. Gentlemen, 
 will you allow me to say a few words as to Irish public service in 
 Parliament? It is a service of sacrifice. We agree to forego the great 
 opportunities of honourable ambition in ordinary politics. We accept 
 no office ; we accept no honours ; we touch no remuneration. We are 
 debarred by our voluntary action, by the inexorable conditions of your 
 service, from the assumption of those active duties which many men 
 feel competent and desirous to discharge. Our only reward is, that 
 under these conditions, sitting in an alien, and, until lately, an absolutely 
 unsympathetic Parliament, we have agreed to act as we have acted, and 
 have done the best we could for our country. Let me tjuote the words 
 of Kdmuiid Uurkc. Speaking to his electors, he said :— 
 
 " It is not to be imagined how much of service is lost, from spirits full of activity 
 and full of energy, who are pressing, who are rushing forward to great and capital 
 objects, when you oblige them to be continually looking back. While they are 
 defending one .sersice they defraud you of a hundred. Applaud us when we win, 
 console us when we fall, cheei us wh«a we recover, but let us pass on, for God's sake 
 kit us pass oa." 
 
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 »38 
 
 IRISH RACE CONVENTION. 
 
 He goes on to say — 
 
 " (Icntlcmcn, wo must not be peevish with those who serve the people, for none 
 will serve lis where there is a Com I to .s.•rv(^ I'lit those who nre of ;i nice and jealous 
 honour, they who think everylliinj; in comparison with that honour to he ilusi iinil 
 ashes, will not i)ear to have it soiled ami impaired hy ihose for whose sake they m.ike 
 a thousand sacrifices to preserve it imnuiculale and whole." 
 
 Now, if I riglilly catch the spirit of this gathering, a spirit with which I 
 highly sympatiiisc, you arc iigaiust entering into tlie si|uali(i details of 
 that jKist wliicli yoti and I alike dci)lorc. 'J'lie chief accuser is not here. 
 You have heard enough, and too nuich, for yotirself and for the cause of 
 Ireland in the I'ress aiul on the platform. 1 will not even gu over the 
 bead-roll of these accusations. I have ten or a dozen of the capital 
 headings by which men in the forefront of the battle have been wounded 
 — wounilcd, al IS, through the sides of Ireland in days gone by, and which 
 have culminated in a course of negativing all i)arty discipline, those who 
 called for the abolition of the comnnttce voting against its abolition ; 
 those who called for the rise and progress of the Irish National Federa- 
 tion decrying it and trying to paralyse it; those who called for party 
 meetings systematically refusing to attend and help the deliberations of 
 the |)arty ; those who called and |)rcssed for the National Convention 
 refusing to attend it ; every occasion seized upon the lloorof Parliament to 
 array men against the party action ; to make rival proposals ; to flout the 
 rightful authority of the chair, and to paralj se anything like united and 
 determined party progress. That situation is intolerable. Mr. Sexton, 
 whose words I have quoted, has left the ranks of your service on account 
 of it. Mr. Webb, who moved tliis resolution which I am supporting, 
 has also left the ranks of the Irish I'arty in despair. Others of us have 
 thought it fit to submit to the arbitration of the people the question and 
 the situation before deciding upon our course ; and this Convention is 
 called in order that the voice of Ireland may speak — that it may decide, 
 not as against men or in respect of particular accusations, hut 
 decide and affirm what are regarded as the fundamental principles of 
 unity and subordination, in order that it may invoke a general amnesty, 
 a general shake hands in concert and co-operation, and in order that it 
 may give directions to the Parliamentary Party to do those things which 
 may be needed to maintain unity anil discipline in the ranks. The 
 resolution, as I have said, enters not into the tnerits of the disputes. 
 Nor do I. It is the publicity of them, the time and the place, and the 
 method of which we complain. It is the insubordination which you are 
 asked to condemn. Some change is needful, lest there be a collapse of 
 the Irish Parliamentary Party. God forbid that there should be such a 
 collapse. Then what change ? The ne.xt paragraph of this resolution 
 states the change for which we entertain, we are determined still to 
 entertain a hope ;— 
 
 " We solemnly call upon every man belonging to the Irish Party, in answer to 
 the prayers of our people all the world over, to forget old dilTcrences, to sink personal 
 feeUiigs, and to act for the future as good comrades .ind fellow-soldiers in the spirit of 
 this resolution, and m the support of lliat party unity on which the fate of Ireland so 
 largely depends." 
 
 Our hearts are for peace, your hearts are for peace ; the keynote of this 
 Convention is peace -a real peace, a genuine peace, founded not on the 
 
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 iiiisii ifACK coyvESTioy. 
 
 vain protraction of disputes and difll-rencc!) about the past, but on for- 
 gutfiiliioss of that painful past. Let us turn the bitter and shameful page, 
 let us tear it and destroy it, and let us write a new pag-; of unity and 
 foigetfulness of tiie evil [last, and go forward again as comrades to a glo- 
 rious future. The lesson is obvious, the utility is plain. I ini|ilore and 
 entreat that our olTered hands may be accepted. In the course of this 
 struggle some wounds, undeserved, may have been inflicted upon me. 
 I freely forgive them all. I am sure that, with every desire to say no 
 unnecessary word, or do any unnecessary act, in the iieat arul strain of 
 this struggle, I may have been teuii)ted into wcjrds which others may 
 consider undeserved. I do not wait to be asked. I humbly beg par- 
 don for any olfence of that kitid. 'riiis should be an occasion for the 
 exhibition of peace, charity, and goodwill. Christians, although worship- 
 l)ing at other altars, wo are united in worshipping the (iod of love, in 
 acknowledging our trespasses and asking to bo forgiven, as we forgive ; 
 and I am (|uite sure that the spirit in which this paragraph is framed 
 must meet with the strongest support and sympathy Irom those ministers 
 of the (lOspel who .adorn this hall by their presence. One word may I 
 quote from a sweet singer of the land from which I come, though not 
 the same division of North America, from the poet Whitlier— 
 
 " Lcl us, then, united luiry 
 
 All our iillu feuds in dust, 
 And to future conllicis Ciirry 
 
 Mutu.ll faith .tnd coniniun trust ; 
 Alw.iyfi he who most forj^iveth 
 
 In his lirother is most )nst." 
 
 God grant our prayers may prevail in this great Convention —this supreme 
 organised effort of Irish nationality. lUit, gentlemen, if unhai)piiy it 
 should not be so, if our professions — genuine and sincere — are not ac- 
 cepted, if the platform which we have laid before you is not agreed to, 
 shall this movement collapse ? Shall we lay down our arms — shall we, 
 of the m.ajority, confess ourselves beaten ? No, a thousand times no. 
 Shall you abandon the ship, or shall you endeavour to reorganise the 
 crew? An intolerable situation — may it end by mutual .agreement 
 and good will, as, under the Providence of Cod, it ought to end. If 
 not so ; then how ? By the same steps which have vindicated that prin- 
 ciiile of unity and discipline to which the first paragra|)h of the resolu- 
 tion gives adhesion. Such were the genuine conditions which settled 
 the terms of the Irish National Parliamentary service, and which shall 
 give Ireland an army which, though somewhat reduced in numbers, shall 
 at all events be thoroughly efficient, acting upon those lines on which 
 alone an army, small or large, can hope to achieve success at all. With 
 this proposal the closing paragraph of this resolution deals. You are 
 asked to instruct and to strengthen the hands of the Irish Party in a 
 contingency which we cannot leave out of count. We trust and hope it 
 may never arise, but if it does it must be dealt with. 
 
 " We ask the Irish P.irty to take such steps as may in their judtjment l)e found 
 ncccssaiy to the estaljlishnient of unity and iliscipline in tlieir own ranUs in accord- 
 ance with the resolution of this Convention, and we assure them of our unfailing 
 support in tlie execution of this essential task." 
 
 If this meeting so interpret the duty of the Irish Party to ourselves, and 
 to the people for whom we sjieak, so instruct us. Cive us the word. 
 Yours is the duty of decision to-day. On your decision depends the 
 
 ^ / 
 
SKCOXn DAY-MR. JOHN li. D'llinaiXS. »P 
 
 future of tliis phase at any rate, of the movement, anil if this pliase fails, 
 well we know iliat another phase, less hopeful and less pleasing to tlic Iri'-h 
 people at larne, will have, in all probability, to be stiffcieil before a consti- 
 tutional movement will a^ain emcrne. (lentiemcn, 1 have not used word.i 
 of an^jtror of passion. I have not sought to excite in your hearts emotions 
 other than those of which my own heart is full. lUit when a ^rave and 
 festering wound has to be dealt with, it is necessary to |)roi)e it and see 
 where the misdiief is, and I iiope I have said no words stronner than 
 were absolutely iu'( essary in that connection. I havi: tried to set before 
 you, in restrained tones, a plain and vital issue, and (Jod grant tiial you 
 may be wisely tn.ded in the judgment you shall give, 
 
 Mr. John D. O'IIigcjins, iioston — My lords ami fellow-dele,?atcs, I 
 bear with me a message from the Hibernian Knights. It is a messagu 
 of good will and of well done to honest John Dillon and the members of 
 tliu Irish Tarty. I bear more, and I am sorry to say that it is a message 
 that you won't like so well— a message to the rank and-(tle of my fellow- 
 countrymen. The members of my society say to you : " Have d.jne with 
 treason." They say that you have elected to a position in the Ihitish 
 Parliament men who are traitors to Ireland. A month or two ago we 
 held a small Convention, what we call a gathering of the clans, and we 
 had a series of resolutions i);e[)ared by men who have ma<lc many sacri- 
 fices in support of Irish liberty and in defence of the Irish cause. One 
 of those resolutions denounced the man, who I am sorry not to sec hero 
 to-day,in order that I could convey it to him — Mr. John Redmond, as well 
 as the people who have elected him to the [)osilion he occupies. The 
 Other resolution dealt with one who I own has done good service for the 
 Irish cause, and whom I also exi)cctcd to sec here, and they desired me 
 to say to him that though his work was good when it was well done, 
 nevertheles, he acted like the cow that pitched over the bucket of milk, 
 and deserved to be punished accordingly. Like your noble friend, 
 Father Flynn, the proposer of that resolution, owing to its having been 
 stated that Mr. Redmond and his followers and Mr. Ilealy and his 
 followers would be at this Convention, withdrew it in favour of union 
 and harniony, now we find— or at least I do find— that delegates who 
 have come across the Atlantic Ocean to sjieak on behalf of unity are 
 called something like dupes and nobodies, aye, and we are called tourists 
 from Canada and America. Why don't these gentlemen take a little 
 tour of probably only thirty or forty or fifty miles, and come in here to 
 hear what the people of Ireland have to say. Aye, and they refer to the 
 men who have held aloft the flag as the people who filled their pockets 
 with gold and sold Irish seats. Well, that was enough to 
 show mc those persons would not be here. Immediately on landing at 
 the Cove of Cork yesterday morning I happened to get hold of a little 
 newspaper jjrinted in the Rebel City, and 1 noticed the expression upon 
 it, "This so-calletl Convention of the Irish Race," and I said to myself 
 " The serpent is in Rebel Cork as well as in Dublin." 
 
 Well, gentlemen, there is just one other message I have to convey 
 to the Convention, and it is this that we believe that you have been too 
 easy with those recreant members of the Irish Party. We believe in 
 exacting the most rigid discipline possible from the Irish members. 
 And why ? Because nearly a thousand years ago when a united Ireland 
 
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 IIUSII HACK CONVKNTION. 
 
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 was onrc before created out of chaos, there is no other way to do it 
 except hy the heroic methods of Ilrian Uoru, ami tliose methods were that 
 people who were not with liini were against iiim, and were recoj;nised 
 accordingly, and I trust that the Irish I'arty, the National Party, will 
 recognise that there is no other way to deal with tliose people tlian to 
 consider them from this moment against them, and act accordingly. 
 Anil, men of the constituencies, I hope that when they do act you will 
 be at their shoulder to a man, and to a woman also. It has been said 
 that if the Irish I'arty did their duty there would have been no disunion. 
 Well, I believe in my heart and soul that the reason why the Irish 
 I'arty did not do their duty is because the Irish people had not done 
 their duty just as well. A worthy soggarth from the South delivered a 
 very sensible address before you to-day, and I will say to you in the lan- 
 guage of the (iael, •do •>! ciiajir aijo.* I will further say tiiat in America, in 
 speaking of the few intelligible differences of opinion in the Irish Party, 
 we can hardly find a difference at all. 'I'he only thing that we can 
 find is this, that there are not offices like that occupied by as good a 
 man as ever adorned it to go around amongst so-called leaders. While 
 you may call upon men belonging to the Irish I'i.rty, we over in 
 America make a demand upon them ; and here let me say that, while a 
 number of patriotic and true-hearted Irishmen and descendants of Irish- 
 men voiced the opinions of those whom they rejiresent, and begged and 
 appealed to you for union, the peoi)le whom I represent do not appeal 
 to you ; we demand of you to have union. And why ? Some two years 
 ago, at a Convention of the Ancient Order of Hibernians in the city of 
 Omaha, Nebraska, an effort was m.ade to have a certain percentage of 
 the large amfuit of money subscribed by the members sent to Ireland, 
 and when we made an effort to have that motion carried it was found 
 that, because of these little, miserable, and unintelligible differences 
 amongst you people here, the Irish in America, representing that Order, 
 refused absolutely to do anything because they thought it would only 
 breed further dissension. That is the reason why we demand unity— 
 in order that the money which has formerly tlown into the coffers of the 
 organisation that is represented here to-day should again How .across 
 the ocean, and so that, even if they could not .strike a blow for the dear 
 old Ireland with our hands, the money that we would send over would 
 hel]) to do it. 
 
 I have one other little mes.sage to convey. I/Ooking over the faces 
 of the men present at this Convention, I notice that the youth of 
 Ireland are not as well represented as they might be. No, because they 
 are to-day out on the Western plains beyond the Rockies, performing 
 in the streets of IJoston and Chicago and other places ; and what are 
 they doing ? They are hoping against hope that some day they will be 
 able to return back and strike a blow against the oppressors. That is 
 one of the reasons why they are not here. They are trying to show to 
 fingland in their own small way that until she does justice to Ireland's 
 claims, and recognises Ireland as an independent part of the United 
 Kingdom — if you can say so much without speaking treason — we will 
 work and toil, and build a cordon of tire about her — such a fire ns has 
 
 • "lie was tight." 
 
 11 
 
SKOOh'l) DAY—MH. JollS It. O'lllUdlXS t.\^ 
 
 lii'cn built about litr in Smitii A(rir;i and ollur iioitions nf tlie j^lobe 
 where the luinlcd fugitive Irislnnan has found a resting; place, I du not 
 say that n» a threat. I trust that they will reroj;nisc that we area power, 
 and not to be sneered nt or scolTed at, ami that it will lian;; over 
 I'inj^land n» the sword uf I )anioeleH. I tell them also that the sooner 
 Ihcy turn their forcinn faction out of Ireland, and Kt the Iiish people 
 goVL-rn themselves, the better it would lie for tlie peace ol I'jiglaiid .ind 
 peace of her people. I believe tiic su-i^esiion 1 nude will U-: ailopted, 
 not only by the Irish I'.irty, but by the Irish peujile, and il the Irish 
 people arc uintcd with the Dillons, the Davitts, and the (^'llriens, and 
 the rest at the head of them, they are sure to succeed. I .say — 
 
 " Knaves and Iraitum ttaml aside, • 
 l-°uc tij lu'liknd, pX^ un boulac." 
 
 The CjiAiKMAN — I think, in one w.iyor other, this second rcolulion 
 has been debated at considerable lentil), and, luiless there be any 
 person present to speak against il, I sIkiII put it from the (^hair, but 
 iiefore doing so I think it riKht to say that two risoluiions have i)ccn 
 h.inded in Irom different {|uarters, which I consider to be neiniane to 
 the second resolution, and it would be rijjht, before putting the second 
 resolution, to give the gentlemen interested an opportunity of speaking 
 if they are so (lisposcd. 
 
 Mr. Davht, M.P. — This resolution has been handed in by Mr, 
 Michael Ilowley, of No. i Itranch Irish National Le.igue in Keiglitley, 
 on behalf of Daniel .Smith and William Moran, ICdinburgh, of the John 
 Uillon ai»d W. E. Gladstone Uranches I.N.L. of (ireat Britain : — 
 
 "Tlmt, owing to the miseralilc squabbles wliidi have dispracod ilic Irish l'arli;i 
 mentary I'aity <luiiiic the p.ist six yoais, rh>' cause nf tlonic KiiU', in our uiiiiiiini, has 
 liccn seriously imperiled, the infhience of the party considerably lessened, and the 
 ho]ies and nsplr.itions uf the best ami truest of our people chilled ami thwarted, 
 lielievinu tlint the cardinal principle of unity should form the basis of the ileliberalinns 
 of this iniporlant jjatherint;. we would respectfully urj;e when, after due consideration, 
 its dccisiona have been arrived ut, every eflort should be made to impress on the 
 various constituencies the absolute necessity of demanding the immediate resignation 
 of any representative, no matter how marked his abilities ut how great hit wrvices, 
 who neglects or refuses to abide by majority rule." 
 
 The Chairman — If any of these gentlemen who handed in these 
 resolutions wish now to speak, I ask them to come on to the platform 
 and speak to the second resolution. 
 
 There being no response, 
 
 The Chairman put the second resolution. 
 
 There was a general shout of "Ayes," and one person s.iid " No." 
 
 The Chairman — It is carried with one dissentient voice. 
 
 Several persons called out that it was in mistake the delegate 
 said "No." 
 
 The Chairman — I have been informed that the voice saying " No" 
 was in mistake, and I declare the resolution carried unanimously. 
 
 The ( JiAiUM.vN — Now, unless the gentlemen interested in the reso- 
 lutions read by Mr. Davitt come forward to propose them, I shall assume 
 that they are satisfied with the instructions which are given in the 
 resolution No. 2, and, more markedly still, by the voice of this Conven- 
 
 'i^.^ 
 
 .-C- 
 
Jv'SKl'lI I'ATIUCIC 1!Y.\.N 
 (Sff lip. IL'J. 285.) 
 
 Wll.i.IAM I.UNDDN 
 (Sou 1)1). 127. L"J,).J 
 
f^KCOXD DAY— MR. JOHN DILLON, MP. 
 
 ^t5 
 
 tion, lliu Irish Paity to take cffertive means to preserve tlioroiiRli 
 discipline in their r.inks. Mr. John JJiilon will now speak to the third 
 resolution. 
 
 "Thai lliii Iii^l) Rare rdiivciili'iii rc-as'rils the iiiv.iicuviml claim of Ir.F.LAND 
 A Nation. We <kclaie lliat lOiii^laml is (;ovi.-rnin^ IiLlaivl wr.>n ;liill) , by coercion, 
 ami a(;ain4 tlic iieoplo's will • that each year proves afresh ,• lutilityul ihe attonipt ; 
 that Irish evis mainly How frdiii alien, irrcspunsilile, imiiifurmcd, aiul uii'-yiiipathctic 
 rule ; anil that nci j-^licy, whether uf .severe repression or of paitial conces.sion, ean 
 allay her rightful discontent, or will slacken her eftorts to obtain a I.c_L;islaturc anil an 
 Kxeciilivc making; and aihniiiiilerlnt; laws f.ir Ireland by iri.shnicn on Irish soil. \Vc 
 declare it the prime duly of the Irish rarliamcntary I'arly to continue to maintain its 
 absolute independence of l'jif;lish political parties, and tints to preserve its freedom to 
 give an independent opposition or an iudep-ndent support to any p.irty, at may seem 
 best in the interests of the National cause." 
 
 Mr. John I'jii.i.on, M.P. — I Invc come here to-day to place myself 
 unreservedly in the iiands of this (Convention. 1 came here prepared to 
 answer cliarge.-; if they had been made where they ought te be made — in 
 the face of the people. I came here prepared promptly and without 
 reserve to obey the mandate of tliis Convention, and if it had asked me 
 to follow any other man in the sacred catise of Irish Nationality, withottt 
 hesitation, and, I may add, without reL;ret, I would have accepted this 
 course, and would have shown that I co.ild obey, that I cottUl obey others, 
 and that 1 knew what discii)line me.ant. I have risen for the purpose of 
 supporting the third of these resolutions, but, with the kind pcrmi. .iion of 
 this Convention, I think it might be lair to allow me to say a few biief 
 words on the general questions which have been discussed, and, first of 
 all, I am proud to sec, and more rejoiced than I can tell you, that .rom 
 the begiiming of these proceedings, triumphantly successful as they have 
 been, and liaught, as in my inmost heart I believe they arc, with a rich 
 promise for the future of Ireland, no single man from all this mighty 
 gathering has atteinptcd to epiestion the supremacy of this <^ nvention. 
 And that I think iti itself is a matter of first and most essenti,' ''iportancc 
 No man has lisen up to question the supremacy of this Cop untion, and 
 when one looks back on the history of this Convention, and considers 
 the methods by which it was st'.mtnoned, I fail to utiderstand how any 
 honest man could tpiestion its right to speak for the people of Ireland. 
 How was this Convention called into existence? The suggestion came this 
 time frotn across the ocean, from a great man, none the less Irish because 
 he occupies a lofty position in the Church of another nation, and who in 
 his person typifies some of the greatest, tlie most historic, the most 
 magnificent glories of our race, that they have carried the dominion, the 
 faith of Ireland, to far foreign lands at the other side of the globe, aye, 
 nnd have occupied lofty positions, higher than the position of [irinces, in 
 that great and illustrious Church to which I am p"-- d to belong — 
 thoi:gh Christians of all denominations are wclcom - i., this platform 
 to-day and in thi.i hall. 1 say that this great man w lO first suggested 
 this ('onvention typifies in his person also these glorious traditions of 
 our race, tint no matter where they are scattered, and no matter to what 
 eminence they may be elevated, no m.itter to what Chur'^h they may 
 belong, their hearts are still bound to Ireland and to her cause with an 
 indissoluble bond wliich neither thousands of miles of ocean nor long 
 years of separatioi,. cm tear asunder. 
 
 
T 
 
 "-tj 
 
 'LT 
 
 24C 
 
 IlUl^n RACE CONVENTION. 
 
 m 
 
 And I confess I must ask tlic jjardon of the delegates asscmhlcd for 
 being drawn by tbat eonsideration into a very brief digression— I con- 
 fess when, in the early days of tlie preparations for tliis Convention, 
 objection was taken to our opening tlie doors of the lialls and platforms 
 of this gathering of the Irish race to the spokesmen and representatives 
 of Ireland's scattered sons in America, in Australia, in South Africa, in 
 New Zealand, and wherever that race lias been scattered by persecution 
 and ill-government, I was astoumled, I may say I was horrified, that 
 there could be found a man on the soil of Ireland who, with the un- 
 paralleled and immortal record of the fidelity of Ireland's scattered 
 children, could object to invite them into the councils of the nation, 
 and to give to them that voic; which surely they are entitled to iiy ilio 
 glorious part which they have borne in the past struiigles of our peoiilj. 
 And in that invitation, in spite of objection, was included not only the 
 men represented by the delegates from America and Australia, but Iho 
 portion of our race who, throughout the years of our struggles and 
 agony, have borne a i)lace in the vanguard of the battle, and who 
 endured scorn, outrage, and boycotting, and were often driven from the 
 workshops anil mines of (Ireat IJritain because they would not deny the 
 land of their birtli — the land for which, if need were, tl.ey would .spill 
 their blood. ^Ve were told that we sought to out-number the voice of 
 the children of Ireland by the foreign delegates and the delegates from 
 England. The men who held such views must be content to shut out 
 from the future struggles the help of those men who had sacrificed so 
 much. The scroll which hangs in front of me is the best answer to 
 those who .say the children of the Gael in England have no right to a 
 voice amongst us. We are assembled here to-day, and have delegates 
 from every branch of the scattered Gael ; and I put it, has there been 
 any attempt to out-number the representatives of Ireland, or has any- 
 body been denied voice or vote ai this Convention ? 
 
 Now, I come back to the question how this Convention was sum- 
 moned. It was summoned, first of all, by resolution passed by the Irish 
 Party, nearly unaniiiously, many months ago, afifirming that a great 
 Convention should be called ; and later on, when the preparations 
 were more advanced, the body of rules under which you meet were 
 submitted to a duly convened meeting of the Irish Party, and at that 
 meeting every member of the party ought to have been present, and the 
 rules and constitution were unanimously agreed to and passed by the 
 Irish Party, and this resolution was adopted : — 
 
 "That wc cordially invite Mr. John Rcilinond anc! his friends Id co-op?rato with 
 us in a ."inimon, earnest endeavour to make the coming Convenlioii an ■■iTective means 
 of sali.slying the widespicad yearning of the Irisli race lor thorough union." 
 
 By that resolution we invited the Parnellites to come in, not only to this 
 Convention, but into the Organising Committee of this Convention, and 
 to act with the Irish Party in securing that their party in the country was 
 fairly represented in tiiis gathenig. I'iiey did not do so. Wc could not 
 coerce tlicm ; but what we did was to act in such a manner as to bring 
 the conviction to the mind of every man who takes an interest in Irish 
 politics throughout the world that we did our best in the direction of 
 union. Well, not having succeeded in getting the co-operation of the 
 
 \\\ 
 
SECOND DAY— MR. JOHN DILLON, M.P. 7^^ 
 
 Parnellite party, we proceeded, with the ajiproval of the Irish National 
 Patty and Irish National (Jryanisation, in carrying out tlie arrangements 
 for this Convention. Anil now I come to the point which 1 wouhl com- 
 mend to tile common sense of the delegates present. I say that it does 
 not lie in tb-: month of any man who belongs to th" Irish Parliamentary 
 i'-rly, and who deliberately stays away from a meetinj; of the Party, 
 to Jeclare that he is not bound by the act of this meeting. lie cr.i no 
 longer truly say, if he pursues such a course, that he is acting with the 
 party. And, therefore, I say that every member of the Irish Party without 
 exception — they number seventy-one — is bound to recoL;nise the consti- 
 tution of this Convention as sealed with the approval of the whole 
 party. And I was glad and proud to observe that in )iis powerful and 
 eloquent speech, and he alv'ays speaks with po.ver and elotiuence— I 
 have heard him under very difficult circumstances, and under a much 
 more difiicult circumstance than he occupied to-day — I allmle to Fatlier 
 Flynn, of Waterford, for on more than one occasion in the streets of 
 VVaterford we stood side by side in very unple;.sant circumstances. He 
 always sjieaks jiowerfully, and I was glad to notice that at the outset of 
 his speech he recognised in the fullest way the supremacy of this 
 Convention, and the duty of every Irish Nationalist to abide by its 
 decisions. 
 
 Well, I am sorry to miss from the floor of this Convention some 
 men who ought, and I trust will, abide by its decision. If Father Flynn 
 and other men in this hall recognise the supremacy of this Convention, 
 and that it is in reality the voice (if Ireland, has that been the attitude of all 
 the metiibers of the Irish Party? I am sorry to say it has not been that 
 attitude, I regret that tne foreign delegates and many otlier members of 
 this Convention have been obliged to see this great assembly denoumed 
 as a hole-atid-corner meeting — as a packed Convention, and as a meeting 
 which was worthy of no respect and no consideration whatever. Now, 
 I venture to say, regarding the proceedings of yesterday and to-day, that 
 there will be found very few Nationalists in Ireland who will stick to 
 that view of this Convention ; and if they do pretend to adhere to it I 
 think they will find that the voice of Ireland has been heard here to-day, 
 and that their view will find little support in Ireland. Now, in this 
 connection I desire to say that I listened witli great interest and gieat 
 pleasure to the speech delivered by, I tliink, Father Murnane, who 
 represents one of the London branches of the League. He "xdvo- 
 cated — and I could recognise in the tone of his voice an honest and an 
 earnest desire — to bring about union in the Irisii P.irty ; anil he spoke 
 with an eloquence — characteristic of many Irisli priests. He might 
 remember, and I trust he will remember, that it was owing to the 
 majority of the Irish Party and our action that he got leave to speak 
 in this hall. For to men like him an effort was made to deny thijin the 
 liberty of this platform, and shut their mouths, on the ground that they 
 were strangers and outsiders, and had no right to take part in this 
 Convention. Well, my lord, this Convention is assembled — I challenge 
 any man who has an honest mind, who takes u[) the constitution under 
 which it has assembled, to say that there was ever called together in 
 Ireland a freer or more ojien Convention, and I say we have been 
 listening for many long and weary years to charges and complaints of 
 
 - ' '.;' ; •- 
 
X— ' — 
 
 III' 
 
 " 
 
 >4A 
 
 IRISH RACE COXVENTION. 
 
 the most complicated and ever-changing characier. There is not a man, 
 there is not a colleague who sits around nie, who has not been denounced 
 and abused by those who ought to be his friends. For my patt I do not 
 care how much any man may abuse me so long as he does not scandalize 
 Ireland in the process. A certain section ol tiie I'ress in this country is 
 teeming with allegations and cliarges. My lord, I say that lure to-day, 
 l)efore the peoi)le of Ireland, those charges should not have been made, 
 or the authors of them should iiave been on this platform to-day, or 
 o\ight to be for ever silent ; and I ai)])eal to every delegate in this room, 
 no matter what his views may be, whether he believes tiiat I am right, 
 whether he agrees with my policy or not, I appeal to him for the honour 
 of Ireland, and for the sake of the public life of this country, to set his foot 
 resolutely and strongly on a continuation of these scandalous disputes. 
 
 My lord, it has been said that personality and personal ambition 
 stand in the way of the advancement of Ireland's cause. I st.Ued before 
 this Convention assembled that if it should be found, either now or 
 at any future period, that the Irish National members of Parliament — 
 and 1 include now, for tiie purpose of this statement, all members re- 
 turned to support the Home Rule cause — would assemble together and 
 say, We will not follow Mr. Dillon, he has taken too active a j)art in 
 previous bitter disputes — we will not follow this man or that man, but 
 will select anot'ier man who has not taken part in this dispute, I say joy- 
 fullj', and with a sense of immense relief, I would place my resignation in 
 the hands of these men, and invite tnem, without regard to personal 
 feelings, without regard to personality, and in the name of God and their 
 country, to unite again, no matter who was made their leader. Some 
 men seem to think that the position of being chairman of the Irish Party 
 is very cheerful, under present circumstancci even, and so attractive a 
 position that a general struggle and scramble for it have been going on, 
 resulting in I mysolf out-distancing my opponents. ^Vell, ladies and 
 gentlemen, I assure you that, thovgh after a brief experience, it is not all 
 pleasure ; and I do say this, that I caiuiot understand how any man 
 who has a sense of fairness could attribute, under present circumstances, 
 to any individual an inordinate ambition to get into the position, unless 
 it be that he argues from tlie condition of Iiis own mind. But I repeat 
 this olfer from this platform to-day. Let the other men, whose names 
 have been shibboleths of faction, meet me on this issue. Let the Par- 
 nellites andjlet the Mealyites, if such there be — I am not aware that any 
 member of the Irish Party is prepared to go before his constituents and 
 declare himself a Healyite — let tiie Parnellites and let the Healyites, if 
 there be any such— as Father Flynn suggested there are three parties in 
 Ireland — let them assemble at any time during the autumn in Dublin 
 and say, " Stand aside, Dillon ; stand aside, Redmond ; stand aside, 
 Healy; and we will unite under another man," then I say I am their 
 man, and I shall be the first to sign a pledge binding me to loyally follow 
 that united paity. 
 
 The fact of it is that, in dealing with these matters, we have been, to a 
 certain extent, beating the air — lighting with i)hantoms. Charges and 
 allegations have been made, and when you close with them to disjirove 
 them, like the figure in the ancient fable, they dissolve in vapour and 
 cloud, and Ircsh forms arise before >ou oa the path. When these 
 
 li: 
 
 m 
 
3 K 
 
 V-' 
 
 i| I 
 

 i 
 
 Ij: 
 
 '5° 
 
 imfiTT RACE CONVENTION. 
 
 matters arc all analysed they come down to questions of personalties; 
 and I say it would have been an everlasting shame to Ireland — a shame 
 from which this assembly happily entirely saved the country — it would 
 be an eternal shaini; if i)crsonal i[Ucstions were allowed to ti;ar asunder 
 the national f(jr(cs when tiiey were face to face with the implacable 
 enemies of their race. Let me say a word on tiie ([uestion of party 
 discipline and union. What I would implore of this Convention — 
 though indeed it is not necessary to njake any appeal to tiieni, because 
 they have by their action shown how keen an apprehension they have of 
 the true princijjles on which a party must be founded — what I would 
 implore of them is this. We have in the complexities of contention 
 and quarrels to some extent, lost sight of those vital principles on which 
 all i)atties throughout the world are founded and governed. Jf you 
 break up and destroy the unity and discipline of that party you can have 
 no progress. You have henrd from a man who can sjjcak with the 
 authority of cxijcrience, as leading a great party himself (the Hon. 
 Kdward Bl.ike), those princi[iles which must rule and do rule all])arties. 
 If those principles as laid down by him apply to all parties, I say that 
 they api)ly witii a thousandfold force to the small body on whose 
 fidelity and on whose unity in the very heart of the camp ol tiie enemy 
 the cause of Ireland rests. If it is the duty of Canadian or American 
 parties to insist on unity and disci|)line, it is clear it is ten times more 
 the duty of the little army of Ireland to insist upon a far more stringent 
 discipline. We know that in the great parties of England, America and 
 Canada there are many w. : of holding men together which do not 
 exist with us — many ways ol influencing men who are inclined to go 
 outside the party lines ; and in those countries the fate of a nation does 
 not depend upon the discipline of any one party. In England or Canada, 
 and if the party is negligent or disunited the punishment comes surely 
 and swiftly, and it comes in the shape of the other party, who drive 
 them out and come into power in their place. But in the case of 
 Ireland the situation is totally different. We have no other party to 
 take our places. We have not got command of the Government of our 
 country, and our differences and our disorganisations and our personal 
 disputes are visited on the miserable country which has sent us to tight 
 its battle. We do not make way for another party. No, but we open 
 the gates to the enemies of Ireland, and the consequences of our 
 divisions are written in the tears and the blood of our people, and the 
 endless prolongation of her sufferings. Therefore, I say in the name of 
 God and of Ireland, never forget to mainiain untouched and untampered 
 with the essential principles, which are the foundation upon which the 
 Irish Party rests. I would ask what are those principles ? They are 
 embodied in the pledge, but not sufficiently clearly embodied to defeat 
 the ingenuity of men who are very able and very ingenious, and who 
 desire to escape. But the pledge binds men not oidy to sit an<l vote, 
 but to act with the Irish Party ; and I say deliberately that if it were to 
 be considered free to men to defy on the platform and in the Press, as 
 well as in the House of Commons, the deliberate judgment of the 
 majority of the party, then I say the pledge becomes a mockery, a hum- 
 bug, and a delusion, ami you will very soon have not only three parties, 
 but at least a dozen parties, each led by a leader of its own. 
 
SECOND DAY— MR. JOliy DILLON, MP. 251 
 
 Therefore, what I claim to be the basis on which all party disciphne 
 and party unity and t-ffcciivencss must be placed is, tinit tiicrc sluuild be 
 given a loyal and earnest supi)ort by every member of the Tarty to the 
 policy of the I'arty as a whole, and that the support sliould not stop even 
 inside the House of Commons, but should be extended tlirougliout the 
 country. The illustrious Hisliop of Meath some time ago in a con- 
 versation that he had with the late Mr. Tarnell asked--" How did you 
 keep the Irish I'arty togetlier?" He replied— " 1 kept it together by 
 enforcing the rule of the majority. I sometimes thought the majority 
 was wrong, but the great principle was that we should act together." It 
 has been said by one priest here to-day in a most eloijuent speech that 
 tiie minority should go wilii the majority whether the majoiity was 
 right or wrong. Well, it is possible to conceive a case where a member 
 of a minority could not see his way to do that. I5ut he has a remedy. 
 If his conscience will not allow him to go with the majority, I say, for 
 the sake of his t ountiy, he should stand aside. 
 
 No.v let me say a word or two as to the future. I think myself, and 
 I have long thoiigiit it, that too much has been said in a despairing tone 
 as to the present position of Ireland, keally to hear some peojjlc 
 talking you would suppose that the whole history of Ireland since the 
 Union was the history of a united and unbroken jiarty until the year 
 1890, ^VI)at are the facts of the case ? There never was a united 
 party in Ireland until 1S85, and it is most instructive to anyone who 
 has to deal with the present situation in Ireland to look back for a 
 moment to the history of the formation of the united party of 1885. 
 Here is an extract from apapcr which is not a great friend of Ireland, but 
 it is an interesting extract, and very much what is to be read in the 
 same paper today — the London Tiiius. This article was written in the 
 Tiiiirs oi tile 30th Marcli, 1S80, commenting on tlie general electioi". 
 that was then taking place. And during that election, as many men 
 around me on this platform and in the body of the hall to-day will 
 remember, Ireland was torn asunder by differences. Nationalist being 
 pitted against Nationalist in many of the constituencies. And here is 
 what the Times said : — 
 
 "It is not ill Wexford county .iloiie tlmt Mr. I'arnell's nominees are fniuid un- 
 acccplaljle. lie can scareely fail to ilibcover that no true, durable unity can exist 
 among Home Kulers. Tliey ni.ay at;ice to make themselves as disa;;recal)le as they 
 can be to I'arli.anicnt, and may with one accord join in impeding puhlic business at 
 Westminster. liul nothin;.; can shape into a homogenous party an unprecedented 
 piece of political mosaic. Any trivial incident may break up and resolve into their 
 original elements the motley collection ol intimidated or coerced Liberals, Nationalists 
 Federalists, earnest lovers of Catholicism, and haters of the priesthood, '.rue sons of 
 Ireland and men who have no real connection with it. The compact lasts just as 
 long as no strain is put upon it. But only let Mr. rarncU and Mr. Biggar ende.ivout 
 to cany some particular point which they have at heart, and the world is pretty sure 
 to sec that the Home Rule I'arty is but a mob of politicians wliu bear no great love 
 towards each other." 
 
 Now that was the way in which Ireland presented itself to England 
 in the year 1880. What occurred? An election took place, and on 27th 
 April the Irish Party met — that is to say, all who had been returned to 
 support Home Rule, and at that meeting a question arose as to who 
 should be the chairman ot the new Irish Party that had been returned. 
 
 V^ 
 
J 
 
 35' 
 
 nUtill RACK coy VENT ION. 
 
 Mr. I'.irncll was proposed as chairman, ami Mr. Sliaw w.is proposed 
 ajjainst liini. 'I'lic p.irty divided, and Mr. I'ariKl! was carrii'd to tlic chair 
 by 2,? votes to i8 — simply a majority of 5. What oceurri'd then? In 
 a short time tlic minoriiy {piitted the majority, and finally crossed the 
 floor, and for (our years tlie Irish Party was split, 32, 1 think, was the 
 nimib.T of the J'arnellite Party, and a considerable mnuber of Irish 
 Home Rnic niembirs ojiposed them from the oii])OSitesiile of the house. 
 Within the ranks ol the Parnelliii; Party there were men who kicked over 
 the traces, men of ability and position who objected to party disci|)line, 
 and they fmally (iisap|>cared out of Irish public life in 1S85 ; so that during 
 these years thire was not unity, there was division ; but there was a fight 
 for unity, and what saved Ireland was this, that the princi|)les and 
 practice of a united party were never surrendered, but were held up 
 before the people, and when at last an api)eal was made after four or five 
 years to the C')nslitue')ciesof the country then there was a united party, 
 bn ;uise the constituencies took the matter into their own hands, and 
 they ajiprovcd of the [iledge and the whole machinery by which since 
 that day the Irish Party has b .en governed. What I would say is this, 
 that so loni,' as those ])rinciples are stood by, and, above all, tu long as 
 here, in the face of this mighty assembly, they can he asserted and 
 unanimously aiijiroved, it is nonsense to talk about despairing of the 
 futuie of the Irish cause. Le.ideis may come and leaders may go. You 
 change the /tv.i'.v///(7 of your leaders and the /cmiww/ of your party, 
 secession may occur, individuals may leave you, but so long as the 
 great i)rinciple of unity is held up and insisted ujion by the peojile, and 
 so long as a united party is held to be essential to the ell'ective constitu- 
 tional fight for Ireland's liberties, then so long, I believe, Ireland will 
 rally round that standard. 
 
 For my part, my position in this matter is exceedingly simple and ex- 
 ceedingly easy. My principles are known throughout the country; I am for 
 a discijjlined jiarty. I am for a united ]»rty, and I am for maintaining 
 that unity at any cost. I am in the hands of this Convention ; 1 am in 
 the hands of the country, and ultimately in the hands of the Irish Parli.i- 
 nientary parties — Parnellite and Nationalist — if they will assemble and 
 agree to follow any other man. My i/ersonahty will never stand for a single 
 hour, nor for a single moment, in the path ol Irish freedom, nor will it be 
 allowed to stand for a single moment to obstruct the reunion of Ireland. 
 So long as 1 liave a mandate from the people I will fight for unity against 
 every man who assails it. 
 
 I come now to say a word or two on the third resolution. I need 
 say nothing on the opening put of that resolution, which simply re- 
 asserts what is the first article in the creeii of every Irish Nationalist, 
 that is our seperalc national right. I shall confine the very few remarks 
 I have yet to make to tlie second portion of that resolution, which says.. 
 that— 
 
 "It is the prime duty of the Iiisli Parliamentary Party to continue to maintain its 
 nl)Solute iiulepenilcncc of Ku^Iish political parties, anil t..us \.u iireserve its freedom to 
 yivc an independent 0|ipositii)n or independent support to any party as may seem best 
 in the interests of the National cause." 
 
 That is a proposition which I believe will recommend itself to this 
 grtat Convention. 1 do not believo that there will bj anv ditifcrence of 
 
SEVONJJ VAY—Mlt. JUllS DILLOS, M.l' 
 
 -'5 J 
 
 opinion in ronard to it. We hold that wc have always niaintaiiu'd the 
 same independence which was tlie doctrine and liie creed ol our parly 
 before 1890 hut wliat 1 want to lay before you, and before the country 
 is tiiis. We do not seek to rake overa^-.ain the asiies of old controversies, 
 we have faced the country and this ("onvention with this fresh piedtjc 
 that we recognise it to be tiie duty of every Irish Nationalist to maintain 
 an ai)solule independence of linglish political parlies. And if that be asked 
 in tiie name of union, then in Clod's name we give it to the world as the 
 first article of our creed and the first rule of our life in I'arlianient. Itut 
 let me say this word in defence of the jiarty witii which I am connected. 
 We have been charged, and from more than one quarter, with truckling to 
 Engli.sh jjartics. I don't believe that we have ever laid ourselves o|)en 
 to that charge, but it has been made, and I saw and read with astonish- 
 ment a statement made in this city not a fortnight ago, that the object of 
 my life was to make the National Party the tail of tlie English Liberal 
 I'arly. 
 
 Now let nic point out to you one fact. Some time ago one of the 
 mulliludinous charges made against us was this — that so s-ubservient 
 were we to the I'^nglish Liberals that, when the cause of Catholic educa- 
 tion in I'Jngland was brought up by the Tories, we would turn our backs 
 on tlie Catholic schools of England anil would support the Liberals. 
 
 A Voice — You never did. 
 
 That charge was made. It was made in various places throughout Ire- 
 land — I need not recapitulate them, they will be in the minds of many 
 men in this Convention— and it was made by members of our own 
 party. Well, the timi; came for a decision, and I will say this, that there 
 never wos an is'i\ie on which the Liberals of England were more anxious 
 and more eager to get the support of the Irish I'arty. It appeared, from 
 oiie jioint of view, rather a hard thing for the Irish I'arty, seeing that the 
 Liberals had lately passed a Hume Rule Bill, and as they contend — I 
 won't enter ituo an argument on the question — but, as they contend, they 
 had been defeated at the polls because they were Home Rulers, that on 
 the very first great question in which the Liberals were interested we 
 should turn r und on them, and, as they put it, "overwhelm them with 
 an avalanche of a majority." And I was appealed to personally. I 
 suppose I received two or three hundred letters from the Radical leaders 
 throughout England, imploring o( me at least to ask our party to with- 
 draw from the House of Commons, and, as the cause of the Catholic 
 schools was not in danger, not to humiliate the Liberals by increasing the 
 majority to an overwhehiiing extent, and the Liberals in Parliament 
 who had fouglit our battle appealed to me. Under these circumstances 
 t' J Irish Party met, and would it be believed that the men who had 
 charged myself and the men who work with me before Irish audiences 
 with being prepared to betray the cause of the Catholics of I^ngland 
 never took the trouble to cros., the Channel and attenl the meeting of 
 the Irish Party when this great question was decided? And when this 
 question was decided, what was"tlie action of the Irish Party ? The men 
 who were concerned about the fate of the Irish Catholics and the possible 
 action of the Irish Party in voting with the Liberals were not there,but 
 we who had been told, and are now told, that we are the tail of the 
 Liberal Party, we voted against the men who had offered us Home 
 
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SECOXD PAY- MR. JOHN DILLON, MP. 155 
 
 Rule, and we showed to the world by the Kfcatcst proof that any parly 
 could give that wc Hland as inilL-|)t.'n(lunt of all llrititli iiatticx on tlio Moor 
 of the House of Commons, at lt;.ist as Mulc|K'iidiMit as :iny party tlwit cviT 
 Went before us. Vts, we Notccl independently, and we rireived tho 
 united thanks of tlic Catliolic llishops of i'ln^Lind, and I hope, and I 
 have some reason to hope, that when lldniu Kule <'onies up ai{.tin tho 
 Catholic Bishops of iMigland ami the (,'atholics of Mnnland who voted 
 against Home Rule at the last election will not lorKct our action. 
 
 And now I <lialK'nj,'c any man to ronie again before an Irish audience 
 and say that I was trymg to make the Irish I'.irty a tail ol tlu! Liberal 
 Tarty. I faced the Liberal I'arty when the men who make these charges 
 bkulkcd in Ireland. I stand here surrounded by the men who, by their 
 services an<l record, are entitled to speak, and in the name of the honour 
 of their couniry and of her most sacred interesis, in the name of thu 
 Christian faith tluy profess, and of the chanty whidi they are bouixl to 
 observe, I ask those who make these (hari;es to eonie forward now, when 
 they have a full and aiienlivc audience, to make their i ouipl.iinls and 
 slate their charj^es, and it they have not done so, I ask ihem to be silent 
 for ever, and lo allow Ireland to go on undistracted by these petty, 
 contemptible, houible, and deadly disputes, which have drajincd our 
 sacred cause in the mire lufore the people of the worki, and which I 
 trust and hope it will be the proud privilege of this so-called "holeand- 
 corner" and "bogus" Convention to bury in an oblivion which no man 
 will ever break. 
 
 Mr. Daviit, M.l'. — The Convention will adjourn until to-morrow, 
 at eleven r)'clock. \Vc have received a number of messa[;es from 
 Queensland, Newfour.dland, and other places, which I shall hantl to 
 the Press, 
 
 i'he Convention adjourned at four o'clock. 
 
 Letter!) handed to the Press ; — 
 
 St. John's, Newfoundland, 17th August, i8y6. 
 
 To THE Chairman dp the Irish NArioNAi, Conveniio.v. 
 
 My Lonl,— On liolialf of the people of Newfoundland, we send to you llirou|»li our 
 delegates a heartfelt jjteeliiit;, a warm word of sympathy and encourai^enicnt in the 
 plorious work )ou have undertaken--naniely, the nathcrinj; together of the various 
 llrcms of National life in Ireland into a ini^jhty and irresistible torrent of love and 
 paliiotisiti, which shall sweep before it all obstacles, and blend every drop of heart's 
 bloiKl that wells up in the bosoms other sons into one (jreat ocean of National unity 
 and National stren);th. The delejjates to your Convention briii^; with them to the 
 hallowed shores of Irrland the mandate of the Irish people from iho furthest corners 
 ol the earth. \S'he[ever the sun shines upon the home of a child of the Irish race, 
 irom the fro/en regions of the North to the burninj; sands of the tropics, from the 
 distant lands of the Kast to the golden shore« of the I'acihc, from every elinie, and 
 every land, there goes forth a cry— a henrtreiulinf; cry, an ajjimisinu cry, at the painful 
 prospect ol the unreasoning; and patricidal disunion which prevails amoti); the ranks ol 
 those who are in the van of the fijjht for tlie liberty aiul prosjjcrily of our motherland. 
 And you, [jentlemendelefjales, are sent by us with a mission of innnensc meaniny. Il 
 is a divine mission in a sense, for it is to echo the voice ol a (jreat people cryiny out 
 for justice and jieace and unity, and as such, it is the voice of tJod himself. We send 
 you not toentieat, or to sue for, but to connnand, u truce lo these divisions and dis- 
 unions, and a brotherly embrace and hand-shake of love and yoodfellowship. The 
 
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 a5« IRISH RACE CONVEXTIOy. 
 
 leaders of the National cause in Ireland are but the trustees nf the Irish people, and 
 they are accountable not only to the small remnant, who, surviving persecution, famine 
 and emigration, still dwell within the shores of Ireland herself, but to the luilliuns of 
 her racrf who people the distant countries of the eaitli, and to whom every green so<l 
 and every ivy clad ruin of the dear old land, are sacreil and revered pledges, cherished 
 in the deepest memories of their licarts' and guarded with a jealous anxiety against 
 encroachment or desecration. 
 
 In this great Convention of the Irish people it is meet that Newftjundland should 
 have a place, yea, and a leading place. Looking back over the annsils of our history 
 we sec many a page lit up with the glorious record of her sympathy with Irelaml in 
 her times of trouble, and of practical aid in her times of want and hardship. We claim 
 the p'oud vaunt of being the "Ireland of the West," the earliest colony of Irish 
 emigrants in the western world. The nearest point of America to the old land. We 
 stretch out our arms a thousand miles into the Atlantic ocean to gr.asp in the warm 
 clasp of fellowship .ind welcome, the hand of our motherland, to bid her have courage, 
 and rise triumphant from her Inindage and become a nation among the countries of 
 the world. We pray that God may bless this supreme eflort for union, ami that the 
 setting sun of the nineteenth century may cast its golden splendour upun a prosperous, 
 peaceful, and self-goven ing Ireland. 
 
 On behalf of the people of Newfouiidl.and, 
 
 * M. F. IIowi.KV, 
 
 Bishop of .St. John'>, Chairman. 
 
 P. J. Uo\Lli, Secretaiy. 
 
 Greymouth, New Zealand, 28th July, 1896. 
 
 To THE CHAIRNfAN OF TUB IRISH NAITONAL CoNVEN HON, DLHLI.N. 
 
 Sir, — The Irishmen of the west coast of the South Island of New Zealand regret 
 their inability to send a delegate to your Convention. They, however, as requested, 
 send the following letter to express their views on the object of the Convention. Irish- 
 men at home and abroad are fully conscious of the many disabilities under which our 
 native land suffers. We are likewise cognisant that these must be removed before our 
 people can live in any peace and prosjierity in the land of their birth. We, the 
 children of Erin, have been driven into exile, and nearly every foreign land gives a 
 refuge to many of us who, if our civil affairs at home were pro|)erly mannged, would 
 have been spared the many miseries resulting from expatriation. But we are aware 
 that tho future welfare of our native land, to a great extent at least, lies in the hands 
 of her elected representatives. And what a power for good for Ireland have they not 
 proved to be when they i)resented a united front in the British Parliament. That 
 union secured lor the Irish Parliamentary Party the respect and admiration of all the 
 lovers of our country throughout the world. It obtained for it many measures of 
 amelioration which could not otherwise be obtained. It brought joy and hope for the 
 future to the sea-divided Gael ; and on account of it the children of Erin in all ]'arts 
 of the world, together with their many friends, cheerfully opened their hearts and 
 purse-strings and contributed most generously to aid the good cause at home. 
 
 But now we regret to see that the demon of discord has managed to edge in 
 between, and creatid disunion amongst the elected representatives of our native land, 
 uixjn whom rested iM;r highest hopes. Every mail scatters broadcast to the ends of the 
 earth the fullest account of the bitter attacks and mutual recriminations made by the 
 members of the Irish Parliamentary Party on each other. At this we, in foreign lands, 
 hang our heads for shame and become very much disheartened. No men should know 
 better, from bitter experience, than the Irish Parliamentary Parly that "a kingdom 
 divided against itself cannot stand." The history of our nation and our people [wints 
 out more clearly than that of any other nation that nearly all our national misfortunes 
 have arisen from division, disunity, and divided counsels. Cannot past experience 
 bring with it a profitable lesson for the future ? We hope so, indeed. Shall division 
 and divided counsels continue to prevail in the ranks of the Parliamentary repiesenta- 
 tivcs, and cause ihem, however well-intentioned and individually patriniic. to do most 
 
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 SECOND DA Y--CORnESrOXDEXCE. 
 
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 efTectlvely by their moiius ai^tmiivihM is most pleasing lo the very bitterest c-.unies of 
 our native land ? 
 
 Well, we hope that the happiest results will accrue from the Convention now 
 assemliled, ami we shall ever look upon those as the enemy of our country and rice 
 who shall in any wny mar the object for which the meeting was called. And as we 
 believe that Home Rule is the key to the solution of all the Irish difficulties, it is the 
 ardent hope of the Irishmen of Westland, New Zealand, many o( whom are now m 
 declining years, and who have always supported the cause of Ireland in hir legitimate 
 struggles for the amelioration of her condition, that Providence may cement in solid 
 unity the members of the Irish Parliamenlry I'arly, that so they may lie able to obtain 
 by their united elTorts what the Irish race so much desire for their native land and what 
 divided counsels can never attain. And may I le who controls the hearts and councils 
 of men guide you in your deliberations to so laudable an isuc. 
 Signed on behalf of 
 
 The Irishmen of the West Coast of thf. 
 South Xslano of New Zralanii. 
 
 Croydon, N. Queensland, July loth, 1896. 
 To John Dll.t.ov, Esq., M.P., Chairman Irish National Party. 
 
 Dear .Sir,— The Home Rulers of Croydon, wishing to be represented at the Con- 
 vention of the Irish Race to be held in Scpteml)cr next, h.ive this day apjioinleil the 
 Rev. V. K. Landy, (J.S.A., as our delegate. He will present duly accrcilited cre- 
 dentials signed by the Mayor, Mr. Tarbart, and other intluential gentlemen. Willi 
 an carnesl prayer that the labours of the Convention will result in a comiilote union of 
 the whole of the Irish race, 
 
 \ ours failhlully, 
 
 Jamf.s IIaii.. 
 
 Devon Chambers, Hunter and O'Connell Streets, 
 
 .Sydney, 28th July, 1896. 
 
 John Dillon, Esq., M.P. 
 
 My Dear Dillon,— I regret that it has not been found feasible to send a delcsale 
 to represent New South Wales at the forthcoming Pan-Celtic Convention, to be held 
 in Dublin on the 1st of September; but. although New South Wales will not be 
 represented by a delegate, the interest which the friends of the cause take in every, 
 thing that concerns the welfare of the movement continues in unabated strength. 
 Some of the effects of dissension in the ranks of the Nationalist representatives of Ire- 
 land in the British House of Commons in regard to the progress o( the movement are 
 too obvious and deplorable to need mention. If the people of Ireland could on y 
 realise fully the effect of this dissension upon the friends of the Irish cause who reside 
 out of Ireland, I feel certain that the people would insist upon their representatives 
 once again presenting a solid, united front to the opponents of Home Rule in the 
 British Parliament. It is simply impossible for those who watch the progress of the 
 movement from a distance to understand by what process of reasoning any (nend of 
 the Irish National cause can tolerate the existence of rival sections in a >ational 
 Party which has but one object-the restoration to Ireland of her right to Parlia- 
 mentary Eovernment. . . ,„.,,,„ c, j 
 
 The resolutions which were carried at the public meeting in he Guildhall, Sydney, 
 last evening (and which are forwarded herewith), were carried with the enthusiasm 
 that has always characterised Irish Australians in regard to the National ca jse. 
 
 The proceedings at the forthcoming Convention must attract the attention of all 
 well-wishers, not only of Ireland, but of the British Empire, as no sentiment exists 
 more strongly than that the concession to Ireland of free Parliamentary institutions 
 would be the most effective means of not only restoring prosperily and hai)piness to 
 the people of Ireland, but of strengthening the Empiie itself. I can assure you that 
 
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 IRISH RACE CONVENTION. 
 
 in no part of the worM will the proceedings at your Convention be watched with 
 greater interest than in New South Wales. There is but one Bcnliment expressed in 
 regard to the Convention, and that is, that its labours may result in once more placing 
 the Irish National question in the van of British Political questions, and that the long 
 deferred hopeol the Irish people may soon be realized with the attainment of a measure 
 of freedom equal to that enjoyed by the British Colonics. 
 
 Yours faithfully, 
 
 Frank B. Fkeehill. 
 
 St. r.itrick's .Society, 
 Cornw.ill, Ontario, 14th August, 1896. 
 
 Resolution moved by Mr. M. M. Mulhcrn, seconded by Mr. J. F. O'Neill, passed 
 unanimously, and de-iircd to be conveyed to the Irish Kace Convention through Hon. 
 John Costigan : — 
 
 " VVhcreas, a call has been issued for a Convention of Irishmen, to l)e held in the 
 city of Dublin on the 1st of September, for the purpose of uniting the Irish people the 
 world over in the cause of Home Rule for Ireland. We, the members of the St. 
 Patrick's Society of Cornwall, being desirous of placing before the ttssemblea delegates 
 our firm belief in the principle of Iloine Kule, and believing that the united .nction of 
 Irishmen, and those of Irish descent, at home and abroad, is neccss.iry to achieve the 
 end for which the Convention is called, we heartily endorse any action taken. Having 
 watched with feelings of pride the rise and progress of the Home Rule Party under 
 thewise and patriotic leadership of the Kite Charles Stewart Parncll, anl noted the 
 success attending their efTorts, and firmly believing that the cause of that success was 
 mainly duo to the firm and united feeling that existed in the ranks of the Irish Parlia- 
 mentary Party, ably assisted by the Irish people, both at home and abroad, therefore, 
 it is with fc'-'lings of regret and humiliation that we notice that division? have arisen 
 since the death of the late lamented Irish lea'!er, and we hail with joy the summons 
 iss\ied for a Convention of the Irish Race throughout the world to formulate a policy 
 whereby the forces of the Home Rule Party can be reunited, and the dissensions that 
 exist be hcale<l ; and we hereby tender our sincere support and influence, both morally 
 and financially, to further the aims of the Convention." 
 
 K. O'CAi.l.Ar.iiAN, President. 
 F. G. O'Hagan, Secretary. 
 
 Message to the Convention from the Irish Home Rulers of Southern Tasmania, 
 assembled in meeting at I loliart, rerpiesting Uev. T. M . O'CalLighan to represent them ; 
 moved by Rev. J. O'Mahony, seconded by Mr. E. Mulcahy, M.H.A., and supported 
 by Rev. P. OReilly :— 
 
 "That this meeting views with sorrow the continued dissens'on in the ranks of 
 the Irish Nationalist Party. That, though we consider it no part ot our duty to dictate 
 to our friends at home the proper course to be followed, in order that this dissension 
 maybe healed,yet, living as we do in a democratic community, we desire to impress upon 
 our delegate, and through him urge upon the Convention that, in our opinion, the 
 majority should rule ; that this is the only way in which the existing breach will be 
 closed, and dissension will in the future be avoided." 
 
 Telegram to John Dillon, M.P., Dublin :— 
 
 " Success Convention ; Irishmen Rockhampton urgently recommend unity— 
 Kei.ly, Gii.lkspie, Wynne." 
 
SECOND DA T—COIfRKSPOXDKXCE. 
 
 259 
 
 P. O. Itnx 419, Pretoria, S.A.R., Qth AhkusI, 1896. 
 
 Jas. F. X. O'BrikV, F.sq., General Secrul.iiy, Iri^h National Cmivcntion, 
 Westminster, S.W., London. 
 
 Dear Sir, — At a nicotinic of Irishmen, held here nn 2lst nil , the resolution, whirli 
 I have much pleasure in cnclosinf; hciewilh, was passed, and I was instriiclcd to send 
 the s,ame to you to l>e read at the National Cimvenlion, which is to be held in Duhlin 
 in the first week in Septcnilier next. It expres-es the sympathy of the Irishmen in 
 this town with the view of the reunion of the Irish Party, and they sincerely trust the 
 purpose for nhich the Convention has been convened will he accomijlished. 
 
 Yours respectfully, 
 
 '* M. C. IlAYl'.s, Hon. Secretary. 
 
 At a meeting of Irishmen held in Pretoria, South African Ucpuhlic, on Tuesday, 
 the 2lst July, 1896, the following resolution was unanimously carjied : — 
 
 "That this meeting of Irishmen assendiled in Pretoria deeply <leplore ilie dissen- 
 sion that still exists among the Iri^h I'aily, and express hope that the coming' National 
 Convention ' will uniie all sections of the Irish representatives, and erase for ever the 
 evil elements of dissension and discord." 
 
 Ai.iri'.dJamf.s Fl.VNN, President. 
 James Paul Gkraciii y, Vice-President. 
 
 Co iimiltee : 
 T. CUNNAMA. IIf.NRY DU.\N. 
 
 T.Geary. J.V. O'Brikn. 
 
 \V. n. Barry. W.Nixon. 
 
 Edward I-'ariuii,. Thomas Lee. 
 W. C. Haves, Hon. Sec. 
 
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 (Seepp 128, L"J«.) 
 
 ItEV. lUCUAUD LY'lTLE 
 <See pp. IK), 301.) 
 
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 DENIS KILBRIDE, M.P. 
 (See pp. 131, 300.) 
 
 GKOKGE J, LYN.SKEY. 
 (See pp, 136, 303.) 
 
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 THIRD DAY— 3U1) SEPTEMBER, 1S96. 
 
 The chair was taken at ii o'clock by lliu chairiiian, the Most Rev. 
 Ur. ()'l)()NNi;i.i,, ISishop of Rai)lioc. 
 
 The Chairman — .Mr. Davitt will read some correspondence. 
 
 Mr. Davht, MA'. — I am re<|uested to announce that the Conven- 
 tion of the Irish National League of dreat liritain will assemble at lo 
 o'clock to-morrow in this hall instead of Saturday, as fust agreed upon. 
 The following cable has been received by his lordship the chairman :— 
 
 " Mosr Rkv. Dk. O'Donnei.i., Cliiiirmaii Irish Convenliun. I Iiujic tliat, in llic 
 interests uf roumlos thou-.uncls of the youiii; people of Irel;iml. llie result of yoiit 
 deliberations may lie unity, cuinplele an.l entire, amnnKst your rarliainenlary repre- 
 sentatives. MlcilAKl. J. IIknrv, Kectoi, Mission of Our Lady of the Rosary for the 
 Protection of Inniii[;iant Girls, New York." 
 
 The following is a telegram from Leeds ; — 
 
 "CitAlUMANt Irish Kach CuNVENnuN, I.jiuster Hall, llunslet Irishmen send 
 greclintjs to bretliren from all parts. Trust result of deliLieralions will restore party 
 unity." 
 
 And the following has been received from Bris'.iane : — 
 
 Brisbane, July 2ist, 1896. 
 The Chairman, Uubi.in Convention. 
 
 Sir,— At a public meetinj; of sympathisers with Home Kule for Ireland, held in 
 this city on the 17th insl., the following resolution and address to the forlhconimi; 
 Convention were unanimously adopted : — 
 
 Resolution.— Proposed by J. Leahy, Esq., M.L.A., seconded by J. T. lieli, 
 Es']., M.L.A., and supported by A. Dawson, Esq., M.L.A., and J. lloolan, 
 Esq., M.L..\. :— 
 
 " That this meeting approves of the holding of the foithcoming Conventional 
 Dublin for the purpose of uniting the ranks o( the Irish Home Rtile Party, and 
 exjiresses the hope that, since disunion in its ranks must retard the realisiition of self- 
 government for Ireland, every effort will be made by all members of the Party lo 
 promote united action in support of the great principle." 
 
 Address.— Adoption moved by C. P. Fitzgerald, Es(]., M.L.-'V., seconded by 
 E. J. Sydes, Esq., M.A., LL.P. :— 
 
 Wc have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of an invitation to send a dele- 
 gate from the Queensland supporters of Home Rule for Ireland to the Convention 
 assembled for the purpose of restoring unity amongst its supporters in Ireland, and 
 beg to thank you for the high privilege thus conferred on us. We tender our con- 
 gratulations on the occasion of the meeting of such an important assemblage of the 
 supporters of Home Ride from the different portions of the Kmiiire, and sincerely 
 hope that its deliberations will ensue in the achievement of the great purpose for 
 which it has been called. It appears to us that under the most favourable conditions 
 Home Rule will not be granted by the Imperial Parliament while disunion exists 
 amongst Home Rulers themselves, and we are strongly of opinion that such disunion 
 is disastrous to the cause. Suc'.i opinion being substantially sound, it follows that the 
 necessity of union amongst its supporters in Parliament is a question of paramount 
 
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 IRISH HACK CUNVENriON. 
 
 iinpcmancc. It follows alsollial every interest ami ilitfcrcnce of opinion, no matlei 
 liy «lml p.irly il may Iw entertained, should \y.' suliorilinated to the iiritnary necessity 
 of rtstoiinH union aimmi^st its supporteis in Ireland, ami in I'arlianientaiy action as 
 an umlividtil bwly. On lielialf of the (,luc(.n>land supporters of Home Rule we 
 pU'd(;e aj;.iin our assislance to the caiisr, and to the Irish rarliamentary I'urty tu 
 «honi its couilutt liai been cntru ted hy the voice of the Irish people. 
 
 Thomas J. Hvknk, Chairman, 
 
 Attorney-General for (Queensland. 
 
 The Chairman — Gentlemen, a notice appeared on the agenda paper 
 of a resolution dealing with the custody and trusteeship of funds. That 
 resolution lias been withdrawn. But I have I)ccn told by leatling 
 members of the party that they looked forward to the discussion of that 
 resolution as an op[)ortiinity of explaining to the Convention their views 
 and principles in regard to these funds. Hence, later on in the course 
 of the debate, a leading member of the party will state to the Conven- 
 tion why it is the view of the party that tl e party should be the trustees, 
 tliat the party itself should have the custody of the party funds. Dean 
 Harris has a few woids to say to you. 
 
 Very Rev. Dean Harris, St. Catherine's, Ottawa — My lord bishop 
 and gentlemen, it is exceedingly courteous and kind of the distinguished 
 and most rev. chairman to permit me to address you for a moment on 
 behalf of a member of our delegation, who has been, not by insinuation 
 but by interrogation, foully aspersed, I am sorry to say for the honour 
 of the Press of Dublin, in one of the newspapers. This gentleman 
 has brouc;ht his charming wife with him from Ottawa over here to 
 attend this Convention, and the first reception he met with was that he 
 was the companion and consort of Le Caron, the British spy. Gentle- 
 men, this is not fair. This is not generous, this is not honourable, and, 
 ladies, this is not Irish. Let me add that, as to the gentleman whom I 
 will call upon this platform, there does not walk on the acreage of 
 the Dominion of Canada a man more respected, a man who for the 
 unparalleled series oi thirty-three years sat on the Aldermanic Board of 
 the Corporation of Ottawa. More than that, which will appeal more 
 strongly to your manhood, a man who, when the cholera ravaged the 
 streets and houses of Ottawa among the Irish emigrants, took off his 
 coat and carried the coffins on his back at night and laid them in conse- 
 crated ground — a man who nursed the patients, stood by them, soothed 
 them, bending over the sick, when, mad with the instinct of self- 
 preservation, the friend deserted the friend and the brother turned away 
 from the sister in the agony of self-preservation. This is the good man 
 who, for his good deeds, his charitable deeds, has built up for himself 
 a monument in the hearts of the people of Canada, that in Dublin, by 
 one newspaper, was stigmatised as a spy of the English Government and 
 a friend of Le Caron. A man who was honoured and decorated and 
 knighted by his Holiness the Pope, not as a reward for military renown 
 or prowess, not for distinguished literary achievement, but for the great 
 and permanent qualification that he was an honest man. John Heney, 
 stand up. 
 
 Chevalier Heney (Ottawa) came forward, and was greeted with pro- 
 longed cheers. 
 
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 THIRD DAY—RKV'. DNAN HARRn^. 
 
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 Very Rev. Dean Harris — This is a man who has the proud hoast 
 that he has in his employment 150 Irishmen, and to minimise tiie 
 importance of this veneraliie patriarch this newspaper, by interrogation 
 — for it had not tiie manhness to say it straight, or Mr. Ilcney would 
 proceed against it at the cost of a iiundrcd thousand dollars— but by 
 interrogation it suggested that this man was a friend of Le Caron, the 
 British spy.* 
 
 * On Friday, Augu.st 2S1I1, Mr. John Rolinnii.l's oigiui, llio Ms/i Daily 
 
 Independent, wound up a long article of attack on the American delegates to the Iiish 
 
 Race Convention l>y the expression of 
 
 " The hope that if the delegate described as ' (Chevalier ' Honey is the '.amc 
 who in company with the infamous M.ijor Le Caron attended a certain meeting 
 of Irish extremists as far back as l866, that the fact will lie duly notified. We 
 have no desire to pry too closely into the antecedents of anyone who comes a 
 long distance to attend the forthcoming funeral of Mr. John Uilhm's reputation ; 
 Imt in the interests of the public it may be well to know who exactly some of the 
 delegates at large are when they are at home and abroad." 
 The p.ipcr in which this vile and utterly false insinuation w.is made ag.iinst this 
 
 veteran Irish patriot of stainless character was for some d.iys kept from his knowledge, 
 
 and the knowledge of his wile who acconi|ianied him to Ireland, liut at last a niiirkdl 
 
 copy reached him through the post, and the insinuation is here repelled by Kev. De.m 
 
 Harris and Chevalier lleney himself. 
 
 Next day, 4th Seplemlier, the following ripoits of Very Rev. Dean Harris' and 
 
 Chevalier Heney's S|X'eches appeared in the liidel'ciuUnt ; but, so far as can in: found 
 
 no apology whatever has been given ; — 
 
 " Dean Harris, Toronto, complained of a statement made in one of the 
 papers that Mr. John Heney, one of the most honest Irishmen in Can.ida, who 
 had spent the greater part o( seventy-four years of life in serving Ireland, had 
 been the companion and consort ol Le Caron the liritish spy. This was not 
 fair, honourable, or Irish. 
 
 " Mr. lleney, the gentleman referred to, said that he alwayr, help.d the IriA 
 movement in Canada. If it were for nothing else but the Chairman's address 
 he would go home satisfied. The paper that had made the statement complained 
 of had not the manhood to come out next day and state they believed it was not 
 true. Continuing, Mr. Heney mentioned that he was born, not in (,'ork, but 
 in Killeshandro, Co. Cavan. His wife was born at Lisnaskea. Her father was 
 a M'Manus, and her mother an O'Connor, and that was not bad breeding stuff." 
 The fact of the charge was cabled to Canada, and naturally laused the greatest 
 
 excitement especially in Ottawa, where Chevalier Heney is universally res()ected. 
 
 There was a constant interchange of cablegrams on the 3rd Septemlier between Ottawa 
 
 and the American delegation. 
 
 The Hon. John Costigan received the following cablegram : — 
 
 "Costigan, Shelbourne, Dublin. — Papers report Heney charged associate 
 Le Caron, Harris de ending him. If true, intense indignation here.— AuAMS, 
 Walsh." 
 
 The signatures affixed to this cablegram were those of Hon. Michael .\dams. 
 Senator, and another equally respected resident of Ottaw.i. A reply was forwarded 
 calculated a.? far as possible to allay public indignation, liut other cablegrams 
 were received, amongst them two from the Rev. Father Whelan, of St. Patrick's, 
 Ottawa, than whom no priest is better known or more loved — 
 
 "Ottawa, Ontario, 5.14 p.m. 
 "To Costigan, Delegate, Dublin. — Inquire attack Heney, suspicions. — Rev, 
 Father Whblan." 
 
 And later : — 
 
 " Ottawa, 9.3s p.m. 
 "To Heney, Dublin. — Unearth author. — Whei.an." 
 Chevalier Heney has since, ive are informed, been unable to obtain audience, 
 retractation,or apology. 
 
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 Chevalier Henky, Ottawa — {icntlemen, I am only just going to 
 say one word. I am a workingnian, and not a speaker. I came here 
 with tiic one word — to try if possible to tiirow oil over the disturiied 
 waters. That is my mission here to-day. I did take an active part in 
 the affairs in Canada, and was an alderman of the ciiy, and the city grew 
 up with me. I behcve I am the oldest delegate who came ai ross the 
 sea. I am seventy-six )ears of age, and still an active nian. My lord, 
 1 am pleased with my visit, if it were only to have heard your lordshiij's 
 splendid opening adilress. You, gentlemen, whom I see before me on 
 these chairs, are the men who rule Ireland. It is for you to send your 
 representatives into Parliament. They will do your honest work. It is 
 you who can make your members tremble. When you go back to your 
 districts, club together, and never forget this meeting. Let your mem- 
 bers be honest and true to you, and we will be true to you. I left these 
 shores fifty-three years ago a \wor, naked lad, without a dollar in my 
 pocket, and since then I put thousands and thousands of dollars through 
 my hands, and I never closed my hand to tiie emigrant, and never will. 
 I came not from Cork, but from county I'avan, half-a-mile from Kille- 
 shandra, where I was born seventy-six years ago. As an humble man 
 amongst you here, I hoi)e that good will come from our mission amongst 
 you, and the message I have received to convey to you is : " For God's 
 sake, do something to reconcile our people, and we will be delighted." 
 Since I have landed I have done all in my power to do this. I am 
 accompanied by my wife, and I may tell you that her father was a 
 M'Manus and her mother an O'Connor, and that was not bad breeding. 
 I do not wish to keep up this any longer. I have been, I think, intruding 
 on this meeting, and I will resume my seat. 
 
 Very Rev. Canon M'Cartan, Donaghmore — My lord and rev. 
 fathers and ladies and gentlemen, my first impulse in addressing you is 
 to express my own and, I am sure, your great pleasure at seeing a digni- 
 tary of the Church occupying the position in whicii Dr. O'Donnell now 
 is. I think it is a happy omen that we are assembled here under the 
 blessing of Leo XIIL, and had our proceedings conducted orderly, 
 wisely, and with dignity by a venerable Bishop of the Irish Ciiurch. I 
 think, moreover, that he is exactly in the right place, because, ladies and 
 gentlemen, our poor country has been very much lately distracted. 
 Differenies have arisen, giving rise to uncharitableness. I'riesls and 
 people have been divided, and it is now high time that the episcopal 
 body should take charge of a rather disorganised Hock But it has come 
 to this ; and the time is now when I believe action such as this must be 
 taken in the interest of good order and in the interest of religion. 
 Having said so much, I wish to say a word with regard to the honour- 
 able and right hon. gentlemen that I see around me from foreign parts. 
 I hope and trust in God that they will not consider these as])ersions 
 which have been cast upon them by a miserable Press — that they will 
 not take them as an expression of the opinion of ninety-nine per cent. 
 of the people of Ireland. It is a sad commentary on the exigencies of 
 faction and parties that men can so far forget themselves as to speak of 
 men who to-day appear in Ireland as nobodies — I did not read their 
 paper to-day — and to describe them as spies and informers. There are 
 two gentlemen connected with that paper, and I think it is due from 
 
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 lUlf^n RACE COXVKNTIOy. 
 
 them, if tlicy have any 8elfrcspcct, if they have any gratiimle, if they 
 ever expect to look an lioncst man in I he face, it i» their duty to repu- 
 diate tlicse charges. 'I'here are somo ot those men who went abroad to 
 collect money, and only lor sim h ncnllcniun as we liavu here Ironi foreign 
 pans, they would have to pawn their watches ni order to get hack to 
 Jrelind. I speak, however, now as a (.'atholii: priest, and I say it is sad 
 tothnik of it. 1 remeinher in '79 and '80 the Lite lamented Archbishop, 
 Dr. M'dettij^an, came to the Conlerence, his pockets lined with money 
 sent Ironi America, to do what he liked with lor the people of Ireland 
 who were poor. He was enabled to give checjucs for ^"50 and jC^o° 
 to distribute amongst the jwor people. 
 
 Here to-day we have men from all quarters — from America, Canada, 
 and other places — all branded as " nobodies " or traitors. Gentlemen 
 frcmi foreign paits, I beg to assure you that it is an honour conferred 
 upon you today, becau-.e the man is not worth his salt to-;lay in Irt;land 
 who does not receive attention from the same quarters that you have 
 received it. Well, now, t;enilemen, having said so much — and being 
 the first priest that spoke after Dean Harris, I could not say less — 1 now 
 turn to the thiril resolution. 1 will not read it. The pith of it is that 
 as England has wrongfully, by coercion and against the people's will, 
 governed Ireland, it is the hounden duty of the Irish Party to continue 
 and maintain their independence of Knglish political pariies, and thus 
 preserve its freedom to give an indepenuent opposition or independent 
 support to any party as may seem best to the interests of the National 
 cause. Now, gentlemen, the success of this Convention will flepend 
 upon the jjractical results ; and I say the first resolution — I was sorry I 
 was absent from the statement the chairman made upon some little 
 points in connection with the resolution, but it is left to the Irish Party, 
 in their solicitude lor the welfare of the National cause, to take such 
 measures as are possible to our cause in the promotion of unity. I pass 
 that by, and pass to the subject of unity. It is a waste of time discuss- 
 ing it. It has been thrashed out. Without unity there is disorganisation. 
 In the Church to which I belong we have infallibility. It is the power 
 that keeps us right in the ecclesiastical and spiritual order. If you go 
 outside of that, and treat of human affairs, there is no way devised by 
 the ingenuity of man by which order or unity will be preserved exce|)t 
 by majority rule. By majorities, Poor Law Guardians, Town Council- 
 lors, Parliament itself — even the bishops, when they meet, decide on 
 questions by majority. If you don't admit the principle of abiding by 
 the decision of the majority, you have nothing but political heresy. 
 
 Now, gentlemen, 1 am delighted that we have got this resolution, 
 and I am particularly delighted that I have got it myself. I believe, by 
 establishing the principle of independent opposition, and no English 
 alliance, we have ipade a platform broad enough for every honest 
 Nationalist to take his stand upon. The policy of the future, as of the 
 past, the successful policy now, as in days gone by, is the policy of no 
 English alliance and independent opposition. That is the policy, 
 gentlemen, that secured any lights that Ireland ever gained. Lately, 
 perhaps, we may have trusted too much in English alliances. It is 
 upon our own strength and upon our own selves we must rely. Grattan 
 was not with the Whigs in 1782 when he got an Irish Nationalist Parlia- 
 
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Tnini) DAY CASUS M-CARTAS. 
 
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 mcnt. Jolin Kcogh nn<l Wolfe Tone were not with the Tories wlicn wo 
 got ihc Fninciiise Act. There was no nllinni-c in 1829, when I).micl 
 O'C'onnull v/riing from an nnwillin^ (lovcrnnR-nt, an unwilling House of 
 Lords, and an unwilling King, Catholic ICnianc ipation. There w.is no 
 Knfiiisli alliance in i.S6y, when the (."hurcli was disostahlished, or when 
 the I,and Hill of 1870 war, passed ; there was no alliance when I'arnell, 
 leading a united ixnijle, placed the Land Art of 1881 on the St:itiile 
 Hook; and, aliove all, there was no alliance in 1885, when (lladstutie 
 was converted to Home Rule. Kn^land, ladies and gentkincn, will 
 only yield to pressure, and that pressure must he applied at a long 
 range ; it is d.ingeroiis to get into close (|uarteis with it, for if they 
 stroke down your back "yonr integrity will he sappctl." Our men must 
 keep away from them ; they must adopt I'arnell's rule. A gre.it iMiglish 
 statesman having been asked in what he considered Parnell's strength 
 princip.illy lay, said it was in aloofness— it was in keeping away from 
 them all, When he came down to the House they didn't know how, 
 or when, or where he might strike them, and they were always watching 
 what he was going to do. The Irish jieoplc want no union with any 
 ICnglish party, but they want the union of the entire Irish nation against 
 every Knghsh parly. We want a clear, defiiiite i)oIicy, as declareil here 
 to-ilay, and that policy shall be independent oi)position and no Knglish 
 alliance. Will Mr. lU^aly refuse to join a party pledged to independent 
 opposition and no English alliance ? Will Mr. Redmond refuse to join 
 a party jileilged to independent opposition and no English alliance? 
 What excuse have they now when the mandate of this Convention 
 to the Irish Parly is that they are to have inde|)(;ndent opposition 
 and no English alliance except on well defined lines which I will 
 state afterwards ? The time will come again when some English 
 party will take up the (jueslion of Home Rule. We will force 
 them to do it, and when that time comes we will give them every 
 support. Hut we won't give them support of such a nature as to give 
 over ourselves soul and body to them. We are not going to aid them 
 in passing English measures to which we might conscientiously object. 
 They must consult us about the measures they are going to bring in as 
 well as we must consult them. We must not, in order to please the Non- 
 conformist conscience or those Welsh reformers, bind ouselves now and 
 say, " If you give us a vote lor Home Rule, in which you believe, we 
 therefore, will vote for you for measures in which we do not believe." 
 There must be an honourable alliance. It must not be a thickaiid- 
 thin alliance, but it must be an alliance of self-respecting men for a 
 defined purpose, and that we arc prepared to make. The Irish 
 members want to be the friends of England, but will never be their slaves. 
 We can never get anything by truckling to England. We got a Home 
 Rule Bill passe 1 through the House of Commons because we compelled 
 it, and we will only succeed by putting them in a tight place and keeping 
 them in it. Home Rule was taken up by the Liberal Party. Why ? 
 Because Ireland was ungovernable. It was a policy of defiance, 
 and not a policy of alliance, that obliged them to take up the Home 
 Rule question, and obliged Gladstone to take it up, and drag the 
 majority of the Liberals after him. There is need of a little caution, 
 and there is need of great circumspection on the part of our members, 
 
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 IPISH RACE CONVENTION. 
 
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 because I can tell you this, that the English Liberals — the vast majority 
 of the English Liberals — would drop Horie Rule to-morrow if they 
 would dare. They would rather draj out before you the abolition of the 
 House of Lords, which is, perhaps, a question of half a century hence. 
 'I'hey would rather dangle that before you, and at the same time not 
 honestly agitate for it themselves. You got such measures as Catholic 
 Emancijjation, although the House ot Lords existed. If the Knglish 
 peoiile want the House of Lords abolished, and if they consider that is 
 the only means by which you may win Home Rule, then let them make 
 E'lgland, Scotland and Wales too hot for the House of Lords. But 
 whether they do that or not we will get Home Rule, because we will 
 force it from one or the other party. I say, then, liiat as a rule those 
 English Liberals are not our friends (Hear, hear, and cries of " No, 
 no,"). It may be that there is a brother of Harcourt here. I am going 
 to ask yj» was Harcourt an enthusiastic Home Ruler ? Is Henry 
 Fowler a enthusiastic Home Ruler ? (Cries of ''Yes " and " No.") 
 
 I'he Chairman — I would suggest that interrogation and answer do 
 not suit the deliberations of this assembly. 
 
 Canon M'Cartan — Is Asquith a Home Puler? 
 The Chairman — I must persist in the ruling that interrogation and 
 answer do not suit our deliberations. 
 
 Canon M'Cartan— That gentleman when he was Home Secretary 
 left our poor prisoners in jail against the wishes of Ireland until a Tory 
 Government had to release them, and then they were ready for the 
 grave or the lunatic asyluni. I give Mr. Morlay credit for being an 
 honest Home Ruler, but Mr. Morley, unfortunately for us, has been 
 looking rather to the Noiuonformist conscience of England than 
 to the wants of Catholic Ireland. Gentlemen, I need go over no more 
 names. I see it would only give rise to discussion. We must have a 
 great many Englishmen in this assembly. I do not want to offend tne 
 admirers of those Englishmen. I wish in conclusion to say to you all here, 
 and to the members of Parliam'^nt, that it is with a view to strengthen 
 their hands, to assist them to keep a stiff upper lip and a stout under 
 jaw, to meet those fellows that we wish to give them a mandate from this 
 Convention, and that mandate would be that it is our wish except for 
 a well defined purpose and upon honourable terms that they are to make 
 iiu alliance with any English Party, 
 
 Mr. Hugh Murphy, Home Government Branch, Glasgow — My 
 lord and fellow-delegates, before supporting the resolution, you may 
 allow me briefly to refer to a paragraph which appeared in the London 
 Letter of yesterday's Independent. Gentlemen, I wish to point out what 
 the Independent is foisting upon its readers at the present time. Yester- 
 day it stated that the Home Government Branch, Glasgow, sent fourteen 
 delegates to this Convention, and that there were only eight of its 
 members left in Glasgow. I may state that we have sent fourteen 
 delegates, and that in addition to that we have supplied other branches 
 with ten delegates, and that we have fifteen members sitting in the 
 gallery as visitors, making in all thirty-nine. As a matter of fact that 
 thirty-nine would not be missed from the meeting on Sunday. We 
 would still have as many leftas there are Parneliitesin GreatBritain. I may 
 further remind the Independent that one of our delegates is a Parnellite, 
 
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 IRISH RACE COyVENTION. 
 
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 but I would be more correct perhaps by saying he was a Parnellile 
 before he came to this Convention, and in the whole of Glasgow they 
 could not find a correspondent to supply them with information, and 
 they had to have recourse to the Home Government Branch to get its 
 secretary to he their Glasgow correspondent. Now, in supporting this 
 resolution, I think we should make it abundantly clear before leaving 
 this Convention what our intentions are for the future. We agree that 
 there should be unity, and we also agree that there should be discipline. 
 Some of ou: friends remarked before this Convention that Mr. John 
 Dillon was simply the chairman of the majority of the Irish Parlia- 
 mentary Party. I think, however, after the speech which Mr. Dillon 
 delivered yesterday, when the Convention is over Mr. John Dillon will 
 be leader of the Irish race at home and abroad. For six or seven years 
 we nave been supporting the majority of the Irish Parliamentary Party. 
 We do not desire this to continue. From this time forward we say 
 to Mr. John Dillon " We are not going to support the majority any 
 longer ; we are going to support the entire Parliamentary Party ; " and 
 we tell Mr. John Dillon that he must insist on that party on the minority 
 abiding by the decision of the majority. In connection wiih the 
 alliance spoken of by Canon M'Cartan— the alliance with the English 
 Liberals — we are told that Mr. Redmond represented independent 
 opposition. I have simply to point out that the alliance with British 
 Liberals was formed not when Mr. Dillon was leader of the Irish 
 Parliamentary Party but when Mr. Parnell was. I will simply say that 
 from this time forward it will be our bounden duty to unite as one man 
 in Great Britain, in America, and Australia, and we will send money and 
 support to the Irish Parliamentary Party, and in return we ask Mr. 
 Dillon to see that the members agree among themselves, or else clear 
 out of the Party. 
 
 Mr. Thomas Loughlin, Bradford— Most rev. president, I heard 
 some remarks of the Very Rev. Canon M'Cartan with the deepest pain. 
 If I believed that we could win Home Rule for Ireland without convert- 
 ing some English party to the desirability of Home Rule, I, with some 
 fellow-workers in Great Britain, would not look for their assistance for 
 one moment. But the late Charles Stewart Parnell, after leading his 
 party through splendid fights against both Whig and Tory, had to enter 
 into an alliance with the Democratic Party in Great Britain, and that 
 Democratic Party shed their aristocrats and became a democratic work- 
 ingman's party. They lost the Devonshires and the other great titled 
 men, and they brought in a splendid Home Rule Bill in the words of 
 Mr. Parnell, spoken, too, on many of the platforms in Great Britain. 
 They fought in the House of Commons, and when the fight was over 
 there they went to the country, and for a time after Home Rule ^-s 
 defeated we, the Irish in England, worked in the fight, canvassing Eng. h- 
 men and Scotchmen and Welshmen, and made friends, who are still true 
 friends to us and Home Rule to-day. At that time the Tory policy was 
 perpetual coercion for Ireland, and we supported the Home Rule party 
 against the policy of coercion of the government that followed. When 
 the Liberals returned to power, with a small majority indeed, they had 
 some parties in their country to conciliate, and had to show to the work- 
 ingmen that they intended to do some good for them, and in the midst 
 
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 V 
 
 THIRD DAY— REV. P. J. O'DONNELL. 
 
 -'7' 
 
 of that they passed a Home Rule Bill through the House of Commons, 
 and it was agamst the Hou=e of Lords that rejected it that we fought at 
 the Inst general election in Great Britain. The result of that election 
 was, that, owing to our divisions, a Tory majority was returned. Now, 
 I don't say that every man in the present Liberal Party is sound, hut I 
 am profoundly and firmly convinced that the vast majority of tiie Jjltural 
 Party are sound to the core, and that Home Rule is still a plank in the 
 Liberal programme, and so long as it so remains you are bound to sup- 
 port the Liberal Party. 
 
 The Chairman — Canon M'Cartan wishes to say a word in explana- 
 tion of his views on the Home Rule alliance. 
 
 Canon M'Cartan — I am sorry the last speaker has entirely mis- 
 understood me. My contention was that until you convert some of tlie 
 great English parties to take up the Home Rule question that you will 
 fight them to death until you force that upon them. Once they take it 
 up, then, you are at liberty to form an honourable alliance, not as I said 
 before, an alliance of slaves, but an honourable alliance. 
 
 Mr. Davitt — There never has been any alliance of slaves. 
 
 Canon M'Cartan — Mr. Davitt says there never was an alliance of 
 slaves, but if Mr. Sexton and other members of the House of Commons 
 had yielded occasionally to the threats of John Morley, that he would 
 re'"ign if they did not do so and so, that would have been an alliance of 
 slaves. All I want is that we shall get a quid pro quo that will bo honour- 
 able on all sides, and as long as they ate loyal to us we will be loyal 
 to them, and if we want them to be loyal we must make them so.* 
 
 Rev. P. J. O'DoNNELL, St. Mary's, Montreal — It is not for me to 
 say much at this moment. I came with my fellow-delegates from 
 Canada with a message, and, the message being identical, it was 
 delivered in the beginning of this august assembly. It was a message of 
 good-will, a message of peace, and a request that unity should exist for 
 the purpose of carrying out and obtaining the grand result — the success 
 of the sacred cause for which we have all struggled so long. The desire 
 of the Irishmen of Montreal is this — that the cause should be pursued 
 and the goal reached as soon as possible. But, as in other parts of the 
 world, a spirit of depondency has for the last couple of years entered 
 into their hearts. I am delighted to be here on this memorable occasion. 
 A great many of my fellow-countrymen in honour of the cause 1 repre- 
 sented saw me on board my train, and one enthusiastic and patriotic 
 gentleman wished moreover that the carriage should carry the Irish flag. 
 This sentiment did not prevail. But this was decided — " No," they said, 
 " wait until he returns." Now, gentlemen, having sat at the deliberations 
 cf thfs assembly, having witnessed the spirit which has animated the 
 thousands present, I desire to say that I can bring back a message of 
 
 * Canon M'Cartan, in a letter to '.he Press, makes a correction which hak been 
 embodied in above. He says further : — " My whole ailment was that on the Home 
 Rule -!>ll, as on the English Education Bill, the Liberals were trying to coerce or 
 bully our Irish members, who went straight and maintained their independence ; and 
 I wanted to strengthen iheir hands by showing those English leaders, and the Price 
 Hugheses and the English and Welsh Nonconformist'!, that our Convention was at 
 their back in their present line of policy of independence, and of setting at defiance the 
 threats of any English party." 
 
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 JPTSn RACE CONVENTION. 
 
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 hope, and can say that you are determined to stand togetlier shoulder to 
 shoulder at any sacrifice. I can say to the people of Montreal, to the 
 Irishmen of the Dominion of Canada, that they may not now be 
 ashamc to unfurl the green banner of Erin. We have heard a noble 
 utterance from the great and distinguished prelate who presides so ably, 
 and in the spirit of that address I think we may hope, by this Convention, 
 to lay down the foundation deep and broad and solid enough to carry an 
 edifice that will be a monument not only to ourselves, but for genera- 
 tions yet to come, that from this platform we may secure the desire of the 
 Irish race throughout the world — Home Rule for Ireland. I think this 
 will be the result of the deliberations of this assembly, and when we go 
 home to the different parts of the world from whence wc came I think 
 we can encourage our people. I think I can ask them to unfurl the 
 green flag, and not only to do that, but to put their hands deep into their 
 pockets, and, each according to his means, give something that will not 
 only stimulate the cause but help it along until victory is won. I have 
 not the honour of having been born in Ireland, but my sentiments are 
 the same. My love for Ireland is the same. Little over forty years ago 
 my parents left their home in the land that has given to this assemblage 
 the distinguished prelate whose name I bear. In conclusion, I thank 
 you for your reception, and I feel assured and convinced that the results 
 of the Convention will be all that you desire, and what all the people 
 wc represent desire to obtain. 
 
 'I'he Chairman — I have been asked from many quarters to put on 
 a time limit, but as an amendment is to be proposed to this resolution 
 by Mr. Fitzgerald, of London, and as it deals with a matter of great 
 public moment, I think it is well you should hear at some length Irish 
 speakers who live ' Ireland in reference to the resolution. I call on 
 Mr. Joseph Devlin, Belfast. 
 
 Mr. Joseph Devlin, Belfast — My lord bishop, rev. fathers, and 
 fellow-countrymen,, my only claim to address this magnificent assembly 
 of the Irish race at home and abroad is the fact that I am, perhaps, the 
 humblest of the delegation that has come from a city in this country 
 which, during the past five years, has thrown no chip upon the fires of 
 faction. We learned from Mr. Parnell (applause), when the Party 
 existed in all its power and strength, the power and potency of a dis- 
 ciplined Irish Party and a united Irish people, and when the unfortunate 
 divisions arising out of the Parnellite split took ^lace, we learned from 
 Mr. Healy the doctrine of majority rule. But we are faithful to-day, as 
 this Convention proves to be, to the doctrines laid down by Parnell and 
 Healy before the unfortunate divisions that exist at present commenced. 
 Our position in the capital of Ulster is this. There is an ^rish Parlia- 
 mentary Party. That Irish Parliamentary Party in a constitutional 
 fashion meets in conclave ; it arrives at a deliberate decision. Whether 
 that decision is right or wrong, it is the duty of every man to obey it. 
 And we not only declare our belief in the principle of majority rule, but 
 once a legitimate majority expresses its view, our position is this — that 
 we will back up the majority by substantial public support. I say to 
 this Convention to-day that the support of the majority should not be a 
 laggard support ; it is not the way to stamp out faction by standing aside 
 and leaving your leaders to fight an unequal battle, If you believe in 
 
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 TTITRD BAY— no S. JOHN COST WAX. 
 
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 273 
 
 the spirit and the letter of lue pledge, you must stamp out faction, and 
 you can do it best by supporting the majority. The best way in wliich 
 you can support the majority — the best way in which you can stamp 
 out the minority of mutineers — is by being generous and just in your 
 help and in your spontaneous assistance to that party. We have heard 
 that the divisions in the Irish ranks are merely internal divisions upon 
 questions of party government ; but if you look back to the time when 
 these divisions arose in the ranks, they did arise out of the question of 
 party government. But a few days ago, in consequence of the stretch 
 of this question, you had certain men — pledged to sit, act, and vote 
 with the Party — going into a different lobby in the House of Commons 
 before the enemies of our race. You had the leader, duly elected— the 
 leader of the people — publicly insulted in the House of Commons. You 
 had the cause of Ireland degraded and lowered in the minds of her 
 enemies, and had torture brought to the heart of every friend of Ireland. 
 If so, the position ic this : — If the people of Ireland declare to-day, as 
 they have, and as they did in the past, that majority rule must prevail, 
 the constitutional government of our movement must succeed. The 
 way lo do it is not by passing resolutions, but by spreading the branches 
 of the organisation — the only legitimate organisation of the country — 
 and by every man of means giving his help when he can to aid the 
 Patty in their difficult work. When the cry went out, " Starve out the 
 Irish Party," Belfast commenced by trebling its subscriptions. That is 
 the spirit which should actuate every man in this Convention. Our 
 Convention has been a glorious success. It has been presided over, I 
 am proud to say, by an illustrious Ulsterman. It it a great credit to 
 our Church and the position we have taken up, and it is a gre.at glory to 
 the National cause, that we have a man like him at our head. We will 
 go forward again with gladdened hearts, longing for the time when we 
 can make another strong appeal together, and hopeful for the day when, 
 marching as one man, we place ourselves behind our leaders in their 
 march to victory. 
 
 The Hon. John Costigan, Ottawa — My lord, ladies and gentle- 
 men, I feel it a great honour indeed, that is conferred upon me, 
 and upon tlie Irishmen of the city of Ottawa especially, and that 
 was endorsed by the Irishmen of Canada, that I was selected 
 to come with a message of peace, a message of sympathy, a 
 message of hope and confidence in the future in the attainment 
 of the object which is dear to every Irishman at home and 
 abroad. I feel that honour and realise it more since I came here. I 
 feel proud, not as an Irishman, because unfortunately I cannot claim 
 that I am an Irishman, but you would never make me say that I am 
 not an Irishman. I am the descendant of Irish parents. They were 
 always identified with the cause with which my deepest sympathies are 
 enlisted now, and though I have not the honour of being an Irishman 
 born in Ireland, I belong to a class all over the world that are the 
 strongest friends of Ireland in the movement that you advocate to day. 
 Yes, I feel proud of being here to-day, proud of having the honour of 
 addressing this vast audience through you, my lord, who have opened 
 the business of this Convention in an address that has challenged the 
 admiration of every intelligent man. We who come from abroad had 
 
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 THIRD DAY— HON. JOHN COSTKIAX. 
 
 -75 
 
 /. 
 
 some difficulties when wc reached here. We do unfortunately see 
 dissension and disunion in the Irish ranks and among the Irish people. 
 We had the privilege of educating ourselves througli the I'ress of the 
 country, through the leading I'ress of this great city ; but the ediuMtloii 
 was unsafe and unreliable. .And though it is supposed and charged 
 against us who came from abroad that though delegate after dek^aie 
 has on this ])latform and in the interviews which have taken place with 
 representatives of the Press of the country; declare that the delegates 
 came free and independent and unjiledged to any particular paity, and 
 came as bearers of a message of conlidencc - they still ])ublish all sons 
 of slanders against the delegates ; and, gentlemen, if to be an Irishnvin 
 instead of the descendant of an Irishman — if the qualification to make 
 me an Irishman was the a(loi)tion of a policy like that, then I would say, 
 "Thank God, I am the descendant of an Irishman." Sir, as a matte r 
 of courtesy, as a matter of cold policy, the reception given to the 
 delegates from abroad was coarse and brutal to men who came across 
 the ocean, not as tourists, but who left their business and came here as 
 intelligent men to stand with you, and to express sympathy, and to give 
 you the assurance that in a grand patriotic movement you may count 
 upon the strong symi)atliy of your fellow-countrymen and their descend- 
 ants. I have another complaint to make against the gentlemen who 
 inspire, or are supposed to inspire, these articles. 
 
 We are told the delegation from abroad will be here, and will be 
 misled ; we will be fooled by the speeches of Mr. Dillon, by Mr. 
 O'Connor, or Mr. Blake, and other prominent gentlemen I am proud to 
 see on this platform to-day. Well, sir, I followed the history of this 
 Convention as closely as I have been able to follow it, and I fmd that 
 those gentlemen who make that statement seem to have done all in 
 their power to make this grand Convention a failure, though I am glad 
 to t&i, and every Irishman is glad to see, they have utterly failed in 
 their eflforts. Why are not these gentlemen, professing to be Irishmen, 
 why are they not here to-day ? Why are they not here today to save us 
 from being misled by seeing that the question was fairly put and fairly 
 discussed ? We are told, and you know that, through the Press, we are 
 told that this Convention represents nobody, that it does not represent 
 the Irish people, that it does not represent the friends of Home Rule in 
 Canada or in the United States. Well, to my mind, my lord and 
 gentlemen, I believe honestly and sincerely that it would be difificult to 
 gather in the city of Dublin a more representative and intelligent 
 representation of the Irish cause than I see before me here to-day. 
 
 I know that time is passing, and I know how valuable that time is. 
 I will not trespass much longer upon the patience of the Convention. 
 I have delivered my message, and I exriect to take back a message- 
 You need not instruct me ; I will draw my own conclusions. I will go 
 back to my people in Canada, and 1 will tell ihem how \ '•oud I was to 
 stand upon this platform. If they ask me if the breach « healed and 
 union comjplete I will say I regret that I cannot go that far ; but I will 
 say this, that standing upon this platform and looking at that vast audi- 
 ence of representative men from England, Ireland, and Scotland, the 
 United States, and our own delegates from Canada and from the distant 
 colonies already named, I had no doubt that practically speaking union 
 
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 IScS) 
 
 'II 
 
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 :X. 
 
 276 
 
 llUSIl RACE CONVENTION. 
 
 {■ 
 
 i: 
 
 is established in Ireland to-day. And if they ask me for my reasons for 
 coming to that conclusion I have many to f;ivc. Hut the only answer 
 necessary in ("aiiada, and the one that will tell in the United States and 
 the other colonies, will be that when I found as the result of the call for 
 this Convention the success whicii attended it, notwithstanding every 
 effort, lair and unfair, that was made to make it a failure, the response 
 to that call gave evidence to my mind that the call emanated from the 
 proper (juarter. When speaking to my fellow-citizens in Canada I shall 
 say that the movement has the approbation of my old friend, though my 
 political opponent, the Hon. lidward lllake. No further guarantee would 
 be re(|uired in Canada, and if it were 1 would say that I saw around tl r 
 |)latform in front of this movement members of the Irish Parliamentary 
 Party whose names on the Continent of America w'U inspire more con- 
 fidence than the name of any man who is throwing his influence against 
 this Convention. If I mention on any platform on the other side ol the 
 Atlantic the name of that Home Ruler, Michael Davitt, William O'Brien, 
 John Dillon, and that of my old friend whom I am proud to say I met 
 in Canada, Mr, Justin M'Carthy, these names will be the best endorse- 
 ment of the action of this Convention here to-day, and the best justifica- 
 tion for the calling of such a Convention. 
 
 The Convention has been a tremendous success. We who have 
 come from abroad will return, having delivered an humble message to 
 the Irish people ; we will go back and deliver a message in return to 
 our own people. We will say it may be impossible to bring within the 
 (olds of the great patriotic party all that we would desire to see within 
 it. I am not going to talk about their motives — it is bulticient for me 
 to know that as they are not with this movement they must be against 
 it. They may not come in. I am glad the motion to negotiate with 
 those gentlemen who would not recognise this Convention was not 
 carried. The mover and seconder of that motion seemed to overlook 
 the fact that those gentlemen, having protested from the beginning 
 against the authority of the Convention, there was no guarantee what- 
 ever that they would submit to any action that would be taken by this 
 Convention. I will go back and tell our friends in Canada that the Irish 
 Parliamentary Party are surrounded by representative Irishmen who had 
 the endorsation of the people of Ireland, and of the Irish people of the 
 United States and other countries. I would like to repeat the words of 
 that brilliant young Irishman who spoke before me, and in doing so I 
 would be doing myself credit, and I believe 1 would be expressing the 
 free sentiments of my colleagues. It has been said that if the people of 
 Ireland will not agree to sink their dilTerences and unite that they ought 
 not expect any assistance to be given them by their friends abroad. 
 That is true generally speaking, but if it were to be carried out too 
 rigidly and too strictly it would mean tliat a few individuals would be 
 able to carry on a policy of wreck. We will give the matter a more 
 generous interpretation in Canada. When we see that the Irish people 
 are standing by their leaders and by the Irish Parliamentary Party, and 
 standing by the policy laid down years ago — that the majority must rule, 
 we in Canada, I think I can say that much, will see that you are deserv- 
 ing of support, and it would be impossible for us to come to any other 
 decision. I hear reference made to political parties. We have political 
 
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 Tllllil) DAY MR. I'lTZGKRAU), 
 
 »77 
 
 parties in our own rountry. A descendant of Irishmen as I am in 
 Canada, I may be allowed to sav that wiien Home Rule fame up 1 did 
 not hesitate to join the Home Rule ranks. You may easily underr.tand that 
 that was not at all a popular or fashionable step to take. I am a staunch 
 Conservative in Canada, and on tlie ((uestion of Home Rule, when I 
 came to make up my mind, I said 1 did not see why the people of Ire- 
 land should not enjoy those same blessings of self-government as we 
 enjoyed in Canada. I have no party when I speak of Home Rule. 
 Give us Home Rule and freedom. Let Ireland rule itself, and I care 
 not from wiiom it conies, whether you call them Tories or Wliigs, or 
 anything else. My lord, I thank you most sincerely for the permission 
 to trespass so long upon the patience of the Convention. I look here 
 to-day at this audience and see intelligent faces that I never expect to 
 sec again, and I am afraid that I am right in this opinion, that it will 
 be many a year and many a day until such a re|)resentative gathering of 
 the world over shall appear in Ireland again. Let determination and union, 
 and further and greater effort in the cause of the attainment of Ireland's 
 rights, go on, and if I can reciprocate, unworthily it may be, the words 
 of a reverend clergyman yesterday in reference to the foreign delegates 
 when lie said — "God bless them," and say as an humble s tier, who 
 may appeal to God also, "God bless the people of Ireland and those 
 who figlit her battles." 
 
 The Chairman — Mr. Fitzgerald, of Bermondsey Branch, has a reso- 
 lution to move. I ask him to come to the platform. 
 
 Mr. Fitzgerald, Bermondsey — I was asked when I came here not 
 to be long, and I won't be long, because I am not much of a speaker. 
 I am about to propose an amendment, and it is for this meeting to say 
 whether it will adopt it or not as a representative meeting, which I 
 believe it to be, anything to the contrary notwithstanding, of the Irish 
 race. I won't say a single word about unity, because I conceive that 
 question was settled yesterday. I don't mind what newspapers say, 
 because newspapers write for their readers, and we should not bother 
 about them except in so far as they would create public opinion. Con- 
 sequently our policy should be not to make speeches and round periods, 
 but if we are in earnest and agree that Mr. John Dillon should lead the 
 Irish Party — if they are going to stand by John Dillon and the Irish 
 Party as represented by him, they will expect that party to give some- 
 thing in return for the support they gave to them. Therefore, if you will 
 turn to your agenda paper, resolution 3, I want to add after the words 
 " Irish soil " these words : — 
 
 " We declare that this Convention is of opinion that the lime has arrived when 
 the Irish Party should cease to treat with any English party for the granting of Home 
 Rule, and should make English government of Ireland impossible in the English 
 Parliament until the English nation is prepared to recognise Ireland's claim to be a 
 nation by creating a Parliament in Dublin for the government of Ireland." 
 
 My lord, you truly said that it was a matter of some public moment. It 
 IS of great public moment for Ireland, because we have to consider when 
 will England grant Ireland Home Rule? No man can say when, and I 
 say — Why should Ireland wait ? Is Ireland to wait for four years more ? 
 The Irish race has waited four years for England to grant Ireland Home 
 Rule, and the demand for Home Rule has come to be a kind of glorified 
 
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 I/iI,S/l RACE CONVENTION. 
 
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 County Council in the ideas of a great number of those Englishmen who 
 votctl for it at the last election ; and I want to know why did not the 
 IJiieral Tarty go to the country on the(iuestion of Home Rule after its 
 rejection, instead of on the Local Veto question ? We are looking to 
 you, Mr. Dillon, for statesmanship, guiilance, and leadership, and the 
 rev, gentleman who, I think, seconded the resolution covered most of 
 the KTound when he said that it is no use dealing with a section of the 
 I'^nglish nation. The Liberal Party is not the English nation, and the 
 English people have condoned the action of the House of Lords, and 
 they will condone it again and again and again. I tell you that, as a 
 man who has worked in London for many of the Liberal Party — and 
 men in this room know that I have the confidence of the Liberal Party 
 in my constituency — but at the same time I say that the jiolicy for 
 Irishmen to take up is not to belong to any Liberal organisation. We 
 want the party in the House of Commons to take up a policy of action, 
 and I say that the country will justify you, sir, anil I want to know the 
 name of the Irish representative who will dare to ilepart from the policy 
 of action worked by you in the House of Commons in that way. 'I'iiat 
 is the way you will get unity. Englishmen stood as an example in that 
 respect. Their policy is — I'^ngland first, and politics after. I am pre- 
 pared lo do my share, to sink my prejudices, if you call them prejudices, 
 for you, and to stand by Dillon and the party, and then they must do 
 something in the House of Commons instead of discussing details of 
 this and that English Bill. I have been in the House of Commons 
 many times, and have heard impassioned speeches froiv. Sexton, but 
 docs that eloquence take any effect in the English House of Commons ? 
 Not the slightest bit, but if you will do something, and if you will do 
 something ugly and something uncomfortable, the Englishman will listen 
 to you. Now for the representation. I say that these men know how 
 to do that work, and they ought to do it. 
 
 A Voice — What work? 
 
 Mr. Fitzgerald — The men we have in the House of Commons 
 ought to do something for Ireland. 
 
 At this point a delegate on the platform rose to order, and someone 
 at the back of the hall also interrupted. 
 
 The Chairman — A point of order has been raised. I have been 
 asked to rule that Mr. P'itzgerald's remarks are not pertinent. Mr. 
 Fitzgerald intends to say very little more, and I think it better for me 
 not to enter into the question as to whether his remarks are exactly to 
 the resolution or in support of his addition to the resolution or not. 
 
 Mr. Fitzgerald — I am endeavouring to show the meeting why I 
 want this addition made, and I will try and keep to the point, and I 
 don't think I have deviated from it, gentlemen. I want this meeting and 
 I want all Ireland to support Mr. John Dillon in the decision this Con- 
 vention came to, and I want to convey to your minds, and through your 
 minds to the men you represent as delegates, that the policy that will 
 command success and approval, that the policy that will fetch the dollars 
 across the Atlantic, that the policy thot will make the men in Ireland 
 work, that the policy that will command the respect of every man in 
 Ireland who wants to see Ireland free, is not a policy of walking' through 
 the corridors of the House of Commons, but a policy of action there, 
 
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 ALI'IIONSUS (^UlN. 
 (Soo pp. 137, 3(U.) 
 
 VEHY HEV. WILLUM FLAKNEIIT, D.D, 
 (SCO iip. 138, 305.) 
 
 JOHN B. DEVLIN. 
 CSce pp. UU, 308.) 
 
 HON. JOHN M'KEOWN, Q.C. 
 (See pp. 143, 307.) 
 
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 77?/.^// RACE cnyvESTioy. 
 
 that until the Knglixh nation recognise!) Irclaml'i claim to be a nation 
 l)y giving hiT i\ Tarliaincnt in l)iil)lin, and you will make it impossible 
 for her to govern Irolanil from Wcslininslcr. If you don't agree with 
 that, don't accept my addition to the resolution. 
 
 A Voift -In what way i* 
 
 Mr. l''ii/.i;i;i<Ai,i) — riic old way that made a united Irish Party, nnd 
 the oidy way; if tiie work is too hard for our present representatives, 
 Ireland has plenty of men wi)o will do it. 
 
 'I'he Chairman — The addition or amendment, however it in to be 
 called, has been |)r()posed to the resolution ; is there anyone to second 
 it ? (Cries of " No, no.") The addition then falls to the ground. 
 Father Clancy will now address you. 
 
 Rev. M. J. {'i.ANCV, 'i'ippcrary — Although nobody has been found to 
 second the addition to the third resolution, still it may not be out of 
 place, in conseciuence of the manner in which the remarks of the s|)eakcr 
 were received, to say a few words upon the (|uestion he has raised. 
 
 Rev. I'aikick Lynch, M,R. (Manchester) — My lord, is this in order ? 
 It is not before the Convention. 
 
 The Chairman— I consider Father Clancy is in order, owing to the 
 fact that some of the remarks made by Mr. Fit/gcrald might have been 
 made in discussing the resolution itself. 
 
 Rev. M. J. Clancy — Mr. Fitzgerald, animated no doubt by the \ cry 
 best motives, has proposed a policy and a method of carrying on Parlia- 
 mentary agitation which would make Parliamentary agitation in the 
 present state of the Irish Party merely a scorn and a byeword. That 
 might have been very well in the old days, when you had seven or 
 eight men standing up in the House of Commons, every man's hand 
 against them and their hands against every man ; but these times have 
 changed, and with the increase of numbers, and the increase of funds, 
 has come increased responsibility, and what might have been very 
 much in place in the old days would be very much out of place at the 
 present time. With regard to this question I have decided opinions. 
 I must say that one of the things that most grate upon me is that wc 
 should have to look to any English Party for the attainment of our free- 
 dom. Lut we must take things as they are, and having entered on the 
 path of Parliamentary agitation, we must work it out according to the 
 rules of the game. It is all very well to discuss what ought to be done 
 by Dillon, Davitt, or Blake. Wc, here at home, ( o not know the 
 difficulties under which they labour If consideration for them does 
 not decide the course we ought to adopt — a little ordinary modesty 
 ought to do so. We have elected these men because they are 
 tried men, clever men, because they have spent their lives battling for 
 Home Rule according to the rules of Parliamentary action. Are we in 
 our petty wisdom at home here to be laying down strict rules for them 
 as to how they are to conduct themselves when troubles and emergencies 
 arise? Their main object must be Home Rule without any alliance 
 except what would most conduce towards Home Rule. But once that 
 indispensable pnnciple is laid down you must le.ive them a great 
 latitude of action. We are all very wise after the event, very clever 
 politicians indeed when the march of events shows us that things would 
 have been better if something else were done. I have no sympathy 
 
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 Tinni) DAY Ilh'V. M. ./. CLASCY. 
 
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 witli men wlioso only policy is a policy of criticism, and who when thinKS 
 go wroMK which they made nocflort to set riKlil» adopt the policy of " I 
 told you so." As to siipiKirtiiig Lihcral mcasuri's or standinn by 
 them ill return for the adion of the Kiherals in pasaiiiK a Home Rule 
 Bill — wlu'thcr a policy of give, and take between the Irish and Liberal 
 Party — all these things must be left to the decision of the trained 
 politicians who are chosen, because they are trained and skilled parlia- 
 mentarians It occurs to mo that a very useful parallel mi^ht be drawn 
 from the history of a portion of Napoleon's campaign. 'I'he Austrians 
 were always bravo soldiers, they had magnificent generals, but still they 
 were always beaten ; and why ? llecause tiiere was a council at homo 
 which was always hampering the action of the men upon the field. It 
 is the same with us. We have our men ujion the field, too. We have 
 chosen them freely and in open ("onvention, and no man will dare to 
 tell me before this assembly that Conventions were rigged in '<)5. I 
 would like to see the man who would come down to Tipperary to rig a 
 convention. We have chosen them in open Convention because they 
 A^erc brave men, becauso they were clever men, and because they were 
 .iclf-sacrificing men. We arc sending them into the heart of the enemy's 
 country, and instead of twarting ami criticising them wc should leave 
 Ihcin a free hand as long as they keep the princi|)le before their minds 
 that their only object is Home Rule for Ireland. 
 
 Now I may be ])ermitted to make a few remarks upon that beautiful 
 speech delivoied by the Hon. John Costigan, from (Canada. As soon as 
 I beard that speech I remarked to those who were about me that the 
 Convention was not without fruit. If there was no other fruit except the 
 delivery of that s|)ecch our time was not lost here. I le struck the key- 
 note when he said that if you have not absolute unity you have practical 
 unity. And furtiier, when he said that in the maintaining of the Irish 
 Party, in the working out of absolute unity if wc can, there should be a 
 generous and whole-hearted support from our fr'cnds at home and abroad. 
 And some of the speakers will i)ardon me if I say that speaking about 
 unity and speaking about majority rule in tho same breath was some- 
 what illogical. If unity exists in the way in which they appear to s|)eak 
 about it no question of majority rule can arise at all. When does 
 majority rule arise, or the necessity for it ? When dissension exists, and 
 when there is diversity of opinion, we require unity of action, 'rhore 
 has been a good deal of balmy talk about unity and conciliation. Well 
 I am for conciliation. I am for tjuiet measures as long as ([uiet 
 measures or conciliation are of any use whatsoever. But there is a 
 point, and I think it has been reached — there is a point beyond which 
 conciliation, or forbearance, or toleration of the mutineers would be 
 treason to the country. Let anybody passing through the streets read 
 merely the placards of some of our Dublin papers, and I think they will 
 convey that lesson just as well as I can. My last word would be — Here 
 we are, laymen and ecclesiastics from every part of Ireland. Looking 
 on this platform I see men present who bore, in the old times of the 
 National League and against Balfour's Coercion Act, the burthen of the 
 day and the heat when many men, who are brave critics now and bold 
 Nationalists, were far more ready to attack the friends of Ireland than 
 they were then to lace her enemies. I can see them here — the men on 
 
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 282 
 
 IRISTT UACE CONVENTION. 
 
 whom we coulrt depend — the men on whom we could depend to go to 
 Woodford, and in the midst of tl"i brave people of that district tear up 
 to pieces and burn Balfour's proclamation. We have thera here, and — 
 
 " True men, like you men,' 
 Are plenty here to-day." 
 
 We claim to be the majority, and if we are not the majority why are not 
 the men here who say we are not, and put us into the minority ? 
 Charges have been made, and I put it plainly and squarely to the 
 foreign delegates whether it is not a fact that the reason why they were 
 apathetic was, that they believed there was something behind the 
 charges which were being levelled at the majority of the Irish Party. 
 Well, there are the representatives of the majority. Where are their 
 traducers ? There are men amongst them who are not very reticent. 
 I won't mention places, but if I liked I could mention places where they 
 made charges against their colleagues, when the making of such charges 
 was calculated to do almost fatal injury to the Irish cause. Why are 
 they not here to substantiate these charges ? Because they dare not. 
 We have had grave discussion, we demand discussion, we challenge 
 discussion, and if there is no response to our challenge, I ask the foreign 
 delegates to disbelieve these charges, to believe that the men who form 
 the majority of the Irish Party are not corrupted with English gold, that no 
 bossism exist? '- the Irish Party, and really when you come to talk of 
 bossism, it seems strange for people to imagine that John Dillon is able to 
 boss Michael Davitt. We cannot, of course, expect absolute unity, but 
 we pin our faith to majority rule. What does that lead us to ? The 
 resolution is there which calls upon us to support the Irish Party in 
 carryingout discipline in its own ranks. How can that be done ? Father 
 O'Leary, Castlelyons, told you yesterday that it can be done if the funds 
 come in to enable these men to insist upon discipline. You cannot expect 
 absolute unity ; it is impossible; and, as remarked by a previous speaker, 
 this talk about absolute unity only eni^bles a few mutineers to deplete the 
 coffers of the Irish Party. That is their object. We must defeat that 
 object. I have never asked anybody to do anything for Ireland that I 
 am not prepared to do myself, and I pledge you, and I think I can 
 pledge you, tiie people amongst whom I labour, and I think I can give a 
 pledge on behalf of the people of Tipperary, where I now reside, and if 
 the foreign delegates do their duty amongst their people we will do our 
 duty amongst the Irish people at home, and, as far as I am concerned, 
 my voice, my pen, and my pocket will always be at the service of the 
 Irish Party and the Irish people. 
 
 The Chairman — I hear calls for William O'Brien. 
 
 Mr. WiLUAM O'Brien — My lord bishop, ladies, and gentlemen, I 
 am wholly in the hands of the Convention, even in the matter of saying 
 a few words, very much against my will, because so long as things were 
 going on so triumphantly for Ireland as they have been going on yester- 
 day and to-day I have no ambition in this hall but to hold my tongue, 
 and sit and listen with joy and gratitude for the glorious work that is 
 going on for Ireland. There is not a man here who has the least desire 
 to exploit himself to the smallest degree except for the benefit of Ireland, 
 and the triumphant success of this great Convention. Our good friend. 
 
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 rillRD DAY— MR. WILLIAM 0' BR I EX 
 
 283 
 
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 Father Flynn, of Waterford, may rest pf rfcctly assured that if any section 
 of our fellow-countrymen who difTer from us, whether they be Parnellites, 
 or whether they call themselves by any other name, if they will only 
 imitate the spirit of Father F'lynn, displayed here at this Convention 
 yesterday, I can promise them they will find that, as far as some of us 
 are concerned, we are willing now as we were willing always to go any 
 length to meet them, to conciliate them. Anything to induce these 
 men to conduct themselves, and work as loyal comrades as they did 
 before. My lord bishop, one thing, at all events, is certain, whatever 
 they do, or whatever any man does, the full effect of this Convention 
 will not perhaps be felt all at once, but I say the decrees of this Conven- 
 tion if they are sustained by the Irish race in the spirit of the lion. Mr. 
 Costigan's glorious speeches, these decrees will, beyond all doubt, settle 
 the course of events in Ireland for this generation, and will efface sooner 
 or later any man, or any set of men, that dare to stand up against them. 
 Gentlemen, if there has been possibly any weakness in the action of the 
 Irish Party in the past in dealing with these troubles, as a gentleman, I 
 think it was Dr. O'Meara, suggested yesterday — well it was perhaps 
 through an excess of patience and of good nature, of conciliation towards 
 brother Irishmen, and of a very natural shrinking and disgust for those 
 scenes of discord as long as it was humanly possible to avoid them. I 
 am bound to say, also, it was largely because members of the Irish Party, 
 certain members at all events of t' it Irish Party, of whom I was not one, 
 were discouraged at the apparent apathy of the country, and thought 
 that the people of Ireland had not spoken out their will with sutliciuiit 
 determination to justify them m enforcing the discipline of the Party, 
 even against men who were doing all that men could do tc break th.e 
 solidity of that Party. 
 
 Well, my friends, after this Convention no Irish member can ever 
 make that complaint. The accusers of the Irish Party — their accusers 
 in the English House of Commons, amidst the jeers of the grinning 
 enemies of Ireland —have failed to face the music at this Convention. 
 They have allowed judgment to go against them by default. This 
 Convention is, and everybody who has spoken has admitted that it is, 
 perhaps, the very greatest, the most harmonious, and the most represen- 
 tative assemblage of the Irish race that ever came together. You, my 
 lord bishop and gentlemen, have now given that Irish party your un- 
 stinted confidence. A gentleman spoke here a while ago, and re echoed 
 statements that possibly might have been better left unexpressed, as to 
 our relations with English parties. I venture to say that there is not a 
 man listening to me in this hall, aye, and among the su|ii)orters of the 
 Parnellites throughout the country, there is not a man who in his heart 
 and soul does not know that we care more for the little finger of one 
 Irish pea.sant than for the whole bodies of the two British parties 
 together. There are men in that Irish Party who for every hour they 
 have ever spent under an Englishman's roof have spent as many months 
 in her Majesty's prisons ; and even that record is child's play compared 
 with the record of a man sitting on this platform who has spent nine 
 years of independent opposition in the penal hells of England. No. 
 That English party, whether Liberal or Tory, who are friends of 
 Ireland are our friends. We know how to be true friends as well as to 
 
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 THIRD DAY-MR. JOSEPH P. RYAN. 285 
 
 be pretty tliorougligoing enemies, and the ICnglish p iity, Wliig or 'I'ory, 
 who arc Ireland's enemies will have our undying hostility, a hostility 
 tliat will be only all the keener if — as I for one don't anticipate — the 
 linglish Liberal Party should ever abjure their solemn pledge to make 
 Home Rule, and keep Home Rule, their very first business tiie moment 
 they get into power. I am not able to go very much further. The 
 excitement and my enthusiasm over all that we have i)een going through 
 during the last few days are almost too great to allow me to say any 
 thing more than this. As I have said before, the Irish Party may have 
 had some doubt until now what is the will of the Irish nation. You 
 have spoken out your will. You have armed ihem with sovereign 
 authority to enforce that will, and to stand no further nonsense (Great 
 cheering, the audience risii.g and waving their hats), and — it may not 
 come about in a week nor in a month — but you have to-day laid the 
 foundations once more for a real Irish Party under a real leader, a man 
 for whom no Irish Nationalist will ever have reason to blush, a party that 
 will be generous enough and broad-minded enough to welcome every 
 honest Irish Nationalist into its ranks, but that will be strong enough to 
 put down any man, or any section of men, who from this hour fortii 
 dare to throw their own petty personal interests across the march of 
 our exiled countrymen and our great old Gaelic race at home. 
 
 At the conclusion of Mr. O'Brien's speech there were loud and pro- 
 longed cries of "Davitt." 
 
 Tiie Chairman — I must explain that Mr. O'Brien had sent me a 
 message that he would not speak, and while noticing your cries, I was 
 going to tell you — but was prevented by having to call on Mr. O'Brien 
 — that you would have a speech from another distinguished delegate. 
 That delegate will address you now. He represents the National 
 Federation of America. He is the secretary of an organisation from 
 which thousands and thousands of pounds have tlowed into the 
 national coffers. 
 
 Mr. Joseph P. Ryan, New York — I am sorry that the exigencies 
 of business prevented the presence here of the President of the Organi- 
 sation, Dr. Addis Emmet, and other capable officers. I am sorry they 
 are not here to represent the Irish National Federation of America, and 
 to voice its sentiments. The duty is imposed on me to bear to you a 
 brief message. We demand that unity shall be established in tliis 
 country, and that obedience to majority rule must be enforced by every 
 legitimate means. Some question has been raised in some of the local 
 journals as to whether we had a right to speak at this Convention. 
 Now, gentlemen, I am well aware that no one knows better than the 
 men who inspired a question of that sort the fact of our entire right to 
 be present We are the same men, or the representatives of the same 
 men, who have given unceasing service and generous aid to every appeal 
 from Ireland, and whose generous hospitality has been shared by every 
 ambassador that visited our shores, until the breath of discord had 
 chilled the hearts and palsied the hands of our generous people. Wc 
 are some of the men who have poured help into the coffers of the 
 National League and the National Federation to enable a fight to be 
 made against the common enemy. We are the same men who, at the 
 last meeting held under the auspices of the ambassadors of a united 
 
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 IRISH RACE CONVENTION. 
 
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 party, raised at the meeting 27,000 dollars to aid Ireland. We are the 
 same men, or the representatives of the same men, who in two years, 
 under the auspices of what is known as the Hoffman House Committee 
 of New York, sent to Ireland 200,000 dollars. We are the same men, or 
 the representatives of the same men, who even since division came to 
 the National forces of Ireland have raised, in spite of the disaffection 
 and of the despair that hung over our people, a sum of 1 50,000 dollars. I 
 might go on enumerating reasons from a material point of view, if I 
 chose to do so, to show our right to be here. But there are other 
 reasons. We deny the right of any authority in Ireland to deny our 
 connection with the glorious history, traditions, and sufferings of Ireland. 
 They are ours. We have shared them ; we have tried to remedy some 
 of them. We may be the sea-divided Gael, but we are not divided in 
 interest, so far as Ireland is concerned. 
 
 I would not for a moment occupy your time to answer the question 
 that has been put to us as to who we are, except that it is used for the 
 purpose of confusing Irishmen, to impose upon them the belief that we 
 who come here are not representative of the sentiment of Irishmen in 
 the States. Perhaps, therefore, you will allow me to refer to the 
 personnel of delegates, and mention the names of the persons who are 
 here as delegates from the United States. At the moment in which the 
 division occurred in the Irish Party, we were engaged, as some gentlemen 
 on this platform can avow, and some others also on the other side of the 
 house, we were engaged in the commencement in New York of a move- 
 ment which promised to raise half-a-million of dollars for the Irish cause. 
 That movement was cut short by division. At the meeting in New 
 York the gentlemen who are here were the accredited messengers from 
 the surrounding cities, and became the instrument of those particular 
 cities to bear the money that was contributed in their different places. 
 For instance, we have here Mr. James Duggan, of Norwich, Conn, who 
 brought to the treasury, on behalf of the National P'edcration of Nor- 
 wich, the money collected there. I think that is a fair title to be a 
 representative here. We have Mr. Anthony Kelly, Minneapolis, whose 
 service in the West, and whose social attention and money contribution 
 when Mr. Parnell was there, gained the gratitude and favour of Mr. 
 Parnell and those who accompanied him. We have here Mr. P. W. 
 Wrenn, of Bridgeport, Conn, who at the meeting in the Metropolitan 
 Opera House brought 3,000 or 3,500 dollars to the treasury. We have 
 Mr. Denis O'Reilly, of Boston, and Mr. Edward Tracey, of Boston, 
 who have been in the organisation in Massachusetts, and have been con- 
 stant friends, and unceasing workers, and generous contributors, accord- 
 ing to their means, in the National service. We have here Dr. P. J. 
 Timmins, of Boston, and I couple with him the Reverend Denis 
 O'Callaghan, whose names are a synonym for good work for Ireland ; 
 and, as for Father O'Callaghan, he has been the leader in Boston of every 
 public movement organised to aid Ireland. We have here Mr. John 
 Cashman, of Manchester, New Hampshire, who is the treasurer of the 
 organisation in that city, and through whom, from time to time, I got the 
 money collected in the city for your service. W^ have Mr. Patrick 
 Dunleavy, Vice-President of the National Council of Philadelphia, and 
 need I say that Philadelphia was al'vays foremost in the Irish cause ? 
 
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 THIRD DAY— MR. JOSEPH P. RYAN. 287 
 
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 We have here Mr. John B. Devlin, of Wilkesbarre, who, to my know- 
 ledge, has been a constant, unselfish, and ever energetic worker in the 
 National cause. We have here a gentleman who is a curiosity in his 
 way, and it shows how long he has been in the service. We have Mr. 
 Patrick Cox, of Rochester, who was the treasurer of the first branch oJ 
 the Irish National League, and through vhich branch alone 30,000 
 dollars were raised for the service of Ireland. We have Mr. Patrick 
 Marlin, and need I say to Irish Nationalists, whether strictly within the 
 physical force ranks or outside them, who Mr. Patrick Marlin is ? He 
 has been in both sections of the service, and I honour him for it. Now, 
 1 think I need not say any more to show that we are not all nobodies. 
 For myself, I represent the certificate of the City Council of the New 
 York Irish National Federation of America, and that title represents 
 something. I do this, Mr. Chairman, not for the purpose of winning 
 your a[jplause or recognition, but to satisfy the minds of those who 
 might possibly give some credence to the statement that we here are 
 tramps or tourists. 
 
 We came here without instructions, except the general one, that we 
 demand unity, obedience to majority rule, and that discipline which is 
 ntcessary to the existence of the Party, and we will do our best to 
 enforce it. Before leaving the United States we studied very carefully 
 the call for this Convention, both individually and collectively, and it 
 was the general verdict of those most interested and competent in the 
 United States to pass upon it an opinion that it was bound to be a 
 success in its scope and extent. We in the United States have had 
 twenty years' experience of conventions. In the great Race Convention 
 of Philadelphia, held in 1881 or 1882, we had no such great and wide 
 provisions for admission to that assembly. For instance, the clergy had 
 no privileges other than the laymen had. We did not consider them 
 any better as politicians, or that they were entitled to more recognition 
 than the laymen, and when they came they came as delegates. We did 
 not throw it open to all the organisations and literary societies ; in fact, 
 not to occupy your time, we demanded that there should be some service 
 to the political movement before the society or organisation should have 
 a right to representation. We had not the great breadth and scope of 
 this Convention. We, therefore, said that there could be no man found 
 who would have the hardihood to assert that this Convention had been 
 rigged. How could it be possible when the sources of this Convention 
 were so varied and so wide ? We claim that every Irishman who is 
 honest and singleminded will adhere to the decrees of this Convention, 
 and we think that the constituencies of Ireland should demand obedience 
 from their representatives. It is enough to know that the power is placed 
 in the hands of the people, who are bound by discipline to obey the 
 decrees of this Convention, to make every member of Parliament be 
 ver) careful in his work. Now, Mr. Chairman, and fellow-delegates, I 
 think that so much has been said on every point to which I could 
 posiibly address myself, that I would be only doing a superfluous work, 
 and cccupying your time unnecessarily by further speech. I think I 
 have ectablished their right to speak, and I think I have established the 
 character of the delegation. 
 
 I desire to say one word more on obedience to majority rule. In 
 
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 America the question is raised amongst us ; it is taken as a law that is 
 unchangeable, and must be accepted. If a man, or men, decide that 
 theycannot obey and be in affiliation with the party of the majority, 
 they quietly go out of that party, and either remain silent or become 
 active opponents on the other side. That is what we expect to find, 
 and do find, in the United States. On coming over here, from the 
 nature of my position in the organisation as secretary, of course I am 
 liable to a very large correspondence — I think I could have brought 
 with me letters enough to have occupied your attention this whole 
 session — every one ending with a prayer for unity and "God bless your 
 1 ission ; give us unity, and demand obedience to majority rule as the 
 very essence of the government of the people." While on this platform 
 lo-day, a telegram to me arrived from a gentleman whom we know in 
 New York to be one of the most faithful servants of the movement, and 
 one of its most generous contributors: — "Sacrifice everything, save 
 honour, for unity ; bring about union in Ireland, and America will 
 respond. — Peter M'Donald." Now, Mr. Chairman, the impression 
 created on us has been that this Convention has been called on such a 
 breadth and scope, that it has such a diversity of sources from which the 
 delegates came, that we must naturally conclude that it is the expression 
 of the popular will ; and if the gentlemen who tell us it is not will only 
 come here and present their grievances, nobody is more anxious to 
 redress them. If those gentlemen will abandon the whispered mouth- 
 ings of calumny, and come like stalwart men to the Convention of their 
 fellow-countrymen at home and abroad, present their protests and 
 grievances, how readily we will redress them, if possible. But they are 
 silent ! Silent except the whispers of calumny ; and to those men we 
 say : "You have refused to come before the only court that was entitled 
 to redress your grievances ; you have refused to come before the only 
 court that is entitled to make reforms and changes in the basic condition 
 of the party." No other power in Ireland has a right to change any 
 single article under which the Federation exists in Ireland to-day. Here 
 alone can it be done. In God's name, are these men not intelligent 
 enough to know that. Is not this the place to do it? And failing to 
 do it, let these men be silent. And I say to one class of these gentle- 
 men — and if I did not say it I would be certainly betraying my own 
 convictions and the opinions that I know will be held when I state the 
 facts in America — I say to reverend gentlemen who may have grievances 
 to remedy or protests to make, that this is their place, as well as the 
 place of laymen. No station among the hierarchy is too great or too 
 grand to come before this Convention and say to the people of Ireland 
 represented here : " Such and such are the changes that we believe are 
 necessary for the Irish people." And I tell you, gentlemen, who have 
 watched the experiences of the past, who have learned the misery that 
 followed some of the actions of this class of gentlemen in the past — I 
 tell you that they will make more infidels than all the Agnostics in 
 the world. 
 
 Now, Mr. Dillon, you have received a mandate in the first two reso- 
 lutions adopted at this Convention. It is, by every means in your 
 power, to see to it that the grievances are redressed and reunion restored. 
 That mandate is given to you by the public will of Ireland. We in 
 
 
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 America will look to it that that effort is being made, and that, while 
 yieliling nothing to the criticism or calumny of persons who won't come 
 liure ant! declare their grievances, we demand that every effort of yours, 
 and that everything but honour, be sacrificed to restore the unity of the 
 Irish people. It has been my experience just before I left to have had 
 put into my hand a series of letters. Some were from cloistered nuns ; 
 some were from the humble miner ; some were from gentlemen in pos- 
 session of great wealth ; some came from archbishops, who, as you saw 
 ill the first day's publication of the proceedings of this Convention, 
 l>roinised at the holy altar of God that daily would they offer the sacrifice 
 of the Mass for the success of the Convention. And, Mr. Dillon, if the 
 prayers and protests of the Irish people at home and abroad fail to con- 
 ciliate, then, in the name of the God who stamps upon mankind the dis- 
 tinctions of race, I charge you, as leader of the Irish race, to spare no 
 man who stands in the way. If conciliation fails, if reason fails, if 
 reason and logic are defied, I charge )0U to mercilessly crush the man 
 or men who stand in the way. In that I pledge you the assistance of 
 every true Nationalist in America, no matter who the man is. 'I'he re- 
 sult of all our labours for the past twenty years in the present move 
 nient, and for centuries in the past, shall not be nullified by any man or 
 set of men. Wc will not consent that our labours and sacrifices, and 
 sufferings of famine and persecution in the past and present and future, 
 should be sacrificed and made nothing of. I swear it is the duty, in my 
 belief, of every Irishman to crush dissension and to crush out the man 
 or men who stand in the way of union. To you, the men of Ireland 
 outside the Irish Party, we charge you, and honestly, to act in this matter 
 with unanimity. If you criticise, let it not be a carping, nagging 
 criticism. Remember the position of your members is a very curious 
 one in the House of Commons ; they stand there in your cause, await- 
 ing to meet emergencies that may occur. Individual members may err, 
 but consideration should be extended to them as men, and you must 
 exact discipline — discipline. 
 
 The Chairman put the third resolution as already read. It was 
 carried unanimously. 
 
 The Chairman — Gentlemen, you will consider, I think, I am follow- 
 ing the proper course in confining the debate in very narrow limits on 
 the resolutions that follow. There are some notices here sent up by 
 gentlemen who wish to address the Convention. Those notices shall 
 be carefully attended to, but, before we proceed to them or the next 
 resolution, I hnve to say that the gentleman in whose name the notice 
 of motion stands in reference to the Paris Funds has explained to me 
 that he did not withdraw that part of his resolution ; consequently he 
 shall have an opportunity of moving his resolution. And as I stated 
 to this Convention that the leading members of the party were anxious 
 to explain the party's position with reference to the Party funds, I now 
 ask the Hon. Edward Blake to make the promised statement. 
 
 Hon. Edward Blake, M.P. — My lord, ladies and gentlemen, the 
 Irish Parliamentary Party, owing to the unhappy circumstances which 
 have for so long a time so unnaturally divorced from the people and the 
 popular cause the greater proportion of the wealth and of the opportuni- 
 ties for acquiring wealth to be found within this island, the National 
 
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 THTRD DAY—nOX. KDWARD BLAKK, M.I'. 2')t 
 
 Party is labouring under the disadvantage, if it be a disadvantage, of 
 being and of acknowledging that it is relatively to English political parties 
 a poor party in worldly wealth. There are aniongst us those whose cir- 
 cumstances and exertions have enabled or enable them to olTer gratuitous 
 services to the country which they love. And there are amongst tis 
 also those who submit to a still greater sacrifice in the interest of lliat 
 country, because they have foregone the ojiportunities and chances ot 
 their lives— the opportunities which their own exertions, directed to 
 their own advancement, would have produced to them— in order lo 
 execute the somewhit thankless olVice of serving their country at 
 Westminster. I say that the sacrifices of those men, from the worldly 
 point of view, are not comparable in point of lightness with the 
 .sacrifices of those who are able to afford gratuitous service, and that 
 their position should be considered with a generosity, a chivalry, a 
 respect greater than that which is due to those who m ly happen to be 
 better off in the accident of the possession of worldly dross. Tiie Irish 
 Party in Parliament, though a poor parly, is an independent and self- 
 respecting party. It has held its head high — as high, and deservedly 
 high, Jis the parties with which are associated wealth and rank. And 
 those of us who entertain, as my colleagues with whom I generally act 
 do entertain, very strong views upon the subject of the managemenl of 
 the party funds, entertain them largely and mainly with reference to llic 
 respectability and independence of the position which the Irish Parly 
 ought to have in Parliament, in order that it may do its duly to the 
 country which its represents. The Irish Party provides for the distribu- 
 tion or allotment amongst its own members of the funds entrusted to 
 the party itself for distribution, and is its own paymaster. And I do not 
 believe it to be consistent with the independence and self-respect of 
 that party, as a whole, or of individual members of that party, who 
 may be in the position to which I have alluded, that any other body or 
 set of men — chosen by I care not whom, and holding their power I care 
 not from what source — should be the paymaster of one or more 
 or any number of my colleagues in Parliament. We do not want 
 to degenerate into a kept party. We do not want to degenerate into 
 a party to any one of whose members it may be said in this island, or, 
 still worse, outside this island, at Westminster ; " You owe your stipend 
 to some committee sitting in Ireland — selected and chosen I know not 
 how, and holding office by I know not what tenure. Unless you follow 
 the orders of that committee, and obey their voice, your stipend will be 
 cut oflf for your independence." You tell me that it has been said that 
 the independence of Irish members is threatened by the system and the 
 arrangements whereby the payment of those who require to be main- 
 tained in Westminster is worked. If that be so, I want to know how 
 much less the independence of that party will be threatened by those 
 members owing the determination of that question to a committee 
 outside, in Ireland or elsewhere. They are men, and being men of like 
 dispositions to our own, they are animated by the same prejudices and 
 feelings, and would find themselves under the same difficulties, and you 
 would only transfer the area of unworthy contention and suspicion to 
 some other quarter. You would by no means eliminate it by tlie change 
 some, as I think, improvidently suggest. 
 
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 IRISH RACE coy VENT ION. 
 
 I have known very liule, though I have known, I dare say, quite as 
 much as anybody else, of how this matter was managed durnig the last 
 four years in detail, hccuise the old customs and practices which had 
 been estaMis'i;d before the split commenced, were observed as rigor- 
 ously as possible. Treasurers were a])poinlcd, to whom sums were 
 handed in the gross, and they alone knew how niuch was paid to any, 
 and to which, members of the party. To the pirty at large, to the 
 committee of the party, that knowledge was not communicated. It may 
 be thought the system recjuircs reconsideration within the councils of 
 the party. I am inclined to believe that the system which answered 
 admirably so long as unworthy suggestions were not made, so long as 
 the honour of the Irish Party was not assailed within its own ranks, so 
 long as suspicions were not flung broadcast — susjjicions which never 
 ought to have been entertained— unwortiiy suspicions, suspicions which, 
 if there were any foundation for them, would render my friends near me, 
 and every man who takes a jiart in this struggle, unworliiy of any place 
 in the councils of the nation, or the party, or its ranks— so long as 
 these suspicions were not thrown out, tlie old plan might have been, as 
 it has been, left to operate. Some change in detiil may be, and I 
 incline to think is, recjuircd under the new rule of casting aspersion 
 wholesale upon every man charged with responsibility, but that any rule 
 or change can be made which shall divest the Irish Parliamentary Party 
 from the control and responsibility of the management of its own funds, 
 and which shall yet be consistent with rc'enlion of self-respect and inde- 
 pendence I, for my part, utterly deny. If you trust the Irish Party in 
 Parliament with the most sacred interests of your country, if you trust 
 them, as you do by electing them to Parliament, with the whole business 
 and the affairs of Ireland, if you say to them, " We trust yon to decide 
 — in the stress and strain of Parliamentary conflict, and in the greatest 
 difficulties — the lines it is best to take for Ireland, we trust you and we 
 follow you," is it not absurd and foolish to say you cannot trust the men 
 whom you trust with these enormous interests to observe the commonest 
 dictates of honesty, fair play, and decency in tlie distribution of the 
 funds which you give for the supjjort of the i)arty ? 
 
 I did not think when I joined the Irish Parliamentary Party, in 
 whatever rough work it might be my duty to engage, that I should ever 
 personally have anything to do with the collection of funds for their 
 maintenance. It has been, however, my duty during the last four years 
 — in that constant, unceasing dissension, and under the suspicions 
 engendered by the aspersions, and the unworthy statements propagated 
 through the country — it has been in some small part my duty to help, as 
 far as I could amongst my friends and the supporters of the cause 
 abroad, to supply the Parliamentary Party with the necessary funds. I 
 tell you, then, that after this unexpected duty devolved upon me, my 
 friends — and you see what sort of friends Home Rule has in Can.ida — 
 my friends, making some collections in that country for the purpose, 
 remitted them to me personally, telling me to dispose of them as I 
 myself thought best in the furtherance of the Irisii cause. So convinced 
 was I that there was but one appropriate method of disposing of the 
 contributions of the friends of Ireland that I declined to take the 
 slightest responsibility as to their disposition. I said, " I will hand 
 
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 rillR!) DAY-MU. MICHAEL DAY ITT, M.P. -'93 
 
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 them ovci to the Party itself, to he dealt with by the Party itself accord- 
 inu; to its rules and regulations. I shall never he a parly to the degra- 
 dation and loss of self-respect and indt'pendencu of the Irish 
 Parliamentary I'arty involved in the confession of its incapacity to he 
 fair and just and honest and decent in the adniinislration of its moneys," 
 and I say, if we can't do that we are not fit to serve you in those infi- 
 nilcly greater concerns. 
 
 Now, I have known something of these most painful and desradinR 
 controversies, and I have watcliud as carefully as mar '-oidd watch 
 what the true course of events has been, and I declare to you upon my 
 honour that I am as satisfied as that I am standing here that there has 
 never been the slightest foundation in fact for the suggestion — the base 
 suggestion — that any man has been mean enough to consider for one 
 moment the com])lexion and o])inions uoon subjects of Party difTcrenccs 
 of any member in his relation to the Party funds. I don't believe that 
 even my bitterest opponent will charge me, dissociated as I was neces- 
 sarily with many of the rancours of the ])ast, with any ill-feeling, and I 
 know that every man with whom I have been connected is as absolutely 
 free and entirely above any sordid and unworthy action as I feel myself 
 that I am. My lord, this Convention has evidenced its determination 
 to give a renewed mandate of confidence to its faithlul servants who 
 have endeavoured to hold aloft the flag of Ireland in the stress and 
 strain of the conflict — the Hag not only torn and tittered in that conflict, 
 but also, alas ! besmeared by mud and fiUh cast on it by those who should 
 be the last to .soil it. This Convention has determined to hold up and 
 strengthen their hands, and I am well assured that after this short expl.i- 
 nation of the reasons why we felt bound to invite confidence in this as 
 in other respects, there will be no dissenting voice here to the jirojiosi- 
 tion that the Irish Parliamentary Party ought to be in this, as in other 
 respects, trusted to do its duty subject to that account, in case malver- 
 sation is charged and i)roved against it,to which every representative o( the 
 people ought to be subject, and to which we are fully willing to submit. 
 Mr. Michael Davitt, M.P. — My lord bishop, ladies and gentlemen, 
 the fourth resolution which I have the honour to submit for your adop- 
 tion reads as follows ; — 
 
 "That, while hailing with satisfnclion the relcafie of someof ihc Irish political pris- 
 oners, we are indignant that relief has come so late, afcer their health had been broken 
 l)y long years of sulTcring. We condemn the brutal treatment which Kngland, while 
 boasting herself to be the advance guard of freedom amongst the nations, infliits on 
 political prisoners sentenced for offences arising out of Irish grievances. We mark 
 the contrast in feeling and in action exhibited by England towards the Irish prisoners, 
 and towards other political offenders, as, for instance, the Johannesburg Commillee 
 and the Jameson Raiders. We call for the immediaie liberation of all the remaining 
 Irish political prisoners still enduring the horrors of penal servitude, and we request 
 the Irish I'arliameutary represcntativts to press with insistent urgency for their 
 liberation." 
 
 I say, ladies and gentlemen, that it is not altogether inappropriate 
 that I should have been asked to submit this resolution to this great 
 Convention. We demand a response to the prayer of this resolution on 
 grounds and for reasons which would not be denied to-day by any other 
 civilised nation throughout the world. The sentences in themselves 
 were monstrous in the first instance, while the punishment inflicted upon 
 
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 THIRD DAY— MR. WILLIAM LIWDOX. 
 
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 these men rotiUI nut be e(|ualle<l in cruelty by even the KuKsian deapot 
 who Nciuls his foes to Silitri.in iiiiiu's. There is an iiistim t of hiiiiuniity 
 cunuiion to every created beinn wlii( h prompts a iti.in |i. 'ivc footi 
 even to a hungry dug. iltil it is left for I'.n^iaiul, enll^htelu i >■ ,ind, 
 to include seniistarvation in the systi-in of |)unishinent she UKt 'it tu 
 her Irish pohiK al foes. I have iiiukrKone over nine years' in in. 
 
 inent, hecausc I have been a rebel anainst niisnoverniiii.iit from i c mo- 
 ment I was first taught that, luxt to my duty to (>od was my i to 
 Irish liberty, and I say here to day that during; seven long years oi Uiat 
 imprisonment, under Mn^land's system of pimishment, I never lor one 
 hour ceased to feel the pangs of hunger, (iod has made man a t.dkin(( 
 being, but Kngland in>ists that silence, jierpetual silence, sh.iil bu 
 enforced on her Irish political foes, no matter bow long their brutal sen- 
 tences may have been, ami the men-— the few men— who were turned 
 out the other day to die by luigland's ina^;nanimous Tory (lovernniciu 
 — aye, but I hope not before the) will hel|) us to settle accounts with 
 Ireland's brutal rulers birlieve it, fellow-deleg.ites, or not, I assert here 
 today that during the thirteen long years that John Duly and Dr. (Jal- 
 lagher and other;; have been kept in I'jigland's prison piMis it was a crime 
 against Kngland's rulers to say "good morning" or "good evening" to 
 a fellow-being undergoing the same brutal punishment. I'",ngl,iiid has 
 had to beg for clemency and justic e for incriminated Knglishiiien from 
 President Kruger. Irelanil deiiiaiids tlirougli this (Jonvention ol the 
 Irish race that the remaining Irish political prisoners sli.ill be liberated. 
 Mr. Wii.i.i AM I.UNiioN, Kilteely, (,'o. I,iinerick — Mylord bishop and 
 brother delegates from all i)arls of the world as far as the Irish r.ice has 
 extended, I feel highly privileged in being called upon to address you on 
 this (|uestion of aiunesty, so dear to all your hearts. .No( uestion sp >ken 
 of at thii" great assembly catches a greater hold of y'-.i. hearts, or the 
 hearts of the Irish race thro'ighout the world, than the question of 
 amnesty. Some people might say there was a vast difference in the 
 various phases of the National movement, as evidenced by moral force and 
 l)hysical force. I say the cause has been the same for the last seven 
 hundred years, though it may have jiresented itself in dilterent shajies. It 
 has been like a kaleidoscope, at one time moral force, at another time 
 physical force, and so on, but in whatever way it presented itself it was 
 Ireland first, Ireland centre, and Ireland last. We all know that only 
 for the Crowleys, the Davitts, the O'Briens, and the others, we would 
 not have been able to carry on the moral agitation of the last fifteen 
 years. I also feel proud to speak on ibis question of amnesty, because 
 I was the companion of dear John Daly. We stood side by side on 
 platforms in the old amnesty movement of '69. He and I often differed, 
 but no matter what our differences may have been in detail, I tell you, 
 if you had one hundred thousand men of John Daly's calibre with arms 
 in their hands, it would be easy for you to obtain Home Rule. I was 
 present at the first meeting in the city of Limerick when this present 
 movement was organised, and I was present at meetings in Tipperary, 
 including the great amnesty demonstration held in that town. I don't 
 want to say anything contentious. However, there is 0112 matter I 
 would like to put before you. I refer now to about two years before 
 
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 IRISH RACE CONVENTION. 
 
 the split I was the very man who proposed that Mr. Parnell should be 
 invited to the great demonstration we were going to hold with reference 
 to amnesty. He may have been a great man as a leader, but I tell you 
 his heart was not bent on amnesty. In addition to him. other gentlemen 
 were invited to attend, and I may tell you that not from one of them did 
 we receive even a single reply, except a negative one that was not worth 
 reading. Mr. Dsvitt has told you that his own experience of prison 
 life was a hard one. I wish to tell you also that my experience of prison 
 life was hard enough. I \yas imprisoned, under Eager, in Limerick. I 
 was afterward taken to Mountjoy, and subsequently 1 graduated under the 
 Old Gorilla at Kilmainham. I say that in whatever agitation you have 
 before you, you will always have the amnesty question to the front, and I 
 believe we will all leave it as a legacy to those who come after us. As 
 regards our representation at Westminster there is no use in specious 
 arguments there. If the Irish Party is united, and has the Irish people 
 solid at its back, it will be able to get anything it wan*s, but otherwise 
 you will get nothing, and they will look upon you as slaves. Dr. Gallagher 
 and Mr. Whitehead and those other men are now nearly oblivious of 
 what tliey went through. They have been simply driven into madness. 
 There is not on God's earth a more efficacious way of driving a man to 
 madness than the mode described by Mr. Davitt — the silent system. 
 Man is a gregarious animal, and he must herd with his neighbour-,, and 
 if he has to live in solitary confinement the ordinary man sinks to the 
 level of the beast Englishmen have gone down on their knees to 
 iniploie President Kruger to release the men who invaded a free country 
 to deprive a people of their rights. They went in, if not for that pi"- 
 posc, they went in simply to rob. The English have robbed the whole 
 of the world, and nobody felt the truth of that more than the Irish people. 
 Look at how France treated her political prisoners They did acts revolt- 
 ing to humanity during the Commune. They kili^ : nfty priests and the 
 sainted Archbishop D'Arboy, and all these men were now released. It was 
 said the LiberalGovernment did not release the political prisoners. Well, 
 the Tories would not release them until they saw that they could not 
 disregard the condition they were in. I knew a case in Mountjoy 
 Prison when I was there, and when the doctor at Mountjoy Prison said 
 the man should be released they had tliree military doctors in to know 
 whether they could keep the man in jail another month. We are here 
 to ask for the release of the remaining political prisoners, the Land 
 League prisoners, the Invincibles and others, and I hope you will never 
 forget in this matter the names that adorn your walls, of Allen, Larkin, 
 and O'Brien. 
 
 Very Rev. D. O'Hara, P.P., Kiltimagh— My lord and fellow dele 
 gates, I have only to say as a delegate, and for my fellow-delegates, that 
 we longed to see this day. We have seen it, and we are glad. We 
 began tlie Convention well ; we began it with an Irish prayer ; we had 
 the blessing of the Pope ; and we have an Irish Bishop in the chair. 
 We are bound to succeed on these conditions, and, from the honest faces 
 I see before me, I think it won't be your fault if we don't. I have been 
 asked to say a few words in favour of amnesty, and I will spy this much, 
 that I think we ought to be prepared to set the example, and to give a 
 general amnesty all round to every man, to every Irishman, no mattei 
 
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THinn DAY-UEV. 1). O'HAHA. 
 
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 what he may have done in the past, iirovitlcd that he comes into the fold 
 and says that he will fight once more for the sacred cause of our country. 
 We are here assembled, on a most solemn occasion, to iiclp on the good 
 old cause. In the nanie of the delegates that are here, |>riests and lay- 
 men, I venture to make bold and to proclaim a general amnesty to 
 every man. Let them come, and we have 
 
 " A Imml for tliegr.isp ol ftiemlsliip," 
 
 ai,d it may be well to know that we have 
 
 " A li.iml to make them qimkp, 
 Anil they're welcome to wliiclisnvcr 
 It picucs them best to take.' 
 
 The Irish nation is met here in council. It is the most historic and the 
 most representative meeting of Irishmen that was ever held on Iiish 
 soil, and there is not a delegate here, no maUer from what part of the 
 world he came, who is not proud, and will for ever feel proud, that he 
 is one of those who came to settle the affairs of Ireland. We came to 
 discharge a solemn duty, the most solemn that man could discharge. 
 We are able to tell the delegates who have come here from distant lands 
 that the Old Guard are true to the old cause of Ireland, and that Ire- 
 land stands to the front as ever she did before. Though it is too much 
 to expect that we could be all absolutely united, we can assure them 
 that the country is practically united. I only wish to endorse the 
 observations of Mr. Davitt on the sirfferings of the political i)risoners. 
 I cannot, I am sorry to say, claim that I have experience of tlie suffer- 
 ings of prison life, but this I can boast of — that I was the first priest in 
 Ireland marked out for imprisonment. It was not my fault then, for I 
 never yielded one inch. I would say to cur delegates in this assembly 
 that our proceedings here show that Ireland is a country worth fighting 
 for, for we are no ites, but Irishmen, and whatever little mites might 
 stand in our way, all we need is a long pull, a strong pull, and a pull 
 altogether to achieve our rights. We mean to do our duty. Wewill 
 do our best at home ; we are bound to do it, and we ask the American 
 and other delegates to back us up. We will help ourselves, no matter 
 who helps us ; we will fight, no matter bow few are left ; and as a priest 
 from America eloquently put it, no matter how few they are, as long as 
 there are three Irishmen left we will fight for the good old cause. There 
 are not three, but three thousand in this hall, priests and laymen, united 
 as ever in the old cause, and, please God, when we go home we will 
 tell the other priests, and his lordship, perhaps, may tell the bishops. 
 All may agree in this, that at all events the Irish Party must get fail 
 play — nobody must stand in the march of the nation. It wants the help 
 of every man, and, please God, from the highest bishop in the land to 
 the humblest curate, from the highest layman to the poorest living on 
 the mountain side, we will all unite once more, we will dress our ranks, 
 and we will march on to victory. 
 
 The Chairman — Gentlemen, I shall soon propose a more rapid way 
 of getting through the other resolutions, and I would put this resolution 
 to you now were it not that a very distinguished Ameri' priest, 
 Father Phillips, of Pennsylvania, has a word to say. 
 
 Rev. E. S. Phillips, Luzerne Co., Pennsylvania — I did not intend 
 
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 to add one word to the few remarks that 1 made on the opening day of 
 the Convention, but I was so much pleased by tlie sentiment conveyed 
 by the last speaker in regard to general amnesty, when he said that the 
 Irish delegates, priests, and people, were sending to America a feeling of 
 unity, not only towards the men who belong to their regular party in 
 Ireland, i)ut to those who differ, a general amnesty. I wisli to say on 
 behalf of the American delegates that our principal is in America that 
 " more Hies are cauglit by molasses than by vinegar." A few days before 
 I left my home I had the ])leasure of spending a delightful hour with a 
 priest of the diocese of Kaphoe, which is represented in so magnificent 
 a manner by his lordship, our chairman, and he said to me, which I now 
 see verified, " that if Bishop O'Donnell of Raphoe would consent to be 
 present at the Convention, his spirit of true Irish Nationality will 
 dominate the Convention, and a good result must come." Now, gentle- 
 men, one of the speakers from America, representing the Irish National 
 Federation, has given practical proof of the Irish-American loyalty to 
 Ireland by the statement he has made of the contributions of Americans, 
 as well as of Irish-Americans, and of Irishmen who have adopted 
 America as their home, to the Irish cause. But he m.ade a remark with 
 which I niubt in part disagree, that is, that America expects the 
 honourable chairman if he cannot rule, to crush. Fourteen years ago I 
 sat and worked with Mr. Dillon in America, when he visited that 
 country with the late Mr. Parnell, whose soul, I am glad to say, is still 
 marching on. But I thiric that it is well for parties to remember that 
 men have opinions, and that these opinions are sometimes honestly 
 expressed ; therefore, that the sense of this Convention is, I believe, that 
 we extend the olive branch to these men still, and I do not tnmk that 
 it is beneath the dignity of the regular Irish National Party, through its 
 chairman, or in a body to make an appeal. 
 
 Mr. 13illon was understood to make some remark. 
 
 I wish, therefore, as the honourable chairman says " Yes," I wish to 
 state on behalf of America, on behalf of the greater Ireland here repre- 
 sented, that we are all united in believing that the Irish Party now 
 represented by the piesent chairman, is the party of Ireland. Let me 
 recall a sentiment which I remember being uttered by the honourable 
 chairman at a banquet somewhere in London last March, which 
 electrified me and thrilled me. He said, and with this I will close my 
 remarks, as the sense of this Convention, as the sense of the people who 
 are not here, but who should be, the sense which I hope they will 
 experience after the thoughtful words that have been uttered on this 
 platform, and which now comes from my heart — this language of Mr. 
 Dillon's was this, " If I can but add a sentiment to ' Ireland a Nation ' 
 it is, the ' Nationalists of Ireland all over the world united.'" 
 
 The Chairman — I consider resolution G is pertinent to the next re- 
 solution, 5. I consider the second part of the resolution O is pertinent 
 to the sixth resolution in this series. I consider that the fourth part of 
 the resolution O is germane to the tenth resolution of the series, and now 
 the procedure I intend to follow it this ; Mr. Kilbride will propose these 
 resolutions in globo and they will be seconded anci supported.* 
 
 * For text of all these rcsoluliims see conclusion of procecilinjjs. 
 
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 Dlt. I'ATlllCK JOSKVII TDIMINS. 
 (Sou pp. 115,308.) 
 
 liEV. JOHN SCANLAN. 
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 MISS M (JUANE. 
 tDoalgner of Delciiuto'a Certlllcatv.) 
 
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 77^7^7/ 7UC'A' CONVEXTWN. 
 
 Mr. Uenis Kilbride, M.P. — I have been requested to move this 
 resolution dealing with the land ;— 
 
 ''That the Irish landlord system and methods have tended to impoverish, exter- 
 minate, and expel the Irish race, and have thus been the fruitful source of miseiy, 
 discontent, violence, and disturl),ince in Ireland. That the last Land Act, whilst 
 l)eitcrin(; the condition of certain classes, fails to give the vast majoiity of the Irish 
 tenantry that security against excessive rents and confiscation of improvements 
 which is essential to their well-being, and to the success of any scheme of land pur- 
 chase ; fails to give necessary powers for the enlargement of too small holdings hy 
 the compulsory purch.ase of grass lands from which the people have been driven; 
 and fails to make adeipiate provision for the restoration to their homes of the cvictc'l 
 tenants, to whose courage and endurance such benefits as the farmers o( Ireland 
 have obtained are largely due, and whose ca«c must ever appeal to the sense of 
 honour and gratitude of their fellow-countrymen. We condemn the lateness of the 
 period and the shortness of the time allowed for discussion, and the indecent tlireatx 
 of withdrawal, by which legitimate debate was curtailed ; and we declare that the 
 Act cannot be accepted even as a temporary settlement, and that the only hope »( 
 the tenantry rests in a united and determined Parliamentary Party, backed by a !;rer>t 
 agrarian combination, watching the operation of the Land Laws, exposing cases of 
 injustice, and demanding a full measure of reform." 
 
 Unfortunately we as Irishman know that this question of the land is 
 a very vital one. The first portion of that resolution is that the land 
 system in Ireland has impoverinhed our people, and is a system of con- 
 fiscation. At the door of that system in Ireland may be laid the fact that 
 the foreign delegates amongst us are the sons of men that the accursed 
 land laws drove from their country. The resolution deals with the 
 last T.aiid Bill — it deals with the Bill passed this session by the Tory 
 Government — and the resolution asks the people of Ireland, and 
 especially the tenant farmers of Ireland, to boldly declare in the face of 
 the world that they do not, and will not, and cannot accept this Land 
 Bill as a settlement of the Irish Land Question. I want your delegates 
 to tell the authors of this Bill, to tell the Solicitor-General for Ireland 
 and the Chief Secretary for Ireland, that you repudiate the Bill and 
 repudiate the men. We never went so far as to say the Bill was an 
 utter fraud or a sham. We admitted all the time that there were provi- 
 sions in it which brought relief to a certain class of tenants ; but we 
 said, and we say again, that this Bill brings no relief to the vast body of 
 the Irish tenant farmers. But this Bill to my mind should be refused 
 and rejected by any body of Irish farmers or by any body of justice- 
 loving men. What does this Bill do ? The clause of this 
 Bill which deals with improvements enacts that the labourer — 
 the man who has expended the money, the man who has 
 reclaimed the land, is not entitled to the full value of his labour. I say 
 that when a tenant-farmer improves his holding, the value of that 
 labour h;is increased the letting value, and adds to the value of the 
 holding. But this Bill says that the whole of the increased value — the 
 whole of the value of your labour — is not to be your property, that you 
 are to have in the first instance a certain recognition for it — a certain 
 percentage which this Bill does not define, but leaves it to the idiosyn- 
 crasies, the whims, and the fancies of a body of the Land Commis- 
 sioners. After it gives you a certain percentage on the value of your 
 improvements this Bill then says that any further increased value should 
 be divided between the landlord and the tenant. Our main objection 
 
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 to this rill is that it does not t;ivc full recognition to the improvements 
 of the tenants, and the only final settlement of the Laml ([iieslion can 
 be the purchase system, under which you will not be obliged to buy 
 your own property, and will be obliged to pay for nothing but what is 
 the property of others. 
 
 Rev. Mr. I,vtti.k, Moneyrca — My lord and gentlemen, I am proud 
 to stand on this platform ami to take my side with my fellow-countrymen 
 in the advocacy of Home Rule, and second the resolution. I am 
 inclined to speak on this land question, but I am sure you don't wish 
 any technical drtails, so I shall only say a word or two as to how the 
 land question affects in the province of Ulster the great cause which has 
 brought us all here — the cause of self-government for Ireland. I believe, 
 gentlemen, that already there are economic forces at work which will 
 make the Unionists of Ulster shift tlieir present political moorings, ''''e 
 remember that during the last century economic tyranny and pressure 
 paved the way for the work of the reformers who marshalled the Volun- 
 teers and United Irishmen among the planters of Ulster. Commercial 
 restrictions which ruined the Protestant planters of Ulster during the 
 last century helped Henry Grattan and his co-workers in influencing the 
 minds of the Ulstermen. The seeds of patriotism sown in the minds of 
 the people of the North in due time brought forth splendid fruit in the 
 Volunteer movement and the '98 parly. Well, at the present time I 
 have no hesitation in saying that the majorif of the Ulster farmers are 
 on the verge of bankruptcy. Wages have risen, and are still rising, and 
 God forbid that any of us should do anything to deprive the labourer of 
 his hire. Prices are falling, and will continue to fall. Now, we know 
 that the Irish farmers must keep a grip of their holdings. Ulster far- 
 mers, Unionists though they be at the present moment, will be forced, 
 in order to save themselves, to help to save their country. So, for this 
 reason, I have no hesitation in saying that the time will yet come when 
 Ulster will take her place at last, her proper place, in the very vanguard 
 of the struggle for self-government and prosperity for Ireland. I have 
 the honour, my lord, to speak on behalf of the Liberal and National 
 Union of Ulster. May I be permitted to inform this great Convention 
 of our race that this is a comparatively new organisation — an organisa- 
 tion that already is nearly 2,000 in number, made up in its vast majority 
 of those belonging to the various Protestant denominations ? But you 
 will be glad to hear that the old narrowness has left us entirely, and that 
 Roman Catholics are numbered among our most honoured members, 
 and that Catholic and Protestant representatives from our body are here 
 at this Convention to-day. Well, we know of at least 10,000 Protestants 
 of the province of Ulster who are already in sympathy with the cause of 
 self-government, and we aim at making this merely the nucleus of a great 
 Protestant army — a great Protestant auxiliary in the army of Irish 
 patriotism. But our efforts have been neutralised by the dissensions 
 which disgrace our cause. We came here to this great Convention of 
 our race because the doors have been opened to us, and because of a 
 hope that this Convention might show the Irish people which way 
 victory lies, and I, for one, feel that much has been done already. If 
 now remains for the constituencies to accomplish the great end which 
 we all have in view. I am not going into particulars, but I will say this, 
 
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 IRISH RACIC CONVENTION. 
 
 that wc III die Nunii, wiiu li.ivc lakcii lliis sluiiU, liupc llint tlic iiuiv^iikiiI 
 will be kept pure and noble. We hope that those at the head of it will 
 set the noble example of magnanimity, of toleration, and let the world 
 see that there is a great moral force in this movement. We cannot win 
 by numbers, but we hope we shall win by the moral force of our cause. 
 What would be the good of victory if we had not this great moral force ? 
 Ours is not a dream of a small kingdom. I trust that our National 
 ideal is not merely a great material thing — not merely that our peo|)lc 
 shall be fixed as rocks in their native soil, not merely that they shall 
 enjoy material prosjierity and the blessings of freedom — but also that 
 they shall be illustrious in purity and nobility of public life, and glorious 
 in the culture of literatuic, science, and art. This ought to be our ideal, 
 and I hope it is. My lord, in conclusion, allow me to .say, as an Irish- 
 man in whose veins runs a mingled tide of Celtic and Teutonic blood, 
 that I am proud to stand here on this platform as an Irisiiman. I have 
 devoted some of the energies of my life in recent years to the effort to 
 make men sink distinctions of creed and parly in the common designa- 
 tion of Irishmen. Allow me further to say, as a Protestant, and also, 
 my lord, as an Ulsterman, born and reared in all the traditions of our 
 province, that I am proud to speak on this platform under your dis- 
 tinguished presidency. He is a poor, misled man, indeed, whatever 
 may be his race or creed, who is not proud to associate with a man 
 bearing the honoured name of a clan which in Ireland's past history 
 rushed to glorious battle so often and so well in the service of Irish 
 freedom. Once again Ireland has gone into battle with the glorious 
 war-cry, " O'Donnell Aboo." 
 
 Mr. Thomas Duffy, County Delegate for Longford — My lord bishop, 
 rev. fathers, and ladies and gentlemen, I have heard a distinguished clergy- 
 man say a few minutes ago he would not pass the time limit, you may 
 be quite sure I won't pass the time limit, but coining as a member of 
 the Central Council of the Federation, I think I would not be doing my 
 duty if 1 did not say a word on behalf of the county I represent, I come 
 from a county represented by the distinguished Mr. Blake, I come from 
 a county represented by the father of the Irish Parliament.iry Party — 
 Justin M'Carthy — and you will permit me on behalf of Ireland to return our 
 sincere thanks to the foreign delegates who have come here to settle this 
 petty dispute amongst Irishmen. We are here assembled in council, the 
 greatest assembly of Irishmen, perhaps, that ever assembled in Dublin 
 before. I always held it as a motto, and I hold it to-day, that majority 
 rule must be obeyed. I am not at all surprised. If I am the oldest 
 delegate in this great assembly, for I wore the badge of O'Connell on 
 my breast when 1 was in the cradle, and what I say to the delegates is 
 to go home and do their duty in organising their counties. Let us 
 stand loyal and firm, shoulder to shoulder, determined to fight out to 
 the bitter end, and Home Rule will be the glorious result. 
 
 Mr. David Doran, Vice-chairman of the Kenmare Board of 
 Guardians — My lord and representatives of that old race that seven 
 centuries of oppression and tyranny could not stamp out — I rejoice in 
 this Parliament of our race, first since ninety years, to speak on behalf 
 of the unfortunate evicted tenants who are mentioned in the resolution 
 before you. When the unfortunate strife amongst Irishmen commenced, 
 
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TITinD DAY— MR. G. J. LVXSh'EY. 
 
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 and when the I'lisoiicr of Tullaniurt; was la.d asidu and was prevented 
 from fighting (or the unfortunate evicted tenants together with the 
 Chairman of the Parliamentary Party, the evicted tenants have been 
 since suffering privation, want, and misery, owing to this miserable 
 strife. A meeting was held within the past week in the city of Dublin 
 by the exterminators of our race for the purpose of trying — now that 
 the second time for fixing the rents in the Land Courts has come — to 
 secure that the reductions will be so small that tiie unfortunate 
 Irish farmer will be starved. The unfortunate Irish farmer will 
 be forced to part with his little girl and his little boy, and let 
 them go to foreign countries to seek the bread that they ought to be able 
 to earn in the land of their birth. You know that the only industry 
 wc have in Ireland is the land. Since Strongbow came over the 
 unfortunate tiller of the soil has been robbed of his right in the land, 
 the proceeds of which have gone into the pockets of a wortless class to 
 spend in Paris anfl in the dens of London. The unfortunate tenants 
 appeal to you. Tlie strife in the Irish Party robbed them of friends and 
 of the means of getting back to their homes, and tiie evicted tenants 
 throughout Ireland and the farmers of the South and West look for tlie 
 (jlorious day when union is restored once more in the Irish ranks. Cio 
 back and organise. Stand together in your own districts and parishes, 
 band yourselves into one great organisation that will conquer land- 
 lordism, and be the means of planting the old flag on the Old House in 
 College Green. 
 
 ^Ir. G. J. LvNSKEV, Liverpool — I would not intervene at this hour 
 but I think that the action of the Irish people in Liverpool deserves that 
 their voice should be heard at this Convention. In every movement, 
 whether constitutional or otherwise, the Irishmen of Liverpool have been 
 in the forefront of it. We look upon it as the Capital of Ireland in Eng- 
 land. We come here to-day to deliver one message, and speaking the 
 unanimous voice of the Irish people of that city, I say that we come here 
 for the purpose of supporting, maintaining, and helping majority rule and 
 discipline in the Irish Party. I shall not dwell upon the questions that 
 are coming before you, because I intend to be particularly brief. We feel 
 that dissension has paralysed our action in England. We feel that dis- 
 sension has deprived us of the support of men that ought to be in our 
 ranks. We feel that dissension has disgusted Irish people who are 
 always ready to support Ireland's demands, and we ask the Irish people 
 at home that they should have union, and that they should have discip- 
 line. We care not whether they shall get it by toleration or by conciliation, 
 but get it by any means is what we demand. We have the honour, the 
 distinguished honour of returning an Irish representative to the Imperial 
 Parliament. You, yesterday, heard his eloquent tongue and his fearless 
 speech ; but I say on behalf of our people, that if he was against the 
 majority of the Irish Party, no matter how great his tongue, no matter 
 how great his services, we would not stand him one hour. We would not 
 tolerate him for one hour unless he was prepared to stand by union, to 
 stand by discipline, and stand by majority rule. I don't suggest to you 
 how you should deal with those who are against that rule, but I tell you 
 how we should deal with them. I tell you how we should deal v/ith our 
 representative, proud as we are of his distinguished ability, and I say the 
 
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 THIRD DAY— MR. QVIX : REV. DR. FnAXXKItV. 305 
 
 Irish people of Liverpool would not tolerate Mr. O'Connor to stand 
 against union, to stand against discipline, or to stand against support to 
 the ciiairman of his party (onstitution.illy elected. We have a very 
 dillicult task in England. You in Ireland have not tliu same sacrifices to 
 make. Even in America, in Australia, in Africa, and uiher places, to lie 
 an Irishman, to be a Nationalist Irishuian, does not |)revtni one from 
 being successful in the worlil. In England it means boycotting, not- 
 withstanding that, we have as true, as earnest, and as |)atri()tie a body of 
 men as ever left Ireland's si.vores. Wliat we come to say to you is 
 this : — " For (Jod's sake close u,> your ranks and he united once more." 
 If you cannot heal up your diffensrces by reconciliation, then, in the last 
 resort make an appeal to the const tucncies. No man has the right to 
 stand between Ireland and her onvard progress ; and I say to you, as 
 you stand together united in Ireland, helping and assisting each other, 
 that we, in Liverpool, will stand by ycu untd we are driven to tlie last 
 ditch in the c." !se of Home Rule. 
 
 Mr. Ai.i'hoNsus QuiN, of Arboe, said — My lord and gentlemen, I 
 wish to say a few words. I have been a I'arnellite ui) to very lately, but 
 seeing this tremendous struggle yoing on, this great battle going on 
 amongst ourselves, I did not see any reason why I woulil not come to 
 this Convention, and, by my presence, support the resolution which was 
 carried yesterday. This great Convention has been called, and its doors 
 have been thrown open to everybody, and I think it would be a great 
 medium to ask the Parnellites to join. What do they want to stand 
 outside for ? I cannot see. I admired Parnell. I can also admire the 
 great ability of Mr. Redmond, but what does he want but Home Rule 
 and the land for the people ? What more does he want ? I was glad 
 to hear Mr. Dillon say that he was prepared to throw over his position 
 for the sake of unity. I may say I am a farmer myself, but I do not 
 agree with Mr. Kilbride that the Land Act may not be of some use to 
 the farmers. The courts will be open, and the people cannot be 
 prevented from going into them. What we want now, as soon as the 
 fifteen years have expired, is to go into the courts and get our rents 
 reduced fifty per cent. That would be a pretty fair reduction. I would 
 ask the farmers what will they do when the courts are open. Fifteen 
 years ago I heard the cry, " Don't go into the Land Courts.'' But how 
 can you keep the people out when they are bent down by starvation ? 
 If the tenants go into the courts and get their rents reduced, they will be 
 better able to fight the landlords. It will give you a strong hand, and 
 when you get Home Rule you will have plenty of money. 
 
 Rev. Dr. Flannerv, St. Thomas, Canada — I am one of the last of 
 the Canadian representatives, and I think you may easily see by my 
 countenance that though I come here from Canada, I am not a Canadian. 
 I had the distinguished honour of being born in the County Tipperary. 
 For the last five years of my life I have been working on the prairies, and 
 along the Canaiian lakes, and on the borders of the great Niagara. 
 During all that time I have had experience of Home Rule — Home Rule 
 for Canadians — an absolute necessity for that country ; Home Rule for 
 Australia — an absolute necessity for that country — yes. Home Rule for 
 every country but Ireland. The British Government have allowed us 
 Home Rule and self-government for every one of the seven provinces, 
 
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 which enal)les us to promote the prosperity and industries of the country. 
 It is dillicult to understand why (Ireat llritain siiould grant fieif-j;overn- 
 nient to almost every portion of her dominions and refuse it to the most 
 intelligent people on the face of the earth. We have sent you from 
 Canada, money, and, as Kather Ryan said on th(! morning of the opening 
 of the Convention, we sent you a man. We sent you that great, grand 
 man, the Hon. Kdward lilake. Men have been trying to asperse his 
 character and to impugn his motives, but we have known Mr. Itlake 
 from his boyhood, because he grew in our midst. It was asked down in 
 the County Tipperary, about four or five years ago when I came to visit 
 my relatives : " Did not this man, Mr. Hlake, come over to look for otrice, 
 and to get office under Gkidstone?" "What nonsense,"! said, "that man is 
 above anything that Gladstone could offer him," ami so he is, for if he 
 liked he would be to day Prime Minister of Canada, instead of his friend 
 Mr. Laurier. Mr. Ulake is a man who has an immense jjractice as a 
 lawyer, and he had a retaining fee of 30.000 dollars a year from the great 
 r.\cific Railway, which unites the two oceans, the Pacific and the 
 Atlantic. 
 
 Mr. Blake — No, no. 
 
 Rev. Dr. Fi.anneuv — Mr. Ulake left Canada because he wished to 
 serve men like Davitt and Dillon in working for Ireland. He came here 
 to stand in the gap and work for Ireland until you have succeeded in 
 getting the restoration of the old Parliament in College Green. 
 
 Mr. J. B. Devmn, Pennsylvania — I esteem it a great honour to be 
 called on to address this Convention. I have come from the land beyond 
 the seas where we have Home Rule in all sincerity. We are the spokes- 
 men of the prosperity and the progress of that country, which was the 
 outcome of the principle that you demand to have adopted. Home Rule 
 for Ireland, and we are the bearers of a message to Great Britain, that so 
 long as she continues to rule Ireland as at present, not only does she act 
 unwisely but tyrannically. The road of patriotism is a rough and rugged 
 path, but it has a goal which is worth striving for. In America we have 
 a sharp and swift way of d"i''ig with a traitor to his political party. We 
 ignore the man who becomes a renegade from his party. They are put 
 aside, and are known as " Dead Ducks." Since I left the country there 
 was no movement for the advantage of Ireland that I did not do my 
 utmost to serve, and we on the other side of the Atlantic have been 
 unselfish, and have made sacrifices in support of the cause of Ireland. 
 
 Mr. Charles Herron, South Derry, said that he hailed from a 
 constituency in the North of Ireland which had played an important 
 part in the struggle of the last fifteen years. The people of South Derry 
 were tolerant of no faction. They had shown that in two important and 
 trying crises. At the time of the great fall of Mr. Parnell, Mr. Healy 
 put into their hands the weapons with which they fought Parnell — the 
 issue of the independence and the sacred interests of the country — and 
 they chose the interests of the country, and with sorrow put aside Mr. 
 Parnell. Little did they think then that a second crisis would arise when 
 they would be obliged to use these same arguments against Mr. Healy. 
 The speaker continuing, said— South Derry was indebted to Mr. Healy, 
 but yet, when it came to the question of the country's interests or Mr. 
 Healy's interests, we stood a second time by the country. If the rest of 
 
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 rilllil) DAY-MH.JOIIS M'KtlOWy, Q.C. ^o^ 
 
 Ireland imitated the i'xani|)lc nf Smith Derry there would lie littlu 
 occasion for this uroat iiicctin){ to-day. I tell you here that there is no 
 dissension in South Derry; there is unity — strong cnduriii);, and InslinK, 
 South Derry has never for one moment varied from the princiiiles of 
 unity and majority rule, and I have been asked, when coming here, to say 
 that South Derry was again prepared to follcjw in the olil fuotst^'ps and 
 fight the old hattles, but that this was su'ely a time when we should 
 forget the past, meet others half way, and shake hands, and that in this 
 great Convention, which has not unjustly been compared to the great 
 Convention at Tara, we should be prepared to draw a veil over the past, 
 and at least make a solemn and determined attempt to build up a new 
 and bright future for our country. I trust that this great Convention 
 will not separate without expressing its acknowledgment of the giant 
 services Mr. John Dillon has rendered to his country. Mr. Dillon lias in 
 season and out of season advocated the principles of unity in that Party, 
 and he has endeavoured to do his duty as a man to reunite the Party in 
 future and for all time. 
 
 Mr. Davitt — His lordship desires nic to read the following telegram ; 
 
 " Two tliouiami Irlslimun juin hcntt and soul wishing Gi)(I-«|)ecil, unity, peace. 
 TVNAN, Rector, Ftirnworlh, Lanca.hirc." 
 
 Mr. John M'ICkown, Q.C, St. Catherine's, Canada— It is with 
 some diffidence that 1 rise so late in the day to address an audience so 
 vast as this which has been for some time engaged in such serious deli- 
 beration. I come here with my fellow delegates from Canada, and I do 
 not desire to take up the time of this meeting by going over the ground 
 which they so clearly, so forcibly, and so eloijueiuly put before you. I 
 have simply to say that so far as the district from which 1 come, St. 
 Catherine's, where Dean Harris is the parish priest, is concerned, we are 
 united as one man in standing by the chairman of tlie Parliamentary 
 Parly, no matter who that man may be. I have only to tell you this, 
 that from Halifax to Vancouver, from north to south of the great Do- 
 minion of Canada, the Irish Catholics and the Irish Liberals will follow 
 and support by their voice and their purse any man that Kdward Hlake 
 will follow and support. I have confidence in him ; I know him from 
 boyhood ; we have been fellow students and lifelong friends, and we 
 feel that when Edward Blake can follow a leader chosen by the Parlia- 
 mentary Party that the whole dominion of Canada, so far as the Liberals 
 and Home Rulers are concerned, will follow him without asking who he 
 is. I will promise that the district from which I come will stand true 
 to the cause of Home Rule and for the benefit of Ireland. Mr. Ulake, 
 Mr. Justin M'Carthy, both of them know that we in that section of the 
 country have shown our good-will by the contributions we collected, 
 Dean Harris and myself, and transmitted to Mr. Blake. I have no 
 desire to take up all the time allowed me. All I say is that it surprises 
 me as an old campaigner, who has fought side by side with Mr. Blake 
 in the past, following him as a leader, to hear the question of majority- 
 rule called even into question. It is with us as an accepted maxim that 
 every man in the party when he goes into caucus or counsel gives his 
 opinion, and if the majority is against him he bows, and is loyal in the 
 ranks. 
 
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 iiiisri RACE coyvt^yTiny. 
 
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 I)r. TiMMiNS, Uruadway, South Uo8ton — I.ailicN and Ki^nllcnuni, n 
 iiioiiient or two n;^(i, nt the sniicitntion of it few friends, I |)iTmitt<il my 
 naini' to Ik; hnndud in on ronditimi that the \s.iterof yotir null was 
 rniinin^ dry. Now, I do not kcc nny evidence oi that, and I think that 
 lloston has been heard sntliciently of late, C'()nse(|iuntly, I shall not 
 trespass on your time at any length. I'roni the other side of the ocean 
 we are unanimous in our hope and belief that there should he unanimity 
 on this siile also, i'crhajjs, if we lived witliin the confmes of your small 
 isle, closeness to the objects you have to look at might also obscure our 
 vision, and we might act wrongly, as man) <f the Inhabitants of this 
 country have acted. You know it is sai<i t'- listancc lends enchant- 
 ment to the view." We have determined t 'orityrule shall prevail. 
 Why should it not be so? Why should i najority govern in all 
 Well-constituted and legally-conslituted bodies i in America we have a 
 homely phrase thai " the dog w.igs the tail — not the tail the doj;," and 
 therclore we take it that the majority should be more than the nunority. 
 "Two heads are better than one,"and, a fortiori^ many heads arc better 
 than a few. What is the dilhculty in this iiuestion? A kindly invitation 
 has been extended to all dissentient factions, and yet they had not put 
 in an appearance. Did they need to have a gilt-edged card on a silver 
 plate lined with gold presented to cai;h of them ? (lentlenien, these 
 persons were suffering Ironi wh.\t is known in Anurica as "swelled 
 head." Why sluiulil not the umjority rule? We cannot understand it, 
 and I am sure you will agree that the majority here should rule, es|)eci- 
 ally as the head of your majority is the man these very traitors taught us 
 to call " Honest Joiui Dillon." Why, my friends, nothing has pleased 
 them from the commencement of this Convention to the end. I took 
 up a paper this morning — I know not what gentleman or what coterie il 
 may rejiresent — but nothing, from the pr.iyer in Irish, from the Benedic- 
 tion of the I'ojje down to the very minutest act, was s.itisfactory to this 
 tarty I am not here to apply the knife nor to advise its application, 
 ecause, as a physician and surgeon, the knife should be the last remedy. 
 I merely would repeat which was so well said by the distinguished repre- 
 sentative for Longford, the Hon. Edward HIake, who was regarded not 
 only as an ornament to Canada, but an ornament to all America. He 
 tendered the olive branch of jieace to those who are rt variance with you, 
 and did it in a si)irit that should force any Christian gentleman to examine 
 his conscience and see if he could any longer remain apart. I will merely 
 add, that while we are in this country a little while longer we will watch 
 and i)ray that the peaceful remedies ofTered, and the peaceful means pre- 
 sented by Mr. Blake and others to this assembly, may be accepted before 
 it is too late. I will tell the electors of the country — if they will take my 
 advice, and I know some of them will take it — I will tell the electors of 
 what has been, perhr.|)s, from time immemorial called the Black North, 
 from which I have come, to fall into line, as I am glad to see it is falling 
 into line — I shall ns ruct them, if these members continue obstinate as 
 they have continued, ,hey are to work the guillotine, and thsy are to be 
 the executioners. The)-' is a gentleman from Massachusetts and Boston 
 of greater reputation a'ld si/c than myself, and as probibly he will have 
 a word to sa; riuui that section, I beg to be excused from saying any 
 more. A vord to the wise is sufficient. You have had many words, and 
 
 
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 many eloquent words. Let them be sufficient; take them home — meditate 
 upon them — ponder upon them, and do not fo.get, that the members of 
 Parliament are your servants, and not your masters. 
 
 The Chairman — Gentlemen, a number of other speakers would be 
 willing to address the Convention, but at this hour of the day it is abso.. 
 lately necessary to get through with the agenda paper. Is it your wil 
 that these resolutions do pass ? (Loud cries of " Aye.") 
 
 The Chairman — I declare these resolutions carried unanimously. 
 
 (5) Land. — "That the Irish landlord system and methods have tended to 
 impoverish, exterminate, and expel the Irish race, and have thus been the fruitful 
 source of misery, discontent, violence, and disturliance in Ireland. 'J'hat the last 
 Land Act, while lx!ttering the condition of crt-iin classes, fails to give the vast 
 m.njority ofthe Irish tenantry that security against excessive rents and confiscation of 
 impiovements which is essential to their well-being and to the success of any scheme 
 of land purchase ; fails to give necessary powers for the culargement of too small 
 holdings by the compulsory purchase of grass lands from which the people have been 
 driven, and (ails i» make .adequate provision for the restoration to their homes of the 
 evicted tenants, to whose courage and endurance uich benefits as the farmers of 
 Ireland have obtained are largely due, and whose case must ever appeal lo the sense 
 ofhonoi ml gratitude of their fellow-countrymen. We condemn the lateness of the 
 period and the shortness of the lime allowed for discussion, and the indecent threats 
 of withdrawal, by which legitimate delate was curtailed ; and we declare that the 
 Act cannot be accepted even as a temporary settlement, and that the only hope of the 
 tenantry rests in a united and determined Parliamentary party, backeil by a great 
 agrarian combination, watching the operation of the Land Laws, exposing cases of 
 injustice, and demanding a full measure of reform." 
 
 (6) Taxation. — " That we rejoice that the evidence taken before the Financial 
 Commission has at length made too clear for argument the injustice under 
 which Ireland has been so long and is still labouring in the matter of Im]>erial taxation, 
 and we record our grateful thanks lo Mr. .Sexton for his arduous and most successful 
 labours in this regard. We call upon the Irish Parly al the earliest moment lo press 
 upon Parliament our demand for the redress of past wrongs and for the relief from 
 present unequal burdens imposed by the representatives of rich and powerful Britain 
 upon weakened and impoverished Irela.id. 
 
 (7) Labour. — " That while we hail with satisfaction the improved condition of 
 those labourers from whom homes have been provided under the Labourers Act, we 
 regret that the great body are still without decent habitations and plots of land. 
 Notwithstanding recent improvements, we claim that, whilst maintaining due super- 
 vision, the proce;lure should be further shortened, simplified, and cheapened, the 
 ap|>eal to the I'rivy Conncil abolished, and the Act made more widely useful ; and 
 that the Irish labourers shall be given the same franchise for the elections of guardians 
 .as is possessed by the English labourers ; that we recognise the just claim of urban 
 labour to an improvement in the laws as applicable lo the housing of the working 
 classf.s of ilhe towns, and we sympathise with every effort for a reasonable reduction 
 i.i tlie hours of daily toil." 
 
 (8.) Local Govkrnme.nt. — "That v.'e condemn the non-representative and 
 irresponsible system of Local Government in Irish Counties by Grand Juries, and the 
 narrowness of the franchise in Irish boroughs ; we demand the immediate applica- 
 tion in Ireland to Local Government in all its branches of those principles of democratic 
 control which have been so fully carried out in Great Britain." 
 
 (%) Education. — "That for Catholics we demand perfect equality in the law 
 and udministration in the matter of education — primary, intermediate, and university 
 — and the recognition therein not only of the national spirit but also of the highest 
 educational right, namely, the religious training of youth in accordance with the price- 
 less piincipl<"- ' religious liberty and freedom of conscience ; we demand the establish- 
 ment of V .versity which shall afford to the Catholic people of Ireland educational 
 opportunities equal to those enjoyed by the favoured minority of her population in the 
 University of Dublin : we ask for a practical extension of technical education in 
 
 W' 
 
 
THIRD DAY— MR. JOHN DILLON, M.P 
 
 3" 
 
 agriculture and other industrial arts on a system ndapteJ lo the special needs of Ireland, 
 so that her cliildrcn may be better filtcil to develop the resources odl.eir country. 
 
 (lO.) Gaf.i.ic Lanchagk.— " We hail with satisfaction the successful efforts that 
 arc licmg made at home and aliroad to revive ami extend interest in the prescivation 
 of the (iaelic tongue, anil we urge upon all those who can further the intertsts of this 
 movement to give every help and encouragement to the preservatiou and study of our 
 ancient Irish longue by the children of the (jael." 
 
 The Chairman — I find on the paper a number of notices handed in 
 to me relative to particular Members. Now, considerinj;! the course of 
 this debate, the mandate that you have given to the Parliamentary Party, 
 and the desire of ail to see that peaceful counsels should prevail, I 
 would suggest to the gentlemen charged with these resolutions at this 
 hour of the uay to allow them to drop. There is another resolution 
 thanking the two gentlemen — the leader of the National Party and Mr. 
 Blake, for their unrivalled services to the National cause. I think I 
 may be interpreting the views of both, when I also ask tho.se in charge 
 of those resolutions not to put them to the meeting. There is also a 
 notice of motion expressing condemnation of a particular newspaper, 
 and perhaps the same course is the best in regard to that motion. 
 There is a resolution with regard to the form of the Parliamentary 
 Pledge, and perhaps the gentleman in charge of that motion would 
 allow me to say that it is a great subject to enter upon at this stage of 
 our proceedings, and that possibly we have done enough to secure the 
 object these gentlemen have in view. The last resolution of all, I 
 would suggest might be treated in the same way, as it proposes some- 
 what of a new procedure. There remains two resolutions. With one 
 of them I think you will have no difficulty. It might easily be added, 
 I suggest, to the resolution about the Irish language. It is — 
 
 " That, in order to give employment to the poorer classes, and remedy the poverty 
 and misery due to the oppression and legalized robbery under which our country has 
 so long sull'ered and still suft'er-, we appeal to all Irishmen of means lo assist in 
 establishing manufactures in Ireland, and on all, to promote their success by using 
 .articles of Irish manufacture as tar as they can be obtained." 
 
 The next division contains a suggestion in addition to what is contained 
 in the resolution on the Irish language already passed. I shall read it 
 for you — 
 
 " That the most strenuous efforts be made to create and foster a healthy National 
 sentiment, by disseminating the knowledge of Irish history, and by tne cultivation of 
 the Irish language, Irish literature, music and games." 
 
 There remains a motion with reference to the Paris Funds, and it is 
 diflTerent in character from those I have alluded to. Mr. Thomas 
 M'Goverp v.-il' move the resolution, and then I think we can bring the 
 matter to a conclusion in a short time. 
 
 There being no response, after a pause, 
 
 Ihe Chairman — I will ask Mr. Dillon to make a short statement 
 on the maucj. 
 
 Mr. John Dillon, M.P. — My lord and fellow-delegatt s, I stated 
 before that I came before this Convention prepared to deal with any- 
 thing in the nature of a charge tnat niit;ht be made, and I have no fault 
 
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 IRISH RACE CONVESTION. 
 
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 to find with Mr. M'Govern for putting that notice on the paper. On 
 the contrary, I thank him for tailing that manly course of raising the 
 question, and also for giving me notice that he proposed to raise it. 
 Now, the answer is exceedingly brief and simple. The Paris Funds, as 
 most of you are aware, were released under agreement between ourselves 
 and the I'arnellite Party, when we were informed by the London solici- 
 tors who had charge of the matter, on behalf of Mr. M'Carthy and our 
 party, that it minht be twenty years before they could be got out by 
 means of litigation. The terms of that agreement were published to the 
 world, and were approved by unanimous vote at a meeting of the Irish 
 Party in the month of November, 1893, at which fifty-four members of 
 the party were present. Under that agreement, in the month of Novem- 
 ber, 1894, the Paris Funds were released, and 1 may say, for the infor- 
 mation of Mr. M'Govern, as he asks me to state how much was received 
 by Mr. M'Carthy and myself, that since January, 1890, nothing was 
 received until the month of November, 1894. The total net sum — after 
 the payment of law costs paid under the agreement — the total net sum 
 released was ;,^38,47i 14s. ixd. Under the agreement we were bound 
 to set aside ;^ 14,000 of that sum to meet what were known as prior 
 claims, and that ;^i4,ooo lies to-day, untouched as yet, in the Hibernian 
 Bank, in O'ConncU Street in this city, in the names of Messrs. Michael 
 Davitt, T. Harrington, and John Dillon. Many claims have been lodged 
 against it, and I fear it may be some little time yet before we can arrive 
 at an agreement as to the apportionment of the money to the various 
 claims, as they are largely in excess of that sum. That left a balance of 
 ;^24,47i 14s. I id., which, under the terms of the agreement, was to be 
 devoted to the relief of the evicted tenants, and I am here to-day to state 
 that, when that sum is fully expended, a careful audit of the account will 
 be published, which will show that not a single farthing has gone to a 
 member of the Irish Party, or to any political purpose whatever. Up to 
 the date of the commencement of this Convention, that fund of 
 ;^24,47i 4s. I id. was disposed of as follows : — ;£23,o84 7s. 4d. has been 
 distributed amongst the evicted tenants of Ireland, ;^39S os. 9d. has been 
 the cost in office expenses and in the salary of a secretary for the dis- 
 tribution of that large sum, and ^992 6s. lod. still lies in bank for the 
 use of the evicted tenants. And I have only further to say that Mr. 
 M'Govern's motion asked me to state, on behalf of the party, the name 
 and address of every individual who got a payment out of the Paris 
 Funds. I have that actually prepared (cries of " It is not wanted "), 
 but inasmuch as there are over twelve hundred names and over twelve 
 hundred addresses, it would cover two sheets of the Freeman. But I 
 can inform Mr. M'Govern, or anybody else interested, that by giving me 
 notice, and calling at my house. No. 2 North Great George's Street, I 
 shall hand the whole document over to him, and let him study it for 
 himself. 
 
 Mr. T. P. O'Connor, M.P. — My lord, I have to propose the following 
 resolution, which I am about to read. If the hour were earlier, and if 
 the case required any speaking. I might address some observations to 
 you upon it ; but I think the case is so clear, and the motion expresses 
 what you think so lucidly, that it will not be necessary for me to do 
 more than read the motion. I hope my friends to whom the resolution 
 
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 / 
 
 THIRD DAY— REV. J. tiCANLAN. 
 
 Vi 
 
 is addressed will not misunderstand nic in thus moving the resolution 
 without any comment— 
 
 "That thii great National Convention of the Irish R.ice ofTcrs it's piofound 
 gratilutlc to the distinguished (gentlemen from (he United Slates, Canada, Australasia, 
 Newfoundland, and South Africa who have been self-sacrificint; and patriotic cnoui;h 
 to travel such vast distances to attend this Convention. That we reco(;ni-.o in tlicin, 
 holding as they do, great positions in politics, Iho Church, and commerce, not only 
 the most iuflucntial representation of the scattered eliildren of the Gael which has 
 ever visited Ireland, Imt as living proofs of the genius, energy, and cajiaciiy of the 
 Irish race when free institutions give Irishmen a fair chance. And fnially that tlie 
 presence of these men of our race from so many parts ot the earth shows to the whole 
 ■world that the struggle of Ireland can rely on the steady, generous, and encrt;ctic 
 support of a great and powerful race in almost every part of tlie world, and can look 
 thus confidently to complete and triumphant success." 
 
 Mr. Davitt — It gives me the greatest pleasure— in fact I feci an 
 honour in performing the duty — in seconding the resolutioi: so well put 
 by Mr. O'Connor. 
 
 The motion was carried amidst enthusiastic cheering and waving of 
 hats. 
 
 Very Rev. Dean H.\rri.s — On behalf of the forei.'jn delegates, I wish 
 to thank you for this warm expression of your kindly feelings towards 
 us. If we have served no other purpose by our visit we have at least 
 infused into the hearts of those present some of the warmth of feeling 
 towards the old country that we have entertained ourselves. For coming 
 these long d'^tances we are more than repaid by the courtesy with 
 which we have been received by you, and by the instructions we have 
 received in listening to the magnificent speeches delivered from this 
 platform. I thank you. 
 
 Mr. John Dillon, M.P. — It is now my duty to move that his 
 lordship the Bishop of Raphoe do leave the chair, and that Mr. 
 Edward Blake do take the second chair. 
 
 Mr. Blake here took the place of the Bishop of Raphoe in the 
 chair. 
 
 Mr. Dillon — I have to submit to you a resolution, which, indeed, 
 will not require that I should approach the limit of time, and that is — 
 
 " That the thanlis of this great Convention and the thanks of the scattered 
 children of the Gael should be accorded to that illustrious and eloquent prelate who 
 has presided over our deliberations for the last three days, and who has shown that 
 the blood of O'Donnell is still wairn." 
 
 I shall say nothing more, for the reception you have given to the 
 resolution shows that it is idle for me to recommend it to you. 
 
 Rev. J. ScANLAN, P.P. — I have very great pleasure indeed in 
 seconding this vote of thanks to his lordship, the Bishop of Raphoe, for 
 the great services he has rendered to Ireland by presiding over this 
 great Convention during the past three days. In accordance with the 
 traditions of his honoured place he heard the call of Ireland, and he 
 came to point out to the Irish people the road to duty, and I hope 
 every man here will find in his heart a command to follow in that path 
 of duty. At the opening of the Convention he made a speech that 
 was at once eloquent and patriotic. During those three days he puided 
 
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TUIRI) DAY— THE CIIAIRMAX. 
 
 3'5 
 
 our deliberations with a wisdom tliat could not l)u surpassed, and for 
 which Ireland owes him a debt of thanks. Under his lordship's 
 auspices great good is bound to come from this Convention, for when 
 you go home to your rcsi)eclive jiarishes you will be bound in honour 
 as patriots and as men to give effect to the resolutions that were passed 
 here during the last tiiree days. The Convention was a noble sight to 
 see, but except you put life into your branches when you go home the 
 Convention will be robbed of half its fruit, and his lordship will be 
 deprived of half the pleasure due to him for having presided on this 
 remarkable occasion. I tliink the very best thanks we could give him 
 would be to put new life into the different branches of the organisation 
 in our respective parishes, to gather our friends around us, and thereby 
 give pleasure to Ireland and put fear into the hearts of her foes. With 
 these (ew remarks I beg formally to second the vote of thanks to his 
 lordship, who, in accordance with the traditions of his ancient and royal 
 race, has done us great honour by presiding over our Convention. 
 
 Mr. Blake then put the resolution to the meeting, and declared it 
 carried amid a most extraordinary and unprecedented scene of 
 enthusiasm. 
 
 The Most Rev. Dr. O'Donnell, on rising to reply to the vote of 
 thanks, was the recipient of an extraordinary ovation. The whole 
 crowded audience rose to their feet and cheered loudly, and waved hats 
 and handkerchiefs for several minutes. After several renewals of the 
 demonstration, and when silence was restored, his lordship said — Mr. 
 Chairman, ladies and gentlemen, it is beyond my power to return thanks 
 as I ought for the far too kind words spoken of me by the proposer and 
 seconder of this resolution, or to express my gratitude to the Convention 
 at large for the generosity with which it has received those words, and 
 the forbearance and kindliness that have been dealt out to me since the 
 beginning of these memorable proceedings. When I took the chair I 
 thought to myself it was likely to involve some strain, but I reflected 
 that I should have the compensation of being in a good position to 
 listen to a debate that promised to be fruitful with lasting blessings for 
 the land we all love. I think this Convention has not been behind the 
 expectation of anyone, and I say, whatever other convictions our friends 
 from abroad bring back with them, they will bring this conviction — that 
 when Ireland has a Parliament, that Parliament will be worthy of a 
 nation. As regards the chair, my position was very largely a sinecure ; 
 and if ever a wave threatened to ripple the placid face of this great sea 
 of Irish public life, a little bang by Mr. Davitt on the gong at once 
 stilled the storm. I venture to express the opinion to Mr. M'Neill, who, 
 I understand, is writing a history of Irish Conventions, the best theme 
 he can find for any chapter will be the proceedings of this Convention. 
 I confess, indeed, on a secondary matter I had for a while some anxiety. 
 I had a fear, when that strain of eloquence from across the seas poured 
 into my ears, that the ungrateful children of Ireland who had left her 
 soil were going to bear away the palm of eloquence. Fortunately, the 
 balance became pretty fairly and evenly dressed. As one who occupied 
 that chair, I take great pleasure in saying that I am proud of our people 
 and very proud of our clergy who did so much good work in this Con- 
 vention. One thing gave us enormous power in this hall during the 
 
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 II 
 
 ii 
 
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 316 
 
 //e/.S'£r 7?^CJ5; CONVENTION. 
 
 proceedings, and that was the presence and patient hearing and symiiathy 
 of those most representative friends who have come to us from every 
 land in which Irishmen can be found ; and I say to them, because at 
 first sight it might appear somewhat strange that in the capital of the 
 land they came to serve there were not more public demonstrations in 
 their honour — I say to them that they have had a demonstration of 
 respect and honour from the intellect and heart of Ireland in the vote 
 that has been passed them this afternoon. And I tell them that if they 
 go down to 'I'ipperary or Connemara, or to a place called Donegal — il 
 they send to rural Ireland, where the Irish population chiefly lives — 
 if they send a large deputation, we will make our Irish hills blaze with 
 welcome in their honour. 
 
 Gentlemen, can any man doubt that this Convention has been a 
 magnificent success ? You know there are two peace-making ways in 
 which unity may be promoted — there is the way of agi;regation and 
 fusion, on the one hand, and there is the way, on the other hand, of 
 growth and assimilation and attraction, and survival of the littest. Now, 
 none of our friends leaving their homes thought it at all likely that on 
 this platform the aggregation would actually be effected, but they are 
 convinceil, and we are convinced, that the tone of this assembly, and 
 the voice of this assembly, and the brotherly love and toleration exhibited 
 by this assembly towards every man who is honestly a friend of Ireland, 
 are eminently calculated to bring all true Irish Nationalists togetiier. 
 Then, as regards growth and attraction and assimilation, has not the 
 princi])le of growth been strengthened and renewed with a new spirit 
 from the deliberations and decisions of this Convention ? And is it not a 
 fact of which we feel well assured, that when the spirit of this Convention 
 has its full influence on public opinion, when our delegates go back 
 home and report, and when the whole country is vitalised anew by the 
 sentiments poured forth so unanimously here, soon, and very soon, those 
 who now linger outside the regular army will come in and obey the 
 drill ? Gentlemen, our friends from abroad, have you any doubt now as 
 to where the Irish Party is ? Well, the work of the Irish Party, my 
 friends, would be very much easier if, besides bein{ the Irish Party, they 
 had every Nationalist Home Rule member working cordially with them. 
 But, gentlemen, I want to put you this. We have no claim on you 
 except the great claim which constrains you of your love for our cause. 
 And I say this to you unhesitatingly — it is my belief that it is a logical 
 conclusion for you — that as a united Irish Party would have dominant 
 claims on your sympathy and support, the true Irish Party that has 
 spread out its hands to all true Nationalists, and asked them to come to 
 meet you, and is surrounded with so much trouble and danger and diffi- 
 culty in doing its work, has a greater claim on you than any party could 
 have in which every Nationalist member would stand with his brothers. 
 It is well known at home and abroad that for years past our Party in 
 Parliament, owing to a sort of paralysis with which it was afflicted on the 
 right and on the left, did not receive from the public that amount of 
 financial support which is absolutely essential for the conduct of any 
 movement or for maintaining an army in Westminster to fight our battles 
 there. Well, if I interpret the spirit of this Convention aright, the men 
 who compose it will not let our army starve for the want of commissariat. 
 
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 o. 
 
 TlllRV DAY-THE CHAIRMAN. 
 
 ,?«7 
 
 I will, therefore, .cad to >..,. a resolution wliirl, I propose lor the 
 acceptance of friends from Ireland and from Ijcyond lier shoris :- 
 
 " Tlmt thi- Convention, rcpre.cnlinR the I.Uh people. plc.lj;.s >»; fi"""';;;'' ™l'^ 
 port to ti.e I.ish p^rly. nn,l calls iipoi, tl.cin to nuke an appeal for such support to 
 the people in the course ot the present autumn," 
 
 You will give that resolution cffert, I am sure, in the full confidetice, 
 as Rev. Mr. Lyttle su-^csted, that in our own day, with Cod s hlcssinp;, 
 Ireland will be a nation once again, with the mission to niaintam 
 highest intelkcmal culture, supreme devotion to faith, and true liDerty 
 
 for all its people. .,,,_• i i i i 
 
 Mr. Blake put the resolution proposed by his lordship, anil Ueclarea 
 
 it passed with acclamation. 
 
 Mr. ]li.\KE, again rising— C.entlemen, in one moment this great 
 Convention will be dissolved. Our collective power, our organised 
 force, will be at an end. Our works will live alter us. Remember that with 
 the moment our collective power ends our individual responsibility ami- 
 mences, and as we separate and are resolved into our individual entities, 
 we carry away with us, each one, a solemn duty to spread the light, and 
 to cause every place where we live, and every man and woman with 
 whom we have influence, to know wh it has been leatnt and wha. has 
 been decided here these tiiree days, and to see that the seeds, the .;ood 
 seeds, sown here, shall blossom and bear fruit all over Ireland, Geiille- 
 nien, I declare this Convention dissolved. 
 
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 ^be S^cdolutioiid of the Convention. 
 
 ^'r/'f. 
 
 The following is the full text of the resolutions as finally adopted by 'lie 
 Convention of the Irish Race during its deliberations : — 
 
 (i) Reunion.— "Seeing that divisions amongst Irish Nationalist 
 representatives paralyze to a great extent their power of serving Ireland, 
 cast discredit on the country, and tend to alienate tiie supi)ort of the 
 Irish race and to destroy their confidence in the efficacy of I'arliamen- 
 tary action, we record our firm conviction that it is of the first importance 
 to Ireland that the Nationalist representatives in Parliament should be 
 reunited into one party ; and, in tiie spirit of the recent resolution of the 
 Irish Party, we declare that, 'In our earnest desire to accomplish that 
 result, we are prepared to meet on fair and ecjual terms all Nationnlisis 
 who will join in the attempt to reconstitute a united Home Rule Party, 
 in which every sui)porter of the movement shall be cordially received 
 and justly considered, regardless of all past differences, and having 
 regard only to his capacity to render service to the common cause.' 
 We are glad to observe in the composition of this Convention, and in 
 the spirit shown throughout the country, marked evidence of a growing 
 tendency to reunion, and we invite the Irish Nationalist Party to take 
 such further steps as may to them seem calculated to promote the cause 
 of reunion." 
 
 (2) Unity. — "That we recognise as the essential element of the 
 existence of an effective Irish Party the hearty co-operation and cheerful 
 subordination of each individual in carrying out the Party policy, as 
 settled (after free discussion) by the judgment of the greater number. 
 That while we are glad to observe that on grave questions there have 
 been but few intelligible differences of opinion in the Irish Party, and 
 none difficult of reconciliation by reasonable men willing to agree, we 
 most strongly condemn those public disputes regarding minor questions 
 of persons and tactics which have so gravely impaired the power of the 
 Party. We solemnly call upon every man belonging to the Irish Party, 
 in answer to the prayers ol our people all the world over, to forget old 
 differences, to sink personal feelings, and to act for the future as good 
 comrades and fellow-soldiers in the spirit of this resolution and in the 
 support of that party unity on which the fate of Ireland so largely de- 
 pends. We ask the Irish Party to take such steps as may in their judg- 
 ment be found necessary to the establishment of unity and discipline in 
 their own ranks, in accordance with the resolutions of this Convention ; 
 and we assure them of our unfailing support in the execution of this 
 essential task." 
 
RKSOLUTin XS PA SSKD. 
 
 3»9 
 
 (3) HoMn Riir.E. — "That this Irish Race Convention reasserts the 
 immemorial claim of Ireland a Nation. We declare tliat Ent;land is 
 governing Ireland wrongfully, by coercion, and against the people's 
 will ; that each year proves afresh the futility of the atlempl ; thai Irish 
 evils mainly tlow from alien, irresponsible, uninformed, and unsympa- 
 thetic rule ; and that no policy, whether of severe repression or of 
 partial concession, can allay her riglitful discontent, or will slacken her 
 efforts to obtain a Legislature and an executive making and administer- 
 ing laws for Ireland by Irishmen on Irish soil. We declare it tiie prime 
 duty of the Irish Parliamentary Party to continue to maintam its 
 absolute independence of Englisii Political Parties, and thus to pre- 
 
 I serve its freedom to give an indeijcndent opposition or an in(le|)endent 
 
 I support to any Party, as may seem best in the interests of the National 
 
 ' cause." 
 
 (4) Amnkstv.— "Thai, while hailing with satisfaction the release of 
 some of the Irish Political Prisonsrs, we are indignant that relief has 
 come so late, after their health had been broken by long years of suffer- 
 ing. We condemn the brutal treatment wiiicii England, while boasting 
 herself to be the advance guard of freedom amongst the nations, inllicts 
 on political prisoners sentenced for oftences arising out of Irish 
 
 ' ( grievances. We mark the contrast in feeling and in action exhibited by 
 
 England towards the Irish prisoners and towards other political 
 offenders, as, for instance, the Johannesburg Committee and the 
 Jameson Raiders. VVe call for the immediate liberation of all the 
 
 ') ,) remaining Irish political prisoners still enduring the horrors of ])enal 
 
 servitude, and we rcciuest the Irish Parliamentary representatives to 
 press with insistent urgency for their release." 
 
 (5) Land. — "That the Irish landlord system and methods have 
 tended to impoverish, exterminate, and expel the Irish race, and have 
 thus been the fruitful source of misery, discontent, violence and dis- 
 turbance in Ireland. That the last Land Act, while bettering the 
 condition of certain classes, fails to give the vast majority of the Irish 
 tenantry that security against excessive rents and confiscation of im- 
 provement which is essential to their well-being and to the success of 
 any scheme of land purchase ; fails to give necessary powers for the 
 enlargement of too small holdings by the compulsory purchase of grass 
 lands from which the people have been driven, and fails to make 
 adequate provision for the restoration to their homes of the evicted 
 tenants, to whose courage and endurance such benefits as the farmers of 
 Ireland have obtained are largely due, and whose case must ever appeal 
 to the sense of honour and gratitude of their fellow-countrymen. We 
 condemn the lateness of the period and the shortness of the time 
 allowed for discussion, and the indecent threats of withdrawal, by which 
 legitimate debate was curtailed ; and we declare that the act cannot be 
 accepted even as a temporary settlement, and that the only hope of the 
 tenantry rests in a united and determined Parliamentary party, backed 
 by a great agrarian combination, watching the operation of the land 
 laws, exposing cases of injustice, and demanding a full measure of 
 reform." 
 
 (6) Taxation. — "That we rejoice that the evidence taken before 
 the Financial Commission has at length made too clear for argument 
 
 S 
 
 7. 
 
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 3" 
 
 iinsTi 
 
 cnxvEXTiny. 
 
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 The injustice iitnler wliici> Ireland has been so long and is still labour- 
 inf{ in the matter of Imperial taxation, and we record our grateful 
 thanks to Mr. Suxton for his ariliioiis and most successful labours in this 
 regard. We call upon the Irish I'arty at the earliest moment to press 
 u))()n Parliament our demand for the redress of past wrongs and for the 
 relief from present une(|ual burdens imj)osed by the rc|)rescntatives of 
 rich and powerful liritain upon weakened and impoveiislu'd Ireland." 
 
 (7) I.AiioUK. — "That while we hail with satisfaction the improved 
 condition of those labourers for whom homes have been provided 
 under the Labourers Act, we regret that the great body are still with- 
 out decent habitations and plots of land. Notwithstanding recent 
 improvements, wc claim that, whilst maiiuaining due supervision, the 
 jirocL'dure should be further shortened, simplified, and cheajjened, the 
 appeal to the Privy Council abolished, and the Act made more widely 
 iiKcful ; and that the Irish labourers shall be given the ;:anie franchi'jo 
 lor the elections of guardians as is possessed by the Knglish labourers ; 
 that we recognise the just claim of urban labour to an inii)rovcment ii\ 
 the laws as applicable to the housing of the working classes of the 
 towns, and we sympathise with every effort for a reasonable reduction 
 in the hours of daily toil." 
 
 (8) Local Govukn.mf.nt. — "That wc condemn the non-representa- 
 tive and irresponsible system of Local (Jovcrnment in Irish Counties by 
 Cirand Juries, and the narrowness of the franchise in Irish boroughs ; 
 we (V'lnand the immediate application in Ireland to Local (lovernment 
 in all its branches of those jirinciples of democratic control which have 
 been so fully carried out in Great Britain." 
 
 (9) Education. — "That for Catholics we demand perfect equality 
 in the law and administration in the matter of education — i)rimary, 
 intermediate and university — and the recognition therein not only of 
 the National spirit, but also of the highest educational right, namely, 
 the religious trainingof youth in accordance with the priceless jiriiiciples 
 of religious liberty and freedom of conscience ; we demand the establish- 
 ment of a University which shall afford to the Catholic people of Ireland 
 educational opportunities equal to those enjoyed by the favoured 
 majority of her population in the University of Dublin ; we ask for a 
 practical extension of technical education in agriculture and other 
 industrial arts on ji system adapted to the special needs of Ireland, 
 so that her children may be better fitted to develop the resources of 
 their country." 
 
 (10) CaI'.mc Languaoks. — "We hail with satisfaction the successful 
 efforts that are being made at home and abroad to revive and extend 
 interest in the preservation of the Gaelic tongue, and we urge upon all 
 those who can further the interests of this movement to give every hel|) 
 and encouragement to the preservation and study of our ancient Irish 
 tongue by the children of the Gael. That the most strenuous efforts be 
 made to create and foster a healthy National sentiment by disseminating 
 the knowledge of Irish history, and by the cultivation of the Irisli 
 language, Irish literature, music and games." 
 
 (11) Irish Manufacture. — "That in order to give employment 
 to the poorer classes, and remedy the poverty and misery due to the 
 oppression and legalised robbery under which our country has so long 
 
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 S" 
 
 IRISH liACE COSVKSTION. 
 
 suflercd and itill RufTeri, we appeal to all Irishmnn of means to tAsiiit in 
 establishing manufactures in Ireland, and on ail to promote their 
 success by using articles of Irish manufacture as far as they can be 
 obtained," 
 
 (ij) TiiK Dei.eoatks from AnROAi). — "That the great National 
 Convention of the Irish Race offers its profound gratitude to the dis- 
 tinguished gentlemen from the Ignited States, Canada, Australasia, 
 Newfoundland, and South Africa, who have been self sacrificing and 
 patriotic enough to travel such vast distances to attend thiii Convention. 
 'I'hat we recognise in them, holding as they do great positions in politics, 
 the Church ami commerce, not only me most inlluential representation 
 of the scattered children of the Gael which has ever visited Ireland but 
 as living proofs of the genius, energy and capacity of the Irish race when 
 free institutions gave Irishmen a fair chance. And finally, that the 
 presence of these men of our race from so many jiarts of the earth 
 shows to the whole world that the struggle of Ireland can rely on the 
 steady, generous, and energetic support of a great and powerful race in 
 almost every part of the world, and can look thus confidently to com- 
 plete and iriumi)hant success." 
 
 (13) Thanks to the Most Rkv, Chairman,— " That the thanks 
 of this great Convention, and the thanks of the scatten-d children of the 
 (lael, should be accorded to that illustrious and cloiiucnt prelate who 
 line iirosidcd over our deliberations for the last three ilays, and who has 
 shown that the blood of O'Donnell is still warm." 
 
 (14) Financial Support. — "That this Convention, upresenting 
 the Irish people, pledges its financial support to th. Irish Party, and 
 r.ills upon them to make an appeal for such ^l _ a to the people in 
 the course of the present autumn." 
 
 Resolutions I to 10 appcarc' 
 tho last scntcncu of 10, which v 
 Kcsohition 1 1 was taken ' 
 Ucsdlulions 13, I J and ■ 
 cecdiniji. 
 
 .awn uji 
 
 h the exceptirm of 
 
 ,». ihv course of the pro- 
 
 
 IResolutions £)roppe&. 
 
 The following, placed on the Agenda by the persons whose MRii are 
 attached, were either not proposed when called, were taken as r lied 
 in other resolut.ons, or were, on the suggestion of the Chai: not 
 
 pressed. 
 
 B. 
 " T''at, owing to Iho miserable squabbles which have disgraceil the Iri I'arlia- 
 inentary I'arty duiing llie p.ist six years, the cau~ of Home Rule, in our opinion, has 
 been seriously imperilled, the inlluence of the , irty consideraljly lessened, and the 
 hoiKs and aspiralions of the best and truest cl our [leojile chilled and thwarted, 
 BelievinR that the cardinal principle of unity should form the basis of thcdeliber:Uions 
 of this imimrtant gathering, we would respectfully urge when, after due consideration, 
 its decisions have Iwcn arrived at, every effort should be made to impress on the 
 various constituencies the absolute necessity of demanding; the immediate resignation 
 
 .. !•;• / 
 
 
itKsor.i'Tinxs DHoi'i'Kn. 
 
 W.l 
 
 nf liny repre«cnl*live, no mailer how ni.iilicil lii* ahillliei, or hnw (•rem lii> »crvlce<i 
 who ncglGt;U ur reluici In uliiilv l>y inujuiity nilv." 
 
 1).\NIK.I, Smith (ml Win mm Moran, K<llnl)tir(;li (nn lidiall 
 nfiliv lolin Dillun anil W.B. lilidiluiiu tlianclivi, I.N.I.. u( 
 Givat lliiuin). 
 
 "Tluit wc view wllli deep Cdnri-rn llie prcieni unfuiiunnle ilUnensinni nnionc 
 ihc Lciulcr» iif lliv Iriiili I'aily ; wu liiild ^Irnii^ly li ihr upiiiinii lli.il the inlervsU <if 
 Irelnnd ran never lie ndvnmed iintd u Uniti'd I'arly reverts l.i tlir old sysleiii of 
 rImiiIuIc lnde|iendence of all Knellsli I'nrliiH ; mid wc li'<p<'fiilly In.ik I'l iIiIh K"''<t 
 Convenlioii In cnlun-e unity unilcr lliu leadvrHhip uf une wlm aliall lie ucccptaldo tu 
 the wliulc lilsli incc. " 
 
 M. I'ox, Ilirkenhrnd (on lielall ol the Wilfred .''hint lirancli, 
 I.N. I.. u{ (ileal rrlinln). 
 
 1) 
 
 "Tlinl this C'diivmlion Icmlcrs to Jdhn Dillon lit nincerL- (•rntiliido fur n lilr of 
 service In Irelnnd, and lor Ihal crowning act of unjtlfiih nalriotiMn in rfi-poiidini,' to 
 his coiinlry'fi call to llic leadcrsjiin al u porio<l of uns|ieal(al)le difficulty i and ron- 
 Crnlnlateii him on the successor litis Session nt the helm, and lite admiralile ipialilies 
 of slalcsinansliip he has ilispl.iyed in the lace of unparalleled opposilion ; we are 
 proud to recoL'nisc his rITorls to restore unity a);ain in the liisli lauki. And this 
 Convention calls on Mr. Thomas .Sexton to relurn lu the service of liis country, and 
 continue the nia|;niiicent work he lias already done on its liehalf." 
 
 Coi'MllloR I). M'Caiik, Manrhcslei, lor ihe Michael 
 DavitI liranch, I.N.I... uf (ircat I^itain. 
 
 I'. 
 
 " That, In the opinion of this Convention, it is necessary for the qood of the 
 cause that a representative ("oinmiHec be np|X)inted for the purpose ol ( irryinu out 
 the resolutions of the Convention, with power to visit and siiiniiion ineelinKs in any 
 constituency where, in their opinion, the siitint; Mcndier is not conducting himself in 
 conformity with his pledges to his constituency and Party, and callini; on tlicin to 
 demanil from him strict discipline, failinu which to duly convene a meeting of the 
 electors in the place of his nomination mr the consideration of his conduct, and to 
 take what other steps may \k considered advisable in the circumstances." 
 
 TllK DEi.y.c.ATEs of the A M. Sullivan Branch, IN.L. of 
 Great lirilain, Dundee. 
 
 "We slronfily condemn the Nalion Irish newspaper for conlinuing to sow dissen- 
 sion, and for inisiepresenlinK and Ircaliny with ridicule this Convention, composed of 
 patriotic men, many of whom have travelled thousands of miles in the hope of pro- 
 moting unity amongst the jieoplc of Ireland." 
 
 Uelkoatbs, lirislul Brancli, I.N.L. of tireal llritain. 
 
 0. 
 
 "That as the occupation by graziers of larjje tracts of lan<l, suitable for agricultural 
 purposes, constitutes a land monopoly which is mosl detrimental to ihe best interests 
 of our country, and is Ihe chief cause of the continued emigration of the flower of our 
 people, it is hereby resolved — "That no setlleinenl of the land tpiestion shall he accepted 
 as satisfactory or final that shall not provide for the expropriation of these large grass 
 farms, for the purpose of relieving, as far as possible, the congcslion of the over- 
 populated districts, and providing farms and homes for those agriculturists and 
 labourers who must otherwise be compelled to emigrate, as under the present iniqui- 
 tous system they are locked out from a great portion of the land of the country.'" 
 
 jAMKii KlLMARTlN, Lallinaslue branch l.N.F. 
 
 V. 
 
 ^.-X 
 
r 
 
 — ",■,-,/ 
 
 3-M 
 
 /A7.S// HACK COXVEXTIOX. 
 
 II. 
 
 1 1 1 ' 
 
 11 n 
 
 (1) " Thit !vs a vacincy occur.i in any Cdiistitiuncy, tlie Iiish I'arly, or rmn- 
 millLL's if tliirc liL- such, ilo imnicdialcly cnniniuiMcate willi the cDiistimcncy, ami if 
 lla-y, in conjunction, decide upon conte^.tin,i,' the constituency, a Convention lie forth- 
 Willi called in the most convenient part of tlie con-tituency, and at least one week's 
 notice he Kiven of the dale anil place of holding said Convention; said notice to lie 
 iiiililished in the Daily National Journal, also to lie given to the Local Dranch of 
 I.N.I'., or oih'r duly representative association qualilied to send Delegates. That 
 Saul C<jnveniion lie presi<lcd over liy a representative of the Irish I'nrly ; that the 
 tionvenliin be c )nstituted as heretolore ; and that liefore the name of any eandiilate 
 is sulimitted to the Convention he '>e compelled to sign the pledge hi;rcinalter nanted; 
 and that the vote of the majority of delegates in all cases he binding ; and further, 
 that it he the duty of all delegates and Nationalists to pport the candidate as 
 chosen." 
 
 (2) "That, at and after this C^onvontion, nil Nationalists Members of Parliament 
 and any candidate seeking the representation of a National constituency, before his 
 name be submitted to the Convention, shall be comiielled to sign the .following 
 pledge; — I hereby pledge myself that if elected as .Member of I'arlianient for the 
 
 constituency of , that I wdl sit, act, and vote with the majority of the Irish i'arty ; 
 
 that I will abstain from criticising, in the Press or elsewhere, the actions or conduct of 
 any of my colleagues until he or they have been tried and conilemned by a m.ijority 
 of the Iiish National Pirly ; further, that after I have given my opinions within the 
 councils of the I'arly, 1 will supjmrt the carrying out ol the programme, «nd uphold 
 its decisions to the utmost of my aiiility ; also that I will resjiond upon all occasions 
 to the summonses of the Whips or other duly-elected officers of the I'.uly ; and that I 
 will n it absent myself from any meeting ot saiil Party, or from attending in the House 
 of '.'ommons without sufficient cause, and giving notice to the Chairman an;' Whips 
 
 . the i'arty ; and any time I feel unable to comply with the above 1 shall give notice 
 to the Secretaries ol the Party, and forthwith resign my seat." 
 
 (3) " 'I'hat the Irish I'arliamentary I'arly do elect at their next meeting a Com- 
 mittee of eight members to act as a consultative or advisary Committee in conjunction 
 with the Chairman to determine the policy and programme of the I'aily, in the interval 
 between general meetings of the whole Party, ind to discharge such other duties as the 
 Party may from time to lime empower them with." 
 
 (4) "That a Committee be formed immediately afier this Convention in every 
 County or Electoral Division, such Committee to be called the County or Divisi0n.1l 
 Committee as the case may be, and to consist of five per cent, of the members on the 
 books of each branch." 
 
 "The place of ii.eeiinj and tl.c interval between each to be regulated by the 
 Committee at its first nvjeting, and ihat a Chairman and Secretary shall be elected on 
 the .same occisioi., e.ich to hold office, unless re-elected, for one year only. The 
 principal duties of the Committee will be to make all the necessary ariangements re- 
 lative to Parliamentary Elections in the County or Division which they represent, 
 Vurking up the Branches of the I. N. F., and attending to all the matters brought 
 under their notice by same through their delegates." 
 
 J. Mac.ratii, M. a. Lazf.ndv, and J. Nugent, 
 Biackrock Branch, I.N.F. 
 
 I. 
 
 "That, as it is impossible for the Irish Nationalist I'arty lO render much service 
 to Ireland in the London House of Commons withoii'. unity and discipline being 
 observed within the n.nks of the Par'.y, we, the members of this Convention of ;he 
 Irish Race, demand that any member of the Irish Party who will in the future re(u-.e 
 to obser" e and submit to the ruling of the majority of his I'arty, shall be called upon 
 by his constituents to resign bis seat, and if his constituents fail to do so, tlmt ihe Iri.sli 
 Party expel him from their body, and that the Executive of the federation cut off 
 that constituency from the organisation." 
 
 Patrick Ri;(;a.n, Delegate, Crossna, Co. Roscommon. 
 
 J. 
 "\Vhereas, dissension and disunion have done material damage to the National 
 cause in ihe past, and whereas, the raking up of disputes would only opei up old 
 
i' 
 
 \ I 
 V 
 
 r't 
 
 r-' 
 
 BESOLUTIOXS DliOPrKD. 
 
 3»S 
 
 i I 
 
 sovcs, be i; Oievcfdtc resnlvcil— 'That this Convention do not cnlertnin cnnlcniious 
 mittcrs iclaling to past (hspviles amonga the Iri>h Parly, l)"t li'.octcd to lay down a 
 nropramnic fur the fiituie pui(Uiice of tlie National cause.' Whcicas, we lulieve lliat 
 it is only by striclly ailheriiiR to majority rule that the efl'icii m y of the Irish National 
 I'artv can be niainla iiel for effective Parliamentary acl ion : Kcsolvnl — ''I'liat any 
 memlicr of that P^rly who, eiiher in the Pre^s or on the |ilalform, pulilicly icpuiliates 
 any ilccisioii avrived at by a majority of the Party, should be immediately called upon 
 
 to resiun his seat.' " .„„,.,,,, t »• t- 
 
 TiiK Dei.ec;.\tes, Cloonloo (Co. Sligo) Dranch I.N.F. 
 
 I ! 
 
 K 
 
 "That as nnitv and discipKnc, so essciH^al to the success of our cause, can only 
 be =tabli>lied and niaiulamed bv U.e reco.^nition of iiiajorily rule, this foiivcnUon is 
 of .T.tnion that any member of the Irish I'aity guilly of iusubordmalion, aid tlicre by 
 violating his solemn pledge to his constituents, should be nnmedialely c.lled upon by 
 his coll 'atiues to resign his seat, and in tlie event of his fading to do so, should be 
 expelled from the Party, at a meeting of which each member has received fourteen 
 days' notice, held for that purpose." 
 
 Nf.ai. IlAticiiEY, Pillon Br-nch, I.N.L. of Gieat 
 l!iili>':i, Greenock. 
 
 y 
 
 K 
 
 L. 
 
 " We ask the Delcatcs at this Convention r.f the Irish Race to throw f.action 
 .and ill feeling to one side, and call x\p>n the Iiisb Party to unite in one body, to be 
 recT.nise.l by ail Irishmen as the Iridi National Parly ; aii<l we strongly condemn tlic 
 action of the Parnellite Parly in issuing a manifesto denouncing this Convention as a 
 snare to entrap Irishmen. We ask lli.a all Nationalists would join haml-.n-hand and 
 work in p'-ace and harmony, as this is the only way tlut they will be able to attain any 
 
 good for their native land." . , t xt r c 
 
 Tim DF.iF,i;.\rFS, Daniel O'Connell Branch, I.N.L. o, 
 Great Biitain, Hamilton, Scotland. 
 
 M. 
 
 (iV'Tliat a commitlec, consisliu':; of the following gentlemen, be appojntcd to 
 am-nd the Constitution of the Irish National F-dcraiion, viz:-Iohn lerguson. 
 Glasgow; Michael David, M.P. ; J. P. Farrell. M.P. ; Jeremiah Jordan, M.P. ; a 
 Delegal- from the United Stales, America ; a iJelegate from ^Canada ; a Delegate 
 from Ai- raMa ; and the Mover and Seconder of this resolution. 
 
 (2) " That Mr. Justin M'Cartliy, M P., and Mr. John Dillon, M.P., do furnish 
 this Convention with a detailed statement sho'.ving the receipts and ex per, ,:ture of the 
 Paris Funds, giving amount received from said Funds since 1st January, ibQO, the 
 names and addresses of the persons to whom money out of this Fund has been p.aid 
 with the amount paid to each, with the nature of the services rendered by such 
 
 P^'*°"' Thomas M'Govern, Gortmore, Bawnboy. 
 
 N. 
 " That we deplore the unfortunate dissensions that have arisen in the Irish Party, 
 and we confidently h"pe that its members may recognise the fact that uniiv is tin 
 essential condition of its permanence and of its realising the hopes of Irefantt. 
 
 Rev. W. Foley, P.D., Delegate, Halifax, Nova Scotia. 
 
 C. 
 
 (1) "Tiiat Knglish rule in Ireland havin<' its oii ;in in conquest, and being up- 
 held by force against the will of the people, is immoia". and an outrage on the rights 
 of men, and it is the duly of all honest and patriot Irishmen to strive by every legiti- 
 mate means for ils destruclion." ,., 1 1 
 
 (2) " That we protest against the over-taxatitm of our country, which h.as l>een 
 maile manifest by the researches of the Financial Relations Commission ; and we caU 
 
 -V_,-. 
 
 
3*6 
 
 JinSlI HACK COXY EXT ION. 
 
 on tlie English Gi)vernment I'l unite re-itiliUidn for Ihe Inmdrcds of millions sterling; 
 of wliicli Irslaml has htzn robbed hy LngUnJ since tlio Union." 
 (j) [I'assed as Resolution I I.J 
 
 (4) [Ailded to Resolution 10.] 
 
 (5) " Tliis Convention recognises thnl only as (K-ople learn mutual toleration, for- 
 be.irancc, and consideration, are they fit for freedom and self-government, and that 
 national and social [iro^icss is ini)i issiblc apart from moral improvement. It earnestly 
 entreats all Irish politicians to sink personal .nnd party jealousies and animosities for 
 the sake of their country, and to set an example of self-control and moderation of 
 speech, realising that the people of Ireland ought to forgive as they need to be for- 
 given. It utterly repudiates eveiy thought of ret.iliation for wrongs inflicted in the 
 pnst. It is opposed to every kind of religiouj or class ascendancy, and aims at the 
 securlngof equality of opportunity for all the people, without distinction of class or 
 creed, nnd it desires to link the movement for justice to Ireland with the movement 
 lor justice, freedom, and fraternity all the world over." 
 
 (0) "That lor these objects it is essential that the wliole country be organised as 
 thoroughly as possible. " 
 
 Drlegati:s, Libctal and National Union ot Ulster, Belfast. 
 
 r. 
 
 " Tii'jt as the Irish i^cople are fully convincrd that without vigorous organisation 
 it is utterly imp issible for i'-.m-.i to gain their rights or liberty, or even to retain the 
 small concessions granted Ihcm of late years ; and, whereas, there are at present many 
 parishes in Ireland where no branch of the National federation exists, and to remedy 
 this great defect, and to give vigour, and vitality, and stability to patriotic sentiment, 
 I, therefore, beg leave to mo\e the following resolution: Rer.olved — 'That, in the 
 opinion of the membeis of this Conventio'i, every member of the Irish Parliamentary 
 Party should visit (or depute some of liis colleagues) every parish within his Parlia- 
 mentary Division, at least once a year, for the purpose of ascertaining how the National 
 movement is progressing therein ; and that he uses, to the utmost, his influence and 
 power, with the view of h.av'.i^ established and maintained an active branch of the 
 National Federation in cvjy parish within his Pailiamentary Division.' " 
 
 C^HAUi.i'.s Ci.ARicK, Lower Badony (County Tyrone) Branch, 
 Irish National Federation 
 
 I . ' 
 
 h' 
 
 I ' ■' I I 
 
 r- 
 
 ST. MICHAN'S CnUBCn, DUBLIN. 
 
 S^v 
 
 V,. 
 
 BB 
 
[ 327 J 
 
 !ILl8t of IDelcoates. 
 
 XTbe 3rlsb IRacc Hbroab. 
 
 United States of America. — T. C. Boland, Scanton, Pennsylvania ; 
 Hon. William L. Brown, New York; John Cashman, Manchester, New 
 Hampshire ; M. J. Cooney, Montana ; Patrick Cox, Rochester, New 
 York ; John B. Devlin, \Vilkesbarre, Pennsylvania ; James Duggan, 
 Norwicii, Connecticut ; Patrick Diinlcavy, Philadelphia Council, 
 N.F. ; Rev. D. W. Fitzgerald, Manchester, New Hampshire ; Martin 
 Fitzgerald, Manchester, New Hampshire ; P. Gallagher, New York ; 
 John Guiney, VVilkesbarre, Pennsylvania; Anthony Kelly, Minnea- 
 polis, Minnesota ; Edward Mackin, Wilkesbarre, Pennsylvania ; Hon. 
 Martin M'Mahon, New York; Rev. George F. Marshall, Milford, New 
 Hampshire ; Patrick Martin, Baltimore, Maryland ; Michael Murphy, 
 rejjresenting Irish National Federation of America, New York ; Rev. 
 Denis O'Callaghan, Boston; Hon. Edmond O'Connor, Binghampton, 
 New York ; Denis O'Reilly, Boston ; Hon. C. T. O'Sullivan, New 
 York; Rev. Edward S. Philiii)s, Pennsylvania; Michael J. Rooney, 
 representating Irish National Federation of America, New York ; 
 Joseph P. Ryan, New York ; M. J. Ryan, Philadelphia ; Janus 
 Sullivan, MI)., Manchester, New Hampshire; Edward Treacy, 
 Boston ; P. W. Wren, Bridgeport, Connecticut. 
 
 Canada. — Hon. Jolin Costigan, M.P., P.C. ; Very Rev. M. A. Clancy, 
 Placentia, Newfoundland; P. F. Cronin, Toronto; Rev. Dr. 
 Flannery, St. Thomas, Ontario, representing Ancient Order of Hiber- 
 nians in Canada; Very Rev. Dr. Foley, Halifa.\, Novia Scotia ; James 
 J. Foy, Q.C., Toronto; Edward Halley, First Vice-president Young 
 Irishmen's Literary and Benefit Association, Montreal ; Very Rev. 
 Dean Harris, St. Catherines ; Chevalier John Heney, Ottawa ; Jolin 
 M. Keown, Q.C., St. Catherine's ; Lieut-Colonel \IacShane, Nova 
 Scotia; James J. O'Brien, Halifax, Novia Scotia; Rev. P. F. 
 O'Donnell, Montreal ; Rev. F. O'Reilly, Hamilton ; Rev. Frank 
 Ryan (representing Archbishop of Toronto), Toronto ; Hugh Ryan 
 (Constructor Sault Ste. Marie Canal and portion Canadian Pacific 
 Railway), Toronto; James D. Ryan, President of the Benevolent Irish 
 Society, St. John's, Newfoundland ; Gerald B. Tiernan, Halifax. 
 
 Australasia. — Charles Hamilton, Bromly, Ex-Attorney-General, 
 Northern Tasmania ; Michael Davitt, M.P., Delegated for Dunedin, 
 New Zealand ; Thomas Hunt, Victoria ; Mr. Kennedy, Wellington, 
 New Zealand ; Rev. Father O'Callaghan, C.C., Mallow, delegated to 
 represent Southern Tasmania. 
 
 South Africa. — Moses Cornwall, J. P., Kimherley, representing Irish- 
 men of Griqualand, West ; H. J. Haskiiis, Johannesburg. 
 
 1 '.- 
 
 \ 
 
 >- 
 
 --'^:<ji/i'y 
 
^ 
 
 3«8 
 
 IRISH RACE CONVENTION. 
 
 
 /D>embei"0 of iparliament. 
 
 William Ahraliam; Dr. R. Ambrose; Miciiael Austin; Hon.E. Blake; 
 r.ernard Collery ; T. J. Condon ; Eugene Ciean ; Daniel Crilly; Thomas 
 Curran ; Michael Davitt ; John Dillon ; Captain Dontlan ; P. C. 
 Doog.in ; C. J. Englcdow ; Sir Thomas G. Esmond, Bart. ; Thumas J. 
 I''arr(,ll ; J. Einnucanc ; -M. J. Flavin ; J, C. Elynn ; James (iilhooly ; J. K, 
 lIoHan; Jerc-miah Jordan ; Denis Kilbride ; Miciiael M'Cartan ; Justin 
 M'd.-rthy; I'atnck M'Ucrmolt; Dr. M. A. M'Donnell ; Richard 
 M'Clhec; P. A. MTIugh; J. G. S. MacNeill ; F. Mandeville; 
 M. J. Minch ; George Murna^han ; J. F. X. O'Brien ; P. J. O'Brien ; 
 T. P. O'Connor ; F. A. OKecffe ; William O'Malley ; J. Pinkerton ; 
 P.J.Power; John Roche; J. J. Shee ; David Sheehy ; Dr. Tanner ; 
 J. Tully ; Samuel Young. 
 
 From this list are omitled the names of many clcrcjymcn who appear as ilcUf;ates 
 uiuk-r oUier catCL;orii.'S. As vindor the coiistilulion uf llie Convention clcrijymcii 
 were ailniiUcd williout creilenlials, it has been impossible to distinguish between 
 those who attended as delegates and as \isilois; and many may have been 
 omitted who did not j;ivc in their names, or whose n.imes «eie not curiectly 
 taken down at the duois. 
 
 Most Rev. Dr. O'Donnell, Lord Bishop of Raphoe ; Rev. R. 
 Barrett, St. Patrick's, Cork; Rev. Michael Bonfield, Chicago, U.S. .A.; 
 Rev. T. Boylan, Drumshambo ; Very Rev. P. Bermingham, P.P., 
 Carrickmacross ; Rev. Father Berney, Scotlanil ; Rev. James Brady, 
 Ballymahon ; Very Rev. John Brady, Gowel, Carrick-onShannon; 
 Rev. John Brady, C.C., U.\bridge, Middlesex; Rev. J. Brennan, C.C., 
 Slieverue ; Rev. E. Brennan, C.C., CuUohill ; Rev. P. F. Brennan, 
 Rev. Thomas Brennan, C.C., Castlecomer ; Rev. M. Buckley, St. 
 Mary's, Haslini^deii ; Rev. John Burke, P.P. ; Rev. J. E. Burke, Bolton, 
 Lancashire ; Rev. Michael Burke, CC, Kilgobiiet ; Rev. B. Butler, 
 Bath, England : Very Rev. Dr. Butler, Dublin ; Rev. Arthur Byrne, 
 C.C., Monasterboice ; Rev. Father Byrne, Jarrow-on-Tyne ; Rev. 
 Father Byrne, Strokestown. 
 
 Rev. H. B. Callachor, O.S.B., B.A., Sydney, New South Wales; 
 Rev. P. Callan, Eirigal, Truagh ; Rev. J. Campbell, Whitehaven, 
 Cumberland ; Rev. J. Campbell, CC, Inniskeen, Dundalk; Rev. P. P. 
 Campbell, P.P., Loughbrickland; Rev. N. C. Cantwell; Rev. W. Conway, 
 P.P., Glenamoddy ; Rev. A. C'lancy. P.P., Killimer ; Rev. J. Clancy, 
 CC, Rathcabbin, Birr ; Rev. M. A. Clancy, Placentia, New- 
 foundland ; Rev. M. J. Clancy, Teinplemore ; Rev. P. Clarke, P.P., 
 Kilmore; Rev. P. Clough, P.P., Ballina; Rev. P. Coffey, P.P., Tra- 
 more; Rev. M. CoUeran, CC, Miltown, Tuam ; Very Rev. Canon 
 Columb, P.P., Ballinakown, Athlone ; Rev. Terence Conlan, P.P., 
 Donaghmoyne ; Rev. James Connolly, CC, Liverpool ; Rev. Richard 
 Connolly ; Rev. M. D. Conroy, Rosscahill ; Rev. M. Considine, CC, 
 Kiimihill ; Rev. P. Cooney, CC, Innishannon ; Rev. D. E. Coyle, 
 CC, Convoy, Co. Donegal; Rev. P. J. Crimrains, CC; Rev. J. R. 
 Crowe, P.P., Cappawhite ; Rev. Joseph Cullinan, Ncwbliss ; Rev. J. 
 Cunningham, Sheffield ; Rev. James Curran, P.P., Kilconey ; Rev. John 
 Curry, St. Mary's, Drogheda; Rev. M. B. Curry, P.P., Bournea. 
 
 ■'/ 
 
 ^ Ml 
 
 ■ ■ 1 .'. , ^ 
 
 '»■) 
 
 : 
 
 oir 
 
 ) 
 
^^ 
 
 '•;: 
 
 ■',•> 
 
 LIST OF DELEGATES. 
 
 3^9 
 
 Rev. D. Daly, P.P., Templcglantine; Rev. P. J. iJaly, Hoston, U.S.A.; 
 Rev. J. Dempsey, CC, Celbridne ; Rev. M. J. Dillon; Rev. 'rimothy 
 Doheny, CC, Cloughjordan ; Rev. J. Doherty, New York ; Rev. Joiin 
 Doherty, P.P. ; Rev. P. J. Donoghue, St. Mary's, Poston, Engiaiul ; 
 Rev. P. Dooiey, P.P., Galway ; Dr. Anthony F. Dougherty, Luzerne, 
 Co. Pa, U.S.A. ; Rev. M. Uoyle, CC, Tulihercurry; Rev. P. Diifly. 
 Fintona ; Rev. W. Duggan, C.C., Athy ; Rev. L. Duncan, P.P., Maghera- 
 clone, (Jarrickniacross ; Rev. Fatlier Dunleavy, Edinlnirgli ; Rt;v. 
 Willian Dunphy, P.P., The Naul ; Rev. W. J. Dunphy, P.P., Arklow. 
 
 Rev. P. Egan, P.P., Duniiy; Rev. Denis English, Cippamore. 
 
 Rev. Peter Farnan, C'.C, Derrygonnelly ; Rev. Jolin J. T'ennelly; 
 Rev. D. Fitzgerald ; Rev. P. Fit/gerald, Kilconncll ; Rev. 'i". Flanagan, 
 Roscommon ; Rev. A. Forrest, P.P., Innishannon ; Rev. John Francis, 
 Rahoon, Galway ; Rev. P. M. Furlong, P.P., Taghmon. 
 
 Right Rev. James Gallagher, P.P., Carrigart, County Donegal ; 
 Rev. James Gallagher, P.P., RathmuUan ; Rev. P. Gilchreest, P."., 
 DrunireiUy; Rev. T. Gillie, C.C, Dunshaughhn ; Rev. L. Gillig; n, 
 Kilmurry; Rev. Father Glevin ; Rev. P. Glvnn, P.P., Ogonnclhie ; 
 Rev. Patrick Godfrey, Moyne; Rev. L. W. Gougluan, P.P., Arnev, 
 Enniskillen; Very Rev. Canon Grealy, P.P., V.F., Newport, Mayo: 
 Rev, Denis Greany, C.C, Headford, Co. Galway; Rev. J. Greany, 
 Athlone; Rev. J. Grace, C.C, Ballyuskill, Athenagh ; Rev. B. G. 
 Greeley, Behan, Ballyhaunis ; Rev. Thomas F. Gregg, New York. 
 
 Rev. J. Hally, Kingstown ; Rev. James C Harte, S.J., Clongowes 
 Wood College ; Pv.ev. M. Harte, Collaney ; Rev. John M. Harty, May- 
 nooth ; Rev. Father Healy, Acton, Hamilton, Canada ; Rev. \V. Healy, 
 P.P., Johnstown; Rev. Thomas Heany, Ballyhaunis; Rev. T. Hearne, 
 P.P., Portlaw ; Rev. J. Halloran, Birr; Rev. Martin Holohan, CC, 
 Kilkenny ; Rev. Thomas Hunt, C.C ; Rev. F. Jones, Athlone. 
 
 Rev. R. Kavanagh, Monamolin ; Rev. Thomas Kearney, Adm., 
 Skibbereen ; Rev. J. Keely, C.C, Gort ; Rev. M. Keveney, P.P., 
 Charlestown ; Very Rev. B. Kelly, P.P., Ballyshannon ; Rev. J. Kelly, 
 Birmingham ; Right Rev. Mons. Kelly, P.P., V.G., St. Peter's, Athlone; 
 Rev. N. Kennedy, C.C. ; Rev. M. B. Kennedy, C.C, Blarney ; Rev. M. 
 Kennelly, C.C, Achill; Rev. Patrick Kenny, P.P., Oulart; Rev. P. 
 Kenny, P.P., Raphoe ; Rev. W. J. Kinane, Castleiny, Templemore. 
 
 Rev. E. Lalor, P.P., Allen, Kilmeague ; Rev. T. J. Larkin, P.P., 
 Moneymore ; Rev. Richard Little, Moneyrea ; Very Rev. Canon 
 Loftus; Rev. J. Loftus, C.C; Rev. Denis Lundon ; Very Rev. Dr. 
 Loughran, C.C, Dromintee, Newry ; Very Rev. Canon Lowry, (Jurteen; 
 Rev. A, Lowry, Mayobridge ; Very Rev. Canon Lynskey, Clifden. 
 
 Rev, P. M'CafTery, Adm., Inver; Rev. J. McAteer, C.C ; Rtv. A. 
 Macauley, P.P., Aghagallon, Lurgan ; Rev. J. J. McCabe, SS. Joseph 
 and Cuthbert, Loftus, Saltburn-on-Sea ; Rev. 3. Mc.^ndrew, P.P., 
 Piallinakill ; Rev F. McCormac, C.C ; Very Rev. Canon McCartan, 
 P.P., Donaghmore; Rev. T. McCarthy, P.P., Barryroe ; Rev. D, F. 
 McCrea, M.R.LA., Maghera ; Rev. J. McDermott, Strokestown ; 
 Rev. J. Mcllroy, P.P., Currin ; Rev. Father McEvilly, C.C ; Rev. 
 J. McEvoy, Banbridge ; Rev. James McFadden, P.P., Gweedore : 
 Right Rev. Mons. 'McGlynn, P.P., V.G., Stranorlar ; Rev. P. 
 McGinity, P.P., Kilskecry ; Rev. Father McGowran, P.P., Ballina- 
 
 2U 
 
 
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 "TIIK ril'KIi'S CWK." BliOWNlIAI.L. CO. DONKUAI-. 
 
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 liOCK 15KACII, BUNDOli.AN, CO. roNKGAL, 
 
 iwi'ki], r.uiiiift. 
 
 
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 I 
 
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 ■ ». 
 
 LIST OF DELEGATES. 
 
 331 
 
 glcrash; Rev. M. McOratli, P.P., Drangan, Fethard ; Right Rev. Mon- 
 signor iMcl'aildcn, (Jwcedorc ; Rev. P. Mcdirr, (IC, Wcstport ; Rev. 
 John iMackey, P.P., Kiiockbridge; Rev. A. Maguirc, C.C, Eniiiskilkn j 
 Rev. M. J. McIIiigl), Adni., 'I'uain ; Rev. Father McKenna ; Rev. K. 
 Mackey, C.C., Ratlifarnham ; Rev. M. Mackle, CC, Meigli, Newry j 
 Rev. P. McLoiighliii ; Rev. John McNamar.i, P.P., Bodyke ; Rev. M. 
 McPolin, Aihii., Newry ; Rev. J. McSwiney, P.P., Newmarket ; Rev. S. 
 McTeriian, P.P., M.R.I.A. ; Rev. J. Maher, P.P., Kilglass ; Rev. John 
 Malicr, CC, Luggacurran ; Rev. W ilham Meagher, CC, Clonnicl ; Rev. 
 J. Meegary, Monaghan ; Rev. Father Mechn, C.("., CMoglier, Co. Tyrone ; 
 Rev. Joseph A. Moloney, P.P., Roundstone ; Rev. James Monaglian, 
 CC, Clouglijordaii ; Rev. F. Muri)hy, CC, Drimcong; Rev. 15. Mulhol- 
 laiid, P.P., Coleraine ; Rev. P. Muhigan, P.P., Curry, Co. Shgo ; Rev. 
 Michael Munnelly, BjinniUet ; Rev. A. Murjjhy, C.C., Cariowgraigue ; 
 Rev. F. P. MurtaLh, CC., Ardee ; Rev. L, Muiphy, Donougiimore ; 
 Rev. Thomas Murphy, P.P., Kilmore and Drumsn.il. 
 
 Rev. M. Neviii ; Rev. Patrick Nicholson, CC, Dunmore, Co. 
 Galway; Rev. I. Nolan, CC, Allen, Kilmeagiie. 
 
 Rev. William O'iJrien, Cliicago, U.S.A. ; Rev. John O'iirien, P.P., 
 Holycross, Tlnirless ; Very Rev. |ohn O'Urien, P.P., V.F., Banbridge ; 
 Rev. C M. O'CiUaghan, CC, Mallow; Rev. O. O'Calla-han, liosion. 
 Mass, U.S.A. ; Rev. J. O'Callaghan, CC ; Rev. .Michaef O'Calliyhan, 
 (;ionakilty; Very Rev. Canon (/Connor, P.P., Nentownbulkr ; Rev, 
 J. O'Connor, Ballaghadercen ; Rev. John O'Donnell, CC, Kill ; Rev. 
 J. J. O'Donnell, Killybcgs ; Rev. P. O'Donnell, P.P., Doon ; Rev. P. 
 O'Donnell, .Adm., .Monaglian; Rev. P. O'Domiell, CC. ; Rev. William 
 O'Donnell, CC, Waterford ; Rev. Patrick O' Donovan, CC, Drinagh, 
 Dunnianway ; Rev. P. S. O'Grady, CC, Collooney; Rev. T. O'Grady, 
 CC, liohola ; Rev. Willi.am O'llalloran, Cork ; Rev. J. O'llaire, CC, 
 Derrymacash, Liirgan ; Rev. P. O Halloran, P.P., Muckalee ; Rev. U. 
 OUara, P.P., Kiltiniagh ; Rev. John O'lle.i, P.P., Ardfield, Clonakiltv; 
 Rev. Peter OT.eary, P.P., Castlelyons ; Very Rev. John O'Leary, P.P., 
 V.F., Clonakilty; Very Rev. Canon O'Nedl, P.P., Clones; Rev. H. 
 O'Neill, CC, Bundoran ; Rev. John M. O'Reilly, CC, Svdney, N.S.W. ; 
 Rev. W. O'Reilly, Liverpool ; Rev. F. O'Reilly ; Rev. John O'Shca, 
 CC, Kilkenny; Rev. Jeremiah O'Toole, CC, Weslporl. 
 
 Very Rev. W. L. Penny, V.F. ; Rev. Father Phelan, Boofield, 
 U.S.A. J Rev. W. J. Phelan, P.P., Ardfniane, Cahir ; Rev. E. S. 
 Phillips, Plains, Luzerne Co., Pennsylvania ; Very Rev. Canon Pope, 
 Donoughmore, Co. Cork ; Rev. John Power, P.P., Kilteely ; Rev. 
 Michael Power, P.P., New Inn, Cahir; Rev. M. Power, P.P., Ballyduff; 
 Rev. J. S. Prendergast, Ballylooby. 
 
 Rev. James Queally, CC, Kilrossinty ; Rev. B. Quinn, Thurles; 
 Rev. C Quinn, CC, Camlough ; Rev. C S. Quinn, P.P., V. F., 
 Duneane ; Rev. Bernard Quinn, CC, Bangor-Erris ; Rev. Father 
 Quinn, CC, Ca\an; Rev. ^L J. Quinn, CC, Camlough. 
 
 Very Rev. Dean Regan, V.G., P.P., Mitchelstown ; Rev. J. Roch- 
 ford, Aghaboe; Rev. James Rockett, Rathdowney ; Rev. Daniel Ryan, 
 P.P., Clonoulty, Co. Tipperary ; Rev. Gabriel Ryan, CC, Middlesboro', 
 England; Rev. \V. Ryan, CC, Boherlahan ; Rev. H.arold Rylett. 
 
 Rev. J. J. Savage, CC, Hilltown ; Rev. J. Scanlan, P.P.. Clough- 
 
 ! 
 
 \ i"l 
 
c 
 
 
 ^^ 
 
 33» 
 
 im&U 11 ACE CONVENTION. 
 
 Jordan ; Rev. }• Sheridan, Donegal ; Rev. M. Shinnors, Ix)ndon ; Very 
 Rev. Canon .Shinkwin, Bantry ; Very Rev. Canon Shortall, P.P., 
 Durrow ; Very Rev. P. Canon Smyth, P.P., Bally hay ; Rev. P. Spait, 
 P.P., Cappo(niin ; Rev. T. StafTord, Dublin; Rev. James Stejihens, 
 P.P., Ciossboyne ; Rev. ]. Sullivan, Templebrcrlin, Pall.isgreen ; Rev. 
 Daniel Sweeney, C.C., Kincoslagli, Donegal; Very Rev. J.Sweeney, 
 P.P., Killybcgs. 
 
 Rev. P. Tracey, C.C, Galmoy; Rev. Joseph Tully, Achill; Rev. 
 J. Twomey, C.C, Glountane, Mallow; Rev. Timothy Twoniey, C.C, 
 Middlesboro'. 
 
 Right Rev. Mons. Walker, Lettcrkenny ; Rev. T. Whelahan, St. 
 Patrick's, I'hmistead, S.E. ; Rev. C. Woods, CC;., Warrenpoint ; Rev. 
 Nicholas Woods, C.C., MuUingar; Rev. John Woods, C.C, Drogheda. 
 
 Coimtg an5 Clric. 
 
 Messrs. Thomas Barry, Cork ; Jerome Boyce, Donegal ; Thomas 
 Byrne, (lahvay; Daniel Corry, Meatli ; Joseph Devlin, Belfast; John 
 Dolan, Leiiiim; Rev. P. F. Fiynn, P.P., Waterford City; Simon F. 
 Hanraity, Newry Borough ; Laurence T. Kelly, Queen's County ; 
 ^Villialn I.undon, Limerick ; Rev. J. Metgan, Monaghan ; James 
 Neary, Roscommon ; John O'Dowd, Sligo ; Rev. D. O'Hara, P.P., 
 Mayo ; Bernard O'Neill, Armagh ; Thomas Robertson, Kildare ; Rev. 
 John Rock, P.P., Tyrone ; N. K. Shee, Tippcrary; John Ward, Sligo 
 Borough ; John F. Wr^y, Fermanagh. 
 
 Ifi'oin (Brcat ^Britain. 
 
 (Under Locililics nnd Societies from which delegated.) 
 
 AccRiNGTON— Samuel Bridges, Edward Burke. 
 Alkxanhria, Scotland — Patrick Cassidy. 
 Baunslev, William O'Brien — Dr, Haiton, J. P. ; 
 Barrow-in-Furness, No. i — Thomas M'AIiillen. 
 
 M'Creesh. 
 Barry, Wales, Mandeville — John M'Donnell, Owen M'Cann, Dr. P. 
 
 J. M'Donnell. 
 Batley Carr, Emmet — Thomas Cox. 
 Birkenhead, Wilfred Blunt — Dr. J. T. Martin, Thomas Mohen, 
 
 Thomas Cusack. 
 Birmingham — James Doherty. 
 BiRSTALL, O'CoNNELL — Mrs. J. Gorman. 
 
 Blackdurn, Sarsfield — Peter Doolan, Austin Moran, Bernard Fury. 
 Blantvre, Scotland, O'Connell — Joseph Kennedy. 
 Bolton, No. i— Richard Kelly, Rev. D. O'Brien, William O'Malley, 
 
 Rev. Joseph A. Burke, T.C.D. ; W. Kearns, T.C ; M. Coghlan. 
 
 Home Rule Club — W. Devlin, Charles Connolly. 
 Bradford, Central — W. Sullivan, Councillor M. O'Flynn, M. J. 
 
 Barry, J. P.; W. Sullivan, John Daly, John Cawley. Dwyer — 
 
 Patrick Kane, Michael Conboy, John Kane, Michael Kearns. 
 
 Graitan — Fenton Kenny, Richard Cullen, William Narey, William 
 
 H. Fitzgerald, James Kelly, Owen Connolly. Dillon-O'Brien — 
 
 T. Brow.ie, William Conroy, John Walling, J. Tane, William 
 
 D. Payne, P. Neary. 
 \. N. Club— Neil 
 
 » 
 V 
 
/ ' 
 
 
 LIST OF DELEGATES. 
 
 .^^^ 
 
 \H' 
 
 Rowan. I,ai»ikh' Central— Miss M. Hennctt, Mrs. C. E. Cawley, 
 Mrs. K. O. I'lynn, Miss M. Kceffe. Ladii.s' Dii.i.on-O'Ukikn -Mrs. 
 Pendergast. Wolfe Tone— James (]ornian, James Konchan, 
 Wilii.im Gorman, Thomas Nailoii, Terence White, Tliomas l.oiighlin. 
 
 liuisTOL— John Valentine, John Downey, M. Ilanrahnn. 
 
 15K0X11UKN, Scotland— WilHam Mahoii, John Mulhern, Hugh Molloy, 
 Thomas Dobie. 
 
 Burnley — John Tighe. 
 
 I5URN11ANK, Scotland, O'Connell— John Cassidy. 
 
 IJuRV, Davitt — E. Timhn. 
 
 IJusuY, Scotland, Grattan— John Fitzpatrick 
 
 Cardiff, Wales, Emmet— Jeremiah McCarthy, Wilhain (rNcill, 
 James Courtney, James Ncagie, John Hack, Frank A. I'ox, Alderman 
 P. W. Carey, J. P. ; Dr. James Mullin, M.A., J. P.; James J. liuish, 
 
 M.R, C.C. .,,,,, 
 
 Coatbridgf., Scotland, Davitt— John Graven, Michael Hughes, Dr. 
 
 O'Neill, John M'Evoy. 
 
 Consett — Thomas Barry. 
 
 Dkw.sburv, Graitan— lidward Rourke, Thomas Walsh, John M'Cann, 
 John O'Hara. 
 
 Dumbarton, Heart of Erin— Joseph M'Elhaw, Edward M'Alister. 
 
 Dundee, Scotland, .St. Andrew's— Joseph Birmingham, John Hogan. 
 A. M. Sullivan— Matthew M'Kenna, Daniel Daily. 
 
 Earlstown— Thomas Galligan, Dominic Cafi'rey. 
 
 Edinrukgh, Scotland, Dillon— Daniel Donworth, John M'Manus. 
 Gladstone — FVancis M'Awecney. 
 
 Farnwoktu— James Kelly, Hugh Gallagher. 
 
 Gatf:shead, Emmett— Edward M'Kcown, Councillor F. J. Fmn, J. 1 . 
 Davitt— James O'Donnell. ,,. . , 
 
 Glasgow, Bridgeton —Henry Aylmer, Peter Campbell, Michael 
 M'Ginty, Henry Logan. Home Government— Bailie Joseph 
 Shaughnessy, John Ferguson, T.C. ; M. J. O'Connell, B.A. ; Michael 
 Dunbar, Denis Brogan, Dr. Joseph Scanlan. Hugh Murphy, Thomas 
 Colgan, William M'Killop, Arthur Murphy, John Carnin, James 
 Kelly, C. J. M'Elhawe, Thomas C. Nelson, J. P. Independence— 
 Dr. M'Loughlin. William O'Brien— James Stafibrd. Archbishop 
 Walsh— D. J. Sheahan. Dillon— Richard St. John, James Burns. 
 Father Maguire— John M'Quin. Davis— William Coyle, J. F. 
 M'Groary. Celtic Football and Athletic Club— John Glass, 
 President ; James M'Kay, Treasurer ; and William Maley, Secretary. 
 Father M'Ginn— John M'Guire, Vice-President. 
 
 Gorton, T. P. O'Connor— Councillor E. Scully, J.P.j Councillor M. 
 
 Bushell. . , ,. 
 
 GovAN, Sheehy— Martin Hester, James Grant, Patrick M'Loughlin. 
 Greenock, Scotland, Dillon— Neal Haughey. 
 Halifax— Mrs. Mary M'Hugh, Michael M'Hugh, Owen Canning, 
 
 Martin Delaney. 
 Hamil-ion, Scotland, DAVirr-Bailie M'Hale, J. P. 
 Hanley, Allen, Larkin and O'Brien— Stephen DAicy, Dr. W. 
 
 Dowling Prendergast. 
 Hartlepool, West, Davis— Francis Jones, P.L.G. 
 

 334 
 
 IRISH RACE CONVENTION. 
 
 llASi.iNnnr.N, Davitt— Mi-.hael Welsh, Patrick Glynn. 
 
 IIiinDEHSKiKi.iJ— I'atrick Hopkins, 
 
 Hui.i., Cknikai,— T. W. Morrisscy, J. D. O'Neill. East— James 
 (Irayson, Jnlin Cunninj^haiii, Austin Hoyle. 
 
 Kkic;eii.kv, No. i— lames Walsh, T.C. ; Michael Howley, T.C. IIomk 
 Rui.K— Micluiel 6'ilara, J. T. Carroll. 
 
 Kii>i)i;K.\iiNsri:i<, William O'Hrikn — John Boyle. 
 
 Kir.iiiKNiic, Gladstonk — lulward M'Intyre, John MTiralh, C. J. 
 M'Kll.aw. 
 
 Lanark, Scotland, Owi.n Ron O'Nuill — Peter Martin. 
 
 Lkicestkk, Dillon — T. Inviii. 
 
 LoNGTON, 0'(JuNNELi, — Patrick Howley. 
 
 LiiiiD.s, Dillon — Martin Silk. ("iRAttan — I'atrirk Coylc. HtrNSLKTT^ 
 Peter Walsh, Rev. M. Dillon. I. N. Ci.uii— William Riley, M. 
 O'Donnell, Miss R. O'Neill, Terence O'Neill, .S, M'Farlaiic, O. 
 Kiernan, Miss M. Diirnan, Miss H. Diirnan. O'liRiKN-DAViiT — 
 I'elix Byrne, Michael Hogan, Miss M. A. Diirnan. Emmki— Michael 
 Cull ins. 
 
 LivKKPdOL, Davitt — Joseph Hnwkshaw, Thomas Flynn, Kdward 
 Clarke, John Clancy. Dillon — Mich.aclT. ltolt;er. Mandkvillk — 
 Kdward I'lircell, C.'C. ; James liolger, C.C., 1'. !,.(].; James Shortell. 
 North— Martin Coyne, T. K. IJrady, VAX.. Sr. Paul's— IJernanl 
 M'Hennett, Jcjseph Hughes, Peter Murphy, J. G. T.igg.irt, C.C. 
 W. ToxTKTH — John Quinii, (jeorge J. Lynsk( y, C.C. Cicntral — A. 
 Mullen, T. J. Flynn, C.C. East— Dr. J. G. M'Cann. O'Connell — 
 Patrick G. O'Neill, Patrick J. Deery, C.C. 
 
 London, Bamicrsica — JohiiEnright. Hkrmondsicv — Rev. E. Murnanc, 
 J. Moloney, E. Reilly. Clkkkknwell — John Ball. Deptkord — 
 James Herlihy. East EiNsimRY — George Whitehead, James Nolan, 
 Forest CiArK and Ui'ton — '['. P. O'Halloran. South Islin(;ton — 
 William Finn, James Madden. Kicnsinhton, Sarskiicld — Patrick 
 Morris, Michael Walsh, James C. Ahem. Marvleiione West— M. 
 C. Walsli, Michael O'Rourke. Mktrotoi.han — J. M'Cormack, Frank 
 Porter, R. J. Geraglity, J. Vincent Taaffe, .Martin Hoban, Maurice 
 Ahem. 
 
 Mkimmyr, Tydkil, Wales, Gladstone — William J. Jones, John 
 Morley. 
 
 Motherwell, Scotland, A. M. Sullivan — Thomas Monaghan. 
 
 Manchester, Davitt — Councillor D. M'Cabe, J. P.; Thomas Q. 
 Ruddin, P.L.G. ; John Kelly, Patrick Jedfers, F. J. Farley, James 
 Reilly, Luke Hoy, Rev. T. Cusack. Esmonde — Councillor D. Boyle, 
 Michael Smith. O'Connei.l — Peter Burke, J. M'Kinnon, James 
 Merry. Poland Street — Joseph Carney, Patrick Cosgrove. 
 Father Sheehv — W. H. Gaffney, Martin Ryan, James Rooney, 
 Archuishoi' Walsh — Rev. P.atrick Lynch, M.R. 
 
 Ni;wi'ORT, Monmouthshire, Davitt — James De Lacy, Michael 
 M'Eniry. 
 
 NoRMANiON, William O'Brien — Thomas M'Derniott, Thomas Rush. 
 
 Newcastle oN-TvNE, No. i — Edward Timlin, P.L.(i. Bvker — Thomas 
 Maley. Sexton — John Collins (Newcastle School Board). 
 
 Oldham, Central — James Byrne, Patrick May. 
 
 ^ 
 
' 
 
 LIST OF in: LEG AT ES. 
 
 JM 
 
 Paisi.kv, Justin M'Carthv — Jolm M'Carlhy. 
 
 I'ariick, I'Immki' — ThaildLMis Nrciovcrin, 
 
 I'miH, Dii.i.oN -Mirhiicl Kcrrinaii, I'.C. 
 
 I'i.YMf)i)rii, 'I'liKii, I'liWNs — I'. J. Clarke. 
 
 roiMSMourii — 11. I). Riie. 
 
 Tour (!i,\sr,ow, Sakshki.d — Janu's l'it/| .itrick, Junes M'l.otishlin, J. P. 
 
 Joscpii Dunne. C'.kai ian Thonias Manncry, Felix Nl'duskey. 
 Ramsiioitom, T. V. O'CoNNOK— John Keenanlian, V.C 
 RocFiiiAi.i:, T. P. t)'C0NN0K— W. 11. Capstick. 
 SouniAMi'TON, (iuATiAN— riorence O'Sullivan, Dr. W. P. OMeara. 
 StiiKi.Ds, North— Midiacl l,yclon. 
 Si'RiNciiiURN — Patrick Corr. 
 Stalevukidce— Peter llkkey. 
 Swansea, Davitt — J. T. O'llara. 
 SitF.i'FiicLD, 1. N. L. Club— Tiionias Walsh, Thom.is Crosliy. Davis 
 
 RvAN — M. J. I'lynn. 
 'J'ai.i. (Jross, .Sloii.and, Exii r— D. J. M. Ouin. 
 \\'arrin(;tiin— John C. D.illdii. 
 WiDNES, 'P. P. O'CoNNOu — Hugh O'Donnell. 
 WiNfiATE, Davitt — Joiin Mazel. 
 WoKKiNiuiAM, p. J. Power — Michael M'Carthy. 
 Wrkxham— I'Mward M'Halc. 
 AO. H., En(;i.ani) — Thonias Parkin. 
 A. OH., Scotlanii — Michat'l Pitzpatrirk, Patri( k Dohcrty, John Crihbin, 
 
 Michael M'Inally, I'eter Malloii, Hernard Coyle, Ki< hard Sta|ileton, 
 
 Samuel Kilpatrick, Daniel Harkins,'rhonins Urown, Thonias Mmncry, 
 
 James (Jallagiier, F. Kierney, James Connor. 
 
 
 Central 3Bo^^ 5. fl. jfcbcratton. 
 
 Messrs. Thomas Caicy; Charles Conlan ; Major J. J. Crooks; 
 Bernard Denipsey, Glasgow; Nicholas H. Dcvine, Tuhbercurry ; 
 Andrew Donnelly, Purgan ; James Dwyer, Roscrea ; Joseph Dwyt r, 
 Roscrea ; Prancis Fitzgerald, (ilin ; \Vm. Fitzgerald, Cappoqiiin ; John 
 Fogarty; Charles Gallen, J.P. ; E. Gallagher; Frederick Giiroy ; 
 Laurence Ginnell, 11. L, Dublin; Joh.i Harrington, J.P. ; Michael 
 Ilayden, Castlerca ; James Hayes, Tipjierary ; ^Iichael Hearne, 
 William Hodnett, Solicitor; Arthur Houston, Q.C. ; Dr. Keary, 
 Woodford ; M. J. Kelly, Belfast ; P. J. Kelly, Chairman Westport 
 Board of Guardians; Valentine Kilbride, Solicitor; Wm. Pyncli, 
 Solicitor; Murtagh M'Cann, Liirgan ; John McDonnell, P.L.G. ; 
 John McGinn ; l^dward McGrane, Dundrum; James IP McGrane ; 
 William McGrath ; C. S. McGuiniiess ; Surgeon Murray MacKen/ie, 
 R.N. ; P. M'Manus, Cavan ; Thomas P. NP()uaid ; J. C. ^PWalt(•r, 
 L.P.S.L; John J. Meldon, Solicitor; James Moloney, Thomas 
 Monaghan, Martin Morris ; David Murphy ; AP M. Murphv, Solicitor, 
 Kilkenny; Patrick O'Brien ; Charles O'Connell, B.L. ; John O'Neill; 
 fimothy O'Sullivan ; S. P. Preston ; William E. Reigli ; John C. 
 Rooney; William TaalTe, Ardee ; George J. Wake, Liirgan ; Peter 
 Ward ; Alfred Webb, Dublin : William Whiteside. 
 
 (ilii.S 
 
 ._ J 
 
 ^ 
 
M(i 
 
 i 
 
 33« 
 
 IRISH h'.icK cuyvr.yrioN. 
 
 \ 
 
 IDclcontfons an& /IDcml>cm of ipubllc 3Bonl•^o, iDclcflntco 
 
 (loin tbc .1l3nmcl)ca of tbc Jfc&ciation, Ipavlijbco, 
 
 anD Societies tn 3l•claM^. 
 
 ANTRIM. 
 noAHnsnrnuARniANS: Bali.vmkna— (loraldS. M'Ciiinpliill.J.P; James 
 
 Nt'csoii. Uai.i.vi.asilk — Jolin M'CaiinlKin, J.l'., vicc-cliairiiiaii ; l-;. K. 
 
 M'Camtiridn..', J.r. ; J. I'. O'Kanc; llAi.T.VMnNhV— John lioyil. J.I'. 
 IIkanciies I.N.F. ; Ilict.KAsr — John J, Donovan, W'illiini DowiiL'y, Jolin 
 
 Rootu-y, James Hoyle. Hai.lvmonkv — James O'Kane, sun., George 
 
 M'l'.ill, Daniel Demjisey. 
 Hki.fasi- Yoi'no Irkland Sociktv— Patrick Flanagan, Francis Blair, 
 
 I'. J. Hanna. 
 I.iiiKRAi, AND Nationai, Union OF Ui.STKR — JoscpU M'Cauicy, J.I'., 
 
 solicitDr i Rev. Richard Lyttlc, Dr. Logan. 
 A.O.Il.U. OK Krin— John Crilly. 
 
 arm.a(;h. 
 
 Town Commissionf.ks, Kkady— Michael Smith, chairman ; John 
 Nugent, P. Reynolds. 
 
 Hoard ov riUARUiANS, Armacmi — Michael Kelly. 
 
 Uranciiics I.N.F.: ni.ACKWATi:Rn)WN--HenryI.ennon, Felix Fox, James 
 (larvey. Armacjii. — Jas. Donnelly, James M'Mahon, Michael (larvey, 
 CAMLOUiiii— Very Rev. C. Qiiinn, P.P., V.F. ; Rev. C. M'Donnell, 
 C.C. ; James O'llare, J.P., P.I-.G. ; James Aikyn, J. P. ; I,. Donnelly, 
 I'.L.d. ; Rev. Michael J. Qiiinn, C.C. Coi.i.kcki.and — Menry 'I'oal, 
 Hugh M'Cluskey, Felix O'Leary. Jonesiiouo' and Dromintek — 
 Michael P. Rice, Miciiael O'Hare, Thomas Oltourke. Lurgan, 
 Arthur Donnki.i.v — Andrew Donnelly, James M'Midian, Henry 
 Mcl.arnon. Derrvmacasii — John C O'Reilly, James lilayney, Henry 
 MTieown. I.ouuiioii.i.v — John J. M'Parland, John M'l'ailand, James 
 Kenny. Keady — James M'Kennedy, James Mone, Tiiomas Kelly. 
 
 CARLOW. 
 Town (^ommissioner.s, Cari.ow. — llichael Molloy. 
 Board of Guardians, Caklow — L;uirencc M I.oughlin, Charles F. 
 
 M'Nally, J. P. 
 Branch I.N.F., Cari.ow— Mich.acl Molloy, T.C. ; Patrick J. Conlon, 
 
 J. Kelly. 
 
 CAVAM. 
 Town Commissioners : Cavan — Francis O'Reilly, Bern.ard Brady, 
 
 James Galligan, Daniel Reilly, Patrick Ganney, John M'Carron, James 
 
 Gallayher. CoorKiiir, I. — Andrew .Smith. IJKi.ruunnr — F. Boland, 
 
 chairman ; P. Farley, P. Fitzpatrick, E. Gleeson, an<l W. (iillick. 
 Boards of (iuARDiANs: Cavan — J. Jones, Bernard O'Connor, F. 
 
 Maguirc, James Gilchreest, Luke Lee. Cooteiiili. — John O'Reilly. 
 
 BAWNiioy — Bernard Kean, Hugh Reynolds, Thomas M'Ciovern, 
 
 J^ Phillips. 
 Branches I.N.F. : Drung — Patrick Reilly, F'rancis Reilly. Virginia — 
 
 John Ticrney, J. P. ; Thomas M'Cabe, John M'Fvoy. Mum.ahovan 
 
 AND LouGiiDUFF — F'elix M'Manus, Edward O'Reilly. 
 
 :■•-, '. 
 

 5; 
 
 r. 
 
 p 
 
 m 
 
 K 
 
 
 
 i\ 
 
 :) 
 
 \ i'. 
 
 /-6 
 

 r 
 
 338 
 
 IRIHII h'ACK ('()XVI-:.\TI()X. 
 
 Ll.ARli. 
 
 Town Commissionf.ks : Ennis — M. S. Iloian, Michael A. Sranlon. 
 Kii.RUsii — Joseph Finnucanc, James Clancy. 
 
 Boards of (Juardians : Kiluvsari' — N. Stiiddart Ciihson, vice- 
 chairman. Kii.RUSii — John Mulqueen. Fnnistvmo.m — Michael 
 Leydon, Patrick Vaughan. 
 
 I5KANCHKS I.N.F. : Ennistymon — John Cassidy, Mathew Ciirran, 
 Michael O'lJrien. Kii.rusii— James Kelly, Jolin Egan. Ogonnici.i.oe 
 — Uoniinick Stuart, hon. secretary; Michael Slatttry, vice-president; 
 John Corbett, P. E.G. Ffaki.f. — Patrick M'Mahon, Michael Hogan, 
 Thady Kelly. Mii.townmalhav — Denis O'Eoughlin. Bodyke and 
 ToMc.REANY — Michael Brady, J. P.; Thomas Scanlon, Denis Tuohy. 
 KiLi.iMER AND Knockf.rra — John liasseit, J. P. ; Michael Behan, 
 P. E.G. ; Thomas Tally. KiLi.ALOii — Corney Hayes, Patrick Sheuhan, 
 Michael M'Keogh, Michael Scanlan. 
 
 Pakisuks: Ki..nAi.i.v()\VEN — Cornelins Haugh. KiiniMO — John Caliill. 
 KiLLOKENNiiDY— John Gunning. — Bradford — P. V'aughan. 
 
 II i 
 
 ") 
 
 CORK. 
 
 Corporation, City of Cork— Alderman Fitzgerald, Alderman Martin 
 Flavin, J. P. ; William Kinnionth, Jeremiah Ahem, John T. O'Donnell. 
 
 Town Commissioners: Bandon — Thoma Scanlan, chairman ; J. Burke. 
 Mini.ETfiN — Rich.-ird Fitzgerald, chairman ; J. O'Brien. Mallow— 
 M'ch.ael Nunan, chairman; Cornelius Buckley, J. Cronin, Stephen 
 O'Dwyer, J.P. ; John Golden. Youghal— Richard Carey, J. P., 
 chairman ; John Condon, T.C. ; James Eynch, T.C. ; William 
 Modnett, solicitor. Clonakilty— Daniel O'Eoary, chairman. 
 FKRMf)Y — Edward Byrne, J.P. Quei.nhtown— William Meehan, 
 Timothy Murray, J. H. Camp'oell. Skiiii!ERELN— John Murphy. 
 
 Baltimore and SKiitiiEUEEN Harbour IJoauds— Patrick Sheehj-. 
 
 Hoards of Guardians: Bandon — Edward Graigner, John Harris, 
 Edward M'Carthy, John Kelly. Mii.lstreet— J. J. Corkcrry, 
 chairman; Bryan MacSwyncy, J.P. ; Patrick O'Callagan. Cork— 
 P. J. Scannell, Thouias Fuller, Patrick O'Connor, J. M'Carthy Barry, 
 J. J, Humphreys, P. O'Neill, Michael Murphy. Midleton— Marlin 
 Reardon, chairman ; T. J. Burke, Michael Buckley, J.P. Mallow 
 —James Byrne, deputy vice-cliairman ; Cornelius O'Callaghan, D.J. 
 O'Cail.aghan, Patrick Vaughan, Thomas Barry. Macroom— Michael 
 1 lealy, J.P. ; Daniel M'Carthy, John Moynihan. Mitchklstown — 
 P. Rayleigh, J. P., chairman; Thomas Drake, J.P. Youghal — 
 Thomas V. I'arrell, J. P., chairman; Peter Keefe, R. R. Russell, 
 Patrick Einehan, Dun.manway— Michael Connolly, deputy vice- 
 chairman ; T. M; Kearney, Jerome Mahonev. ' nelius Rcardon. 
 William Cotter, ijaniel M'Carthy, C. O'Driscol. thull— Edaard 
 Roycroft, J. P., chairman; T. Coghlan, c-;[)i;> vice-chairman; 
 John Kelly. Kanturk— Buckley Daly, chairman; John Einehan, 
 deputy vice-chairman; Charles C. Daly, Patrick Eane, Fermov — 
 D. Verling, J. Maya, A. Heskin, G. Baylor, J. P. Collins. Kinsale— 
 Jeremiah Bowen. Skibjereen — Daniel M'Carthy, deputy vice- 
 chairman ; D. Burke. 
 
 iliili 
 
 t 
 
 ^^ 
 
 J\ 
 
 mmmrn 
 
LIST OF DKLEGATKS. 
 
 vvi 
 
 Branches I.N.F. : Uai.i yvuurnkv — D.inii'i I.yiicli, M.D., J 1'.; Cor- 
 nelius Lyiicli, 'rimutliy Twonicy. Hanudn — Tlu 'iias DiiincLii, 1'. |. 
 M'C'arlliy, solicitor; 'riioma.s ('umniiiis. Dunmanway — Jaiiirs II. 
 Purccli, solicitor ; Florence Croiilcy, James M'Carlhy. (,'iikK Ci iv — 
 Thomas Crosbiu, pro|)iiptor Cork Exainiiur ; Michael Murphy, soli- 
 citor ; Daniel Horg.iii, John O'Connor, Micliael Ryan, Cnrneliiis 
 Millard, ICdmimd Russell, William Desmond. Kii.i;KiN-'riniothy 
 Dennehy, I'.L.Ci. ; John Riordan. Bai.i.indwcan— Patrick Ilanly, 
 James O'Riordan, John O'Keelle. Donik aii.e— John O'Connor. 
 Kanturk — Francis J. liur.on, D. D. Malioiiy, Tliomas Lenehan. 
 MiuLETON— William C().;an, J.I'. ; Mxliael Lynch, T.C. ; Willian) 
 Moore. Mallow — 1'. R. Fit/gibbon, solicitor ; I'atrick Donovan, 
 Denis Lynch, T.C. CastlklyOi.s — Carrett VerUn„', !•-. P. Kent, 
 Cornelius Ronan. Drum iarifke — Bryan M'.Swecney, J.l'. ; Charles 
 Daly, I'.L.Ci. ; J. J. Hanlon, M.J.Casey. Killavullln — Wiili.im 
 Stackpoole. MnciiEi.siow.v — Very Reverend Dean O'Regan, I'.I'., 
 V.O. ; Thomas O'lirien, Mi( liael Cnsack. Ci.onakilty — Daniel 
 O'Leary, J.I'., chairman, Town Cominis'-ioncrs ; Dr. O'Cleary, 
 Stephen O'lUien, solicitoi. Achada — Fdniond Rohan, William 
 Hegarty. Dunc.ouhnev and Moc.eiclv — J. J. Bee hinor, I'.L.G. 
 Freemount — Rev. T. 'I'womey, Simon J. Barry, V.C. ; John Foley. 
 Skibbei'EEN — Rev. T. Kearney, Adni. ; Joseph J. Healy, solicitir. 
 Banirv — William Cottar, I'.L.J.; Daniel Donovan, I'.L.(j. 
 
 Parlshes: Caheraoh — Rev. Thomas Palmer, P.P. ; Jeremiah Sweeney, 
 Patrick Hayes, Patrick M'Cartl'v. Newceston — James D.nly, J.I'. 
 Ennlskeen — Patrick Foley. '. .^llinascartiiv — Daniel Nyhan, T. 
 White. Leap— Dr. AL OTJriscolI, J.P. ; B. Cullinane, J.P. White- 
 church — Denis Hegarty, J.P. Innlshannon — William Curtin. 
 Douglas — John Colhns. Bali.vcloucii — W. Fitzgeralii. Blarney 
 — John (Dan) Coleman; Mr. Ci>ri.clius Coakley attended from 
 Aglieena parish, Cork. ; ''-goolu— '-".di lond Slack. Ball\ .moi.v — 
 J. W. Walsh. Castlem. kfVR and Du.\(;owney— J. J. Beechinor, 
 P.L.G. Ballinha.ssig — Peter O'Neill, P.L.G. j James P. Murphy. 
 Kilworth — John Hanlon. 
 
 Cork National Society — Thomas Lynch, George Croshie, B.L. ; 
 P. D. O'Brien, J.P. ; Thomas Dooley, Thomas Goggin. 
 
 DONEGAL,. 
 
 Ballyshaknon Town Com.missioners— James Moohan. 
 
 Boards of Guardians; Milford — Robert A. Wliyte, J. A. Diamond 
 Stranorlar — Francis Callaghan, deputy vice-chairman ; Tague 
 M'Gee, J.P. ; Patrick M'Dermott, J.P. IJunecal— Hugh M'Ginlv, 
 William M'Devitt, ^'\ hael Dunnion. Glenties — John O'Donnell, 
 J.P. ; John Sween.j ihn Kilbride. Ballvsh.\nnon — P.J. Fergas, 
 chairman; Michael Cassidy, J. P., vice-chairman ; James M'Gurran, 
 deputy vice-chairman. Innishowen — Michael White, vice-chairman ; 
 Bernard Hannigan, J.l'. 
 
 Branches, LN.F. : }5a' lyshannon (Bernard Kelly) — Bernard 
 Reynolds, John M'Cartney, Myles Sweeney. Petiigo — Francis 
 Britton, J.P. ; John M'Caffrey, James Britton. Donegal (Red 
 Hugh O'Donnell) — Rtv. C. Cassidy, C'.C. , Hugh Gall.igliet, J.P. ; 
 
 / 
 
 ) 
 
 V .''[ 
 
 VI 
 
 y 
 
 ■;iii 
 
3-4° 
 
 IRISH RACE CONVESTION. 
 
 r 
 
 i ' 
 
 
 Patrick Gallagliur. 1!.\m,vi:oi-ey and Si KANORi.y^- Tmus Boyle, 
 James Connolly, Owen Slieil. IUli.ysiiannon (H. ■. 'llrrniLi.) — 
 James Gavigan, James Hums, T. J. M'I'addun. Inver — William 
 M'Devitt, P.L.O. ; Robert Meehan, Rev. P. M'Caffrey, Adm. 
 
 DOWN. 
 
 I'owN CoMMissioNKRR : Nf.wky — Patrick Connollv, M. J. M'Cartan, 
 Mathew J. Dowdall, Janies Rice. Banhridge — Bcriianl M'Givcrn. 
 
 Boards ok Guardian.s ; Nf.wry — John O'llare, vice-chairman ; John 
 I.owry, William Ronnn, J. P. ; Edward Lowry, J. P. ; Samuel M'Court, 
 Daniel Maginn, Laurence M'Court, Michael M'Cartan, J. P. (Gover- 
 nor Co. Down Asylum) ; John C^ampbell. liAMiRiDCK — James 
 Rooney, James M.inuire, J. P. Nf;wTOWNARiJS — R. B. Caughey. 
 
 Hrancuks I.N.F. : BAi.iviioi.LANr) and Grinan — llui;h M'Nally, 
 John Ryan, Terence M'Laughlin. IUnbridge — John S, Farrell, 
 solicitor; John Flanigan, Peter M'Givern. Barnmkkn — H. .Mallon. 
 BuRRAN — James Byrne, James Woods. John M'Crath. IIilltown — 
 Joseph M'Polin, Andiew Murphy, James M'Aleavey, J, 'P. M'Laugh- 
 lin, J. P.; Edward I.owry, J.l'. Kiixoo— John Magee, Peter Fitz- 
 patrick, Peter M'Polin. Mayouridoe — James Loughran, John 
 O'Harc, Bernard Kelly, John Downey. WARRENrniNT — ^Villiam J. 
 M'Cornish, Michael Higgins. Tullylish and Gilford— Henry 
 M'Inerney, Hugh MoUoy. Dgwni'aikick — D. M'Cartan, solicitor; 
 Philip M'Cartan. Nf:\vky — James Rice, T.C. 
 
 Parishes : Annaci.one — Dr. I'cgan. Donagh.more — Rev. F. M'Lou^';h- 
 lin, P.P. ; John M'Avoy. 
 
 .\. O. H., Board of Erin — P. M'Gennis. 
 
 DUBLIN. 
 
 DUHLIN Cor.roRATioN — Alderman R. Toole. 
 
 Boards of Guardians : North Dublin — John M'Donnell, J. P. 
 Balrothery — P. M'Cabe, James Clinton. 
 
 Branches I.N.F. : Bi.ackrock — T. M'Grath, Mathew A. Lazenby, 
 John Nugent, hon. sec. Clondalkin — Michael Coghlan, Christojiher 
 Hanlon, Bernard Dowd. Drumcondra — Michael F. Mooney, Oliver 
 J. O'Connor, Patrick M'Ardle. Rathmines and Harold's Cross — 
 Arthur Hanlon, Patrick Cumming, John M'Donnell. Baluriggan — 
 James Tolan, John Knox, Richard M'Cabe. Saggart, Rathcool 
 AND Newcastle — John M'Cann, Joseph Coonan, Peter Daly. 
 Arran Quay Ward — Denis Moran, Francis Gibney, John J. Rich- 
 mond. St. Patrick's. —William O'lSrien, — Byrne, E. Brennan. 
 
 Edmund Burke Literary and Debating Society — H. J. M'Cann, 
 president ; Frederick Ryan, auditor. 
 
 FAWCErr Association, Dublin Branch — John T. Kelly. 
 
 FERMANAGH. 
 
 EnniskillKn Town Commissioners — Hugh R. Lindsay, chairman ; 
 J. M'Govern, Patrick Crumley, J. P. 
 
 Boards of Guardians: Enniskillen — Francis Maguire, — M'Quaid, 
 Arthur Duggan, J.P. Lisn\skea — James Mulligan, J.P. ; Thomas 
 Mortimer. Irvinestown — James Mulhern, — Teague. 
 
 
 fm 
 
 > . 
 
 irju<«^*;fM*T-Vn rM^ 
 
 riiiliiifimi 
 
LIHT UF DELlUiATEH. 
 
 341 
 
 
 BKANCH-iS I.N.F. : Arney— Philii) M'C.loney, Janus Cimnii, Vrancis 
 Kuenan. Enniskillen— Kdwanl Mt-anhcr, Josupli Coa, lUrnaul 
 Coyle. AuuiiAi.UKCHER— Kdward Morris l-'lanagaii, I'o.cr Crudtl'.T! 
 NiiWTOWNiiUTLiiK— Michael Harle, jaincs M'Ku-nian, A. MagiiVL 
 iKviNiiSiOWN AND WiiiTLiiALL—Juliii Lcc, I'auick O'Kcill), John 
 Woods. 
 A. O. II., Hoard of Erin— James M'Kicrnan, Chadcs Curry, Luke 
 Drum, James Malone. 
 
 G A I. WAY. 
 Town Commissioners: Galway— Er.mcis I.y(U)n. liALi.iNAsioK— 
 John (Jogavin. Tuam— Patrick Culi<in, chainu.iii ;John Ml'lniiMiii., 
 John G. Glynn, John I'atturson, Patrick Glynn. 
 BoARUS of Guardians : Loucuirea— Michael Clasby, Ulick Poiirkc, 
 Stephen Ruane. Gokt— John J5urke. Glenamaudy— J. Keavney, 
 A. Keenan, Martin Freeney. Woodford- -J. Blake. Portumna— 
 J P.Page. TuAM--PatrickC;iynn, Francis Tannian. Bai.i.iwasi.oe— 
 'I'imothy O'Connell, William Rorke. Gai.way— Martin Cunningiiani, 
 A. G. Scott. OuGHTERAKD— Patrick Conrov. Ci.ifokx— Patrick 
 O'Hara. MouNTBELLEW—Jamcs Naughton, Thomas (Iraigner. 
 Branches I.N.F. : Tuam— Thomas Flately, T.C. ; P. Eyons, P.I..G. , 
 Francis Maher. Bau.inasi.of— W. J. CoscUoe, John K-an, John 
 Donovan, James Kilmartin. Tiernascua— James Gilibons, Uilliam 
 Hogan, John Nevin. (jALWAY— Very Rev. P. Dooluy, P.P 
 Fatiier Whelan, J. C. M'Donnell. Athfnrv— P. P. Brodenck, John 
 llcnehan, John Connolly, T. G. Finnerty, J. Sweeny 
 John Sweeny, T.C ; Patrick Connolly, 
 W. J. Du.Ty, Edward O'Dea, 
 J. Roche, M.P. 
 Pauisuks ; DuNMORE— Thomas Fahy 
 Headfokd — William Kyne. 
 
 T.C. 
 Woodford — Dr. 
 
 Rev. 
 John 
 
 LOUOURKA — 
 
 Thomas Mulkern, 
 Kcary, F. Roche, 
 
 (Jlenamauv — Martin B. Collins. 
 
 KERRY. 
 Tralee Town Commi.'-sioners- M. J. Kellchcr. J.P. ; Jeremiah 
 
 O'Keeffe, |ohn O'Donnell, Thomas Slattery, John U Connor. 
 Boards of Guardians: KENMARE-David Doran, vice-chairm.in ; John 
 
 Gain, deputy vice-chairman; P. J. O'Si.Uivan. 1.istowei.-M. J. 
 
 Nolan, J.P. ; William Fitzgerald, E. J. Stack, J.P. ; F. Fitzgerald, J.l'. 
 
 Tralee— Jeremiah Roche, chairman ; Thomas Kearney, J. K. 
 
 O'Connor, Eugene O'Connor, John O'Donnell, M. M'Mahon, J.P. ; 
 
 F. O'SuUivan, J.P.; J. Leonard, J.P. ; T. Galv.n, J.l'.; George 
 
 Branches I.N.F. : Tralee— St. J. H. Donovan, J.P., T.C. ; Thomas 
 O'Regan, T.C. ; T. J. Healy. Glenflksk and Barxaduff— 
 Daniel Lynch, Denis Lynch, Michael Dohcny. Ballylongf.ird-- 
 James Brassil, Patrick Ahem, Patrick St.ick. Dingle— Imiothy M. 
 O'Flaherty, Michael T. Moriarty. Kenmare— Daniel [. O Sullivan, 
 Laurence Egan, Timothy J. O'SuUivan. Killarnicy— Daniel O'Sliea, 
 James O'Leary, Daniel J. O'Connor. 
 
 Parishes : Listowel— Jeremiah Kennelly. Asdee— Nicholas Mulvihill. 
 Foss.\ — Daniel D. Sheehan. 
 

 \V '^ 
 
 .342 
 
 /A'M// A'.ir/; CO.WE.XTIOX. 
 
 I!Ar.i,vi.()N(ii(ii<u YuUNG iKiiLANU SociKTY —Joseph N. O'Sulli.an, 
 
 Joliii l''arri'll. 
 LisTowEL YuuNU Ireland Society— M. J. Flavin, M.P.; J. F. Cronin. 
 
 KILDARE. 
 
 Town CoMMissiONF.RS : Athv— 1'. J. Murphy, Thomas llickcy. Naas 
 — l'Ahvai<l Iiyrne. 
 
 ]5oAKi)S OF (JuAKDiANs: Naas — Edward Fcnlon, chairman; Patrick 
 Driver, l!:irtlc Kelly, I'ctcr Hcaly, J. 1'. Mooru, J.l'. ; Denis Nolan, 
 Patrick Dunne, Tliomas Walslie. Ariiv — Michael '''reacy, Hugh 
 Nolan, Jamc; Julian, Michael Hickey, John M'Lougiilin, W. IIn<;hcs. 
 
 Branches I.N.F. : Ai.i.kn — Jolin Cribhin, Daniel Healy, J. Morrin. 
 Castlkukumott — Thomas JJyrne, John Delany, Michael J. Aylnier. 
 N/iKUA<;iiMORE — Jeremiah Kenna, I'eter CuUen, AncUew Costel'o. 
 Nkwdridoe — Patrick Flood, Thoinns I'ringle, M. O'.Shauglinessy. 
 SuNCROFT — James Kelly, J. P. ; James Morrin, Nicholas Cullen. 
 NuRNiiv — Thomas O'lieirne. Aniv — Patrick Knowies, David Walsh, 
 Stei)hen O'Brien. Naas — William Staples, Patrick Cunningham, 
 John tliehan, James Ilyland, P. J, Doyle. Cakac.ii anij PRosi'Kumrs 
 — I'jdward linnis, lulward Fitzharris, William Tierney. Two.Mii u- 
 iiouRi.s — Jose[)li O'Connor, James Brennan, Henry Dillon. 
 
 Mii.rowN Pakisii — John Tiernan. 
 
 KILKENNY. 
 
 Corporation, City ok Kii,ki;.nny — Major P. O'l.cary, Mayor; Ahler- 
 man Thomas Cantwell, Alderman Murphy, M. King. 
 
 Cam.an Town Commissioners — James Pollard. 
 
 Boards of CiUardians ; Callan — James Power, chaiminn; W. F. 
 MulLilly, J.P. ; .M. Gleeson, Patrick Fcnnclly, V.C. ; James Cahill, 
 J. P.; Philip Lynch. Uri.imoford — William De Courcey, chairman ; 
 Arthur Cavanagh, R. Rafter, Maurice Kelly. Cash, ecomkr — Michael 
 Brennan, John Rowe, JefiVcy Brennan. Thomastown— Michael 
 Doyle, jun., rliai-'nan; Michael Hogan, vice-chairman. 
 
 BraN( iiKs LN.I''. : Winixiap— John Comerford, James Landy, Edward 
 Cornan. John iowN and Crosspatrick— Joseph Delany, M.irlm 
 Brennan, Jo'.n Broderick, Robert Rafter, P.L.G. ; J. Phelan, P.L.G. 
 Thomastown— Michael Ilogan, Peter Carron, Thomas Whelan. 
 Si.iF.vicRUK — Michael Rock, Patrick Grant. Muckalee— Charles 
 Copley, Michael Moran, Henry Sherman, Sanmel Copley. St. John's, 
 Kii KENNY — D. fJuilfoyle, John Barrett, P.L.G. ; J. Morrissey, I'.L.G. 
 
 Gal.moy Parish— Arthur Kava.n.agh, P.L.G. ; Richard Gannon. 
 
 KING S COUNTY. 
 BiKR— J. C. Moran. 
 
 TULLAMORi. — Joseph 
 
 Town Commissioners ; 
 Ryan, Henry I'^gan. 
 
 Boards of Guardians : Parsonstown— Michael Dooley, deputy vice- 
 chairman ; John Powell. Tui.lamore- Richard Kvlly. 
 
 Edendfury Branch LN.F.— Thomas (jroome, James J5vrnc. 
 
 Parishes: Balmnahown — Robert Dalton, P.1,.G, Mili.axe --Peter 
 Sealull, P.L.G. 
 
LIST OF nh'Lh'dATES. 
 
 343 
 
 I.HHRIM. 
 
 Boards of Guardians: Carkickon-Siiannon- -John Fox, deputy vice- 
 chairman ; Peter Cashn, James I'akiiihain, J.l'. ; 'rhunias lleirne, 
 Thomas Diiignam, J.l*. Moiiii.i. — Ruhcrt 1'. Waliai-L', Mich.a'l 
 Murphy. Maniiriia.mi. ion — Joim Dolan, chairman ; 'I'hdniis I'alloii, 
 deputy vice-chairman ; M. Duvanuy, Myles Woods, John .M'Cliiinncss, 
 John Mcchan, I'atrick Clancy. 
 
 Branches l.N.F. : Boknacoola — Patrick M'Gushin, Michael Canning. 
 DuUMSiiAMiio— Francis Conway, James Cooney. 1 )ki'msna — Thomas 
 W. Daly, Patrick M'Nabola, Francis Daly. I.owkk Drumkkiii.v— 
 Thomas M'CiOvern, Laurence Dolan, i'.ilrick Prior. liAi.i.iNAiii r.uAdU 
 —Rev. Thomas M'Gauran, P.P.; James J. Flynn. Kii.Tunun) — 
 Thomas Heirne, Michael Judge. Monu.i.— John .M. Mulligan, James 
 Reilly. Gi.r.NKAkNii— John Keany, president. DrumkkI'.kin— T. 
 Ward, P. I .G. ; P. ICeaveney. Rossinvkr -Myles M'Keown. Manor- 
 Hamilton — James Synotl, jun. D hum i.icasi; — John J. Rorke. 
 Kii-MNUMKRV— John Kelly, Patrick Kaveney. Kii.i.asnkt— Patrick 
 Lea, I'atrick Fox ''Frank), M. Devaney, P.L.G. Fenaoh — Rev. D. 
 G'ay, i'.P. ; Bernard Heiherion. 
 
 LIMERICK. 
 Corporation, City of Limkuick — Alderman Stephen O'M.ira, P. E. 
 
 P.ourke, J. P. ; Patrick O'Neill, Michael Spain, P.Urick Tr.ur). 
 Ratiikkalk Town Commissionkrs— John Fremen, John Amhrosis 
 BoarhsokGuardia:.;;: Limkuick. — 'I'honias I!. Mm IkII, vice ili.urman; 
 T. Lane, FMmun 1 M. Kirhy, R. T. O'Kinncdy, J.P. ; I'.itrick 
 Connolly. RAriiri\i.K— Daniel O'Brien, James O'Connor, P. I'lt/ 
 sinions. Kr..MAi,i ock— J. Ryan, J.P. ; James Lyons, E. Barry. 
 (■room— Michael O'Brien. Newca.sti.k Wkst— D. O'Leary llan- 
 
 nigan, J.P. 
 Bkanciiks I.N.F. : A:uieyfkai.k— Rev. W. Casey, P.P.; M. Moloney, 
 P.L.G. ; George B.arry, William 0'.-Juliivan, John H. Banaher. 
 Atiika— )ohn M. White, Patrick Griftin. T. D. Danaher. Granc.k - 
 1). S. O'Connel, N. J. Hayes. KiukaI.v— David O'.NIeara, David 
 liarry, Tohn O'Mahonv. Raiukeai.k— -loh.i Burke, Patrick Barrett, 
 Timothy Cusack, T.C. ; J. li. l\a.ia"r,er. Limkrici: CUty— J. 11. 
 Roche, J. J. Ryan, K. J. Long. h'E\K\M(yn-\^'. J. Cl.mcy, Micii.iel 
 Fielly, Henry Casey. Ku.mnanI'— James GalliL;in, John Doherty, 
 David J. Condon. .SroNLiiAi.i.— Timothy Foley, Michael M.idigui. 
 llKRiiERTsrowN— Michael B. Morcnev, John Condon, Thomas J. 
 Moroney. Bali.yhaiiill— Daniel M'Coy, P.L.G. ; P. Uan.aghcr, 
 R. Fitzgerald. Murrok and Bohkr— Very Rev. Michael Ryan, 
 P.P., V.F. ; William Fitzgerald, P.L.G.; Bryan Kennedy, John }. 
 Ryan, Daniel Ryan, John O'Mcara, John Ryan, John Humphteys, 
 Caim'AMORE— Patrick Dugg.an, P.L.G.; Martin Ryan, T. Jorboy, 
 D. M. English. Pallascreun— Michael Cunningham, PL.G. , 
 Patrick Ryan, John M'Grith. Patrickswei.l and Bai.i,yiiro,*'n-— 
 Michael Muhiueen, James Dundon, John Costello. Oola— Daniel 
 Ryan, P.L.G. ; Timothy Hayes, Morgan Hayes. Anglkkiioro'-- 
 Rev. T. Canty, C.C ; John English, jun.; Jeremiah O'Donnell. 
 Hospital— Very Rev. Canon Scully, P.P.; Rev. Hugh Mockler, 
 
 
 
 
 ""'■---A":..V 
 
 7^ w ' 
 
 ■/:- 
 
 'Hit 
 
I t 
 
 
 » 
 
 ill 
 
 344 
 
 IRISH HACK COXVKXTinX. 
 
 Micl)ael O'Donnell, James Ilnnnon. Gi.in — I''rancis Fit/gcrald, J.I'.; 
 David Riddle, l'.l-.(i. Rockhii.l and Hkukkk — Thjir.as Poller, 
 Palrick Horgan, Jeremiah IJonworth. Askeaton — Michael Feheny, 
 John Lynch, 'I'homas Ryan. SnANAGOtnEN — David O'Brien, I'alrick 
 Madigan, Maurice Fitzgihlion liooN — John Ryan, Palrick Kill)rido, 
 James Ryan. Knockanv — John Casey, I-Ldmond liyrnes, Jolm 
 O'Kane. 
 Temi'LEGLAntine I'.iRisn — Michael Wren. 
 
 LONDONDKRRY. 
 i.T Board of Guauuians— Felix Ferran, J. P. 
 
 Charles 
 
 Maoiierafi 
 
 Rogers, J. P. ; James Shivers. 
 Branches I.N.F. : Bkllaohv — Charles Agncw, Joseph Davison, John 
 
 Kearney. I.issan — T. Crilly, J. P.; John Ha;;an, Felix M'Cracken. 
 
 Machera — Daniel Lagan, J. M'Kenna, M. M'f.'losker. Magiiera- 
 
 KKr.r — Roger Convery, 'I'homas Larkin, John Kane. Monevmork 
 
 (Tho.mas Sexton) — Henry Devlin, J. P. ; F. lUighes, Palrick Devlin. 
 
 Bai.mnascreen— Michael O'Kane, Joseph D. Kelly, Bernard Rogers. 
 
 SwATERAoii — Michael Doherty, J. M'Keefry. Dkkrv (M'Cakihv)— 
 
 Daniel M'Bridc, James M'Gowan, Daniel Gallivan. 
 
 LONGFORD. 
 Town Commis.sioners : Lonoeord — Malthew Farrell, John Malhews, 
 
 Joseph Miguire. Granard — F'rancis Reilly, Chairman. 
 Boards OK Guakdian.s: LoN<ii-ORD — Michael Kiermi', Thomas DulTy, 
 
 William F'arrell. Granard — John Kenny, Thomas Reilly, George 
 
 Walker. Bai.i.vmaiion — Joseph Flood. 
 Branches LN.F. : Ci-ONrroney — James O'Neill, John Connolly, V. 
 
 DuiTy. Drumi.ish AND Bau.inamuck— Palrick I)ervine, J. Reynolds, 
 
 Patrick Maslerson. Lonokord — Joseph Wilson, Robert Noud, Owen 
 
 Victory. (Jranard — Thomas Dawson, Owen Carney, P.L.G. ; 
 
 Richard Harte. Ci.oncuish — William Prunly, Michael Dr.ike. 
 Parishes: Dro.mard — I'. Daignan, Matthew Gray. Ci.ouoii— Mr. 
 
 Gerely. 
 Rathcline Gaelic Club. — John Rhaligan. 
 
 LOU T II . 
 Corporation, Citv of Droghkda — Peter Lynch, Mayor; Alderman 
 
 Simon Jordan, T. 'I'allon, John Slevin, Tlioiiias Callaii, J. Drew, 
 
 John Dolan, William T. Skcttinglon. 
 High Sheriff of Drogheda — Francis Gogarty, T.C. 
 Drogheda Harbour Board. — Jose|)h Connolly, R.N. ; R. Nulty, 
 
 James P. Kelly. 
 Boards of Guardians: Drogheda— John Feehan, Patrick Reddy, 
 
 L. Moore, F. Smith. Dundalk — M. O'Mcara, P. Hughes. Ardee — 
 
 Joseph Dolan. 
 Branches LN.F".: Coli.on — John Drumgoole, Matthew Downey, 
 
 Bernard Cook. Drogheda — M. A. Casey, T. H. Clancy, Palrick 
 
 M'Quail. Monasteruoice — James Dolan, James M'Donnell, John 
 
 Mullen. Inniskeen — James Gartlan, James Callan. Sandpit — 
 
 I^aurence M'Keown, Patrick Devin, L. F'linn. Reaghstown and 
 
 Tali.anstgwn — • Ihomas Ward, James M'Keever. 
 
LIST OF DKIKGATKS. 
 
 34S 
 
 
 Parishes: KNOCKimiDfiE— N, B. Kin^. I'.I,.G. Mokninoton and 
 UicMYSTOwN — I)a\iil Ahcrnc. Kii.i.anv — James drccn. 
 
 Irish National I'ori-sti.rs , Uranck '1'. 1'. Clii.i., No. 159). — Jaiiu's 
 Gray, C.R. ; Patrick Waters, secretary; John Dlake. 
 
 MAYO. 
 
 Town Commissioners ; Wustport — Michael Browne, William Scott, 
 Patrick I'uole. Casti.kiiar — James Gill. 
 
 BciARUs OF Guardians; Swinford — M. C. Henry, chairman ; J. Irwin, 
 vice-chairman; Francis Kuan, J. P.; John Davitt, Mark Waldion, 
 Francis Davitt, W. J. Waldron, I'humas Roiighnccn. Wksti'ort^ 
 John Flanncry, John Curran, John Walsh, A. O'Malley, Thomas Joyce, 
 William Joyce. Foxkord — i'. M (Jallagher. Casilkiiar — Patrick 
 Vahey, Chairman; William U'Mallcy. Ci.aremorris — M. M. Wal- 
 dron, vice-chairman. 
 
 Branchks I.N.F. : Achill — Rev. J.P.Connolly, P.P.; Anthony Mullury, 
 Joseph Tull)', Rev. M. Hennelly, C.C. Hai.i.viiaunis — Rev. J. R. 
 Canning,', P.P.; .Michael Dclaney, P.L.G.; James (Jrtaly. Ku.timach 
 — M. O'Ucnnell, J. P.; Tiiomas Roughan, P.h.G.; Charles lUirke, 
 Thomas Gallagher, Miss Amy Marnier. Knock — James Connell, 
 Martin M'l.oughlin, Francis litirke. Midfikld — John Davitt. Kii.- 
 i.ASSER — Rev. J. M'Keon, C.C; Patrick Gallagher, P. L.G.; I'atrick 
 M'Hei.ry. Ntwi'oRT — William Chambers, John M'Govern. Bi;kan 
 — Rev. B. G. Freely, P.P.; Martin Healy, Thomas Council. Ci.of;nKR 
 — Dr. Ambrose, M.P.; William Doris, John O'Donnell. Swinford — 
 P. M. Henry. Auohamosk — William J. Waldron, Darby (ilavy, 
 Martin Henry. Kilmeenaand Kilmaci.asser — Rev. Father Healy, 
 Adm.; Austin Gibbons, John O Donnell, Wm. Rice. ISallaijha- 
 DEREtN — Thomas Spclman, John (Jasey, B. M'Dermott, J. P. Jordan, 
 James Cawley. Tikrnaur — John Curran, P. L.G.; Hugh Moran. 
 Bai.la — Thom.as Reilly, Malachy Henegan. Casti.eijar — P. (iil- 
 lespie, Dr. Jordan, James Daly. Ku.movee — Very Rev. Canon 
 O'llara, John Irwin, P.L.G.; B. Flannery, Patrick Cox, John Reid. 
 
 LouisBURGii Parish— Thomas Lyons, P.L.G. 
 
 MEATH. 
 
 Town Commissioners; Navan— Patrick Sheridan. Kei.i.s— John S. 
 
 Kelly. 
 Boards of Guardians; Navan— Francis Sheridan, chairman ; Lawrence 
 
 Rowan, vice-chairman ; Joseph Keappock. Kells — Patrick Far- 
 
 relly, T. P. M'Kenna. Trim- Joseph Quirke. Oi-dcasile— James 
 
 Tuitc, John Gilsenan, Patrick Gaynor. 
 Branches LN.F.; Kii.ci.oone — John Leonard, William Moore, Thomns 
 
 Dillon. Coole — Michael Connolly, Patrick Kerrigan, John Jiles. 
 
 Slane -Joseph Maken, J. P.; John M'Donough, 'I'homas '.Vail. 
 
 Sta.muli.en and JuLiANriowN— Richard Drew, James Bagnal, 
 
 Edward F. Malone. Dunsiiaugiii.im — L. T. Canning, \. Mahon, 
 
 John M'Entee. 
 

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LIST or i>i:i.i:n.\Ti:s. 
 
 347 
 
 MONAcaiAN. 
 
 Town C'.mmissionkrs ; Carrickmackoss— James IViIv, M P., rhair- 
 man; 'llioinas I'liclan, J. P.; J. [. Dowii'i, J. P.; AnlliMiiy Clititon, 
 Patrick M'N.illy, James Kcftian, Owen J, Smith, Pclcr Dwyer, Owen 
 Sherry. liAi.i.viiw — ^lirmird APKeniia, chairman; S. 1". Smyth, 
 Patrick Connolly, James llanratlj-. 
 
 Boards OF (luAUDiANs : Monaciian — luUvanl Magiiire, V. Ilu^lics. 
 Ci.oNKS — lichvard P. Murray, Jas^n (Ir.iliam. ('Asri.nii.AYNi'.v — 
 Francis Connolly, J. 1'.; James \Var.|, Jai;es DiilTy, John Dully. Car. 
 RiCKMACROss — Thouias Phelan, J. P., cliairniaii ; Peter Dwyer, James 
 Daly, J. P. 
 
 Branches I.N.T. : Counrii- Peter Ki-ln.nhnn, James Hand, James 
 O'Connor, l''raniis O'tjonnor. Ci.onis— Ivlward llrady, I'.dwaril 
 Moore, Hugh NI'Donald, William M'Pliillip, jim.; James .NPCovern. 
 Mdnachan — D.C. Riishc, solicitor; James Nlnnlun, William Ward. 
 Agiiahoy — Edward API'liilli|)s, Joseph Dully, James Itrady. (Jar- 
 RICKMACROSS — John D. NPVeinh, Kichard Biiyle, John Shankey. 
 Ci.ONTiiiKicr — James Mohin, IKiiry iNP.Adam, Patrick lirennan, 
 Patrick Mivcrnan, James (,'olemaii, I'aiiick \V'alsh, Patri(k I.avelle. 
 CoRr\(;iiAN AND TiiRKKMiMvHoi'si: — P.ernard Clerkin, J. P.; John 
 M'( !onville, Owen Kerans. 'J't'i.i.vi ni;ni;i — J(jlin lioylan, Thomas 
 M'Carney, James Hnylan. Kii.i.kkvan — Charles 'I'oal, James 
 Quigley. Errical TRUA(;ii — I'eter M'Keiuia, Owen i\l'Kenna, 
 Arthur Ireland. 
 
 PaklsiiI'S : CURRIN — John Fiizpatrick, 
 Maoheracloonk — Patrick M'Cmke, 
 MoVNK — John Daly. 
 
 Carrickmackoss Trade and Lahoir I.iacue— John Martin, Patrick 
 Coyle. 
 
 QUEKN'S COUNTY. 
 
 Boards OK CiUAUDiANS : Mounimei-mck — Michael Kinsella, !'.[,. C; 
 John Carroll. AniiFYi.Ki.x — James M'Mahon, J. P., (le()uty vice- 
 chairman ; James M'Kvoy. 
 
 Branchics I.N.F. : Kii.lasmi:kstia,Kn'-jkaroo, and Borris in-Ossory 
 — Thomas Lowery, J. P.; Pal-ink Kavanagh, Richard M'lCvoy. Hali.y- 
 adams and Wolfhii.i. — Thomas ]5reen, John Ilealy, Edward Whelan. 
 Kyle — Richard Moloney, Denis Egan, Thomas Delany. Knock — 
 Michael Brennan, Thomas Kealey, Camross — Patrick Kelly, Thos. 
 Costif^an, Thomas Dclaney. AciiAnoE and Pai.eacoi.i.a— John Car- 
 roll, P.L.G.; Laurence Conimins, Josei)h Hart. Hai.i.vroan — Patrick 
 Cami)ion, Denis De.anoy, Michael Kehoe. Duuuow and {!ui.i.oiiit,i, 
 —John Clancy, P.L.i;.; Daniel liergin, P.L.O.; Mich.ael Molloy, Very 
 Rev. Canon Shortall, P.P., V.F.; Rev. IC. lirennan, C.C. Rauickn — 
 William Parkinson, IVtrick Parkinson, John Maher. 
 
 KiLLESHiN Parish — P. L'rennan. 
 
 Tviioi.ixND— James Hughes, 
 P.h.C; Owen Lamb. Ddnaou- 
 
 
 
 ROSCOMMON. 
 
 Boards OF Guardians; Strokf.stown — JamesNcary. J.P.;M. J. Hanly, 
 J.P.j H. Ortens. Roscommon — William J. Hanly. 
 
 . , %^ 
 
 IN 
 
^t 
 
 \) 
 
 Ml'. 5 
 
 r(« 
 
 Ih'imi HACK COSVESTIOS. 
 
 Dranciiks I.N.I'. ; Dkumi.idn— Michael Kiinaii. Kii moui; — 1' J (.m\\. 
 lulhin, I'iilrii k lli'iriu', Michail Dolicrty. Tuisk— Ucrnnril M'('.;inn, 
 James Diitlicy. 'I'akmoniivkkv - Michael Fallon, Thoiuas ('iL'rnnhty, 
 l'alri<:k Ijjoc. Hai.i.voI'hii ikk anij Kii,m\ki;ki. Jnsi'|>h I'cely. 
 (.'ash, K.KKA- -James M'Liuinhliii, P. (1. M'ConviIJi;, Iv J. NI'Dcrmolt. 
 (!k<)Ssna — I'air'ck Rc^an, lldwanl Doyle, Patrick (Connolly. Kii.- 
 TUi.i.A(;ii — I'.ilrick M'( oriu ick, 'I'liomas Doih'I.iii, Micliai>| lli^j^ins, 
 Miiliac'l Mui|ihy, Mi( had I.oluis, C'AKRiiiiiKNkoii— Mii had Al'lJcr- 
 niu'.t, James J. Nanglc. 
 
 si.ir.o. 
 
 Corporation, City ok Si.ico— I*. A. Nl'llngh, M.l'., Mayor; Owen 
 Dolan, 'I'hom.is Manncry, John j. Keenan, J.l'.; 1'. N. Whiti-, J.l'. 
 
 IU)\l(l>s OK (lirARDIANS : Sl.KJO — \V. A. Milcliell, Patrick Kelly, James 1). 
 O'lliieii, Palriik I'lynn, I'atrick licirne. l)Ko,Mni;|.; \Vi:st — Peter S. 
 Kilgallcn. 'ruiii:i;ui;uRRY— P. J. O'Dowd, James N. Diirkan. 
 
 BuANCiiiiS I.N.K. : IIai.i.vmote— James llannon, J.P. ; James W.ilsh, 
 treasurer; John (lilmartin, assistant sc<-retary ; John J. M'Cietrick. 
 UifNNiNAiiDKN — John O'Dowd, President ; Thomas llimt, P.L.CJ. ; 
 Mich.iel ("rormley. Ci.ooni.oo— Patrick M'Manamy. Mui.i.ina- 
 iiRKKNA — Denis (lalla^her, Peter Foye, Neill O'Donnell. Kivi'.ks- 
 'low.N' — John II. Judge, Micliael Itrennin, Thom.is Xl'Donagh. 
 Si. KiO— Martin Mullif,'an, Thomas I'lanigan, t liarles Sweeney. Sooi v 
 — Patrick ("lerkiii, William Flanagan, John M'l.oughlin. Drum- 
 Ci.ii-KK — Matthew .Scanlan, Patrick Devine. Movloii-.h— Patrick J. 
 O'Dowd, P.L.d. ; Michael J. O'Connor, Joim Davitt. liAi.i.iNiofwiKR 
 — F-. A. Hrennan, Thomas Mulr^xmey, James (iihnartin. Kkasii — 
 J. M. Cryan, Michael Oray, P.L.O. CiKKVAiwi— T. J. Nangle, James 
 M'|)onai;h, James Waters, Michael llarte. I Iioiiwood — Peter 
 Conlon, Michael M'Donagh. ItAi.i.YRUsii — John Walsh, Janice 
 Lyons. Coi.i.oonky — P. D. Ilarte, D. 1". Ihee, l)o:iiii)iek lienson. 
 
 'IIPPRRARY. 
 
 Ci.ONMEi. Corporation — Alderman Nugent, Mayor ; John F". O'Drieni 
 Town Clerk ; James White, John M.igner, Jolin F. Slatiery. 
 
 Tow.N Commissioners; Nknacii— [amcs Ilogan, Dr. H. F". Powell, J.P. ; 
 John J. Tuinpane, J.P. ; M. M'Mahon, Dr. W. Courtney, J P. ; P. J. 
 O'Mrien, F. R. Moloney, Town Clerk. Fktiiard — .M. CofTey, John 
 Wall, Richard Maher. Tiiuki.ks— Thomas Ryan. C'ARRirKON-SuiR 
 — Edmund liurke. Temi'I-kmork— John Connolly, Jolin Walsh, 
 Thomas Morkan. 
 
 Boards OK CiUARDiANS ; Casmf.t, — James Walsh, chairman; Richard 
 O'Connell, Timothy F^ihy, William Maher, T. Cahill, Paul t,"iis.ack, 
 Patrick Moclair. Tipperary — Patrick Duggan, Robert Cubbins, J.P. ; 
 Joiin Kelly, D. Ryan. Horrisokane — James Cahalanc, John 
 CoslcUo, J.P. ; Michael Tuohy. Thuki.ks —Thomas Collier, chair- 
 m m ; Patrick I'inn, vice-chairman; Patrick Maher, T. Harney. 
 ("i.OGHEEN — E. Riordan, chairman ; P. O'Donnell, J.P. ; P. Keating, 
 Michael Ahem. Roscrea — Michael Loughman, M. F'arrell, James 
 Filzpatrick, Patrick Egan. Carrick-on-Suir— Joim Shea, William 
 Briiton, J.P. ; William Hearn, J.P. Nenaoh — Thomas Burke, 'Vice- 
 
 's^ 
 
LIST OF ifi:Lh:<;.\Ti:s. 
 
 .V»') 
 
 chairman; Thdinas O'lMen, dcptitv vice chairman ; TliDrnas 
 M'Solcy, Iniiircnce lliitkr, Wiiham l-arroll, Stcplicn Seymour, Tatrifk 
 Kcniiidy, 'IliomaH Kyan, J.l'. 
 
 ItuANtiiKs I.N.F. : AKiJiJKdNKV -lamcH Cnstc-lli), jr. ; Denis Honaii, 
 'I'homas Dohcny. lloKKisoKwr, — Miiliaul ("ostollo, Mi<iiafl 
 M'Kciina. Ci.kkiiian John Mm lair, Denis I liini, U'llham Slattciy. 
 t'l.noNKKN— 'I'homas O'll.ilhiran, Robert li. ( )'ShtM \Vi\i, 'loliin. 
 Or.oiXiiijoHDAN -Sti'])hcn Mahor, Wilham Moyl.in, Palm k M'Carthy. 
 Dumi.i, — I'atrif k J. Walsli, 'i'homis I'rcndcrf^a'-t, Jcrcnii ih II uirahan. 
 Ivii.isii — Patrick Ryan, Denis Mcara, P. !,.(;.; 'I'lmmas Mnylan. 
 (iRAN(;i;M(MKi.KK — John P. l"'o\, j inics Cihill, Pierre Walsh. IIdi.v- 
 CKoss— Philip Dwyer, James lleffernan, John Ryan, Kiiki'ank — 
 Mirhai'l I''laiMit'ry, P.L.d. ; (liorne O'I.e.iry, C'ornflius Clcary. Niw 
 Inn ami Knockukakkin- Amlnw Hciniessey, P.l,.(;. ; John Smyth, 
 John Smyth, Miihail Purceil. Mai.i.ycaiiii i. Mniiael Dwyer, James 
 Dannon, John ?»lalier. Soi.odiii.Aii— James iMiglish, John M'L'artiiy, 
 John Ryan, P.I,.(i. CiKanuI': — 'I'homas Kealiiin, David ilickey.John 
 Sidlivan. 'I'kmi'I kdekry — Thomas lliirke, P.l,.(i. ; James llarrinj^- 
 ton, Michael Donohoc. I.okka and Dokkiia— 'I'liomas Ilaiinh, J. P. ; 
 Mieh.ul O'Donohoe, J. P. ; Michael Hogan, P.I,.('i. Akdkinan 
 AND ItAi.i.viiACiiN — John J. l-oncr^jan. (^ahik — William OI,onhnan, 
 I'.L.Ci. ; Patri( k llennessy, I'.L.i;. ; 'J'homas Kyar. Casiiki, — 
 Miihacl Devilt, Piiilip llickcy, James Ilanly. Kii.KKAciK— John 
 FoK'""')'! James lUiiler, Thomas {."leary. Muliinaiionk— Thomas 
 O'lirien, Patrick h'.gan, John (lorman. Tiii'Ki.i's — Patrick I'inn, 
 I'.itrirk Darmody, James K. Moloney. Hai i.vi.nonv — Patrick 
 Kealinj;, P.I, .(J. Ci.onmoim.i v and Rossmork— John liyrne, P. !,.(!.; 
 Cornelius O'Dwycr, Daniel Hyrne, Joint Mnr|>hy. Movnk — James 
 Maher, Richard (^uimi, Micliael i'ogarty. Knocknavki.i.a and 
 DoNNASKiuoii — John M'Cirath, Denis Kelly, William Ivyan. Kit- 
 SIIi;ki.an — Michael O'Shea. Kii.casii — Patrick S. M. inning, John 
 Qiiinlan, Patrick O'Shea. Houkri.aiian — Michael Ryan, P.l-.d ; 
 Richard Hennessy, P.l,.("i.; \Villiain O'Hrien. I''ki hard— James 
 Smith, Thomas Frehy, Redmond lliirkc. Kii.i.u.sty — Thomas Keane, 
 Jerome Dii.i;(;an, John Walsh. Carrick-dn Sijir — Thomas .'\. I.ynih, 
 solicitor ; Richard Walsh (|)rcsident Young Ireland Society), John 
 Quirke. Casii.einv — Michael O'Connell, John Slieppard. Nkwcasii.k 
 — David llennessy. Siiivroni:— lulward Knriglit. Dromhanic — 
 Rev. M.O'Sullivan, C-C. ; James O'lirien, Thomas Hritt. (ioi.DKN — 
 Rev. M. M'Dmnell, P.P.; Patrick Merrick, J. P. ; Willi.im Dalton. 
 IIansiia and Kii.movi.icr — Daniel HefTe nan, William (ioogan, John 
 Cullinan. Tkrrvui.a.ss — James (lahalan, P.l,.(;. ; Michael I'l.mnery. 
 Goi.DKN— Rev. M. M'Donnell, P.P.; Patrick Merrick, J. P. ; William 
 D'Alton. Ui'i'i'.KCiUJRCii— James Kennedy, J. P.; Timoihy Kyan. 
 Kii.i.KA— lulwaril I'ogarty, P. A. Ryan, Richard Ryan. Ci.onmki. — 
 Jeremiah Condon, Thomas Fennessy, John Pike. Tkmim.kmokk — 
 ]•'. J. Scarson, Thomas Comerford, T.C. ; .Michael Il.irney. Mov- 
 CARKiiV— John Molumliy, William I'ogarty, T. Maher, P. 'I". Hogan. 
 
 Parismivs; NKWTOWN^Palrick Toole. Drom — James lloarc. Kii- 
 BARRUN — Patrick (bleary. Tkrkvoi. ass — Michael Flamury. Two 
 MILE BoRKis— Daniel Hayes, Thomas Fanning. 
 
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 350 
 
 ih'fsn i:ace co.wention. 
 
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 I 'I'u'PERARY AND LiMicuicK I'armkrs' SOCIETY — John Conway, Denis 
 
 i Quinliiii, l'.L.C.. ; J. R. M'Cormack. 
 
 ^ Knockavii.i.a FooiUALL (^LUi! — Ueiiis Ticriic)-, James Madden, 
 William Ryan. 
 liAi,i,iNOARKV (i\Ki,ic Atiii.kiic AssocrATlOM — T. J. Powcr. 
 Irish National FoKKsriius (Clonmkl) — Joiiii Cunningham, C.R. ; 
 Philil) Buliiert, secretary. 
 
 TYRONE. 
 
 Town Commissionrrs : Cookstown — Patrick Corr. Strabane — John 
 M'Crojsaii, John Torisli. 
 
 IJoARDs OF Guardians : Cookstown — Bernard Quin, J. P., deputy 
 vice-chairman ; M. M'Guirlc, B. M'duirk, Thomas Kccles. Omagh — 
 Charles Clarke. Strahane — Patrick Boyle, M. M'Aleer. Dun- 
 cannon — William lidwards, Joseph (!. Falls, J-P. ; P. M'Kean, J.P.; 
 James Quinn. Ci.oghkr — Michael M'Klmeel. 
 
 BLANCHES I.N.F. : Ci.onoe— John Connolly, Patrick Corr, Joseph 
 M'CJuinness. Fintona — Patrick Meehan, J. P. ; James M'Quade, 
 Daniel M'Nulty. Carrickmori! — T. O'Neill. Grkenca.stle — James 
 Donnelly, Hugh Kccnan, Patrick Conway. Killeter — Rev. J. 
 O'Rane, P.l*. Lowkr Badoney— Charles Clark, Hugh M'CuUough, 
 Peter M'Cullough. Aruoe— Felix Taggart, Felix Laverty, Alphonsus 
 I Quin. Omagh and Cappagh — Hu ;h Campbell, Michael Mullen, 
 
 Edward Phillips. Pomeroy — John M'Guirk, Hugh Hagan, Francis 
 ] ^PGurk. CoAi.isi.AND — John M'Cudden, James Toner. Donagh- 
 
 MORE — John Camjibell, David Loughnan, Henry O'Neill. Dungannon 
 — John A. Quinn, James Rodgers, Joseph Madden. Kildress — 
 Bernard Quin, J. P.; M. M'Gurk, B. M'Gurk. Clogher — Rev. J. 
 Rapmond, C.C. Caledon — James Wilson, FVancis J. Cullen. 
 Cookstown — Michael Quinn, W. J. Harbinson, Patrick M'Larnon, 
 T. J. Harbinson. Strabane — John M'Crossan, T.C. ; J. E. 
 Maguire, B.A. 
 
 Parishes : Dromore — Patrick Muldoon. Eglish — T. M'Connell. 
 KiLSKEERY (Co. Tyrone) — Mr. Thomas Charleton, Michael Keenan, 
 Jas. M'Quaid, P.L.G. ; Edivard Teague, P.L.G. 
 
 Irish National Foresters (Branch William Orr, 189) — James 
 Mayne, C.R. 
 
 A.O.H., IJoARD OF Erin— Michael Keenan, James Devlin. 
 
 ' I'f? 
 
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 WATERFORD. 
 
 Corporation, Cirv of Waterford. — Alderman W. J. Smyth, Mayor; 
 
 Alderman Richard Power, J. P. ; John Curran, David M'Donald, 
 
 Richard Hearn, J. P. ; A. S. Furlong. 
 Boards of Guardians: Waterford — J. Dunphy. Dungarvan — 
 
 James Queally, John V. Kiely, J. P. ; Thomas Power, Thomas Flynn, 
 
 John Walsh. Eismore— A. Heskin, P.L.G. 
 Branches EN.F. : Kilrossintv and Fews — Richard Costin, secretary. 
 
 Abbeysidk — John Green. Carrickbeg — Patrick Walsh, Edmond 
 
 Walsh, Thomas Healy. DuNGARVAN^Captain John Veale, Patrick 
 
 O'Brien, T.C. ; John M'Carthy, P.L.G., deputy vice-chairman. 
 
 / 
 
/ . 
 
 \ 
 
 ,. 'o:) 
 
 LIST OF DELEGATES. 
 
 35' 
 
 Waterford City — Alderman Richard Power, J. P. ; John Curran, 
 
 T.C. Bai.i.ygunner— John Delahunty, P.L.Ci. ; Patrick Phelan. 
 
 SCART— Mi( had Walsh, P.L.CI. ; Patrick ShcL-han, P.L.C. 
 Parishes: Kii.gobnet— John White. Nkwiow.v— Patrick Nugent. 
 
 Old— Thomas O'Connor. Tramork— M. C. Murphy. Drumrlsii-- 
 
 James Hearn. 
 Waterforu National and Commercial Ci.un. — John Hayes, William 
 
 Queally, J. E. O'Mahony. 
 
 WESTMR.\TII. 
 Athlonf, Town Commissioners. — D. O'Donnell, William Hannon. 
 MuLi.iNGAR Board of Guardians. — James King. 
 Rociii'ORDiiRiDGE Branch I.N.F.— Lawrc.iceG.ilvin, Martin Quinn.jun. 
 Irish National Foresters Branch, Mullingar (No. 262)— John 
 
 O'Sullivan, CR. 
 Mullingar National Workingmen's Club.— George Byrne, Michae' 
 Murtagh. 
 
 WEXFORD. 
 
 Corporation, City of Wexford — ^Michael O'Connor. 
 Enniscorthy Town Commissioners— John Bolger, chairman j Mathew 
 
 Ryan, G. Dempsey. 
 
 Corey ]5oauu of Guardians— John M'Dermott, J.P. ; P. Sullivan. 
 
 Branches I.N.F. ; Craankoru and Monaseeu— Daniel Kennedy, 
 P.L.G. ; Michael Lyons. Cushionstown— James Furlong, William 
 Kehoe, Michael Cloney, John Cloncy, James Kehoc. Ovlegate— 
 John Bolger, John CuUin, James Crowley. Oulari— Laurence Lacy, 
 James Crowe, William Doran. Tagoat and Kilrane.— Michael 
 Doyle, Nicholas Murphy, James Browne. Monamolin— Thomas 
 Mulligan, Arthur Gahan, Valentine Crowe. Gorey— James Redmond, 
 Patrick Kinsella, James Dunne. Crosbadeg— John Lambert, John 
 Baggan. 
 
 WICKLOW. 
 
 Bray Town Commissioners— Philip Condron. 
 WicKLOw Harisuur Board— John V. Gahan. 
 Boards of Guardians : Rathdrum— Michael Byrne. Baltinglass— 
 
 E. P. O'Kelly, J. P., chairman ; William M'Loughlin. 
 Branches I.N.F. : Baltinglass— Rev. T. O'Neill, P.P.; Thomas B. 
 
 Doyle, J.P. ; Nicholas O'Brien, Matthers Byrne, Anthony O'Dwyer. 
 
 KiLL.WENEY and Annacurra— J. O'Toole, J. Doyle, P. Doyle, 
 
 Richard Kavanagh. Dumlavin— James Kcaly, John Burke, James 
 
 Lawler. 
 Bray Parish— James Coffey, Mathew O'Byrne. 
 
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 [ 35« 1 
 
 Stewards. 
 
 The following gentlemen kindly acted as stewards ; 
 
 Chief Stewards — 
 
 John Denver 
 D. Boyle 
 Owen Kiernan 
 
 F. J. Farley 
 J. Shorten 
 J. Reilly 
 
 J. O'Conncll 
 M. Sheehan 
 
 Under Mr. Boyle — 
 
 G. Holt 
 T. Casey 
 J. Walsh 
 
 Under Mr. O'Connei.l— 
 
 Michael O'Rourke, London, N. 
 Patrick Lyons, „ 
 
 Maurice Ahem, „ 
 
 John Ball, London, North 
 R. Geraghty, ,, 
 J. Herlihy, 
 
 Under Mr. Sheehan- 
 
 John Glass, Glasgow 
 
 James Stafford, „ 
 
 John Hughes, Coatbridge 
 
 John Craven, Coatbridge 
 
 J. Kennedy, Blantyre 
 
 J. Cassidy, Hamilton, N.B. 
 
 Under Mr. Kiernan — 
 
 Stephen M'Farlane 
 William Reilly 
 ^ Terence O'Neill 
 Francis Jones 
 
 Michael O'Donnell, Leeds Irish 
 
 National Club 
 John Macgee, West Hartlepool 
 
 
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 Zbc 5visb IFlational Xeaoue of 
 
 6vcat Bvitain. 
 
 ♦ 
 
 annual Convention. 
 
 To-day, Friday, September 4th, 1896, the annual Convention of the 
 Irish Xati(jnal League of Great Britain, whicii was to have been held 
 in lyianchester, at Whitsuntide, but which was postponed until after 
 the Irish Knre Convention, took place in the I.einster Mall, Dublin, 
 commencing at ten o'clock. Mr. ']'. P. O'Connor, M.r. (president), 
 occupied the chair, and there were over two hundred delej^ates present 
 whose names ha\e been already published in connection with the Race 
 Convention. The proceedings wero thrfiughout of a most harmonious 
 character, and were got through without any tumecessary v/aste of 
 time. The members of Parliament present were : Messrs. John Dillon, 
 M.P.; Hon. E. Blake, M.P. ; Wm. Abraham, M.P. ; Wm. O'Malley, 
 M.P.; J. G. .Swifte MacNeill, M.P. ; Dr. Tanner, M.P. ; 
 T. J. Condon, M.P. ; Dr. Ambro.se, M.P. ; J. Mandeville, 
 M.P. ; J. C. Flynn, M.P. ; Mr. Austin, M.P. ; !• F. X. O'Brien, M.P., 
 General Secretary. Among the visitors were : Very Rev. Father 
 M'Fadden, P.P., Gweedore ; Rev. M. Marshall, Pennsylvania; Mr. 
 William O'Brien. 
 
 The President, in opening the jjroceedings, said : I do not intend 
 to address you at any length, and even if 1 did, I would be precluded 
 from doing .so by the state of my voice. And I dare say I faithfully 
 represent your feelings by saying that after the three days' close 
 attention which you gave to the great Convention which ha,s closed 
 you are not disposed to imnecessarily prolong our iimceedings. I 
 mus': heartily congratulate the organisation for having lieen able to 
 send to the great Convention so strong and so representative a body 
 of men from the Irish people in Great Britain. Vou are aware, of 
 course, that a strong opposition was given to the Irish cause in Great 
 Britain having any representation whatever in the National Conven- 
 tion. But T think there is not much necessity of my 
 
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 >■) 
 
NATIONAL LEAGUE OF (IRKAT lllilTALW 
 
 355 
 
 
 v.„ , ... 
 
 \.^ 
 
 iloiiig imylliiiig to asseverate the claims of tlie Irisluncii of CJieat 
 Britain to take a full siiare in any natiouiif liecisioii dealing with the 
 fate of Jielanil. 1 might be regarded iis desirous of opennig old 
 controversies, or of going unnecessarily into contentious matter, if J 
 dwelt upon that topic any further. 1 will dismiss it now, not because 
 1 don't leel strongly on it, and you ilon't feel strongly on it, but because 
 we think the people of Ireland have sulliciently educated their judg 
 ment of the question. Now, gentlemen, ajs you are aware 
 the report does not give what may be called a particularly 
 cheerful view of the year that is just o\er; it frankly acknowledges 
 that the same par;Uysis which has affected the Irish movement in other 
 parts of the world has affected the movement in Great Britain, and 
 it also frankly states what is the real source and cause of this paralysis, 
 and that source and that causj are the tlisseusions among the members 
 of the Irish Parliamentary Party. Well, as to the dissensions, every- 
 body knows what the opinion of the Irishmen of Great Britain is. 
 In this crisis, as in every other crisis, when that question has been 
 raised, the Irishmen of Great Britain liave practically stood together 
 as one man with one voice. Gentlemen, I may say that 
 if there was the same union of oi)iniou anil of sentiment among 
 the Irishmen in other parts of the world, a'.id especially at home, as 
 there is among the Irishmen of Great Britain, the (juestion o£ 
 dissension w-ould not last for six weeks. Well now, lailies and 
 gentlemen, I don't think it would be right of me to pass over this 
 occasion without taking notice of a statement and a charge so frequently 
 made not only against me personally, which is a small matter, but 
 against this organisation. This organisation is constantly referred to 
 — not, I may say, in journals, remarkable for defending the principles 
 of party unity-^this organisation is referred to as " Mr. T. P 
 O'Connor's organisation." Well, gentlemen, that would be a very 
 flattering thing to say of me personally, if it were true — 
 but what I want to call your attention to is that the statement is not 
 only absolutely unfounded in the suggestion it makes, but that it is a 
 very gross calumny, a very unworthy slur upon this organisation itself. 
 Here is the statement ot the real facts. I am a busy 
 man ; I don't write more letters than I possibly can help. 
 And now I want to make this statement pubh'cly. I want 
 any man in this Convention to produce from me and under my 
 hand a single letter I have written to him in reference to the affairs 
 of the organisation for the last five or six years. There 
 is a picture drawn of me (I am not alluding to this because of my 
 personal ideas), but there is a picture drawn of me as a ceaseless 
 wirepuller who spends nights and days in sending communications 
 to all parts of the country, and in carrying on a correspondence 
 
356 
 
 in IS I J RACK COX VENT ION. 
 
 1 1 
 
 multitudinous in its .sizu uinl Maciiiavflliau in its dishonesty. 
 I sometimes don't write as many letters as I should. 
 
 Mr. J. ]■'. X. O'Hrien: Hear, hear. 
 
 'J'he 1'kesident: \ok\ will oliseiAe the secretary of the orjjanisation 
 ai)|)lauds that in tones which 1 thinlv have a good deal of personal 
 feeling, not to say strong emotion, k-iiind them. hut here 
 I make the statement ])ul)licly, that I don't believe for the last five 
 years I ha\e written a single letter to an\ memlier of our organisation 
 with regard to tiie afi'airs of the organisation, and ] have not done 
 so for the very good reason that the judgment of the members of 
 this body doesn't require any guidance from me, and they would not 
 submit to anything like dictation from me. So much for 
 this statement, whicii 1 feel it necessary to controvert, not for your 
 sake, Ix'canse yon know it is false, but for the sake of the large 
 number of persons who may be deceived by the frequency with which 
 the calumny is repeated. As I have said, we are all united in tliis 
 organisation ; there is not a dissentient voice on the agenda paper. 
 I don't believe there wiil lie a dissentient voice to-day 
 against putting down dissension and reestablishing unity. And 
 what we can do is this, to go back to our people of Great 
 Britain and tell them of the magnificent Convention held here during 
 the last three days, and say that our ])eople came to the decision in 
 that great representative body to give the National organisation their 
 moral and material support. With these words, I beg to move the 
 adoption of the report and statement of accounts. 
 
 The following is the rejiort : " The Executive herewith submit to 
 the C'onvention, as usual, a statement of the accounts of the organisa- 
 tion. The receipts from branches since the last Convention are as 
 follows: Cards, ^^"1,094 4s.; registration, ^520 los. ; meetings, 
 ;£24o 13s. 3d.; Parliamentary Fund, ^83 14s. 6d. ; General Election 
 Fund, jQ2?>^ 3s. 5d. ; evicted tenants, jQi% 5s. 6d. ; sundries, jQe^ 2s. 
 2(1. J total, _;£2,246 i2s. I id. The figures, it is unnecessary to say, 
 reflect the depression — caused by dissension and insubordination in the 
 ranks of the Irish Parliamentary Party — from which the Irish cause has 
 suffered in Great Britain, as well as in Ireland, America, Australia, 
 and all over the world ; to encounter and remedy this gigantic evil 
 the Irish Race Convention — to include representative men of our race 
 from every country in which our people are to be found — has been 
 summoned. The members t)f the organisation are .aware that the 
 place and the date of our Convention have been altered, for it was 
 their own decision, in response to an appeal from the Executive, which 
 l)roduced this alteration. The assembling of a great Convention of 
 the Irish Race on Irish soil, and specially for the sacred object of restor- 
 ing the unity of the National ranks, naturally suggested the idea that 
 

 XATIOXAL LEAGUE OF GliEAT IIRITMX. ,557 
 
 the men of tht: Irish race in Great Britain, whose fidelity to the Irish 
 cause has Ijueii .s(j ( 'leii ])ro\e(l, siioiild ha\c an opiiortimity of jiarti- 
 c-ipatiiig in so hi.'toric a gathering, and should, liy nu'eting at tiie 
 same time and place, throw the whole influence of their powerful and 
 uniteil organisation 'n f.ivour of the restoration of unity. The organisa- 
 tion would he untrue to all its traditions if it did not emphalically 
 and unanimously declare for unity, and for all means liy which that 
 unity can he restored and also maintained. In its own ranks, the 
 organisation has experienced much the same disastrous result from 
 that dissension in the Tarliamentary Party, which has made the Irish 
 cause 11 weakness and a byword throughout tile world. Depression 
 and lethargy have taken the place of hopefulness and energy. 
 It will he for us, therefore, in sheer self-preservation, to insist on tne 
 ending of the jiresent disastrous state of things; to see that a policy 
 is ])nt before the people, so trulv national, broad and generous, zs 
 to make it acceptable to every true Nationalist, and that the policy so 
 formulated with the sanction of a nation's gathering shall find itself 
 advocated in Ireland, and throughout the world, by a united and a 
 disciplined party. 
 
 Mr. Michael Lvdon (North .Shields) seconded the motion. 
 
 Mr. W. .Sullivan (Bradford) asked how it was that after the action 
 they had taken in (Ireat Britain they still found the name of Mr. 
 Healy on the executive. 
 
 The President : It is not on the executive. A meeting of the 
 executive was held in November of hust year, in which, obeying the 
 strongly expressed opinion of the organisation, the executive removed 
 Mr. Healy's name from the meml)ership, 
 
 Mr. Murphy (Liverjiool) said his branch was dissatisfied with the 
 work of the secretary's dejjartmeiit. 
 
 Mr. W. Sullivan said it was the general feeling in Bradford that 
 they could not jwssibly receive more courtesy or more attention from 
 any secretary than they got from Mr. J. 1". X. O'Brien. 
 
 Hon. Mr. Blake : I wish to .say that, having had occasion, not 
 unfrequently, in the discharge of my public duty, to visit the offices 
 of the Irish National League of Great Britain, I found the .secretary 
 and assistant-secretary in constant attendance, and in the diligent dis- 
 charge of their duty and I don't believe you can get more faithful 
 or more conscientious public senants than those you are fortunate 
 enought to jiossess. 
 
 Mr. W. Finn (South Islington") and Mr. J. C. Dalton (Warring- 
 ton) also spoke in praise of the General .Secretary. 
 
 Mr. Taggart (Liverpool) deprecated the idea that Mr. Murjihy 
 had made any attack on Mr. O'Brien. Not only he, but every member 
 of the branch had confidence in Mr. O'Brien. 
 
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 IJflSI/ UACl'J CONVKNTWX. 
 
 
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 Dr. (I'Mara (Sinitliiiinptoii) siiiil he UaA ;i very slioil memory, fur 
 Mr. Muriiliy luul ilistiiiclly .siiicl that the braiK'li lie re|irfseiilc(l \v:i.s 
 ilissutislied with tlie work uf llie scerelury. In Soiilli.mipton tlicy 
 had always foiiiid Mr. O'Briun a most courteoiKS secretary. 
 
 Mr. Mi'Ki'iiv wished to say lie did nut make any attack personally 
 on Mr. O'Jtriea, hut they in I,i\erpool had some cause ol complaint 
 a.s to the want of attention ((iven to their affairs liy the Executive. 
 Their representative could jjet no information from Mr. O'Hrien as 
 to where Captain Donelan could be got for a registration meeting 
 in Liverpool, and then Captain Donelan appeared in Liverpool un- 
 expectedly. 
 
 Mr. J. 1''. .\. O'Urien, M.l'. : I ha\'e a very simple rejily t(j give. 
 I saw Mr. 'I'liomas Uurke ;uid told him if he wished to communi- 
 cate with Captain Donelan he could write to him to the House of 
 Commons or to me or to his address at Midlcton. 
 
 The President thought it was very generous on his |>art to hear 
 testimony to Mr. O'Hrien's zeal — because he was so energetic that he 
 made his (the jjresident's) life a burden to him. Mr. O'lirien paid not 
 too little but too much attention to every detail of the organisation. 
 
 The report was adopted. 
 
 Mr. Matthew M'Kenna (Dundee) moved : " 'I'hat this Convention 
 regrets that in the p..st the Executive of the Irish National League 
 of (ireat Britain has been composed exclusively of members of the 
 Irish Parliamentary Party, and resolves that in future the Executive 
 of this organisation be constituted as follows, viz : One-half of members 
 of the organisation who are not members of Parliament, and one-half 
 of members of the Irish Parliamentary Party, and that as heretofore 
 the election of the Executive take place at each Convention by the 
 delegates, and that the members of the Executive be elected individu- 
 ally and not collectively." 
 
 Mr. Cosgrave (Live.pool) seconded the motion in order that dis- 
 cussion might be in order. 
 
 Mr. Edward Scully, J. P. (Gortin) opposed the motion. He diJ 
 not think it would bo practical to have half the members of the Exe- 
 cutive drawn from the country. It would be very inconvenient if they 
 had to send gentlemen from Manchester or Birmingham or I-iverpool 
 from time to time to meet in London. Further than that, unless they 
 are men of means, it would be an additional tax on the resources of 
 the branches. They had implicit confidence in the members 
 of Parliament, at least in some of them on the Executive, for 
 he believed there were one or two names that some people thought 
 should be removed and replaced by others in whom they had confidence. 
 
 Mr. Hugh Murphy (Glasgow) said he had listened with amuse- 
 ment to the resolution. He recollected that when the Irish Party 
 
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 lllLSn HACK CONVENTION. 
 
 was undur tlu- iL-ailcrshij) of Mr. rariu'll, he (Mr. Murphy) had intro- 
 duced a similar rcsohitioii, but tht- dcifi^atus thuii a.H.si.'Milile(i would 
 iu)t li.stfii to hini, so miicli couriilL'iici' iind they in the I'arty. He 
 warned them at liu- lime tliat the day uiiglil conu! when they would 
 not have »o much faith, and when the crisis arose in 1890 the Irish- 
 men of (jreat Hrilain were found true to the cause, while 40 per 
 cent, of the Irish I'arty who were members of the Executive Com- 
 mittee went wroMj^. 'I'hey at that time purged the Executiv,-, and 
 would again purge it, but while he was a.s much in favour of » 
 demo(;ratic Convention as any other member, he was more in favour 
 of Irish unity, and liir w<iuld earnestly ap|)e{d to his friend, Mr. 
 M'Keiuia to withdraw his resolution for tiie present, in order to show 
 that they were more (lesin)us of unity than of anything else. 
 
 .Mr. D. J. QuiNN, of (liasgow, si)oke in favour of the resolution. 
 
 Mr. KKr.i.Y, of Uromley, disagreed with Mr. Murphy in thinking 
 that debate ;it that atuuial gathering should he curtailed in fa<:e ot 
 hostile criticism. The debate should he a.s free as in former years. 
 At the same time he also disagreed with the motion before the 
 inceting. He thought it w.as better to leave well enough alnne. 
 
 Mr. Sin. I. IVAN, of Bradford, said he rose to support the plea of 
 Mr. Murphy for the withdrawal of the resolution. If they clccteil 
 district memlx-rs how could they art in ca.se of emergency, unless 
 they were attending regularly in I.fmdon. It was nece.ssary that they 
 should be aci|uainted with the working of the Convention, and know 
 what led up to the emergencies. Up to the jircsent they had been 
 united in Great Britain under an executive comjio.sed of members of 
 Parliament, and he exhorted them to <lo nothing to mar the effect of the 
 great Convention which had just closed; ti> keej) united and strong, 
 and show the firmness of their confidence in the men put upon the 
 Executive Committee. 
 
 Mr. M'Kf.nna then withdrew his motion, and was loudly ap])lauded. 
 
 Mr. M'Corrv [imposed: "'nran<-hes shall be entitled to retain in 
 the hanils of the branch treasurer 25 ]x;r cent, of the income derivable 
 from the meml)ershi[) subscription, said retained sum to he applied 
 in liquidation of the working exjienses of the branches ; any balance 
 remaining thereof shall be remitted to the Executive at the end of 
 each financial year." 
 
 Mr. CovLE seconded the resolution, which was rejected. 
 
 Mr. Walsh proposed, and Mr. I.eyden seconded, the following: 
 " That ' two months ' be inserted instead of ' three weeks ' before 
 Convention meets." 
 
 The resolution was lost. 
 
 Mr. D. J. QuiNN (Glasgow) proposed: "That country branches 
 be visited by one of the Irish Party at least once a year." 
 
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 XATIOXAL LEAGUE OF GltEAT lililTAIS. 361 
 
 Mr. Finn (Livcrixjol) secoiuleil. 
 
 Mr. Dalton (WiirriiiKtoii) oiJixjscd the rfsolutlon, stating his 
 helicf tiiat it shoulil be left to the discretion of the I'arly to beiul 
 members when practicable to visit the country districts. 
 
 Mr. UuNWORiii (Kdiiibiirgh) i|uestioMed wiiethcr the organi:.ation 
 would be lit to bear llic ox|icnse of sending members of I'arliament 
 every year to all bran<iH's. 
 
 Mr. SuoRTi.ETT, of Liverpool, complained that their branches had 
 been neglected in this resi)ect. On the strength of i)romises from the 
 Kxerntive, they had gum; to the expense of organising demonstrations 
 in I,i\eri)ool, and had then been disapi)ointed. For that reason he 
 supported the resolution. 
 
 Mr. CovLE (Liverpool) also spoke in support. 
 Mr. IIaughey said lu" thought it was the duty of the Convention 
 to reject the motion. 
 
 Dr. O'Mara (Southampton) moved as an amendment, to add, 
 " That in such case the branch visited be prejiared to |)ay the expenses." 
 Mr. J. V. X. O'Hrmcn said the reason I,iver|>ool was not sent a 
 uieml)er on the occasion referred to by Mr. .Shortlett was that thev 
 did not ajiply in sufllcient time, all the members having been engaged 
 at the time they made their api)lication. 
 
 After some furtiier discussion, the motion was by leave withdrawn. 
 'I'he Chairman tiien aiuiounced that the \Kv\. lather McKadden 
 had expressed n desire to address the meeting, and asked the Con- 
 vention if it was their wish to suspend the ordinary business to hear him. 
 The delegates by acclamation unanimously welcomed the suggestion. 
 Father M(-Fadden, who was warmly received, regretted exceedingly 
 that other engagements made it necessary for him to interrupt the 
 proceedings. He had not been desirous of addressing the meeting, 
 but he dill so in deference to a strongly expressed wish. It was some- 
 what of an iniusual occurrence for the representatives of the National 
 League of Great Britain to assemble in Dublin, and he was pleased 
 that he. as an Irish priest, was privileged to extend to them all a 
 ('end wile f'nilfc and to take that occasion to express 
 his gratitude to the organisation for the sen-ices receiveil at their hands 
 when times were dark and troublous in the jiarish from which he 
 came, and for the great kindness and warmth with which they recei\ed 
 him on the occasion, when he had a rather |)leasing holiday in England 
 after a retirement of six months elsewhere. Those kindnesses on their 
 part ho did not forget, and he thought there was a fitness in the parish 
 priest of Gweedore having been privileged to wish God's blessing on 
 the opening of their proceedings. 
 
 Mr. M. HowLEY (Keighley No. i Branch) moved: "That this 
 Convention records its emphatic protest against the further detention 
 
 3A 
 
362 
 
 IlilSIl HACK CONVENTION. 
 
 ! M 
 
 of the Irish political prisoners, believing that they iiave already more 
 than exi)iatetl the offence of wliich they luve been found guilty, ami calls 
 upon the Government to exercise the clemency, statesmanship, and 
 magnanimity recently displayed by President Kruger v.'hen dealing 
 with the i)olitical offences committed by Englishmen against the 
 independence of the Transvaal Republic, by forthwith releasing these 
 unfortunate Irishmen. Furthermore the Convention is of opinion that 
 such an act of clemency, consistency, and justice on the part of the 
 Government, could only tend in the direction of permanent peiico ar.d 
 goodwill between the Irish and the English nations." 
 The resolution was carried with acclamation. 
 
 The Rev. Father Murnane, of the O'CJ'orman Mahon Uramh, 
 Bermondsey, proposed: "That this Convention unanimously desiiL-! 
 the return of Messrs. Sexton and W. O'Brien to Parliamentary life, 
 where their eloquence and help are so much missed." He said that 
 if Mr. Sexton and Mr. O'Brien would return to public life, and give 
 the Irish cause the benefit of their help, it would indeed be a wonderful 
 public manifestation 01 the good that had l)een achieved by the great 
 Convention of the Irish Race. He (Father Murnane) had 
 been all through a most faithful and a most loyal follower of the 
 Irish Parliamentary Party. But the spirit i)i which he had come to 
 this Convention was that they all, no matter to what party they be- 
 longed, wanted to get i.-'ck all the soldiers of the Irish Party into 
 the ranks. They felt that Ireland had need of the help of every man. 
 and after the expression, the glorious expression of ojjinion on the 
 part of Mr. John Dillon, he felt that those who had sup- 
 ported Mr. Dillon should put it as strongly a.s possible to Mr. 
 Sexton to return, because they felt how great was the need of the help 
 of his matchless eloquence, his Parliamentary skill, and his man'ellous 
 grasp of finance. They knew how much work was to be 
 done in England. They knew how Willie O'Brien in the past had 
 carried the fiery cross, and they felt they ought not to close their Con- 
 vention without there going forth a most earnest and most unanimous 
 — he did not like to say demand, though Ireland had a ."ight to demand 
 — a unanimous demand that their friends should come back to carry 
 on the fight in which they had borne such a gallant and noble part. 
 
 Dr. Tanner, M.F., supported the motion, and said that they 
 would try and compel Tom Sexton and Willie O'Brien to come back. 
 
 The President said he might say that their accord was so hearty 
 and so absolutely complete on this question that there was no necessity 
 for further discussion upon it. With their consent he would declare 
 it carried by acclamation. 
 
 Mr. Jos. fivRNE (Bolton), moved a resolution thanking Mr. John 
 Dillon for his services to Ireland, and calling on Mr. Sexton to return 
 to the public service. 
 
 ) 
 
 
 ^ 
 
NATIONAL LEAGUE OE GREAT BRITAIN, i^i 
 
 M I 
 
 The resolution was carried with acclamation. 
 
 Mr. Valentine (Bristol) moved a resolution endorsing the deci- 
 sion of the Irish l<iice Convention in favour of putting down dissen- 
 sion, and pledging that gathering to recommend to the branches to 
 back up the Irish Tarty in carrying out tue mandate of the Conven- 
 tion. As an Anglo-Irishman, he said he was ashamed of the vulgar 
 and coarse abuse of some of the Dublin newspapers during the last 
 few days, and that abuse should recoil on the heads of the men of 
 the party that inspireil it. 
 
 The motion was agreed to. 
 
 On the motion of Mr. Walsh (Kensington Sarsfieid Branch), 
 seconded by Mr. W. Coyle, Mr. T. P. O'Connor, M.P., was re- 
 elected president. 
 
 Mr. Walsh (Kensington), in propo.sing Mr. P. A. M'Hugh, M.P., 
 as vice-president, said that for the past four or five years he had the 
 pleasure of proposing another man, but circumstances altered cases, 
 and he felt it would not be in accordance with his duty to recommend 
 that name to them at the present time as vice-president, while Mr. 
 P. A. M'Hugh, Mayor of Sligo, was a man in vvhom they all had con- 
 fidence. 
 
 Mr. MuRPUV (Liveri)ool) said he wished to move that Mr. T. L>. 
 Sullivan, M.P., be retained as vice-president. During the past few 
 days they were calling for unity in their ranks, and was there any 
 likelihood of that harmony when they excluded such a veteran as T. 
 D. Sullivan from the organisation? 
 
 A Voice : Why is he not here ? 
 
 Another Voice : Why was he not here during the past few days ? 
 He is in Dublin. 
 
 Mr. Murphy said they should show gratitude to -Mr. Sulli\an for 
 previous services. 
 
 A Voice : Why isn't he here ? 
 
 Mr. Murphy: Seeing there is no chance of a fair hearing 
 
 The President : Oh, nonsense. I must call on you to withdraw. 
 
 Mr. Murphy : I withdraw it unreservedly. 
 
 At this stage Mr. Wm. O'Brien entered the hall and was received 
 with loud cheers. 
 
 Mr. Murphy said he did not think interruptions ser\ed the 
 
 harmony of the proceedings. 
 
 The Rev. Father Murnane, Bermondsey, said he •.-ould earnestly 
 apiieal to the Convention, as they had called on Mr. Sextr.i and Mr. 
 William O'Brien to return to the public service, they should in the 
 same way, in a spirit of peace and union, open the doors to all, and 
 he hoped, therefore, that they would show Mr. T. D. Sullivan that 
 the door was open. 
 
o 
 
 364 
 
 IRISH RACE CONVENTION. 
 
 Mr. Hugh Murphy said if Mr. T. D. Sullivan had come to the 
 Irish Race Coavention and intimated that he was willing to abide 
 by its ijrinciples, he would have proposed him for re-election, but 
 he had not done so. 
 
 Mr. Flynn said tl.ey would be stultifying the proceedings of the 
 Convention to put men like Mr. T. D. Sullivan in the position of vice- 
 president, no matter what his services were in the past. 
 
 Mr. E. RouRKE (Dewsbury) said he wanted to raise his voice in 
 sujjport J the motion that Mr. Sullivan's name be erased from the 
 executivii. Very recently they purged their executive of the most 
 ouiuus name on it, Mr. T, M. Healy. Let them clear out all these 
 rebellious men. Their reverend friends said they should hold the 
 door open. This place had been ojien all the week — why did these men 
 not come here? He said, out with the whole lot of them — T. D. 
 Sullivan, Vesey Knox, and every one of them. 
 
 Mr. John Ferguson (Glasgow) wished to say not one word cal- 
 culated to create feelings of animosity towards an old friend and a 
 name historic in Ireland, but he desired to impress on their 
 minds a reason why Mr. P. A. M'Hugh ought to be elected in his 
 place on this occasion When Mr. M'Hugh was challenged in the 
 House of Commons for some action of his as Mayor of Sligo he got 
 up and said, " I am Mayor of Sligo by the will of my fellow-citizens. 
 1 am responsible to them, and to them alone, for my acts and my 
 opinions, and not resj)onsible to this or any other foreign or alien 
 assembly." 
 
 Mr. HowLEY (Keighley) said they were not leaving T. D. Sullivan, 
 but T. D. Sullivan was leaving them. If they elected T. D. Sullivui 
 now they would l)e guilty of the mistake which the Irish Party made 
 when they elected Charles Stewart Parnell as their leader after the 
 divorce affair. 
 
 Mr. Keenaghan (Ramsbottom) said in 1885 the Irish voted Tory; 
 they did that 'o place the Liberals on the stool of repentance, where 
 they might do penance for their crimes. They asked these gentlemen 
 to do penance also, and when they had done that they would be given 
 absolution and admitted to the fold again. 
 
 Mr. M'Hale (Wrexham) supported Mr. M'Hugh's election. 
 
 Mr. Caley (Bradford) said they were but a small army fighting 
 for liberty, but they could not afford to admit doubtful members withi.i 
 the ranks and councils of the Party. He looked upon a man like 
 Mr. Healy to-day — although perhaps he was, according to his own 
 thinking, an Irish Nationalist, but an Irish Nationalist who would 
 make national interests subservient to his own — as a man no longer 
 to be admitted within the ranks of any party that wished to advance 
 his country's cause. A new alliance had now been formed. He saw 
 
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 ■7 
 
 
 ■^ 
 

 
 ...J 
 
 NATIONAL LEAGUE OF GREAT BRITAIN. 365 
 
 by lluit inoniing'b papers that the esteemed friend of Ireland, Mr. 
 Chamberlain, had taken Mr. Healy under his protection. He thought 
 it was the duty of this Convention to rid itself of all doubtful ulemenls, 
 and to closo their dcxjrs to traitors. 
 
 A Delegate asked how many meetings of the Executive had bci'ii 
 held since the last Convention, and how many attendances Mr. T. 
 D. Sullivan had given. 
 
 The President : There were eleven meetings of the Executive, 
 and Mr. Sullivan attended two. 
 
 The (juestion was then put to the Convention. There were eight 
 votes for Mr. Sullivan, and the rest of the Convention voted for Mr. 
 M'Hugh. 
 
 Mr. M'Hugh, amid loud cheers, was elected vice-president. 
 
 On the motion of Mr. Walsh (Kensington), seconded by Mr. Tinn 
 (Islington), Mr. T. J. Farrell, M.P., was elected to the vacant treasurer- 
 ship. 
 
 Mr. Walsh (Kensington) moved the election of Mr. J. C. Flynn, 
 M.P., as hon. secretary in place of Mr. Daniel Crilly, M.P., who had 
 only attended one meeting of the executive. 
 
 Mr. Geraghty (Metropolitan Branch, London) seconded the motion. 
 
 The President, in rei)ly to a <]ue.stion, said that Mr. Flynn had 
 attended five meetings out of the eleven of the executive. 
 
 Mr. Lydon (North Shields) proposed that Mr. Daniel Crilly be 
 elected hon. secretary. He had seen Mr. Crilly in attendance at the 
 Irish Race Convention. 
 
 The President, in reply to a question, said that Ilr. Crilly had 
 attended one meeting of the executive out of eleven. 
 
 Mr. Lydon said it appeared that Mr. Crilly had neglected 
 his duty, and he would not persist in his motion. 
 
 Mr. Flynn was unanimously elected hon. secretary. 
 
 On the motion of Mr. Walsh, the following were elected as the 
 other members of the Executive Committee : W. Abraham, Hon. E. 
 Blake, M. Davitt, J. Dillon, Sir T. Esmonde, J. McCarthy, Captain 
 Donelan, D. Kilbride, J. G. S. M'Neill, J. F. X. O'Brien, W. O'Malley, 
 Dr. Tanner, Dr. M'Donnell, Dr. Robert Ambrose. 
 
 It was decided that the next Convention should be held in Man- 
 chester on the Saturday preceding Whit Sunday. 
 
 Mr. Dillon, in response to an invitation from the Chairman, ad- 
 dressed the Convention, and was enthusiastically received. In the 
 course of his speech he said : When one recalls the events of the last 
 four years, it is a splendid testimony to the intensity of the feeling 
 of the Irish Nationalists of England, that through the clouds and storm 
 that have obscured the whole scene of Irish politics they have still 
 battled on while others despaired. They have never des- 
 
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XATIOJYAL LEAGUE OF GUEAT TiRirAIX. 3^7 
 
 paired, Imt have fought on true lines, and, thank God, their organisa- 
 tion has survived to see what was to a large extent the result of their 
 lai)ours and fidelity in the great Convention of the last few days. 
 The organisation in iMigland exists for one purpose alone, 
 and that is to assist the movement in Ireland, and if in Ireland the 
 leaders of the people give forth a divided note— if looking across the 
 Channel, you see nothing but confusion and discord in Ireland, how 
 can you: organisation flourish? Your organisation must inevitably 
 go up or down, flourish or decay in sympathy with Irish politics. When 
 Ireland is united and strong then will your organisation increase in 
 power and wealth and revenue. When Ireland is divided anil weak, 
 then it is in the nature of things that your organisation will fall away 
 and your funds decrease. It is no wonder that the organisation should 
 be somewhat depressed in consequence of the things that have been 
 done in Ireland. ]?ut what does strike me as singular ami luiaccount- 
 able is that the men who are accountable for this condition of things 
 have made the result of their dissensions a matter of public boast, 
 ami are continually bragging that the National organisation in Great 
 Britain and the National orginisaton in Ireland have been decaying 
 and falling away. I say to you that I propose to act — and the majority 
 of my colleagues I know are of the same view — I propose to act in 
 the spirit of the great resolution of the great Convention of the last 
 week. For any man who v^ill come into the ranks of the 
 Irish Party, and who will work loyally in that Party, the past will be 
 obliterated — absolutely obliterated. I have no intention of 
 raking up past controversies here or elsewhere, but I myself have never 
 sought, as my colleagues well know, the position of difficulty and 
 responsibility in which I am now placed ; but this I can promise 
 you, that so long as I am retained in that place by the vote of the 
 majority there will not be allowed to remain in the Irish Party a man 
 who will pot observe the Irish Party policy. (Great cheering, the 
 delegates rising to their feet, waving their hats and cheering 
 vehemently.) I may be right, or I may be wrong. This at least 
 I can promise you, delegates of the National League of Great Britain, 
 that so long as I am retained in that chair I will put a clear issue 
 before you. I will show you a party in Ireland, who would, like the 
 Pamellite party of old, be they few or be they large — and I would 
 far rather work with a party of fifty who would work loyally together 
 than work with a party of seventy-one who were cutting each other's 
 throats — I will show you a party in Ireland within whose 
 ranks the true old doctrines of party unity and party discipline 
 are properly maintained ; and when the hour comes, as come it will, 
 to appeal to the people of this country, and to our ciountr>men 
 scattered over the earth,' they will know what the issue is on which 
 
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 368 
 
 IRISH RACE CONVENTION. 
 
 we appeal. If it should so turn out — and God forbid that it should — 
 for I still trust and hope that the further steps that we will take will 
 result in union by general (;onsent, and my offer still stands, that I 
 will retire and resign if the whole party will unite under am iher man, 
 but if that should prove to be impossible, at least I will promise you 
 that from this forth you will see on one side of the line a party 
 within whose ranks the principles of party discipline are strictly and 
 absolutely observed, and on the other side of the line all 
 those gentlemen, be they who they may, who are oppressed with an 
 overwhelming sense of their own capacities, so overwhelming that 
 they cannot find it possible to run in harness, but ninst 
 be for ever kicking ever the traces. I lay no claim to pre-eminent 
 abilities. All that I do claim — and I believe my countrymen give me 
 credit for it — is that so long a.s you retain me in that chair I will 
 honestly endeavour to do my best for my countr)-, and 
 furthermore I say, and I think that this also has some claim to 
 your support, that while I exercise patience and forbearance, as far 
 as the interests ami the safety of the party would justify their exercise 
 — and I have resisted pressure, and strong pressure, from my colleagues 
 to adopt stringent and extreme measures — I will allow no man, so long 
 as I am in that chair, to flout its authority, or to trample 
 upon those necessary rules on which the union of the party 
 is based ; and if any man persists, no matter how great his abilities 
 may be, in conduct of that character, I will request him to withdraw 
 from the Party, and honestly take up the position which he (jught 
 to take up, and that is a critic, outside the Party and not within its 
 ranks. 
 
 Mr. Wm. O'Brien, who was called upon imperatively to make a 
 speech, next came forward, and was received with enthusiastic cheering. 
 He said he had no right except their kindness to address any observa- 
 tion to the Convention, and he did think it a great privilege, indeed, 
 that they had asked him to say a few words, because all men who 
 knew anything of the secret history of this movement for the last few 
 years believed it was in a large degree — perhaps he should say in the 
 main degree — the mar\'ellous unity, fidelity, and good sense of the 
 League of Great Britain that had saved the very life of this movement 
 and brought about the great National uprising commenced within 
 the last few days. Their one burning question was to see their cause 
 of Irish freedom advancing, no matter who might be the leader, and 
 no matter what might be the means, so long as they were honourable. 
 He must say that, deep as was their own feeling of pain 
 about Irish dissension, he often pitied even more Irishmen in 
 other countries who were united themselves and who came over here 
 to find them disunited, and who recognised that without something 
 
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 NATIONAL LEAGUE OF GREAT lililTAIN. 369 
 
 like a united country notliing was possible, except defeat and disgrace. 
 The worst of it was that no man could point to any substantial 
 difference whatsoever that should keep Irishmen disunited. '['hey 
 were all agreed as to what Irish self-government meant, and they 
 were all agreed that it could only be won by Parnell's lines of in- 
 dependent opiiosition. They all knew that instead of there being 
 anything to despair of in the present position of the Irish cause, and 
 given only the proper degree of unity, nothing was more certain than 
 that their own party would soon again be acknowledged by another 
 British Parliament whether I-iljeral or Tory. The ("onvention 
 of the Irish Race had recognised and maile up their minds who were 
 the defenders of the Irish Party and who were its destroyers. They 
 had made up their minds to stand by the Irish Party. Let him say, 
 because peoiile sometimes took a rather exaggerated view of Irish dis- 
 sension, that it was chiefly, almost entirely, among a cou[)le of thousand 
 [leople, and did not extend to the masses of the Irish Race. 
 He would say solemnly that he believed that this country 
 was at the present mc'ment ;us united in support of the majority of 
 the Irish Party as any country in the world was united upon any 
 point. Taking first Mr. Redmond's party, it was a fact that with 
 the one exce[)tion of South Roscommon there was not a constituency 
 in the whole of Ireland outside the city of Dublin that any sujjporters 
 of Mr. Redmond's could carry without the aid of the Tory vote. 
 And even in the city of Dublin, thank God, there were a 
 good many indications that a change, a mighty change was beginning. 
 He was jjrivileged to assist at the deliberations of the Irish Race Con- 
 vention, wholly and solely as the representative of a Dublin Branch 
 which was one of the most faithful in the country. As to their troubles 
 with the Parnellite Party— he spoke now with reference to the electors 
 — he believed it was only a mere question of time and patience. 
 The only genuine thing that bound them to a separate existence was 
 their respect, their honest respect, and veneration of the memory of 
 Mr. Pamell. Well, as time went on, these men would, he 
 thought come to reflect that they (the Nationalist Party) 
 had never yet said one personally unpleasant thing of Mr. Parnell, 
 living or dead. They had believed— conscientiously believed 
 — that the retirement of Mr. Pameil was the only possible 
 alternative to the certain destruction of the Irish cause. They believed 
 that still more firmly than ever, but they never concealed from them- 
 selves that in parting with such a leader many a year of trouble was 
 before them. He reminded them that at that time Mr. Redmond 
 laboured just as hard as they did to biing about that retirement in 
 favour of the very man who was leader of the Irish Party to-day. .Since 
 Mr. Parnell's death there had never been a moment when they were not 
 
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 J70 
 
 IRISH RACE CONVENTION. 
 
 only too willing to shake hands with their Pamellite fellow country- 
 men, and he helieved in his heart that to-day there were Pamellites 
 throughout the country who were just as eager as they were to come 
 together again. Proceeding, Mj. O'Hrien said — As to Mr. Healy, 
 he would not I* able to get a single representative elected to support 
 him in Munster, Connaught, or Ulster. Unfortunately there were 
 honest Nationalists sujiixirting him in Leinster, but South I.outh showed 
 what was the opinion even of Leinster. The Convention had 
 recognised that the Irish Party were true to Ireland, in the face of 
 calumnies and difficulties, and the Party were now armed with 
 authority, and it would deserve to go down to history with contempt 
 if they allowed the country to lie disturbed much longer by the protege 
 of Mr. Chamberlain and the London Times. 
 
 Tiie Convention closed with the singing of " God Save Ireland," 
 which is pretty generally regarded as the National Anthem. It is 
 herewith subjoined : 
 
 I. 
 
 V 
 
 "GOD SAVE IRELAND!" 
 
 [This son(; was written in reference to the execution at Manchester of three Irish- 
 men named William I'liilip Allen, Michael I.arkin, ami Michael O'lirien, or the 23rd 
 of November, 1867 ; and it w.is first published in 'I'/ie Nation a fortnight after that 
 date. The people of Ireland " took it up " immediately, and it has become a popular 
 anthem with Irishmen in all parts of the world.] 
 
 Air—" Tramp, tramp, the boys are marching." 
 
 High upon the gallows tree 
 
 Swung the noble-hearted Three, 
 By the vengeful tyrant stricken in their bloom j 
 
 Hut they met him face to face, 
 
 With the courage of their race. 
 And they went with souls undaunted to their doom, 
 
 "('■od save Ireland!" said the heroes; 
 "(loil save Ireland!" said they all; 
 "Whether on the scaffold high 
 "Or the battle-fiild we die, 
 "Oh, what matter, when for Krin dear we fall!" 
 
 
 (iirt around with cruel foes, 
 
 Still their spirit proudly rose, 
 For they thought of hearts that loved them, far and near ; 
 
 Of the millions true and brave 
 
 O'er the oce.in's swi lling wave, 
 And the friends in holy Ireland ever dear. 
 
 " God save Ireland ! " said they proudly ! 
 "God save Ireland !" said they all: 
 "Whether on the scaffold high 
 "Or the battle-field we die, 
 " O , what matter, when for Erin dear we fall ! " 
 
^ 
 
 NATIONAL I.KAdUK OF (Ilil-IAT ItlilTMS. 371 
 
 CliiiilH:d Ihcy up ihe ninjjcd sli\ir, 
 Kimj; tlicir vnices out in prayer, 
 Tlicii willi Kn^lund's (atnl cord iirmiiid llioni c.isl, 
 C'lo.fe liLMicath tlic (jallnw-. Irti', 
 KNscd like hrolhurs lciviin;ly, 
 to home and failh and frefdnni Id tlic last. 
 
 True 
 
 'Oh, 
 
 "(lod save Ireland 1 " prayid llicy loudly j 
 
 "Cod save Ireland 1 " said tliey all: 
 
 " Wliellier on llie scaffold liiijh 
 
 " Or the hattlefield we die, 
 
 what ni.iller, when for Erin ilear we fall!" 
 
 Never liU the lalest day 
 
 Shall Ihe memory pass away 
 Of the gallant lives thus (,'iven for our land; 
 
 liut on the cause must go, 
 
 Amidst joy, or weal, or woe, 
 Till we've made our isle a nation free and grand. 
 
 " God save Ireland ! " say we proudly ; 
 "(Jod save Ireland I" say we all: 
 " Whether on the scalTold high 
 "Or the Imttlelield we die, 
 " Oh, what matter, when for Krin dear wu fall ! " 
 
 T. D. Sullivan. 
 
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 riDr. 3u0tin flD'Cnrtb^ on the Couvcnttoii. 
 
 (From the /Mi/y Nttvs.) 
 
 I'l'.RHArs it may W mnsidcrcd by sonic iiuo|ilc llmt I am not an 
 absolutely impartial or uniirejudiccil critic wiiun I dfclare my (>|)inion 
 that tiic National Convention, which bcg.m in Dublin on 'I'liesday and 
 closed on Thursday, was a complete and splendid success. Hut 1 have 
 seen a good many political conventions and political movements in my 
 time, and I think I have a<:(iuire(l observation cnougii and common 
 sense enough not to confound my own |)ersonal wishes with liie positive 
 facts and tiie actual results. 'I'iie Convention realised all my best 
 desires and dearest hopes as an Irish Nationalist. The (lonvention was 
 fortunate in its President. The liishop of Raphoe is a very )()ung-look- 
 ing man for a prelate, and has a clearly-cut statuestjue face, which must 
 have won upon every spectator. Tiic Uislioj) of Ra|)hoe has a fint 
 voice, and is richly endowed with power of argument and with thrilling 
 eloquence. 
 
 Let me say, that throughout the whole of the three days' proceedings 
 there was hardly any display of that kind of Iiisii oratory which Mr. 
 Davitt once described as " sunhurstcry." The meeting did not waut 
 sunburstcry; it wanted reason and argument. It might have been an 
 English meeting, or a Scottish meeting, so far as quiet, practical intel- 
 ligence, and a desire to get at substantial results, could constitute its 
 principal characteristics. 
 
 Was it a representative assembly? Well, I can only say that the vast 
 majority of those who attended it were regularly elected delegates, openly 
 appointed by the various local branches of the Irish National Federa- 
 tions over all parts of the world. There were delegates from the cities 
 of the United States, from Canada, from the Australasian Colonies, from 
 South America, from South Africa, from England, from Scotland, and 
 from Ireland. The great Leinster Hall was literally crowded with 
 delegates. It was a somewhat curious fact that on the same platform sat 
 Mr. John Costigan, long Conservative Minister of the Dominion of 
 Canada, and Mr. Edward Hlake, for many years the leader of the Liberal 
 Party in the Dominion Parliament — botii alike, devoted to the cause of 
 Home Rule in Ireland. As somebody asked, how could an American, 
 or a Canadian, or an Australasian, fail to be a believer in Home Rule ? 
 Is it not certain that one of the most distinguished Irishmen living. Lord 
 Rosmead, lately known as Sir Hercules Robinson, became from an 
 extreme opponent of Home Rule a convert to Home Rule because of 
 his colonial experiences ? 
 
 The object of the Convention was, as most people know, to bring 
 about, if possible, a re-uniting of ranks among the Irish Nationalists, on 
 
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 S74 
 
 lUJSJl RACK CONVESTWN. 
 
 itic |)rinci|ile that in a political party tliu in ijority must rule. I rc-mctn- 
 bcr well — 1 am not likely ever to forget — how things went at the time 
 when Mr. I'arncil was in the zenith of his power. Before any decision 
 on Bon\e iin|)urtant (picstion in I'ariianicnt was taken the Irish i'arly 
 met in one of the (^oniniittee Rooms. 'Die whole subject was deliated 
 and discussed ; everyliody was free to express his opinion. Some of 
 Mr. I'arncU's lieutenanis occasionally differed from tin- opmion of their 
 leader. In the end a division was taken, and the will of the majority 
 became the rule of the Party. Often and often it happened that the 
 decision was only arriveil at just ni time; to enable the members of the 
 Irish I'arliament.'iry I'arty to go into the division lobby and give practical 
 exi)ression there to the will of the majority. Of course, it is jierfectly 
 obvious that under t)u other conditions could a small party of men do 
 any substantial and practical service to their cause in the House of 
 Commons. The main object of the (Convention then was to bring 
 back that recognition of the rii^ht of the m.ijority to dictate, which 
 was recognised so absolutely througl) the gre.itcr part of Mr. Parnell's 
 career. 
 
 I have heard peo|)le argue that unless you have Mr. Parnell's power 
 you cannot enforce Mr. I'arnell's policy. But surely the very fact that 
 we have lost Mr. I'arnell is only anotiier reason why we should resolutely 
 set ourselves to maintain his policy. It is jjure fantasy to suppose that 
 Mr. I'arnell was a mere dictator and despot in his [)arty. I have known 
 him more than once to refuse to express any opinion of his own on some 
 pressing ([uestion, simply because, as he put it, he was anxious to get the 
 unbiassed judgment of the majority, and was, therefore, unwilling to 
 influence it by any argument of his own. Anyhow, the main object of 
 the Convention this week was to re-alirtrm, and, if possible, re-establish the 
 right of the majority to declare the policy of the Irish Parliamentary Party. 
 Of course, an Irish Nationalist Member of Parliament is not compelled 
 to act against the judgment of his own conscience. The pledge he has 
 taken secures him his freedom of action in uny extreme case where his 
 conscience will not allow him to act with the mtijority of his colleagues. In 
 such a case he can resign his seat. There is no eternal necessity for his 
 remaining a Member of Parliament. Let me say, however, that in my 
 opinion the occasions must be rare indeed when such a conflict could 
 arise. We are all pledged to Home Rule — if we were not so pledged 
 our constituencies would never have elected us to the House of 
 Commons. The questions which arise are questions is to whether this 
 course of policy or that is the more likely to advance the cause of Home 
 Rule. It is a question of policy altogether, and not of principle — a 
 question of what we are to do — which way we are to vote — now, this 
 moment, or at all events when the division bell rings, and what solution 
 can the wit of man devise better than, or, indeed, other than, the rule 
 that the judgment of the majority shall decide? Mr. Parnell never 
 believed himself to be an infallible dictator ruling by sheer force ot 
 inspired wisdom an obedient band of followers. He would not have 
 been the really great leader that he was if he had any such nonsense in his 
 mind. I have known him again and again to admit that he was mistaken 
 upon this point or that. But we all recognised the fact that he was magnifi- 
 cently endowed with the insinct and the genius of the commander-in- 
 
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 ■y 
 
Mil M'CAUTUY, M.P., OX Till-: CDyVESTlON. 375 
 
 rhicf, nnd that when- a flecision liad to he Inkon nt a inomcnt's notice 
 he was tliu (ine man whose judgment was best iiuahtkU to lead him and 
 111 to tiic ri^ht action. 
 
 Assume the fact that we have not now a captain with the Renins of 
 Mr. I'arncll. Tiiat la assuredly no reason for breaking up tiie camp. 
 Hut if we are to hold the camp, we nuint keep up the disciplme, whu h 
 alone can keep the camp together. This was really in suhstanic the 
 jirinciple which the decisions of the Convention endeavoured to enforce. 
 \Vc have yet to see how far the effort will he successful. For myself, I 
 anticipate with confidence the licst results from the meetinj^s of these 
 three days. 'Hie (Joiivention was practically unanimous. In one instance 
 an amendment was proposed which called on the Irish Nationalist 
 members to return to tlie jiolicy of unconditiDiial obstruction. The 
 amendment did not fuid one single supporter. The common sense of 
 the (.'onvenlion saw at once that if the country has elected a Parlia- 
 mentary party to fight its battle, it would be absurd to attempt to chalk 
 out some particular and uni(|ue course of strategy for them. Hut how 
 is the rule of the majt)iity to be enforced? Of course, the (,'oiivention 
 cannot enforce. It can only recommend — it cannot compel. Hut if 
 any members of the I'arty should, after the deliberations and the warning 
 of this week, |)ersist in ignoring the authority of the in.ijority, the con- 
 stituents of such men will have to take action at the next Cieneral 
 Klection. I sincerely ho|)o that long before that time we may have 
 come to a complete understanding among ourselves. Odd as it may 
 seem to the outer w.iy, there is absolutely no cjuestion of priiu iple — 
 none whatever — in dispute between us. It would. Id my mind, bo a 
 very serious calamity, a national, an imperial calamity indeed, if the 
 present constitutional movement were to be brought to nothing. I''or I 
 think there can be little doubt that the failure of the constitutional 
 movement would only stimulate and ins|)ire the wish of many men at 
 home and abroad to have a try at other means. Nothing on earth can 
 get out of the hearts and spirits of the Irish race all over the world the 
 tiesire nnd the determination to obtain national self-government for 
 Ireland. It would be a misfortune indeed if the Irish Parliamentary 
 movement were to be compelled, even for a week — for a day — to give 
 way to the different and the wilder enterprises. If I were an English- 
 man, and were only possessed of any reasonable amount of liberal 
 thought and purpose, I should wish with all my heart that the en- 
 deavours of the Dublin Convention should set up again the constitutional 
 movement in Ireland, and enable a grejt, and, ultimately, a ceriaui 
 reform in our system of domestic legislation to be accomplished in peace 
 and with goodwill. 
 
 / 
 
Cy 
 
 [ 37(5 ] 
 
 3mprc00ton0 of tbc Convention. 
 
 (Ity a "Spectafor," in the Freeman's /oiinial.') 
 
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 The great Convention of the Irish race has come and gone, and before 
 its characteristic lines be lost it may be well to jot down a few impres- 
 sions made upon a spectator to whom the proceedings suggested a 
 comparison with similar assemblies in recent times. Such a comparison 
 gives the measure and standard of its importance, and enables a forecast 
 of its effect to be made with something approaching to accuracy. And 
 first, as regards its size. The Convention greatly exceeded in numbers 
 any of the Conventions called by the Irish Party since 1890, and was 
 considerably larger than any Convention assembled since the beginning 
 of the Home Rule agitation. The Convention that founded the 
 National Fe'^^'ation in March, 1891, when the National League had 
 been converted into a sectional and particularist organisation, met in 
 the Antient Concert Rooms, and was easily accommodated there. The 
 same hall, though less conveniently, gave space to the assembly in the 
 autumn of 1892, after the general election, to frame a constitution for the 
 National Federation. Neither of these gatherings at all approached in 
 magnitude the Irish Race Convention. Not half those assembled in 
 the Leinster Hall during the week could have crushed themselves into 
 the rooms in Brunswick Street. In the March of 1893 a third Conven- 
 tion was held to consider, and, as far as approved, rectify the Home 
 Rule Bill just introduced by Mr. Gladstone. The subject, it is not 
 necessary to say, excited intense interest in the country, and the 
 delegates outnumbered those that attended the Convention of the pre- 
 ceding autuinn. But the Rotunda gave ample room for the seating of 
 the delegates, and left a good deal of floor space to spare. The Leinster 
 Hall was uncomfortably full on Tuesday, VVednesday, and Thursday, 
 and the delegates present could not possibly have been seated in the 
 Rotunda. Even excluding the delegates who came from abroad, there 
 was a larger representation of Nationalist Ireland present than on any 
 of the other occasions mentioned. If the opposition to the Convention 
 is to be accurately measured by the effects produced on the attendance, 
 then it would seem to have power merely to stimulate the National 
 forces. The home delegation present at the Race Convention was far 
 larger than that which founded the National Federation, far larger than 
 that which framed the constitution of the organisation, and much 
 larger even than that which, in the name of the Irish Nation, accepted 
 substantially the Home Rule Bill of 1893 as a setdement of the 
 Government of Ireland question. 
 
 Not alone was the attendance larger, it was more variously represen- 
 tative. The delegation from abroad gave the assembly a character 
 that no other Irish Convention ever possessed. Not since the Irish 
 
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 ■'J 
 
A SPECTATOR OX THE CONVEXTIOX. 377 
 
 
 
 
 
 dispersion began has there been such a representation of the scattered 
 provinces of the Irish world called to the capital of Ireland. But, 
 apart from that impressive and distinctive feature, the composition 
 of the Convention was most significant. There were more chairmen 
 of Irish municipalities and chairmen and vice-chairmen of Irish poor 
 law boards present than ever attended an Irish Convention previously. 
 This extensive participation in the procef dings by the men elected 
 to public positions by the votes of ilieir fellow-citizens is especially 
 encouraging to the Irish Party as indicative of the influences working 
 for the promotion of unity throughout the country. 
 
 The Convention was not only larger and more representative than any 
 of recent years, it was also a freer Council of the nation. In none of 
 the Conventions mentioned was there such full and frank discussion 
 of the political position, none was so deliberative, none elicited such a 
 display of the mind of the assembled delegates, and of the various 
 phases of political thought and sentiment to be found in the ranks. 
 The resolutions passed unamended, but there was a candid debate of 
 them all, and a clear indication of the spirit and manner in which the 
 resolutions were to be interpreted ; and the final temper of the assembly 
 was evolved after a process of debate and intercommunication which 
 undoubtedly influenced many of the composing elements. The charge 
 of political " bossism " so often levied against the National leaders in 
 times present and past was never more ludicrously inapplicable than to 
 the conduct of this Convention. 
 
 The discussions discovered a wealth of political capacity among .he 
 delegates There were speeches from priests and laymen that reached an 
 extremely high level of ability. Good speaking niay always be expected 
 in an Irish assembly. But the speeches referred to were not merely good 
 talk, good oratory, they were most striking as specimens of reasoned 
 politics, as expressions of sound statesmanship and political tact. The 
 Bishop of Raphoe was more than justified in his boast that the Convention 
 had proved that when Ireland has a Parliament of her own it will be one 
 worthy of a nation. 
 
 There never was a more tolerant assembly. It was intolerant of 
 nothing but disorder. There was a fair hearing readily given to 
 every speaker, no matter whether his opinions were out of harmony with 
 the prevailing conviction or not ; and the warmest appreciation was 
 shown of any concession that made for the cause of unity. The Con- 
 vention was evidently one that would have welcomed any Nationalist to 
 a place in its councils, provided that he came loyally resolved to assist 
 in securing to the National forces unity of strength and direction. 
 
 But combined with this spirit of toleration there was a predominant 
 resolve to have an end of indiscipline and disunion in the Parliamentary 
 representation. The Convention was all of one mind as to the necessity 
 of unity and majority rule, though there was some slight difference as 
 to how best to secure the desired ends. One large section of the Conven- 
 tion was evidently against further truce or negotiation with dissentitnts ; 
 a small section was for peace at any price ; but the spirit of the body of 
 the delegates was expressed in Father O'Hara's speech : amnesty and 
 oblivion if the opponents of unity will ; if not, a resolute struggle to end the 
 disastrous indiscipline that has imperilled the Irish Part and the 
 
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 •^.1 
 
 
 ^ 
 
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 378 
 
 IRISH HACK CONVENTION. 
 
 National movement. That was not only the predominant mandate at 
 the close, it was tl.e unanimous mandate ; for the course of the discussion, 
 frank, free, and open, had moulded the feelings of the delegates into one. 
 
 The proceedings were tonic. There was a perceptible rise in the 
 spirit ami hardening in the resolve as the C^onvention wore to a close. 
 It was always in earnest from beginning to end ; but doubt, and some- 
 thing of despondency, gave way to confidence as the discussions pro- 
 gressed. Before the end came it was manifest that the Convention 
 would be fruitful, that promise would be followed by perform "nee, and 
 tl-e profesjion of the Natioml faith by a revived activity of patriotic 
 effort. 
 
 One other remarkable impression was made by the Convention — it 
 was from beginning to end a Home Rule Convention. There were 
 resolutions referring to many pressing Irish questions proposed and 
 passed. But again and again through the difcussions the speeches re- 
 verted to the topic — how to secure unity in the ranks in order to win 
 Home Rule? And the attitude to all minor questions was expressed 
 in the Most Reverend Chairman's opening speech, when he said that 
 in pursuing minor reforms they should not lose sight of the main ques- 
 tion. The Convention was very largely composed of men of the farm- 
 ing class, yet the interest exhibited by them in the resolution on the 
 Land question was quite subordinate to that which they displayed on the 
 National question. There was never a more complete answer to the 
 argument that the Irish question is purely a social question than that 
 furnished by the course of the discussions in this Convention. It was 
 inspired by the National idea ; and in tone, temper, and capacity was 
 worthy of the inspiration. 
 
 Hbbress of SJcIegates from Sbroab to tbe Srisb 
 Ipeople at Ibome anb Hbvoab. 
 
 Before leaving for our resprotive homes we deem it our duty to 
 place on record our grateful appreciation of the courtesy and kindness 
 with which we have been received and treated by the home delegates to 
 the Irish Race Convention. 
 
 We came absolutely unbiassed in our views towards any party or 
 section of party in the Irish Parliame itary representation, determined to 
 form an independent opinion based on our own observations. We are 
 bound to add that the gentlemen who are responsible for the arrange- 
 ments of the Convention scrupulously abstained from any attempt what- 
 ever to influence our judgments. We have kept separate and independent 
 our own organisation, and have asked no one who was associated with 
 the movement at home to attend our conferences. We are satisfied 
 that the great Convention which we have attended was, in its composi- 
 
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 ALDRKSS OF DELEGATES. 
 
 379 
 
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 lion, character, and numbers, representative of the Nationalists of 
 Ireland, and that it voiced the Irish National sjMiit. 
 
 We have watched the proceedings of the Convention from beginning 
 to end, and we have heard the fullest and freest possible discussion of 
 every point brought under its deliberations, and we have seen that its 
 decisions have been unanimously taken. 
 
 We have been particularly impressed by the earnest unanimity with 
 which the Convention declared for genuine party unity necessarily 
 involving discipline and respect for majority rule. 
 
 We record our own entire belief in party unity based on the only 
 foundation possible — submission to the majority. 
 
 We believe in a real unity, rnd we exhort all who have the welfare 
 of Ireland at heart to support fhe majority of their representatives, who 
 have acted up to their pledge. 
 
 We believe in Party discipline as the means by which unity is 
 maintained ; and we declare that the preservation of discipline can be 
 entrusted only to the men who keep the Party pledge. 
 
 Ac delegates from the Irish Race in the United States, the 
 Dominion of Canada, Newfoundland, South Africa, and the Australasian 
 colonies, we earnestly call upon the pcojjle of Ireland to stand together 
 for unity in the cause of Home Rule and discipline in the Home Rule 
 Party in Parliament. 
 
 As citizens of countries enjoying the blessings of free government 
 we affirm there is no other line of effective action known to us than 
 submission to the rule of the majority in political organisations. 
 
 We undertake, on our return to our various homes, to convey to 
 our people our sense of the magnitude, authority, and order of tiie Con- 
 vention ; and, as delegates, we pledge ourselves to give our loyal and 
 unfailing support to the Parliamentary Party until the blessings of self- 
 government have been won for Ireland. 
 
 (Signed), 
 
 UNITED 
 Martin F. M'Mahon, 
 Anthony Kelly, 
 P. W. Wren, 
 William L. Brown, 
 Patrick Gallagher, 
 James Duggan, 
 Denis O'Reilly, 
 Edward Treacv 
 Patrick Kinney, 
 John W. Corcoran 
 
 P. J. TiMM 
 
 STATES. 
 
 Rev. Denis O'Callaghan, 
 
 John Cashman, 
 
 Patrick Dunlevy, 
 
 Rev. George F. ^IARSHALL, 
 
 John B. Devlin, 
 
 Patrick Cox, 
 
 Patrick Martin, 
 
 James U'Sullivan, 
 
 Martin Fitzgerald, 
 
 Joseph P. Ryan, 
 ins, M.D. 
 
 DOMINION OF CANADA. 
 Rev. T. Ryan, representing Archbishop of Toronto. 
 John Costigan, Ottawa. 
 John Heney, Ottawa. 
 
 Very Rev. Dean W. R. Harris, Ontario, Canada. 
 Rev. William Flannery, D.D., St. Thomas, Ontario. 
 
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 ADDRESS OF DELEGATES. 381 
 
 Rev. Frank O'Reim.v, Priest, Hamilton, Ontario, Canada. 
 
 Rev. P. F. O'DoNNELi., Priest, Montreal, Canada. 
 
 John M'Keown, St. Catherine's, Ontario. 
 
 Hugh Ryan, Toronto. 
 
 J. J. Fov, Toronto. 
 
 Rev. M. A. Clancv, Priest, PIncentia, Newfoundland. 
 
 James D. Rvan, St. John's, Newfoundland. 
 
 Edward Hai.i.ey, Montreal. 
 
 William Foley, D.D., Halifax, Nova Scotia. 
 
 Lieut.-Col. M'Shane, Halifax, Nova Scotia. 
 
 Gerald 13. Tiernan, Halifax, Nova Scotia. 
 
 P. F. Cronin, Secretary, Canadian Delegation. 
 
 James J O'Brien. 
 
 AUSTRALIA. 
 Charles Hamilton Bromhy, Northern Tasmania. 
 Thomas Hunt, Victoria. 
 Mr. Kennedy, Wellington. 
 
 SOUTH AFiaCA. 
 H. G. Haskins, Johannesburg. 
 Moses Cornwall. J.P., Kimberley, representing Griqualand West. 
 
 Dublin, September 4th, 1S96. 
 
 Speed) bi? \Der^ IRev. Dr. IR^an, of Toronto, 
 
 DELIVERED AT A RECEPTION GIVEN TO THE DELEGATES liV 
 THE CITY OF CLONMEL, 22ND SEl'TEMBEK, 1896. 
 
 ■i"V, 
 
 ^.J 
 
 He said he felt it difficult to respond to and answer the addresses 
 and the magnificent reception which they had received at the hantls of 
 the people of the city of Clonmel and of gallant Tipperary. He knew 
 very well the people had not assembled there to do them the pleasure 
 of personal gratification. They had come there to honour them as the 
 representatives of their kith and kin of the Irish race beyond the seas, 
 to join in the grand struggle that has been going on so long, and which 
 would go on until they had achieved the victory of their just rights — the 
 struggle for the Legislative Independence of Ireland. As this was the 
 last occasion on which probably he would address them in Ireland, he 
 would desire to put before them, in a summarised form, his own views, 
 first, as a representative from without and then as a witness from within, 
 how he and his fellow-delegates considered the Irisii movement in its 
 f resent surroundings, their view of the Irish Parliamentary Party and 
 the present Irish representatives, their view of what had passed at the 
 late Convention, and >vliat were their hopes for Ireland in the future. 
 Ho might be considered as an outsider, but he felt to-day that for the 
 first lime he stood upon his native heath, for his forefathers for genera- 
 tions had been cradled in the lap of the Golden Vale, and had triumphs 
 and trials in the city of Clonmel. 
 
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 38* 
 
 IKISIJ RACE CONVENTION. 
 
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 Now, the first point on which he was going to speak was on 
 their altitude in coming to Ireland. What was that altitude? 
 Some people called them foreigners when they came. He did not 
 care, but there were gentlemen who did not like it. He thought 
 they would agree that ihey were not foreigners in the real sense 
 of the word. They were men of Irish birth or Irish blood, all 
 true Irishmen, sympathising with Ireland heart and .soul. He came 
 to Ireland as the representative of an Irish bishop, a Kilkenny man, who 
 was a combination of all that was magnificent in Irishmen. The 
 delegates were asked what right had they to interfere in the domestic 
 iffairs of Ireland, and his answer was they did not come to interfere in 
 Irish domestic affairs ; they came to Ireland, and they contended they 
 had a right to come to Ireland on several grounds. First, they 
 had the right of fiiend.sliip ; secondly, they had the right of kinship ; 
 and thirdly, they had the right of invitation — a sacred right. Next, 
 to put the matter on the lowest ground, they had a business right, 
 for the Irish ])L'ople asked them to help in the National movement at 
 home, and they had a right as a mere matter of business to come and 
 see whether they should invest in the work or not. They did not come 
 to Ireland to dictate or to coerce or to interfere, but they came merely 
 as friends, and the Archbishop of Toronto expressly emphasised the 
 fact that he as his representative was merely coming as a friend, not 
 to interfere with the magnificent hierarchy of Ireland, so learned 
 so prudent, so wise, and so patriotic, not to interfere with the 
 splendid, the historic priesthood of Ireland or with the great 
 Irish people, for they knew they were well capable of managing 
 their own affairs ; but ihey came as outside friends to ask permission to 
 tender their advice and give them the honour of continuing their 
 moral and material support to the old struggle of the people at home. 
 That was the position they took up, and he wished it to be perfectly 
 understood. They came to Ireland not to any man or to any party, but 
 they came emphatically to the Irish nation and the Irish people. 
 
 They had come to the great people of Ireland, and having come he 
 would tell them what they had found. They had found the Irish Party 
 and the Chairman of that Party, and they had found repiesentatives of 
 the Irish people assembled in a great Convention in the city of Dublin, 
 and having fully considered everything bearing on the call of that Con- 
 vention and the consdtution of it, they had come to the conclusion that 
 that Convention was a representative Convention. They knew the men 
 from abroad. These represented the Irish race abroad, for they knew 
 how these men were selected and elected. They saw at that Conven- 
 tion the great majority of the Irish Parliamentary Party with their 
 Chairman. They saw nearly five hundred priests, and that splendid 
 representative of the Irish hierarchy, the brave Bishop of Raphoe, pre- 
 siding at it. They saw duly elected representatives from public boards 
 and political organisations in Ireland, and, having taken part in that 
 Convention, they said — " We cannot expect unanimity in Ireland any 
 more than in any other land ; we must expect differences of opinion 
 amongst intelligent men ; but still we can see that here in this Conven- 
 tion we have Ireland at home really and truly, and honestly represented." 
 After that Convention the representatives from abroad held a caucus, 
 
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 REV. DR. RYAN, TORONTO. 
 
 i»i 
 
 and they came to the conclusion as men of business — many of them men 
 of great experience in the political affairs of Canada, the Uniteil States, 
 and Australia — they came to the solemn conclusion to support the reso- 
 lutions passed at the Convention as the resolutions of an honest and 
 truly representative Convention. 
 
 He had heard difficulties raised, and there was one resolution pro- 
 posed at the Convention with which he certainly sympathised, and that 
 was the resolution proposed by that patriotic priest. Father Flynn of 
 Waterford. Well, he might tell them a secret. The delegates from 
 abroad had already considered a similar resolution, and they liad come 
 to the conclusion that though it was a very good thing to wait as pro- 
 posed on various gentlemen, still that was impracticable. They came 
 to the conclusion that it would be a good thing to wait on Mr. Healy 
 and Mr. Redmond as proposed, but now that the Convention was 
 sitting, and as Mr. Healy and Mr. Redmond did not put in an appear- 
 ance, it was practically impossible. Why, in God's name, did not those 
 gentlemen come to the Convention ? They were free to come ; they 
 were invited to come. He called on these gentlemen — he called on 
 Mr. Healy, and he also called on Mr. Redmond — but he did not find 
 them at home ; and he had interviews with the ablest and most repre- 
 sentative men on all sides. There was, in his opinion, an answer to all 
 that was alleged, and let it go to the ])ublic. It was alleged, first, that 
 the difficulty was the incapacity of the chairman and the incapacity of 
 the Party ; and then that the Party was led by money. 
 
 Well, he knew the chairman of the Irish Parliamentary Party per- 
 sonally, and he had also inquired of persons he could trust, and he 
 would say this, that though the chairman might not be a heaven-born 
 genius, he was a worthy leader of an intelligent and honest Parliamen- 
 tary Party. The question really was whether the chairman was rightly 
 elected or not, and if he was then obey him. As for the party, it was 
 elected by the people, and why should they not stand by the men that 
 the people elect ? It was a party elected by the people of Ireland, and 
 so far as the delegates from abroad were concerned, they were deter- 
 mined to stand by the present Irish Parliamentary Party. There was 
 no other course open to them that was either constitutional or sensible. 
 
 Now, as to funds, what he would say he would state on his personal 
 responsibility and personal knowledge. There were two funds. There 
 was the Parliamentary Party Fund and there was a parish fund. It 
 had been said that the Parliamentary Fund was administered for the 
 purpose of personal coercion, and the leader used it for the purpose of 
 gathering men around himself, and that no account was given as to the 
 manner in which they were used. Now, just take this view of the 
 matter. The Irish Party were elected to stand up for the interests of 
 Ireland. In God's name, could not such men be trusted to manage a 
 few paltry thousand dollars a year? They who were outsiders gave the 
 money freely and generously to the Party, for they said to themselves, 
 "These are the men our fellow-countrymen elect, and we feel sure they 
 will deal justly, honourably, and honestly with the money.'' But what 
 did he find was the fact ? The books were there audited, and any 
 committee appointed by any party could go there and see them. Of 
 course, no political party would print such accounts and publish them 
 
 •v 
 
iH 
 
 IRISH RACE CONVENTION. 
 
 I 
 
 H ': 1 
 
 ^P '- 
 
 > 
 
 to the world. lie knew the accounts were there, and he was satisfied 
 with them. 
 
 Then it was said, the leader having coerced the party, the parly 
 coerced the country. Now, in liis opinion, the Iiish people were an 
 intelligent and a nol)le, free ()eople, and tlicy woulil never allow them- 
 selves to be coerced by any persons. 
 
 Then he was told tbnt, in the case of the Castiebar Convention, the 
 people were coerced by the leader, in order to force a candidate of his 
 own on the constituency. Well, he went down to Castiebar, and he 
 interviewed the priests, and he interviewed the leading electors, and it 
 was proved to his absolute satisfaction that the people were not coerced 
 by the leader, but that if the leader did anything, what he did was to 
 preserve the liberty of tlic constituency to elect its own representative. 
 Now, of those who criticised the party, he had asked, what was their 
 alternative programme ? 
 
 Up to the present he had only heard suggestions as to dilHculties, 
 and accordingly he asked the critics for their own programme. One 
 person suggested to destroy all the parties. Well, a great American 
 statesman had impressed upon the jieople the proverb as to the danger 
 of changing horses crossing a stream, but that was all the more true 
 when there was not a second horse to change with. Tliere w.is a party 
 in Ireland who wanted quiescence, who wanted no representation at all. 
 Oh! God forbid that Ireland should ever adopt this policy. Then it 
 was said that the priests were not with the people. That was not so. 
 The priests of Ireland were always with the people of Ireland. They 
 were with the people still, and with the help of God they would always 
 be with the peojile. They, from abroad, did not expect political per- 
 fection in Ireland. 
 
 They did not expect perfect unanimity. There were no men who 
 felt and thought more on the question of the rights of minorities than 
 the Irish in Canada. Minorities had the right to be heard, the right to 
 argue, to influence by argument, and, if possible, to convert a minority 
 to a majority ; but minorities had no right to dictate any more than the 
 majorities had. Minorities had not the right to calumniate, as majorities 
 had not. Minorities had not the right to use opprobrious epithets, as 
 majorities had not. And if a majority had not the right to coerce, then 
 certainly a minority had not the right to coerce. They had a bitter 
 experience in Ireland of minority rule. 
 
 The people had men to guide them in the wise pronouncement of 
 their able parish priest, a splendid representative of the priesthood of 
 Ireland. He said, if the party proceed with wisdom, prudence, and 
 discretion, and exercise a spirit of conciliation, he was convinced, and 
 on going home he would tell his people, that though things were dis- 
 turbed at present, still, by the time the General Election came round, 
 they would find all parties in. Ireland united — the bishops, the priests, 
 and the people. Thus united they would have the moral and material 
 support of every Irishman the world over, and the Irish race, united at 
 home and abroad, would march on in one solid phalanx until that victory 
 was secured, by which they would have a native Parliament, a free 
 people, and a glorious future for Ireland. 
 
 \0 
 
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 '^^"^sttt 
 
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 [ 383 ] 
 
 personal IRcmlnlsccnccs of tbc Scisb IRacc Convention 
 of 189(5 b\? tbc IRcv. D. if. /licCrca. 
 
 (From iliu Micliij^an Catliolu.) 
 
 .) 
 
 
 'I'liK great Irish Race Convention of last September lias iiecn and 
 ceased to be. Its friends and foes have had their say ; have spent 
 themselves and feel happy. The promoters have declared it the 
 greatest assembly of Irishmen and sympathisers the world had ever 
 seen. Its enemies regarded it as a collection of drivelling fools, 
 whipped together and ground beneath a yoke, against which they dare 
 not kick. 
 
 In the midst of these conflicting claims and assertions would it be 
 possible from some vantage ground, and free from the bias of party 
 politics, to view the situation and judge what, indeed, has been the 
 result, and wh.it is likely to be the effect of the Irish R.ace Convention 
 on the future of this country. 
 
 I attended the Convention, not in any official capacity, but 
 as an onlooker and listener. The sessions were held in the 
 Leinster Hall, Dublin, and lasted for three days, beginning on Tuesday, 
 September i, and ending on Thursday of the same week. On the first 
 d.ay the session lasted four hours ; on the second, five ; and the third, 
 five and a half hours. On each day there were at least 2,000 people 
 present, and throughout the enthusiasm was unfl.igging. The hall was 
 tastefully decorated, and on the walls hung suitable mottoes of Ireland's 
 heroes and patriots. Among them, not the least remarkable, was that 
 of Mr. Parnell's, which ran, " Let us cast aside all feelings of self- 
 interest. Let us act onl\' with a desire to benefit our country— to 
 regain for her a place among the nations of the world." It is too clear 
 that Irishmen have not yet forgotten the services of Mr. Parnell to their 
 country, and it is undoubted that if he had retired from the leadership 
 on that occasion so notorious in history, he should in a short time be 
 replaced in that proud position, the temporary deprivation of which 
 drove him to desperation. Every time his name was mentioned by the 
 speakers it drew forth rounds of applause. 
 
 Fronting the gallery and right opposite the platform was the 
 patriotic " God Save Ireland," in large blue lettering. A little incident 
 occurred in this connection, at the opening of the proceedings, which 
 might be interpreted as significant. The letters were sheets of paper 
 or canvas, each about a square foot, and detached, !but affixed with 
 nails, or some such simple contrivance. At the very beginning of the 
 first session the letter D dropped from Ireland, The fact was very 
 
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 REV. DANIEL F. McCREA, 
 
 M.R.I. A., K.K. S.A.I. 
 
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liEMlMSCKNCES Oh' Till': COyVKSTloS. -.s; 
 
 9 
 
 generally nuticuil, and the parodicii and lioniilics un tliu subject wore 
 amusing. A Kerry priest scrio-roniirally dirl.ircd it nuaiit the Irisii 
 demon of dissension must (,'"• I'li^ interpretation eiitilL-d very general 
 commendation in his viiiiiity. lUit tlie general situation was taken 
 very seriously by most peo[)le, and many (loubls were expressed, both 
 as to the |)eaceful conduct ol the assembly and the iiuaring of the Con- 
 vention on the future of tlie country. There were various surmises as 
 to the chairman, aiul it was confidently asserted that no Irisli bishop 
 would take any part in tlie proceedings. Then as to the a'-'ion of the 
 Kedmondites, the llealyites, and even that of Mr. Dillon, under certain 
 circumstances, there were so many varying opinions. Thus passed the 
 anxious moments before the actual business of the sessions, and mean- 
 while, the body of the hall was being crowded, and the platform was 
 becoming well taken up with jiriests, delegates from abroad, and Irish 
 M.P.'s. Towards noon, the ^[ost Kcv. Dr. O'Dorniell, Itishop of 
 Raphoe, arrived, accompanied by some leading members of the Irish 
 Parliamentary I'arty, while priests and people rose iit masse, and 
 cheered vociferously. His position was a dilticult and trying one, for 
 ho had agreed to act as chairman throughout. He was the only bishop 
 in Ireland, it has been stated, who would have any say to the pro- 
 ceedings ; yet, it was imjjossible to detect in him any drooping of spirits, 
 or readiness to shirk his terrible res|)onsibility. He bowed slightly, 
 anil acknowledged the greetings of the vast assembly. Dr. O'Donnell 
 is a native of Donegal ; he is comparatively young, tall, fair complexion, 
 with features neatly chiselled and attractive, displaying a high degree of 
 intelligence. There have been many to find fault with the action of 
 the bishop in permitting himself to be the centre-piece in a situation so 
 critical. But even the most hostile Press is filled with admiration for 
 his ])resence, his eloquence, his firmness, and his surprising self- 
 control. 
 
 The first day was taken up, mainly with the speeches of the foreign 
 delegates, who, clearly enough, came unbiassed and unpledged. Every- 
 body was impressed with their earnestness and their anxiety to restore 
 peace and union among Irishmen. 
 
 The speech of Very Rev. Father Ryan, the representative of Arch- 
 bishop Walsh, of Toronto, was listened to with ra|)t attention. He was 
 admittedly a worthy representative of the great Archbishop, who orig- 
 inated the idea of the Irish Race Convention. His voice was clear and 
 ringing, his gesticulation appropriate, and he was altogether regarded as 
 the right man in the right place. The foreign delegates, with no excep- 
 tion, acquitted themselves admirably, and they certainly did ably and well 
 the work for which they were deputed. Many indeed were the regrets 
 that a heartier welcome was not extended to them, and that the Ca| ital 
 did not pour forth its thousands to greet them on their coming. But in 
 the unhappy and distracted state of public opinion that could not be 
 hoped for. There were so many rumours, and so many charges were 
 levelled at the chief representatives of the Irish nation, that well-inten- 
 tioned people stood aside, uncertain which was right, and which was 
 wrong. To take part in a public display to honour the delegates from 
 abroad, was taking sides, it was thought, with Mr. Dillon, against Mr. 
 
JS8 
 
 IKISII KM'K CUSVKSTIOS. 
 
 I Italy or Mr. Kcdinoiul, und thuH, bunincsH men eiipccially, dreading to 
 iiiakf for tlicnisclvt's encmios, kept in tlic l)ackKrounil, rcaii their papcrH, 
 and spoke in sunii'NcntcncL's. It was so iit least as lat as Dublin was 
 tonceriied, but other portions of the country spuke out plainly, and 
 frankly acknowkdt^ed as in <luty buuiul their help in the past, their 
 prisent sympathy, and the n)any sacrifK es they had made in conunn to 
 Ireland for the historic occasion. In the forefront was Itelfast, then 
 Letterkt! ny, I'-nniskillen, dalway and 'I'lpperary. Hartliy anybody en- 
 deavoureil to inipujjn the motives of the furei^n delegates. 'I'here was 
 an occasional thrust from the Dublin Press, which, however, seldom 
 descended to personalities. Once only did the Iiiilefendtnt make an 
 atia(k of a personal nature- that on Chevalier Ileney, Ottawa— which 
 was (|ui(kly ri);hted by Dean Harris, Toronto, and the sympathetic 
 newsjiapers of !ie country. At such a time it could not be exi>ected 
 that the Tress would remain inactive, taking into account the principles 
 that were involved, and all the jjossible results of that great assembly on 
 the future. Now and then, during the sessions, therefore, the journals 
 vented their feelings and caustic drollery. The St. Jmiifs's Gtizclte 
 came all the way from London, to parody Father I'lynn, of Watcrford, 
 who jiroposed a resolution which excited a little storm. The Gazelle 
 has it : — 
 
 " Of parlies, wc offer .-v cliiumin v^nriety, 
 I'ttrnclliU's, lli-alyilcs, I)illi)irs socicly, 
 Still we're al pe.ue here till mir anxiety, 
 
 I'citlier U I'lynn makes it hut for us all. 
 lloiild the prate of yi>u, I'ather U'l''lyiin, 
 How shall we slop it, ifoiiee you liegin. 
 At Ihc convention ? 
 Sure why should you mention 
 
 A word ul dissension to stir up our yall P 
 
 " Let's talk of Reunion, Home Rule, Kducallon, 
 Whether we suffer froni unfair taxation, 
 'Deed and we'll cheer for ' Ould Ireland a Nation ' — 
 
 Father O'Flynn puts a stop to it all. 
 Come, I venture to (jive you my word, 
 Never amendment like this should \k heard : 
 Take your Comuiittec 
 To Waterford City— 
 
 Maylie it's witty, but here you look small. 
 
 " Och ! WE had yearnings and strivings for unity, 
 .Sinking of self and rfgar<l for community, 
 Brandishing tjlacklhorns the while with impunity, 
 
 Till you poppid up— be hanged, Father, to you. 
 Sure the good Hishop looked grave at your jest. 
 Wishing you out of the way with the rest. 
 ' Has ihe majority 
 All the authority ? 
 
 Isn't Tim Ilealy an Irishman too?'" 
 
 I quote this, which I believe a very clever skit, and must have been 
 written impromptu. After all, it is better a political cause should be 
 treated hostilely than passed over with indifTerence by all sections of the 
 Press. This hostility often creates for it significance. 
 
 .^X. 
 
 \ 
 
liEMISlSCENCKH OF THE CONVKNTIOS. j8., 
 
 ( s 
 
 Kvcrybody at tlic Convention wan charnicil with tlic licicKiiiL!* (orciun 
 to these islcn and loud in |>rnise of the nhiiity they dispinycd and tne 
 eio(iiicncc of not ;i ft' ■ . In this latter rin.ird tlitru was a 'livcrsityof 
 opinion, soine rcnardinf; one as favourite, and sonic anoll ' was, 
 
 however, partiiuiarly impressed hy the Kpecchos of Kev. Den K'll- 
 lanlian, lloston ; Ktv. Dr. I'nley, Mahfax ; Mr. Joscpli I'. K) w 
 
 York; and Mr. TiioniaH Hunt, Melliourne. Nearer home. Mi 1'. 
 O'Clonnor delivered a speech of great power, and disjila^od rciii ' Mo 
 ability. Many charges iiave been made against Mr. O'Connor, with 
 what foiiiidatioii in fact I know not, but these charges have had at least 
 the erteet of injuring his |)opularity with a section of Irish nationalists. 
 I have no means of seeing into the condition of Mr. O'Connor's 
 conscience, i)Ut no one could have watched iiim more closely than I 
 during the proceedings, and he impressed me as being terribly in earnest 
 and sincere. Mo could not have been more ileferential to the presid- 
 ing bishop, or to the priests who differed from him on some of the 
 points at issue. I observe, he gave a very complimentary notice of the 
 Uishoi) of Raphoe in his London paper. Mis general demeanour in 
 this matter would seem to mc in a goodly measure to dispose of the 
 charges of anti clericalism soniulinies raised against him— a jwint upon 
 whii h the Irish peojile, notwidistanding the existence of the ///lA/i'Wiv;/ 
 and one or two other papers of its ilk, are not a litde .sensitive. He has 
 a splendid presence, is still in the prime of life, tall and powerfully built, 
 is full of energy, and was about the best-dressed iierson in the assembly. 
 The Irish members, generally speaking, could not be called du<les, and 
 almost widiout exception they seemed dreadfully careworn, apparently 
 having suffered from great anxiety as to the results of the Convention. 
 They, one would think, preferred to leave the work of tie iiieeting, and 
 especially the oratory, to the delegates. Hut few oi tiiem spoke and 
 usually a short time. Mr. Justin .McCarthy's speech was brief but very 
 much to the point. His manner is ([uiet, but dignified, and is evidently 
 more the //'//fVrt/(7/r than the politician. The speeches of Mr. Davitt 
 and Mr. William O'Urien were listened to with marked attention. .Mr. 
 Davitt's style is clear, terse and relevant. His manner is very decisive. 
 He means what he says, and says it because he means it. Mr. O'Brien 
 speaks well, is very fluent ; his voice is suitable for oratory, but his ges- 
 ticulation is extrav.igant. To al! appearance he is not strong [)hysically, 
 and appears to have suffered from overwork and mental strain. Several 
 times during the course of his speech he had recourse to the water 
 carafe. 
 
 But there was none in whose speech so much interest was manifested 
 as that of Mr. John Dillon, the Chairman of the Irish I'arlianieiitary 
 Party. Charges without limit were made .against Mr. Dillon. Some 
 said he was not under any circumstances a suitable jjcrson to be the 
 leader of the Irish Race and cause. Others said he was dishonest, and 
 that he forgot all else in his ambition to be the Chairman of the Irish 
 Party. Again, it was claimed that he had acted harshly and imperiously 
 to some members of that party, who were suspected of being his rivals 
 for the leadership, especially Mr. T. Healy and those who sympathised 
 with him. There were also charges as to his disjjosal of the moneys 
 
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39° 
 
 llilSlI RACE CONVENTION. 
 
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 C' 
 
 contributed to the Irish Parliamentary Fund. All this was known to 
 ( him ; and a section of the Dublin Press especially spared no means to 
 make him feel his painful position. At no timn does Mr. Dillon seem 
 very buoyant ; but those who know him intimately say he is a brif^ht 
 and entertaining conversationalist, and a very agreeable and pleasant 
 companion. Mr. Dillon is tall, slightly built, sallow of complexion, 
 dark hair, which however, has become fringed with white. I had not 
 seen him for ten years previous to the Convention, and, considering his 
 very straining and laborious career, he seemed to me to have well stood 
 die test of time. He might be styled dressy, with glasses and gold 
 albert. Anybody could see there was something beyond the average in 
 Mr. Dillon, and particularly when he began to speak. There he stood, 
 confronted widi the fierce light of the civilized world, taunted, accused, 
 vilified, and required by the representatives of the Irish race at home 
 and abroad, who came together in council, to give an account of him- 
 self, and answer to the charges preferred against him. Who will say 
 this was not a terrible plight ? He displayed, notwithstanding, great 
 pluck and self-possession ; and if one's countenance and manner arc 
 any index to honesty and sincerity, anybody would say he deserved the 
 designation, in a remarkable degree, by which he was so long known — 
 that of " Honest John Dillon." I followed his speech with great interest, 
 as did everybody in the vast assembly. He is extremely eloqui nt, with 
 pleasing voice and very appropriate gesticulation. 1 do not think that, 
 I during the course of a long speech, he was obliged to repeat a single 
 
 , I word. It would be easily imagined from his appearance he was sufter- 
 ing from ill-health ; but that impression is soon forgotten wher he 
 warms into his speech. He explained his position at length, placing 
 himself unreservedly in the hands of the Irish people, and willing to 
 abide by their decision without a murmur. \" '' Mr. O'Brien, he had 
 more than once to have recourse to the water coi.oolation, but otherwise 
 showed no signs of physical exhaustion. His voice, nay, every word, 
 could be heard in the most distant corner of the great hall, and thus he 
 delivered one of the most remarkable and telling speeches I have ever 
 heard. The whole assembly was charmed, and many who had hitherto 
 regarded Mr. Dillon with disfavour became his most ardent adherents. 
 No charges were forthcoming, and thus he took his seat amid the ring- 
 ing cheers and plaudits of the great Convention. Mr. Dillon is still 
 comparatively young, and has life enough yet and strength and energy 
 to bring to a successful issue the cause for which the Irish people are 
 labouring so earnesdy and so patiently. 
 
 I wish I had space to enter minutely into the personnel of the Con- 
 vention, for the material is so good. We have, however, to consider 
 rather what has been effected by this historic gathering. Before enter- 
 
 ' ' ing on this consideration, I must not pass over unnoticed one who took 
 
 part in the proceedings, and who has so many claims on Ireland — I 
 mean the Hon. Edward Blake. I had never seen Mr. Blake before, 
 nor did I meet him on that occasion, although I learn he is not difficult 
 to approach ; but I had been reading a good deal of him since he 
 became connected with Irish politics. When in Canada some years 
 ago I met many of his fi lends, who were high in his praise, and spoke 
 
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 T".' 
 
 \ 
 
 "^ 
 
 / 
 
NE}fTXISrEXrES OF THE COyVENTJOK. 
 
 391 
 
 of the wonderful sacrifices he had made in associating himself with the 
 cause of Ireland. They assured me that he might have been since 
 Premier of Canada, not to speak of the loss of time and the many 
 pecuniary disadvantages to which he has been subjected on this account. 
 His motives have been impugned, as the motives of every public man 
 are liable to be ; but it is diflficult to realize that one jrassessed of such 
 natural gifts, of such high social standing, having already attained both 
 wealth and fame, should make such sacrifices for principles in which he 
 did not believe. Mr, Blake is one of those about whom you will at 
 once inquire, " Who and what is he ? " There is a good deal of repose 
 in his manner, which is, at the same time, characterised by energy and 
 great determination. He is tall, well and proportionately built, fair of 
 complexion, clean shaven, somewhat dressy, and appears on the right 
 side of fifty. On rising to speak, the reception that awaited him was 
 very cordial. A great deal was expected of him, but he was fully equal 
 to the occasion and the most ardent expectations. He spoke for a con- 
 siderable time ; his manner and voice were charming, and his articulation 
 perfect. Every word of his was listened to with rapt attention, and 
 carefully treasured. His remarks, to be sure, were not punctuated witli 
 the ringing plaudits accorded to some of the previous speakers. I3ut 
 it was easy to see that every utterance was having effect ; and somehow, 
 while the audience was carried away with his eloquence, and convinced 
 by l.is reasoning, he inspired a respect which prevented those uproarious 
 outbursts so usual on this and such like occasions. Mr. Blake certainly 
 is one to inspire respect ; he is a born statesman, and just such a one as 
 one would expect to be the leader of a great party. 
 
 Now that the historic Irish Race Convention is over it remains to 
 be seen what good has l)een effected, and if the real object for wiiirli 
 it was convened has been attained, that of uniting all sections f)f 
 Nationalists in this country. Let it be explained away as may seem 
 best, there are undoubtedly three contending sections. There are the 
 followers of Mr. Dillon, the followers of Mr. Healy, and again those of 
 Mr. Ke.Imond. The foreign delegates seemed to think some one 
 common platform could be easily constructed on which tlie three 
 divisions might meet in fellowship, sinking all past differences in the 
 interest of the community. This idea pervaded many of their speeches, 
 and they appeared to think, moreover, it wa.s only necessary to give 
 a word of friendly advice and encouragement to bring about the happy 
 result. But there were points of difference which the casual visitor 
 could not detect. There are still comparatively few signs of reconcilia- 
 tion. The priests and people are often in opposite camps. Bishops and 
 their priests sometimes hold different views. Only a few Irish bishops 
 have publicly expressed their opinion, however, and owing 10 the 
 latest development it is not likely any others will interfere until they 
 are called upon to effect a conciliation. The suggestion that the ques- 
 tions in dispute should be placed before the Cardinal Archbishop of 
 Armagh, and some other members of the Irish hierarchy has been 
 received by the people with much favour. The fund lately ' lugrated 
 by Rev. Matthew Ryan on behalf of Mr. Healy and those \ support 
 his policy, and which has been assisted by so many among the most 
 
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 V • » 
 
 392 
 
 IRISH RACE CONVENTION. 
 
 influential of the Irish priesthood, goes to show that something must be 
 done soon to effect a settlement. There are, notwithstanding, many of 
 opinion that this new phase makes very little real difference in the state 
 of affairs, and that both funds may be permitted to have their course, 
 and that even if the new fund outstrips the other, there 
 should be no very significant consequences. All sides, whenever the 
 time comes, will uphold the interests of Ireland. This is well enough, 
 but in the eyes of the nations, these divisions turn the Irish name into 
 ridicule, and afford ample arguments to the enemies of Home Rule 
 in the British House of Commons. 
 
 The Irish Race Convention has certainly not put an end to dis- 
 sension. But it has had the effect of arousing public feeling and 
 symjjathy, which had grown lethargic. Everybody can see there is now 
 no question of Home Rule, and all side issues h.ave come to be 
 regarded as commonplace. In the circumstances, nohody could make 
 any more of the situation than Mr. Dillon ; and if he retired to-morrow, 
 now that Mr. Sexton refuses to have further concern with the cause, 
 it would bo difficult to see who could fill his place so satisfactorily. 
 Since the common enemy has become- too bulky and powerful to war 
 with, and as the effort would be a hopeless one, Irishmen have directed 
 their energies one against another. This conrlition of things is likely 
 to continue for some time to come, especially as the Irish priesthood 
 is so divided. At th' Ijeginning of the present struggles, the Irish 
 hierarchy and priests preferred not to interfere directly in the politics 
 of the country ; but they were dragged into it, and the people besought 
 them to espouse their cause, so much so, that such as did not render 
 tliem the political sympathy and help they claimed, were regarded as 
 taking sides with the British Government, its coercion and unjust laws. 
 Entering on public life, eventually, they came to be regarded as public 
 men, and their public actions and motives were criticised accordingly. 
 It is most remarkable that the individuals who were foremost in 
 dragging the priests from behini' tiie sanctuary were the first, in many 
 cases, to tell them they might go whence they came, and their ser\-ires 
 were no longer required. This estrangement, however, wa.s, at the 
 worst, only partial. It 's difficult indeed at the present time to know 
 which leader to follow, and whose policy is best, considering that 
 members of the same family are divided, that priests and people are 
 divided, and bishops and their priests. Mr. John Dillon claims to be 
 the legitimate leader of the Irish cause, having been duly elected by 
 the majority of the Irish Parliamentary Party as their Chairman, and 
 this election having received the confirmation of the great Convention ; 
 and he has more than once shown a disposition to meet his opponents 
 half way, and make .sacrifices in the interests of peace, and to secure 
 that unity, which is indispensable to effect any important service to 
 Ireland. Nothing, I think, could be fairer or more disinterested than 
 his proposal at the Convention. "Let the Parnellites," he said, "and 
 let the Healyites, if such there be, although I am not aware that any 
 member of the Irish Party is prepared to go before his constituents and 
 declare himself a Healyite — it has been suggested th.at there arc thres 
 
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 -^^■i^ 
 
 REMINISCENCE'S OF THE CONVENTION. 393 
 
 parties in Ireland — let them assemble at any time tluiing the autumn 
 in Dublin and say: 'Stand aside, Dillon; stand aside, Redmond; 
 stand aside, Healy, and we will unite under another man.' Then I say 
 I am their man, and I shall he the first to sign a pledge, binding me 
 to loyally follow that united party." It is diftlcuit to see why the 
 Pamellites and Healyites did not accept the challenge, made, as it was, 
 face to face with the representatives of the Irish Race. 
 
 Inasmuch as some proposition of his, in reference to the Irish 
 Race Convention, was lost at a meeting of the Irish Parliamentary 
 Party, in preparation for that historic evi.-nt, Mr. Healy absented him- 
 self on the occasion of the great Convention, and so reconciliation was 
 impossible. Mr. John Redmond was also absent, but it was clear enough 
 from his utterances in the Independent newspaper he was watching 
 closely the current of events. Afr. Healy and his friends have shown 
 very little disposition to be reconciled. The Pamellites, however, ot 
 whom Mr. Redmond is the avowed head, have made a move in the 
 direction of peace and union. United Ireland, an organ of that 
 party, has given an article which is very hopeful and encouraging. It is 
 understood their resources are somewhat straightened. A short time ago 
 it was announced that their favourite meeting piace in Upper O'Connell 
 Street, Dublin, had passed into the hands of a Protestant body. 
 Whereupon the Frceman'x Jnurnnl waxed exceeding s.id, especially 
 on the further announcement that they thought of shi.cing to the 
 National Club. Reports have it the club is not in a thriving condition, 
 a thing for which the Freeman, as will be obser\'ed from the follow- 
 ing quotation, has much sympathy. "The story is told that ps Sheridan 
 was one night returning somewhat elated from dinner, he overtook a 
 boon companion, who, in a worse plight than himself, lay prone in the 
 mud of the roads. He implored assistance, and Sheridan, for an 
 instant oblivious of his own condition, tried to help him. He seized 
 him by the outstretched hand, and made three staggering attempts 
 to raise him from the ground, but all in vain. Then he recognised the 
 logic of the situation. ' My good friend,' he said, ' I cannot lift you 
 np, but I can lie down beside you.' " Needless to make the application. 
 Furthermore, it is gratifying, and augurs for unity, that Mr. Rerlmond 
 and Mr. Dillon so recently stood side by side on the same platform in 
 Tipperary on the amnesty question. But there is, on the whole, little 
 sign of an immediate and thorough conciliation. 
 
 The friends of Mr. Healy, who have started the opposition fund, 
 claim that their step is the first and best thing to enforce union. It is 
 difficult to see how it could effect this purpose. Indeed it is difficult 
 to know who., is the real policy of Mr. Healy, and what his friends are 
 wishing to secure for him. The question of appointing him chairman 
 of the Party, seems not to have been entertained on any side. There is 
 a feeling that the National Funds should be vested in trustees out- 
 side of the National Party, and that there should be more freedom 
 accorded the constituencies in selecting their candidates ; as also that 
 the Irish representatives should keep free of all English parties. 
 
 Meanwhile, although the Irish Race Convention has not yet 
 
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 -I 
 
 s--- > 
 
394 
 
 IRISH RACE CONVEyTION. 
 
 elTected that union among the various suctions of Irishmen that had 
 been hoped for at least in the fullest sense, still it is understood 
 that its consequences shall be far reaching, and its decisions must 
 eventually prevail. Its great principle was that minority should abide 
 by the decision of the majority of the Irish Party. Without this 
 principle it, would seem impossible to have any effective party, and 
 it would be hoi)eless to conduct a party acting in unity. No matter 
 what efforts are made to explain it away, the Convention was a memor- 
 able event, and never again would it be possible to bring together an 
 assembly so representative of Irish blood, except perhaps on the oc- 
 casion of opening the Home Rule Parliament in College Green, if 
 then. Differences it is true, still continue. But too much 
 is made of our squabbles. When we consider the terrible 
 scenes enacted during revolutions in other countries and the 
 fury of the populace in their efforts to bring about reforms not 
 half so much needed as in Ireland, we shall see that the conduct 
 of the people of this country, under the most provoking of 
 trials, is praiseworthy by comparison. We have the power and 
 influence of the English Press to contend with, which is about the best 
 equipped Press in the world, and loses no time to turn to account our 
 little differences, and hold us up to ridicule in the eyes of the nations. 
 But in spite of the grinning enemies of Ireland our rause goes on. 
 We look for help and sympathy to the Irish Race abroad, and their 
 friends, especially in America. .Sooner or later the national indepen- 
 fienre of this country must be accomplished. 
 
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'• But remember when you have completed your system of 
 impoverishment, that nature still proeeeds in her ordinary 
 course, that discontent will increase with misery." 
 
 — KuMUND Burke. 
 
 " There is no debt ivith so much prejudice put o_ff as 
 that of Justice."— Flvtaklh. 
 
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 7 
 
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Ibon. je&\vait) BlaUc, ni>.K>., 
 
 ON 
 
 ©vcvssXTayation of Jtclanb. 
 
 HOUSE OF COMMONS, z^th MARCH, 1897. 
 
 i 1 
 
 ■ 
 
 Hon. Edward Blake spoke as follows in support of 
 his motion — 
 
 "That in the oiiinion of this House the Report and I'rorcediiigs of 
 the Royal Commission on the Fmancial Relations of (Ircat Biiuiin anil 
 Ireland establish the existence of an undue burthen of taxation on 
 Ireland, -vliich constitutes a great grievance to all classes of the Irish 
 community, and makes it the duty of the Government to propose, at an 
 early day, remedial legislation." 
 
 Mr. Speaker, I rise to draw attention to the Report of 
 the Royal Commission on the Financial Relations between 
 Great Britain and Ireland, and to state tlie nature of the 
 Irish case made out by that Report. I am glad to acknow- 
 ledge that it has been favourably regarded in influential 
 quarters on both sides of the House. But I am not insen- 
 sible to the fact that there e.xists on the part of some 
 members an indisposition, perhaps I might say an aversion 
 to the discussion of Irish grievances ; some entertaining a 
 conviction that there is no use in spending more time over 
 Irish affairs, since, whatever is said or done, the people are 
 still unreasonably dissatisfied ; and others cherishing the 
 belief that Ireland is spoiled and favoured, rather than 
 wronged and neglected. I feel too that the argument must 
 be tedious, devoid of dramatic interest, full of wearisome 
 detail. And most of all am I deeply conscious of my own 
 inadequacy for the task which has been imposed upon me 
 
 
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 398 
 
 HON. EDWARD BLAKE, M.P. 
 
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 ^^<:::±i^ 
 
 nidfrcnce 
 
 between this 
 
 anil otiier 
 
 Irish 
 qucstiuns. 
 
 Therefore I very earnestly supplicate the kind iiuhilgenrc 
 of the I louse while I attempt to sustain the motion of which 
 I have given notice. 
 Sir, this differs from many former Irish questions. In those 
 there was not so much as in this a united 
 Ireland. In those the dominating British de- 
 legation often assumed to be impartial judges, 
 disinterested persons, deciding between con- 
 flicting Irish factions. The Chancellor of the 
 Exchequer said a while ago that in the discussion of this 
 matter " a judicial mind " was essential. And the voices of 
 the Irish Members are little regarded, because they are said 
 to be parties, and therefore not fit judges in the case. 
 
 But who, may I ask, are the other parties? If we be the 
 plaintiffs, who are the defendants ? You, the British mem- 
 bers I But your position is more powerful, and therefore 
 more invidious, than ours, We, even if happily united on 
 this question here as much as in Ireland, would be only 
 one-seventh of this magisterial bench. You can neutralise 
 us with near five hundred judges to spare. Thus, in the 
 decision, we are impotent ; you all-powerful. You, then, 
 are t/ie judges ; and we must plead with our adversaries to 
 give judgment against themselves. On what then can we 
 depend ? Whence cometh our hope ? We can rest only 
 on the security declared in 1800 by a great British Minister 
 to be adequate, when, speaking of this very contingency, 
 he said — 
 
 "But it has been said, 'What seniriiy can you give Ireland for the 
 performance of the conditions?' If I were asked what security were 
 necessary, without hesitation I would answer ' None.' The liberality, 
 the justice, the honour of the people of Great Britain have never yet 
 been found deficient." 
 
 It is for you who speak for Britain to-day to make good 
 Pitt's words of a century ago. 
 
 Sir, I will limit to the utmost my large demand upon 
 your patience. There are numerous questions, readily dis- 
 cussible ad nauseam, involving economical and statistical 
 problems, expert opinions, historical and legal views, 
 
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ON OVER-TAX ATTON OF IRELAND. -joo 
 
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 Population. 
 
 columns of fij^urcs. \\y expanding all these, and hy dilat- 
 ing upon the precise extent of the grievance and the 
 possible kinds of redress, it would bo easy to obscure or 
 sink the issue. I would gladly aim, if possible, rather at 
 broad outlines and general results, and in some matters 
 rely on expert authority ; but, after all, tedious details are 
 inevitable. 
 
 First let me ask the IIouso to consider the gravity of the 
 
 issue ; and let me emphasise it by a brief 
 
 Kconomic enumeration c f iome startling facts, new and 
 
 resiills (if 1 
 
 Drit.iin's rule old, Collected by the Commission. For almost a 
 since Union, ^^^^^y^^^ Britain has luled Ireland under the 
 Union. I ask British members to recall the economic con- 
 ditions of the two islands — the ruling and the ruled. They 
 should give pause before the dismissal of our plaint. 
 
 Take population. It is a great test, and involves a great 
 element of strength. At the beginning Ire- 
 land had five millions against a little over ten 
 millions in Britain. She has now four and a-half millions, 
 less by half a million, or lo per cent, of a loss in the century. 
 Britain has now thirty-four millions, having increased by 
 twenty-four millions, or 240 per cent. Had Ireland in- 
 creased proportionately she would have had over sixteen 
 millions ; her relative loss is eleven and a half millions. 
 She had half as many : she has little more than one-eighth 
 of Britain. But even this view is inadequate. Only half a 
 century ago Ireland had eight and a half millions. She lost 
 two millions directly and indirectly through the famine ; 
 and since then so many more that, after eliminating the 
 natural increase, her population has actually diminished by 
 four millions, or 47 per cent, in half a century, an absolutely 
 unexampled condition. Britain half a century ago had 
 twenty millions ; she has increased by fourteen millions, 
 or 70 per cent A proportionate Irish increase would 
 make an Irish population of over fourteen millions. Her 
 relative loss is near ten millions, or 70 per cent, in half a 
 century. 
 
 
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 400 
 
 HON. EDWARD BLAKE, M.P. 
 
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 of lIlC 
 
 people. 
 
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 Take next the condition of the people. Of this dread- 
 fully reduced population there arc large 
 Comliiion masses whose scale of existence is far below 
 that of the corresponding masses of Hritain ; 
 while Britain's increased numbers enjoy a 
 steady and rapid advance in the standard of comfort. 
 In Britain the scale of living and the margin available 
 for emergencies make famine unknown and 
 impossible. In Ireland the scale is so 
 low and the margin so narrow that even a single 
 bad crop tends in important areas to famine, necessitating 
 public aid. In 1879- 1880, in 1886, in 1891, in 1894, you 
 were obliged to pass Relief of Distress Acts for Ireland. 
 In England there is no Congested Districts Board. In 
 Ireland onc-si.xth of the country and near one-eighth of 
 the population are thus dealt with. The average Poor- 
 Law valuation of the area is £1 os. 2d. Many equally 
 poor districts are excluded from the Act. There is pain- 
 ful evidence of chronic penury and want in those parts ; 
 reports which, if they could be alleged of a British district, 
 would absolutely appal this House. 
 
 Britain imports from Ireland and abroad for her 
 masses vast quantities of the best foods, in 
 addition o what she raises. Ireland raises 
 great supplies of the best foods, which she is obliged 
 largely to export to Britain, and to replace by inferior 
 commodities, Indian corn and American bacon — the best 
 her poverty-stricken masses can afford to use. Ireland 
 is, in proportion to population, the fourth meat producer 
 in the world, but only the sixteenth meat consumer. For 
 England the conditions are reversed. She is the sixteenth 
 meat producer, but the fourth meat consumer. 
 The average Poor- Law valuation of all Ireland is under 
 £$, about equal to the poorest East London 
 union. The paupers of Ireland were per 
 1,000 in 1864, 52 ; of Britain, 49 ; nearly equal proportions, 
 in 1895 they were in Ireland 95, being nearly doubled ; for 
 
 Food. 
 
 Poverty. 
 
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 Auricullurc. 
 
 OX OVER-TAX ATIOX OF IRKI.AXh loi 
 
 Britain, 26, bcitiy almost halved. From equality tliey 
 have become near 4 lo i ; an increase, however, partly due 
 to the assimilation of the systems as to out-door relief, 
 limiijration has been drainiiii; from I'elaiui those in the 
 
 prime of life. The very youn^j and the very 
 comS. °''' remain. Thus the absolute and relative 
 
 efficiency of the population has been lowered. 
 Inferior conditions have produced other painful results. 
 The proportion of deaf-mutes is near one-third Iart;cr than 
 in Knt;land ; of blind, two-fifths ; of lunatics, one-third. 
 And, on the other hand, the proportion of births over 
 deaths is in Ireland less than half that in Britain. 
 
 Take manufactures and agriculture. Irish manufactures 
 
 have largely declined. While between 1841 
 Manufactiircj and 1 89 1 the wholc population decreased 
 
 43 per cent., the manufacturing population 
 
 decreased 61 per cent. Now only 27 per 
 cent, of the Irish population is urban. In the same time 
 the manufactures of Britain have immeasurably increased, 
 and now 71 per cent, of her population is urban. The 
 figures are about reversed. Thus, Ireland has become 
 more and more dependent upon the land ; 73 per cent, of 
 her people live in the country, and 64 per cent, arc directly 
 dependent upon agriculture. It follows that she has 
 suffered enormously, absolutely and relatively, by the fall 
 in prices, accentuated by the loss of local town markets ; 
 and her gross and net returns from agriculture have been 
 very greatly reduced, involving the loss of a large propor- 
 tion of her yearly resources. Britain has become more 
 and more independent of agriculture. Under 29 per cent, 
 of her people are rural ; and therefore she has been less 
 affected as a country by the fall in prices ; while agricul- 
 ture itself has been helped by the wide-spreading urban 
 districts, which have turned large agricultural areas into 
 market gardens, and town supply-farms ; a process which 
 ought to be much accelerated. 
 
 3t 
 
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r 
 
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 ST. PATIUCK STIIEET, DUUI-IN. 
 
 (■"',■■ 
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 "o^ji,;^ 
 
I 
 
 I 
 
 o.v (jyi:n.TA.\ATi(ix of ini:i..\sh. .(o,? 
 
 Commcrci', 
 
 Resources. 
 
 Take commerce. Ireland has hardly any foreinn com- 
 merce or invcstinnUs, and a l.ir^^c [larl of her 
 yearly income is tliained away by ab.senlec 
 landlords and inort(jat,'ees, Britain is still the yreat 
 manufacturer, merchant, carrier, and lender of the world, 
 whose wealth she drains. Thou^'h Irelanil still has a 
 population of between one-seventh ami one-ei^;hth of 
 Hritain's, the number of her railway passen<jers is but one- 
 thirty-seventh; of tons of railway frcif^ht, f)ne-seventi<;th; of 
 telegrams, Qnc-Ci);hteenth, and of money and puntal orders, 
 oiic-ninctecnth — facts which prove her comparative sbiy- 
 nation. 
 
 Take resources. Sir Robert Giffen's conclusion is that, 
 taking into account all circumstances, the 
 incomes of the wage-earning classes in Ire- 
 land arc, man for man, little more than half those of Groat 
 Britain. The gross income or yearly resources of Ireland 
 are estimated too highly at 70 millions ; those of Britain 
 too low at 1,400 millions, or twenty-fold. The capital of 
 Ireland was reckoned in 18 12 at 563 millions, or over one- 
 third that of Britain, which was 1,500 millions. Ireland is 
 thought now to have 400 millions, or near one-third re- 
 duction, and Britain over 10,000 millions, or over seven- 
 fold increase. Ireland has gone down relatively from over 
 one-third to under one-twenty-fifth. 
 
 Sir, these comparisons might be easily multiplied and 
 cnlaiged upon, but the bald statements prove 
 '^wul'tl' ^^^^ ^^'^ conditions of the two islands you 
 govern are wholly different and increasingly 
 diverging in the extent of their resources, in the kinds of 
 their resources, and in their economic circumstances and 
 interests. They show that your rule has advanced your- 
 selves, but failed to prosper her. They prove that her 
 situation demands the just and generous consideration of 
 the rich and powerful rulers of the weak and poor island 
 whose destinies you control. 
 
 ' ••, ■' I 
 
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 ('f^ 
 
 :^a5.4 
 
 y 
 
 '\^'' 
 
i 
 
 ( 
 
 
 404 
 
 11 ox. EDM'ARD BLAKE, M.P. 
 
 Maximum 
 ,.„amate of 
 Kclalivc Tax- 
 able Capacity. 
 Report. 
 
 > I \aX inc add ihis one contrasting fact — that on wliich our 
 
 present claim is founded. Tiie one great 
 
 The one con- point in whicli Britain exliibits a decline and 
 
 ''Taxation. Ireland an advance is in the scale of taxation! 
 
 In Ireland the taxes on commodities which 
 
 strike the masses, were per head, in 1790, 4s. ; in 1820, lis. ; 
 
 in 1894, 22s. — they were doubled. In Britain they were, 
 
 in 1820, 48s. ; in 1894, 24s. — they were halved. The Irish 
 
 taxes which had been under one-fourth have become almost 
 
 equal, notwithstanding the relative poverty of the country. 
 
 Sir, n ay I deal, before considering our rights under the 
 
 Union Act, with cne cardinal point of 
 
 economic fact ; the relative taxable capacity 
 
 of the two islands, as contrasted with their 
 
 actual taxation. For the purposes of this 
 
 debate it is enough to show the maximum 
 
 estimate of Ireland's relative capacity, reached by any one 
 
 of twelve out of thirteen commissioners The Joint Report 
 
 finds that — 
 
 " While the actual tax revenue of Ireland is about one-eleventh of 
 that of Britain, the relative taxable capacity of Ireland is very much 
 smaller, and is not estimated by any of us to exceed one-twentieth." 
 
 This conclusion was reached after two years' examina- 
 tion and consideration by eminent experts, 
 oflirS financiers, statisticians, and Treasury officials. 
 section of Lgj: me, because of the imputation of bias, 
 
 Commission. , ,,,,.. , .1 1 
 
 leave out all the Irish members, though some 
 of them, at any rate, ought to count in this question. Let 
 me consider the British members only, who also, by the 
 same reasoning, may have been unconsciously biassed 
 against us. It was reached substantially by Mr. Childers, the 
 first chairman, a distinguished economist and financier, an 
 ey-Chancellor of the Exchequer, a man retired from party 
 politics, who devoted the last years of his life to this great 
 public service, in the discharge of which he died. It was 
 i-eached by Lords Farrer and Welby, who had filled the 
 L.o..est posts in the British Treasury, and in the Board of 
 
 :^'U^ 
 
 I 
 
 V 
 
 J 
 
 J 
 
 / 
 
 ( 
 
ox OVER-TAXATION OF IRKf.AXn 405 
 
 •N 
 
 Trade — posts demanding' and developing the qualities 
 most required for the work ; and whose public services 
 had been rewarded by scats in the Upper Chamber, whicii 
 was honoured and strengthened by their accession to its 
 ranks. It was reached by the late Mr. Currie, a man of 
 the highest reputation in these walks, who had proved his 
 powers in other posts ; and by Professor Hunter, a late 
 colleague of ours, whose brain-power, knowledge, and 
 industry are well-known here. It was reached substan- 
 tially by Sir David Barbour, dissentient on other grounds, 
 whose distinguished career abroad may, perhaps, permit 
 him to be admitted as impartial, though marked by Irish, 
 birth. There remains just one British member ; perhaps the 
 Chancellor of the Exchequer would say f//e just one — a col- 
 league of ours who does not give assent, proceeding on other 
 lines, but, not as I understand, negativing the conclusion. 
 It has indeed been said that even these British members 
 arc tainted, too, because they are favourers of Home liule. 
 But this is not now a question, though you may make it 
 one, of Home Rule. The claim to Home Rule is made on 
 other grounds. It is an absurd contention (as has been 
 shown by the hon. member for Plymouth, whose sympa- 
 thetic treatment of our case I gladly acknowledge) that 
 such opinions could vitiate their judgment on this economic 
 question. Then you must, as I submit, give great weight 
 to the conclusions of that body of men, experts, but of like 
 passions with ours, and subject to the same infirmities, 
 who have yet found against themselves and you. It was 
 reached on the evidence of Sir Robert Giffen and Sir 
 Edward Hamilton, and others, great British public ser- 
 vants — the one the able head of the Treasury and the 
 other an economist and statistician of eminent repute, 
 heightened by his display on this occasion. It was reached 
 after collecting, weighing, and sifting all information sug- 
 gested from every quarter, and valuing and applying all 
 tests — population, '"mports and exports, consumption of 
 duty-paid goods, consuiiiption of commodities of oriiriary 
 
 
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 ' V 
 
 •V 
 
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 K'-i 
 
 'm 
 
 406 
 
 HOX. EDWARD BLAKE, M.P. 
 
 use, assessment of death duties, assessment of income tax, 
 other incomes and wages, yearly wealth, aggregate pro- 
 duction, capital, comparative progress of capacity, relative 
 effects of fiscal policy, and so on, with statistical facts too 
 numerous to name. 
 
 It was reached after examination of the principles of 
 
 taxation and their application, including some 
 '^''"'hitir ""' ^"f^^^^ made a serious difference amongst us, 
 
 mainly because some of us thought that the 
 gross income was relatively smaller, and that a larger 
 application was needed of the principles of equality of 
 sacrifice, of deduction of a subsistence allowance, and of 
 the relative taxable weakness of a poor as compared with 
 a wealthy country. Some of us believed, and now believe, 
 tliat a just application of these principles would show the 
 Irish relative capacity much less, and her taxable surplus 
 almost exhausted, while the British is hardly touched 
 Wc saw an Irish surplus over living allowance of perhaps 
 fifteen millions mainly abstracted by taxation, and a 
 British surplus of perhaps eleven hundred millions less 
 than tithed by t,axation. We saw the Irish relative taxable 
 capacity steadily diminishing. We thought, in accordance 
 with Sir Robert Giffen, that a far lower proportion would 
 be true, and also that a maximum contribution should be 
 fixed so as to meet the proved danger of excessively in- 
 creased expenditure. I quite agree that a rigorous appli- 
 cation of these figures and principles is not to be hoped 
 for yet. It still is true that — 
 
 " To him that hath shall be given, and he shall have more abun- 
 dantly ; and from him that hath not shall be taken away even that 
 which he hath." 
 
 But a nearer approach should be made ; and I hope some 
 day to maintain this view in this place. Meantime, I ask 
 you to remember that this is stated only as a maximum. 
 Sir Edward Hamilton himself, towards the close of the in- 
 quiry, put the relation of resources as one twenty-second 
 apart, as I understand, from the question of subsistence 
 
 
 \ • 
 
 \j 
 
 > 
 
1 1 
 
 Enormous 
 
 Over- 
 Taxation 
 proved. 
 
 Oy OVEB-TAXATrOX OF I RELAX D. 407 
 
 allowance, and Lord Farrcr has lately, in another place, 
 declared his conviction to be that the maximum named is 
 too high. For my present purpose, this is enough and 
 more than enough. It so far proves a grcit 
 disproportion — so far establishes a substantial 
 grievance — so far calls for a remedy. I would 
 only ask you to remember that the contribu- 
 tion of Ireland is between one-eleventh and one-twelfth, or 
 nearly twice her maximum relative taxable capacity, and 
 thus reaches a minimum excess of two and three-quarter 
 millions. As 1 have said, on the question of precise degree 
 the Commission was divided. All the facts and arguments 
 arc now before the Government, which should propose a de- 
 cision to be settled some other day on broad lines by I'ar- 
 liamentary adjustment and compromise. I cannot then 
 accept this as the just estimate ; I ask you to accept it only 
 as a maximum. Indeed, I am not sure that this proposi- 
 tion is now c"'sputed. It takes me only part of the way in 
 my argument ; but I strongly argue that by itself it creates 
 an urgent case for relief on the grounds of fair play and 
 generous consideration due from the strong to the weak. 
 But, sir, the case of Ireland stands higher. It stands 
 upon treaty and justice, equity and right. 
 Ireland has been found by the Commission 
 entitled to separate consideration as a fiscal 
 entity in this question of contribution ; and 
 the finding is of weight. This is, however, not a question 
 especially for experts. It is based on historical, legal, and 
 equitable considerations, peculiarly for the final decision o( 
 this House, and I must ask your patience while I briefly 
 state its grounds. 
 
 In 1782, Ireland had partly emerged from that condition 
 
 of servitude as to her trade and manufactures 
 
 i78rto'^^i8oo. described in 1785 in wounding words by Pitt, 
 
 adding " Ireland had been made completely 
 
 subservient to the interests and opulence of 
 
 Great Britain ;" and further, " Such a system, however 
 
 I' 
 
 True l),isis of 
 
 Iruhiml's Case. 
 
 Report. 
 
 Graltan's 
 Parliament. 
 
 I I 
 
 
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 IN 
 
 C 
 
 U:, cA\ 
 
 L 
 
 TUMULUS AT NEW GKANGE, CO. LOUTll, 
 
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 I 
 
 ON OVEli-TAXATIOX OF Uih'LAMi. 409 
 
 necessary it might be to tiic partial benefit of districts in 
 Hritain, promoted not tlic real strength and prosperity of 
 the iMiipirc." From 1782 to 1800 Ireland had a measure 
 of independence, though under a defective constitution. 
 During the first ten years there was peace. The country, 
 though poor, was improving ; manufactures, productions, 
 and c.v-ports expanded ; the establishments were moderate; 
 the taxation was one million, equal to 4s. a head, all on 
 con.sumption ; and it met the expenditure. Then came 
 the French war, followed by the Rebellion, after which 
 a large army was planted on the country during the 
 negotiations for the Union. These calamities had, by 
 1800, rai.sed the taxation to two and a-half millions, 
 or los. a head. There was a deficiency of over sixteen 
 millions — ten millions for the war ; six millions for the 
 Rebellion and armed occupation. To meet this a debt of 
 twenty-eight millions had been created, the charge for 
 which was one and a-quarter millions. This condition 
 was, of course, abnormal and temporary. The taxation 
 of Britain at the same time, of which two-thirds was 
 upon consumption, was ^3 a head, or six-fold that of 
 Ireland. 
 
 Then came the proposals for Union. They excited 
 alarm at the danger of over-taxation of Ire- 
 land. Speaker Foster, and other Irish mem- 
 bers, in language which sounds prophetic now, 
 anticipated the sad future. These alarms it 
 was necessary to soothe. 
 
 There was no pretence that Ireland was able to bear 
 the British rate of taxation. Her absolute 
 and relative poverty was acknowledged, and 
 calculations were made professing to show 
 the relative resources and to fix the just pro- 
 portion of contribution of each country to the 
 common burden to be assumed by the United Kingdom. 
 The bases were unsound, narrow, defective, now exploded ; 
 and, besides, they included some unfit Irish, and excluded 
 
 5'- 
 
 iSoo. 
 
 Union 
 
 Proposals. 
 
 Urilish 
 Acknowledg- 
 ments in 
 Union De- 
 b.ites' (Juota 
 System. 
 
 A 
 
 J 
 
 ]. 
 
 1^^ ^^ 
 
" It were a consummation much to be wished that the finances nf 
 both countries were so nearly alike that the systems of both could be 
 identified. Hut as, from the difierent proportions of debt, different 
 stages of civilisation and commerce, and the diflferent wealth of the 
 nations, that desirable object is rendered impracticable for some time 
 to come," 
 
 And so on. Thus there was a clear acknowledgment of 
 the elements of our case — the materiality of 
 the differences in civilisation, commerce, and 
 wealth of the nations. The liriti-sh professions 
 were all against any increase of Irish burdens. Pitt as- 
 sured the House — 
 
 Pitt's 
 professions. 
 
 "That the Union was not sought from a pecuniary motive;" 
 " it must infuse a large portion of wealth into Ireland, and supply 
 its want of industry and capital ; " " there was no ground for the 
 apprehension that liritain would tax Ireland more heavily," " or that 
 Ireland would be subject to an increase of taxes or to a load of debt ;" 
 "the contribution to be imposed on Ireland would not be greater 
 (han her own present necessary expenses ; " " Ireland would continue 
 to contribute in its accustomed proportion;" and that "one of the 
 
 
 410 
 
 HON. EDWARD ULAKE, Ml' 
 
 I f 
 
 some proper British elements of calculation. The result 
 was an erroneous estimate of relative taxable capacity of 
 two to fifteen. Mark that the population was one to two; 
 the quota, one to seven and a-half. The justice of the esti- 
 mate was disputed. The Irish Lords protested, calculating 
 that one to eighteen or twenty was the truth ; and they 
 were justified by the event. The principle of proportionate 
 contribution was sound ; but its application was false, and 
 its results were ruinous. 
 
 It was thought possible that a change might be made later 
 allowing equal and indiscriminate ta.xation, 
 subject to abatements and exemptions for 
 Ireland. The main difficulty present to 
 men's minds was the debt. Apparently the 
 promoters contended that the leading end, namely — 
 contribution according to resources — could be accom- 
 plished by the alternative arrangement. But it is clear 
 that this was not absolutely held, for in April, 1800, Pitt 
 said — 
 
 Indiscrimi- 
 
 tiale 
 
 Tax.iiion 
 
 system. 
 
 (■ 
 
 ,_..i) 
 
ON UVER-TAXATIUN OF lUKLASt). 
 
 4 If 
 
 Abatements 
 
 nnd 
 Exemptions. 
 
 objects of the Act was to ensure that Ireland should never be taxed 
 but in proportion as we tax ourselves." 
 
 Viscount CastlcreaRh in the Irish House said 
 
 ^rofessTons? ^^^ '^^'"c. Hc stated that tlie plan of 
 revision — 
 
 " Gave to Ireland the utninst possible security that she could rot be 
 taxed lieyond the measure of her coinp.irative ability, and the ratio of 
 her contribution must ever correspond with her relative wealth and 
 prosperity." 
 
 He, however, suggested that if indi.scriminate taxation 
 were adopted it would have this effect, saying that — 
 
 " liy no means whatsoever could the kingdoms be made to con- 
 tribute so strictly according; to their means as bcin^ subject to the same 
 taxes, equally bearing on the great objects of taxation in both coun- 
 tries." 
 
 Thus this suggestion was not to defeat but 
 to maintain the principle of proportionate con- 
 tribution of the two countries, and, therefore, 
 it was coupled with appropriate security, 
 being made — 
 
 " .Subject to abatements and exemptions in Ireland and Scotland, 
 ivhich circumstances might from time to time demand." 
 
 On this provision, Castlereagh said — 
 
 "While Ireland is thus secured against any injustice in substituting 
 a system of common taxes in lieu of proportionate contribution, the 
 Union Parliament will always be able to make abatements in Ireland, 
 as the Parliament of Great Britain has always done in Scotland since 
 thu Union, when from local circumstances the high duty cannot be 
 levied without either rendering the revenue unproductive or pressing 
 too hard upon the poorer classes." 
 
 Mark these words. They explode the idea that the coin- 
 parative poverty of the poorer classes in 
 Ireland is to be ignored. It is to be recog- 
 nised. The individuality of the country, 
 the separate entity, so to speak, is in this 
 respect, maintained. And indeed it is absurd to argue 
 that a country full of contrasts with Britain in all respects, 
 for which you are every day legislating separately, whose 
 whole body of law is different from yours, should be in this 
 
 Ireland i, 
 
 Sep.iralc lax 
 
 able entity 
 
 alwiiys. 
 
 
 ■i . '■ } 
 
 
,y 
 
 ^'l^'- 
 
 413 
 
 ^U" 
 
 HON. EDWARD BLAKE, M.V. 
 
 matter, in which also its distinctions arc fundamental, 
 recognised and iiiLrcasing, treated as one witii you. 
 
 Pitt, indeed, could not decline to recognise the rule 
 we invoke as between a poor and a rich 
 country, for in 1785 he said, tis to these two 
 islands — 
 
 Hiilisistencc 
 Allowance . 
 
 "The smallest burden on ;i poor coiinliy was lo be considered v hen 
 compared with those of a rich one, 1)y no ineaps in proporiiun to tue 
 several abilities, for if one country exceeded another in wealth, popu- 
 lation and established commerce, even in a proportion of two to one, 
 he was nearly convinced that th;U country would be able to bear near 
 ten times the burden that the other wouUI be e(pial 10." 
 
 The reason is that in order to pay taxes we must live ; 
 and that therefore a subsistence allowance must be made ; 
 and even the margin after that allowance cannot be 
 heavily touched without disaster. Some cconoinists think 
 that fifteen per cent, is t'-e extreme point on an average ; 
 and, of course, the narrower the margin, the sooner the 
 extreme point would be reached. These considerations 
 show that it was intended to secure and maintain a due 
 recognition of the inferior capacity of Ireland, as a country, 
 so long as that inferiority existed ; first by the creation 
 and revision of the quota ; and later, if the other plan were 
 adopted, by due consideration in the !cv)-ing, and due 
 exemptions and abatements from the taxes. 
 
 If, then, it be possible so to read the Act it ought to be 
 so read. Sir, it is not only possible but in- 
 evitable. Look at the Union Act, as quoted 
 in Mr. Childers' Report. The seventh arti- 
 cle, after providing separately for the debt, 
 enacts — 
 
 "That for twenty years the contribution of Britain and Ireland 
 respectively towards the expenditure of the United Kingdom shall be 
 defrayed in the proportion of fifteen parts for liritain and two parts for 
 Irchnd; and at the expiration of twenty years the future expenditure 
 of the United Kingdom shall be defrayed in such proportion as 
 Parliament shall deem just and reasonable — (i) on comparison of 
 imports and exports; (2) on comparison of consumption of beer, 
 spirits, sugar, wine, tea, tobacco, and malt ; (3) or according to the 
 aggregate proportion of both the above comparisons ; (4) or on com- 
 
 Union Act : 
 
 Taxation by 
 
 Quota. 
 
 (^ 
 
z^- 
 
 ox (iVIUt-TAXATloX OF IUhLAXP. 
 
 »'.? 
 
 \ 
 
 f>: 
 
 / ' 
 
 pjirisnn of iiirDiiu', in cnsc a ki'iui.iI like income lax was cstahlislied. 
 riic rarliamtiit was afteiwanls in imikcciI in likuinaniHTto revi-ic and 
 fix tiic proportion of liiirdciis at nitcrvals of Irotn twenty to seven years, 
 and the fixed proportion was to be raised in eath teiinliy by such 
 taxation in that country as I'arlianient deemed (it." 
 
 So far all is quota ; and all is clear. Then tlic Act pro- 
 vldes that — 
 
 "(I) If, at any future day, the separate debt of eaih 
 
 I'nion Art ; country be hquidated or reach eipial proportions, and 
 
 Indiscrinilii.ile (2) if it shall ajipcar to I'arlianient that the respective 
 
 Taxation. circumstances of the two cour.tries will thenceforth 
 
 admit of their contributing indiscriminately by e(pial 
 
 taxes imposed on the same articles in eacli, to the future expenditure 
 
 of the United Kingdom, it shall be competent to rarliamcnt to declare 
 
 that all future expenditure and the ilebt charge shall be so dcfr.iyeil 
 
 indiscriminately .and by eipial taxes imposed on the same articles in 
 
 each country ; and thenceforth from time to time, as circumstances may 
 
 require, to impose and apply such taxes accordingly, subject only to 
 
 such abatements and exemptions in Ireland and in that p.irt of (Ireat 
 
 Ihitain called bcolland, as tircuinstantes m.iy appear from time to tune 
 
 to demand." 
 
 Note that it wa.s not on the sole condition of the attain- 
 ment of the quota by the debt, but also on the 
 determination of I'arliament that "the circum- 
 stances of the two countries would admit of it," 
 that the change could take place. And thus, 
 even thereafter, the principle of regulating the 
 contribution by national circumstances remained. Note 
 again that even if the change did take effect, yet the im- 
 position of equal taxes on the same articles was subject in 
 Ireland, though not in any English county, to abatements 
 and exemptions. It was recognised therefore that the plan 
 might not produce the stipulated result, which was still 
 intended, of contribution according to ability ; and a 
 remedy was provided for all time. I implore you not to 
 minimise that remedy I This safeguard against national 
 injustice under the indiscriminate system was designed to 
 preserve to Ireland substantially the same immunities. 
 Docs anyone pretend that it was designed that her con- 
 dition should be injuriously affected by the later change? 
 Could the Act of Union have been carried on any such 
 suggestion ? 
 
 The principle 
 
 ofcDinparalive 
 
 National 
 
 Capacity 
 
 continues still. 
 
 1 i \ 
 
 
 -\ 
 
 /•-v 
 
 '-Tr^ 
 
~VI 
 
 ^- 
 
 !li 
 
 414 
 
 7/O.V. EDWAliD BLAKE, M.V. 
 
 Result. 
 
 Ireland is not placed in the position of an English 
 
 county. You ask why should not Wiltshire 
 
 IrilaiKl iKit or liast London complain. Sonic answers 
 nil I'.iinlisli Ti u ^1 ii 1 
 
 coumy. arc — flicy have not our clause : they have no 
 
 distinctive position : they arc protected as 
 parts of the ruling island. 
 
 It is thus clear that Ireland has always been entitled to 
 
 claim that she should be taxed by the United 
 
 Kingdom Parliament only in substantial pro- 
 portion to her relative taxable capacity, and it is clear 
 also that, regard being had to that relative capacity, she 
 has heen overtaxed by this Parliament. 
 
 Well, Sir, one would say the question is ended ! Hut it 
 
 is now argued that this is only half the issue ; 
 
 I'roposcd that there is a question of the application of 
 
 Expenditure. United Kingdom taxation ; that it is to be 
 
 divided into four sets of estimates ; one for 
 England, one for Scotland, one for Ireland, and one for the 
 United Kingdom ; that the contribution of each of the three 
 countries is to be charged first with its own estimate ; that 
 the obligation to proportionate contribution applies only to 
 the newly proposed United Kingdom estimate ; and there- 
 fore that it is only in respect to the balance available for 
 this new and separate estimate that any question of over- 
 taxation can arise. It is to the recognition and applica- 
 tion of this new principle that the proposed Commission is 
 mainly directed ; and against that proposal we protest. 
 The First Lord of the Treasury said at Manchester, on 
 
 the eve of the session, that those who argue 
 at'^Manclicstcr ^^^^ Ireland's capacity is one-twenty-first are, 
 
 necessarily committed to the view that she 
 should pay one-twenty-first to what he is pleased to call 
 Imperial objects; and he argued that the expenditure of the 
 Imperial Parliament is to be divided into three amounts — 
 one to be debited to Britain, one to Ireland, and one to re- 
 main as the true Imperial Budget, in respect of which latter 
 alone, no matter what the results ot the other accounts 
 
 .„^„ 
 
 " I 
 
 / 
 

 p 
 
 H 
 
 B 
 
 : I 
 
 f' 
 
 .\. 
 
 \) 
 
 '^V^' 
 
1 ..— 
 
 .,.6 
 
 HON. EDWARD ULAKE, M.P. 
 
 Tlir Union 
 
 Act nllowH iKi 
 
 ilivisiiiri of 
 
 Kxpcn>liturc. 
 
 luT taxable pnipurtion is to be paid by Ireland. This he 
 called "clear and lo^jical " ; and he declared that the result 
 of this method would be to show that Ireland was not over- 
 tixed, but under-taxed by the present system. And it is 
 to establish this result that he intends the new Commission. 
 Sir, I will show later the circumstances under which 
 this novel anu schismatical doctrine was pro- 
 niulfjated, anil is now advaii< ■ d, and its ex- 
 traordinary, far-reachinf(, and separatist con- 
 sc(iuencos, wholly opposed to the pcncral 
 conception of Unionist policy. And I will then deal 
 with certain exceptional provisions which demand 
 separate consideration. At present I deal with the con- 
 tention only in its general aspect and on the basis of 
 the treaty, in order to relieve the House from recurrence to 
 that fimdaniental instrument. Now, what support docs 
 ihc {jencral contention derive from this, the only effective 
 (piarter ? None I Absolutely none ! The im.ity rightly 
 rcijards all expenditure by the Farliam'- , of the United 
 Kingdom as United Kingdom ' 
 that all expenditure d' ""idod 
 its view required, wb 
 regard to the loc 
 total, to be con 
 its relative tav ' .pacity. 
 
 which Britain Imv in overwl iming majority, had power 
 to fix the objects ;uid the ale of expendittire. Ireland 
 could not lay burdens on Britain, or vote hers* f one 
 necessary shilling. ]3ritai could lay bui mis on 1 land, 
 and could refuse to vote lier an unnecessary -shilli' The 
 dread of Ireland was that she might be ovcr-t 
 under-supplied ; and the Treaty was framed to 
 apprehension. You may say — "What! is Hritain to 
 Ireland to spend?" Not so. The United Kingd 
 expend on objects which pra tically the British majority 
 decides arc proper, in whatever part of the kingdom the 
 expenditure may take place, and to whatever extent Par- 
 
 iditure. Its hisis is 
 
 ^^'^ '' irlian cnt, as in 
 
 lature, without 
 
 shall form otic 
 
 iry according to 
 
 Li ted Parliament, in 
 
 and 
 
 ■t this 
 
 y and 
 
 in is to 
 
 •^ir 
 
 V 
 
 k 
 
 / 
 
) 
 
 ON OVER.TAXATWN OF IRKI.AND. 
 
 t'7 
 
 ? 
 
 )o 
 
 liamcnt may think necessary. Ami, to the aRnrcRatc 
 expenditure so settled, each country is to contribute in 
 proportion to its capacity. Hut you, the Unionists, arc 
 now nrtjiiinK that the expenditure is in effect federal, and 
 must be subject to separate accounts I 
 
 Let me recur to the Treaty to demonstrate the truth. 
 
 It contains one, and but one, provisimi for 
 
 pro vu" mi^'^for ■'*ci>ai'atc Contribution by each country, namely, 
 
 Expendliuio. to the debt charge ; and this was istal)li>hed 
 
 In justice to Ireland, because her debt was so 
 
 much lifjhtcr that to consolidate the debt would have 
 
 involved a disproportionate burden. lUit this txct-ptinn 
 
 from the general rule marks more clearly, in reason and 
 
 in law, that in all other matters there was to be no separate 
 
 accounting. It goes on to provide for the defrayal of the 
 
 " Kxpcmlitiire of tlic Unitrd Kin^;ll()Ml" 
 
 in the quota proportions, and for the defraj'al, after twenty 
 years, of— 
 
 "the future ex|)cn(litiire of tlie United Kinjjdom (other ih.in the 
 interest and charge of tlic debt to which cither country shall Ic 
 separately liable)" 
 
 in proportions to be ascertained as provided. Thus the 
 whole expenditure of the United Kingdom, apart from 
 the debt charges, was so to be defrayed. But the Act lays 
 down that — 
 
 " For defraying the s.iid expenditure, according to the rules above 
 laid down, the revenues of Ireland shall hfreafter constitute a consoli- 
 dated fund which shall be charged in the (irst instance with the interest 
 and sinking fund of the debt of Ireland, and the remainder shall In- 
 applied towards defraying the proportion of the expenditure of the 
 United Kingdotn to which Ireland may be li.ible in c.ich year." 
 
 It provides that the i)roportion of the contribution to 
 which Britain and Ireland would be liable shall be raised 
 by such taxes in each country as the Parliament of the 
 United Kingdom shall determine, with a provision against 
 certain increases in Irish duties. It then enacts that — 
 
 " If at the end of any year any surplus shall accrue from the revenues 
 of Ireland, after defraying the mtcrest and sinking fund and the pro- 
 
 3" 
 
 
 VJ 
 
{■^- 
 
 A ■ 
 
 
 4t8 
 
 1[0N. EDWARD BLAKE, M.P. 
 
 portion of the contributions and scpnr.ite charges to which Ireland 
 shall then be liable, taxes shall be taken off to the amount of such 
 surplus, or the surplus shall be applied by the Parliament of the United 
 Kin},'dom to local purposes in Ireland, or to make yood any deficiency 
 in the Irish revenue m time of peace, or to be invested to accumulate 
 for the benefit of Ireland in time of war.'' 
 
 It is thus clearly shown by the specific appropriation of 
 the whole revenues of Ireland that there is no place what- 
 ever for the proposed plan. Every shilling to be raised 
 from her is appropriated ; and no possibility exists of such 
 an application as is now suggested. Again, the House will 
 remark the provision for the application of a surplus to 
 local purposes in Ireland. It is not every expenditure in 
 Ireland that is local; the place alone does not make it 
 " local ; " the purpose itself must also be local. The Act also 
 provides for the application for twenty years " to local 
 I I purposes in Ireland " (repeating the same phrase) i^, be 
 
 ' decided by the Parliament of the United Kingdom, of a 
 
 "^ sum equal to the average grants by the Irish Parliament for 
 
 the prior six years in premiums for the internal encourage- 
 . ' ment of agriculture or manufactures, or for the maintenance 
 
 of institutions for pious and charitable purposes. Now, Sir, 
 it seems to me too clear for argument that no such principle 
 as is now iet up was contemplated or agreed to at the 
 Union under the quota system. And I need not say that 
 no such practice was attempted. 
 But the Act, when providing for a possible change to 
 indiscriminate taxation, only provides a new 
 unde"^'^ method for supplying the same expenditure, 
 common taxa- on the same principle of just contribution, and 
 , I ■ contains no hint of authority for any different 
 
 ' dealing. It provides for this possib'e change only — 
 
 1 "If it shall appear to Parliament that the respective circumstances 
 
 , j flf the two countries will admit of their contributing indiscriminately to 
 
 ' j the future expenditure of the United Kingdom." 
 
 It enacts that in that case — 
 
 " AU future expenses thencc*brth to be incurred " 
 
 ' shall be defrayed accordingly, subject to abatements and 
 
 I 
 
 
 ■", i I - 
 
 v.. 
 
mw^ 
 
 ., I 
 
 / 
 
 ON OVER-TAXATION OF IRELAND. 4r9 
 
 exemptions. This is the same expenditure, provided for 
 according to the same general principle, namely, relative 
 resources, by another metiiod. It introduces no further 
 change. Under the new idea the protection of Ireland 
 would be quite illusory, for she might be taxed beyond the 
 quota by the United Kingdom Parliament, which might 
 make provision for large expenditure in Ireland, forming a 
 prior charge on the quota. How could this be met, save by 
 extra taxation .' Yet the quota limit was provided to meet 
 all taxation. 
 
 Now, Sir, as this is a cardinal point, I fear I must trouble 
 
 the House with the views of that great majority 
 
 The Reports of the Commissioners who, by separate yet 
 
 this head. accordant reports, reached my conclusion. Mr. 
 
 Childers says : — 
 
 " We think tliat the nature of public expenditure in Ireland and the 
 possibility of reducing it would be a very proper subject for a separate 
 inquiry. It does not, however, seem that, because the cost of centr.il 
 administriition in Ireland is greater relatively to population and wealth 
 than it is in Great Britain, this, by itself, is any reason wh; the ])i.ople 
 of Ireland should contribute to *he public revenue a share in excess 
 of her relative wealth." " It was, in our opinion, the clear intention 
 of the promotors of the Act of Union that so far as related to taxation, 
 or the raising of revenue (v/hether contributing, as she did, according 
 to a certain ratio till 1817, or whether, as subsequently, by way of in- 
 discriminate taxation, subject to exemptions), Ireland should have a 
 distinct position and a separate consideration. But it was equally their 
 intentioi. that all expense, including no less that upon civil government 
 in Ireland than that 'ipon the army and navy, should be in common or 
 Imperial. It was never intended that the ratio of contribution or liie 
 extent of the exemptions and abatements (as the case might be) should 
 be affected by the consideration of the relative cost of administration 
 in each of the three countries. We think that while the legislative and 
 fiscal Union between the kingdom remains this way of treating the 
 matter must hold good." 
 
 The O'Conor Don and Messrs. Redmond, Hunter, Martin, 
 and Wolf say in substance : — 
 
 " The division of the Imperial expenditure into three parts — one for 
 local purposes in Great Britain, one for local purposes in Ireland, and 
 one for Imperial purposes, is a distinction of quite modern creation. 
 It was not thought of at the time of the Act of Union. It is quite 
 clear, .according to the provisions of tl'at Act, that the Imperial 
 expenditure to which Ireland was to contribute under that Act included 
 all civil government expenditure, no matter in what part nf the Unites 
 
 '!iil 
 
 li 
 
 ^ I 
 
 
 
 ) 
 
 \ 
 
 ■•^i/'^ 
 
>) 
 
 430 
 
 IION: EDWARD BLAKE. M.P. 
 
 i 
 
 Kinydom it took pl.ici;. Nothing can be ckMier tlian Mr. Pitt's and 
 Lord Casllerea^ih's declarations on this point, and it is not denied by 
 Sir Edward Hamilton that if the provisions of the Act of Union were 
 still in force Imperial expenditure should be treated as a whole, and 
 could not be split up in the way he suKntsts. This distinction was not 
 thought of either at the time of the amalgamation of the Exchequers, 
 or when Irish taxation was increased, or in the Irish Taxation Com- 
 mittee of 1864. In truth, at those times, it would not have served as a 
 defence, for the account was all the other way, and the adoption of this 
 principle would have proved Ireland a creditor." 
 
 Mr. Sexton and Messrs. Slattery and Blake say in sub- 
 stance : — 
 
 " Ireland, under the Treaty of Union, is, and must be regarded as, 
 a separate country for the purpose of taxation. This is evident by the 
 system of propoi'.ional taxation. Yet Lord Castlercagh, in moving the 
 article, dwelt on tlic sacrifice to be inade by Great Britain and the 
 advantage to be gamed by Ireland, and in proof of this advantage 
 declared that — ' If the proportion of expenditure be rightly fixed and 
 ascertained upcn just principles for every part of the empire it is im- 
 material to GiC.it Ijritain where the expenditure takes pl.ice.' The 
 principle thus enunciated, contribution according to relative means, 
 expenditure as required, and without regard to limit of contribution, is 
 the principle of the Treaty. Thus Ireland is to contribute her whole 
 revenue to the wholr. revenue of the United Kingdom — not part of it 
 to meet one set of charges and the rest to defray another ; nor has the 
 amount of Imperial expend-'ure ary cfiect or bearing on '.he question 
 of the amount which her circi instances, compared to those of Hritain, 
 enable her to contribute to the common exchequer. The Imperial 
 Parliament secured the power and accepted the duty of administering 
 Irish .affairs or. the covenant that the taxation of Ireland should not be 
 in excess of her relative resources. The violation of this covenant 
 cannot be justified or excused by a reference to the kind of expendi- 
 ture in Ireland which the Imperial Parliament, in the discharge of its 
 assumed duty, has thought it necessary or proper to incur." 
 
 It appears from the evidence that the late Sir Robert 
 Hamilton was of the same opinion. There are then ten 
 Commissioners, including three British Commissioners — 
 Messrs. Childers, Hamilton, and Hunter — who have taken 
 this position. And Lords Farrer and Welby and Mr. 
 Currie, while — pressed, as I understand, by certain special 
 cases — they are 
 
 " unable to admit the general principle that local expenditure which 
 is sanctioned by the Imperial Parliament must be regarded as Im- 
 perial expenditure," 
 
 think that 
 
 "there is both truth and value in the contrary allegations fwhich 
 
 
 
*v 
 
 r- 
 
 t 
 
 ON OVER-TAXATION OF 1 RELAX D. 421 
 
 tliey set out] if these bo confined to the support of the argument that 
 we cannot, in taking an account between the two countries, justly set 
 off the whole or the greater part of this expenditure against the over- 
 taxation of Ireland." 
 
 ■..; 
 
 History — 
 
 iSoo to 1817. 
 
 Tho quota 
 
 excessive. 
 
 And thus there is, to a very large extent, unanimity on 
 this head. I will deal later with the special cases referred 
 to. At present t ask the House to agree that in the 
 Treaty there is no ground for the general contention that 
 expenditure in Ireland by the United Kingdom Parlia- 
 ment is to be separately borne by Ireland. 
 Well, Sir, the Union was consummated. The long war 
 followed at enormous cost. Irish taxation was 
 raised from under three millions in i8cx3 to six 
 millions in 1817. The Select Committee of 
 181 1 reported serious falls in the Irish revenue 
 in several periods, caused by a lessened yield, concurrently 
 with doubled and trebled duties. The Select Committee 
 of 1 8 17 found that Ireland had advanced in permanent 
 taxation faster than Britain ; for while Britain's permanent 
 taxation had been raised in the proportion of 16^ to 10, 
 and her whole revenue, including war taxes, as 21^ to 10, 
 Irish taxation had been raised as 23 to 10. The bulk of 
 the Irish increase was on the consumption of the masses 
 which was taxed to and beyond the highest productive 
 point. Yet Ireland could not meet the quota. Her debt 
 was increased by 84 millions as against a British increase 
 of 291 millions, or as i to 3^. 
 
 Thus the predictions ol the Union-makers were falsified 
 , by the event. The Irish Lords' protest against 
 
 Predictions of / ' 
 
 Union makers the Union Act sounds like a prophecy. Iney 
 falsified. j^^j protested— 
 
 " Because, when we compare the relative abilities of Great Britain 
 and Ireland, we find the contributions to be paid by the two king- 
 doms to the expenses of the new Empire most unequally adjusted ; 
 that the share of 2-1 7ths fixed upon us as the proportion to be paid 
 by Ireland is far beyond what her resouices will enable her to dis- 
 charge. Should Ireland undertake to pay more than she shall be 
 able to answer, the act will be irrevocable, and the necessary conse- 
 quences will be a gradual diminution of her capital, the decline of her 
 
 /. 
 
 ; 
 
o 
 
 vr" 
 
 ■i 
 
 i 
 
 ^H 
 
 
 L 
 
 
 - : 
 
 V ^»^H 
 
 HIJRl 1 M 
 
 ^1 
 
 =r 
 
 
 I^I^IHlL- -'"-'^iV 
 
 55 
 
 d 
 w 
 
 M 
 W 
 
 
 t 
 
 <^ 
 
 '^f: 
 
 ^ 
 
 !*_ 
 
 \: 
 
 y 
 
— ^ 
 
 ON OVER-TAXATION OF IRELAND. 423 
 
 trade, a failure in the pi-oduce of her taxes, ar\d, finally her total 
 bankruptcy.'' 
 
 The quota was excessive I Some of the Commissioners 
 thinl< it was because the rate was too high ; others because 
 the war was too costly ; others for both these reasons. 
 But there is practical unanimity in the finding that — 
 
 "The Act of Union imposed on Ireland a burden which, as events 
 showed, she was unable to bear." 
 
 This finding I ask the House to assent to ; and to re- 
 member that this was the beginning of the evil. 
 
 This first experience demonstrates the truth of the view 
 
 that there should be some limitation to the call 
 
 Need of which, under such a union, the richer may make 
 
 hmitation of ,, . a . . . ,- , 
 
 contribution, o" the poorer nation. A jomt expenditure, the 
 
 proportion of which, though heavy, may be 
 tolerable on a lower scale of joint expense, becomes intoU 
 erable to the poorer nation when the scale is raised, while 
 it may be no more than heavy, and quite tolerable still, 
 to the richer nation. Another illustration has been given 
 by the results of the very latest statements as between 
 Ireland and Britain, which show that while Ireland's 
 contribution is larger than ever, the disproportionate 
 excess contributed by Britain has apparently lessened for 
 the year the Irish grievance 1 
 
 By this road Ireland approached a bankruptcy due 
 to the unjust quota fixed by the Union 
 Act, and one would have thought it the 
 fairest course to anticipate by three years 
 the stipulated term, and to revise the quota at 
 once. But by this road, though through a reversed process, 
 the debts had come into quota proportion, and this oppor- 
 tunity was used to bring the other plan into force. For lack 
 of time I pass over, however serious, the irregular dealings 
 with the joint and separate debts, though I think they were 
 contrary to the Act, and a violation of the agreement, and 
 did not form a legal basis of action. 
 
 New pltin 
 adopted. 
 C-'ommon 
 taxation. 
 
- y 
 
 424 
 
 HON. EDWARD BLAKE, M.P. 
 
 J 
 
 J 
 ) 
 
 No intention of 
 actually levying 
 common taxes. 
 Abatements 
 and exemp- 
 tions. 
 
 The plan was proposed as the simplest means of dealing 
 with the debt, and it is perfectly clear that 
 there was no intention at that time of actually 
 levying indiscriminate taxation. On the con- 
 trary, Lord Liverpool, then Prime Minister, 
 in contemplation of the measure, said in 
 181S :— 
 
 "He trusted that when the two Treasuries of Great Britain and 
 Ireland should be consolidated, such a measure, arranged with due 
 caution, would be found exceedingly advantageous to all parties, and 
 that the Irish public would benefit by its operation. Care would, no 
 doubt, be taken in regulating the taxation to pay due regard to local 
 circuiTistances, and that the principle of the measure in contemplation 
 should be equally fair to Gre.it Britain and Ireland." 
 
 And Mr. Vcsey Fitzgerald, the Irish Chancellor, said in 
 reference to the results of the consolidation : — 
 
 " I do not fear that Parliament will ever declare the competency of 
 Ireland to bear the entire weight of that taxation which the wealth 
 and resources of England enable her to support, without reference to 
 those considerations upon which alone Ireland should be exempted 
 from those burthens which are laid upon all other subjects of the 
 United Kingdom. The power of that exemption is specially reserved 
 to Parliament by the Act of Union." 
 
 After the requisite preliminaries, on the ist July, 1816, 
 the Rill consolidating the debts and revenues 
 became law. But in these proceedings twice 
 reappears the Union Act provision as to 
 abatements and exemptions. The extraordi- 
 nary declaration that — 
 
 " The circumstances will admit of indiscrimate taxation," 
 
 is itself made, 
 
 "subject to such particular abatements and exemptions in Irel.tnd 
 and .Scotland as circumstances may from time to time appear to de- 
 mand." 
 
 The declaration of expediency provides for the imposition 
 of common taxation subject to abatements and exemptions 
 in the same terms. Thus the Union Act provision has 
 never lost its force. It was long acted on substantially ; it 
 is acted on to some extent to-day. 
 
 1816. 
 
 Consolidation 
 Act. 
 
 '~J 
 
 I 
 
 rT^T' 
 
 
 
r^- 
 
 > 
 
 A 
 
 1 
 
 I 
 \ 
 
 ox OVKR-TAXATION OF IRELAND. 425 
 
 Sir, may I now briefly state the course of taxation from 
 1817 to i860. There was, up to 1853, no sub- 
 Course of stantial assimilation. Twenty millions of the 
 to 1S60. taxation ofliritam was not imposed on Ireland. 
 But though peace had been restored, and the 
 expenditure of the United Kingdom enormously lessened, 
 the Irish taxation, already shown to be excessive, was 
 retained, while great remissions were made of the British 
 war taxes. 
 The policy of freeing the burdens on manufactures by 
 abolishing the taxes on materials and on food 
 Free trade, supplies was evolved and prosecuted. To this 
 
 LfTect on ,,,,.„ , • r. . 
 
 Britain. new end Peel, m 1842 and in 1845, renewed 
 the British income tax, originally a war tax. 
 But it was not extended to Ireland, on the grounds that it 
 had never existed there ; that there was no machinery for 
 its collection ; and that, as Britain would derive by far the 
 greater advantage from the policy, it was but fair that she 
 jhould bear the tax. In fact, five and a-half millions of 
 taxation thus imposed on Britain enabled the remission 
 of twelve millions to Britain. This was a good and fair 
 argument. But I ask the House to note the recognition 
 of the separateness, and of the diverse conditions, and of 
 the different effects on different countries of a common 
 system which it involves. I wish these sound views had 
 continued to prevail. The general result was to lighten 
 British burdens, directly and indirectly, and to promote 
 enormously her commerce and manufactures, her wealth 
 and population — in short, her tax-paying power. 
 
 The policy as to free food supplies was, of course, precipi- 
 tated by the Irish famine, when her people 
 ^tteTta.^e% died of hunger, while large quantities of food 
 on Ireland. were being exported from the country to pay 
 rents. Ireland, whose manufactures had nearly 
 perished, and were decaying still, derived no such gains as 
 Britain, while she lost the advantage of preference in the 
 British markets for her agricultural produce. It is worth 
 
 31 
 
 i 
 
 !i' 
 
 f'Inr < 
 
f/^ 
 
 
 /.^A 
 
 /s 
 
 426 
 
 HON. EDWARD BLAKE. M.P. 
 
 remarking that the conditions of lorcign production and of 
 transport and otiicr circumstances (or many years retarded 
 the disadvantages to the agricultural interest ; and it is only 
 within recent years, as to grain, and a still shorter period, 
 as to meat, that it has experienced the full effects df the 
 change. The economic condition of Ireland was very bad. 
 The great famine inflicted on her a frightful blow, and thus 
 her relative inferiority was increased. 
 
 I must not enter into details; but few of the changes in her 
 taxation were directly very adverse to Ireland, 
 Income Tax g^ye thc tobacco taxes, until 1853; when Mr. 
 onh'ciaiid. Gladstone, in furtherance of Peel's fiscal policy, 
 proposed the extension for a limited term of the 
 Income Tax to Ireland. He acknowledged thc greater 
 poverty of the masses, but contended that this did not 
 exempt thc wealthy from their obligation — an argument 
 valid as to the adjustment between the classes of the Irish 
 people of the payment of her total share, but fallacious as a 
 justification of an increase of that total. As a set-off, he 
 wiped out the famine advance debt of four millions, two 
 millions of which had been reported by the Lords' Com- 
 mittee as properly a grant. But the temporary Income Tax 
 was made permanent, and the burden has enormously 
 outweighed the boon. 
 
 A little later Mr. Gladstone began the raising of thc 
 
 spirit duties, on the plea that it was no part of 
 
 .Spirit Duties an Irishman's rights to get drunk cheaper than 
 
 in ircUind. an Englishman. I will have to show later on 
 
 how this works in practice. The spirit dutes 
 
 were raised at intervals, and were equalised by Mr. 
 
 Disraeli in 1859. 
 
 The result of these operations was to increase the Irish 
 
 taxation by more than two millions, or over 
 
 re'suU™: 4° P^"" '^^"'- Thus, while the average revenue 
 
 Unjustifiable of Britain was no more than during the war at 
 
 the beginning of the century, her population 
 
 and wealth had greatly increased, and so her taxation was 
 
 ':) 
 
 a. 
 
 .: '3 a"v 
 
 ^'L:<^ 
 

 ON OVER-TAXATION OF IHELAND. 4*7 
 
 much lightciied. I5iit the average revenue of Irclaiul had 
 been raised over a third, and it was borne by a diminishinfj 
 population out of contracting means. This dreadful change 
 took place while Ireland was staggering under the blow of 
 the famine, the after effects of which were accentuated by 
 the added burdens. The British rate of taxation through 
 duties on commodities was — in 1820, ;{;'2 8s. 7d.; in i860, 
 £1 IIS. 7d. : the Irish rate was ns. and £l os. 7d. The 
 taxation of the wealthier country had been greatly dimin- 
 ished, that of the poorer enormously increased. The Joint 
 Report finds that — 
 
 "The increase of taxation laid upon Ircl.ind lietwecn 1853 and 1S60 
 was not justified by the then existing circumstances." 
 
 The separate reports practically agree. It is this general 
 verdict which I ask the House to endorse and to effectuate 
 to-day. 
 
 I must touch briefly upon what has happened since. 
 Complete assimilation has not yet been 
 Course of attempted. There are some exemptions still, 
 since i860. Much cry has been made about four millions 
 of British taxation not imposed on Ireland. 
 Its imposition would not affect the masses of that com- 
 munity ; it is mainly on wealth ; and its estimated yield, 
 if imposed on Ireland, would be only ;{^ 150,000, or in the 
 proportion of one twenty-seventh. 
 Since i860 the chief change in Irish burdens has been 
 in the increase of local rates. These stood 
 in 1840 at £1,500,000, or 3s. a head ; in 
 1861, at ;{Ji, 875,000, or 6s. 5d. a head ; in 
 1893, at ;{^3,700,ooo, or 15s. 8d. a head; thus increasing 
 steadily, notwithstanding certain grants from Imperial 
 taxation in aid of local rates, to a present total of nearly 
 four millions. The spending authorities are mainly grand 
 juries and guardians — the one entirely and the other 
 largely composed of appointed members ; and naturally 
 extravagance, mismanagement, and partiality are com- 
 plained of 
 
 Irish local 
 rates. 
 
 w 
 
 .'p 
 
 --^ 
 
 -*a!; 
 
 
r 
 
 4j8 
 
 nON, EVWAIW ULAKE, M.P. 
 
 ^ 
 
 --^'^•11 
 
 The general efTcct of the Uritish fiscal policy has been 
 to abolish nearly all duties on raw materials 
 
 General effect ;,„j (^J^,^\ substitutiiiu direct taxatiun on 
 
 of ° 
 
 fiscal policy, income and property, and heavy duties on 
 three or four articles of wide and general 
 consumption. These are the articles most largely con- 
 sumed in Ireland ; while the articles freed were so freed 
 mainly for the benefit of Britain. Now, I am not for 
 a moment objecting to the adoption of Free Trade, or 
 of any other policy advantageous to the interests of 
 the great bulk of the United Kingdom ; but I do 
 emphatically aver that the relative advantages and dis- 
 advantages ensuing to each country, affecting as they 
 do the relative taxable power of each, must be con- 
 sidered. 
 
 Now, the tax revenue of Ireland in 1820 was 14s. 5d. 
 per head ; in 1894, 28s. lod. ; or twice as 
 
 iic"H<;cn great. That of Britain was, in the earlici 
 Tiriiisii ami year, £x los. 3d. : in the later, £2 4s. lod., 
 
 lush TaxiUion ' , , ■ , , »t.i ■ 
 
 or nearly one-tiiird less. 1 ho total taxation 
 in Ireland, including rates, had largely increased in 1850, 
 and was then £1 per head ; in 1880, £2 ; in 1894, £2 8s. 
 lod.; now, £2 lis. lid. Her tax revenue last year was 
 ;C7.o74,ooo, and the rate per head was £1 15s. id. — the 
 highest yet. 
 
 But, Sir, the taxation on commodities presses with 
 greater relative as well as absolute severity 
 on Ireland. In Britain, the tax revenue on 
 commodities, which alone affects the masses, 
 in 1820 was, per head, about £2 8s. ; in 1894 
 it was about £1 4s., or half the old rate ; and this kind is 
 now about 53 per cent, of her total taxation. The Irish 
 taxation on commodities in 1820 was, per head, about i is. ; 
 in 1894 about £1 2s., or double the old rate ; and this com- 
 prises 76 per cent, of her total taxation ; and her rate, per 
 head, is now almost equal to that of Great Britain, though 
 the Irish consumption is considerably less. 
 
 Contrast in 
 T.Txation on 
 Commodities. 
 
i 
 
 o 
 
 w 
 
 M 
 W 
 
 1 
 
 r . V '— 
 
 v^ 
 
 <f 
 
{[ 
 
 4.10 
 
 HON. KbW'Mtn liLAKI-J, Ml'. 
 
 The total tax revenue of Ireland is now, including' rates, 
 
 over eleven millions, while her yearly resources 
 Total Irl.h , l i / -ii- 
 
 Tuxniidii : ni"c, as I conccivc.much under seventy millions; 
 
 liiitdcn out of which arc to be paid, having regard to 
 
 lieyuiul mc^ins. , , , V ^ . / v • 
 
 the case of the masses — (i) taxation ; (2) aj^ri- 
 cultural rents, including the large economic drain in favour 
 of absentee landlords and mortgagees ; besides the first 
 charge of all — namely, the subsistence of the masses — say 
 nearly four and a-half millions of people. This makes 
 clearly a condition of extraordinary pressure on the means 
 of subsistence. Taxation must, in bad years, have more than 
 exhausted the surplus, and so the capital has diminished. 
 It is, as I have said, near double the maximum relative 
 capacity. It has now been shown to be beyond the reason- 
 able actual capacity. And the contrast between Ireland and 
 Britain, with her 1,400 millions of income, is too obvious 
 to need restatement That is true which Senior proved 
 in 1864, that, considering capacity, Kngland is the most 
 lightly, while Ireland is the most heavily taxed of countries. 
 One word on a criticism objecting that this taxation is 
 not, as my motion asserts, a grievance to all 
 ''n'l;Jn«"i'''" classes of the Irish community. Sir, setting 
 Biicvanco. aside the feelings which should make it such, 
 no one who considers the material interests ol 
 the wealthy and their relations to the poor of Ireland can 
 doubt that they are in the most substantial way damnified 
 by this excessive burden on the poor and that redress will 
 help not one class only but all classes. 
 
 Now, the second great purpose to which the new 
 Commission is directed, though the lan- 
 guage is condensed and oblique, is to dispute 
 the possibility of undue burdens through this 
 indirect taxation. The First Lord of the 
 Treasury, dealing with this subject on the 
 eve of the meeting of Parliament, insisted 
 that if the view of the Commission as to undue burdens 
 being imposed under indirect taxation of this sort was 
 
 ^---^- n. ~. 
 
 Second 
 purpose of 
 New Commis. 
 lion to allege 
 Indirect Taxa- 
 tion no 
 grievance. 
 
 / 
 
1 
 
 ON OVER-TAXATION OF IRK LAND. 131 
 
 sound as between countries, it must be sound as between 
 individuals, and because it has not been atlopted as 
 between individuals, it is, therefore, not KO"d as between 
 countries. 
 
 Uut, in establishing your plan for taxing one common 
 
 political or geographical area, possessing those 
 
 Tnxniinn in n elements of likeness in economic condition 
 
 »'"«'*-' which render possible or tolerable a common 
 
 couiUty, ' 
 
 plan, without exceptions, you arc yet obliged 
 to acknowledge inevitable ine(iualities in its operation on 
 individuals, which you minimise so far as you can by your 
 system, and bear the rest as you must. 
 
 Here the case wholly differs. You arc dealing with two 
 
 countries, wiiich your political Union did not 
 
 two wholly physically unite or economically assimilate; 
 
 (liffurcnt t^vo countries so different that when the Treaty 
 countries. . . • i . i /• 
 
 was made provisions were inckkied for con- 
 tinued separate consideration ; two countries so different 
 that even in other vital matters their laws remain divergent. 
 Again, such a consideration of taxation is, of course, much 
 easier between two countries, the inhabitants being dealt 
 with as one community, than it would be between each 
 unit of millions of individuals. 
 
 The system may and does press also on the very poor in 
 Hritain. Remedy it for the individu.il every- 
 where if you please. Remedy it if you can, 
 and as far as you can, by changes in the 
 general system of taxation. Any general 
 remedy you may apply will so far help to 
 meet the Irish grievanc:. 
 
 But, in so far as you do not apply an efficient general 
 remedy you cannot expect Ireland, on which 
 
 Hut Ireland , . r t i-rc ^ 
 
 h;i3 separate ^^ a country in consequence of her different 
 
 comlitions economic conditions, and of the much larger 
 and tights. , , , , " 
 
 numbers and narrower means of her very poor, 
 the grievance presses with much greater weight, to accept 
 your answer that there is some inequality in Britain too. 
 
 System hard 
 
 on poor every 
 
 where. 
 
 General 
 
 remedies. 
 
 111 
 
 '■■■\ 
 
 :'/ 
 
 M ■': 
 
 u, u- 
 
r - 
 
 43 « 
 
 HON. EDWARD BLAKE, M.P. 
 
 (:■ 
 
 Tlie riyht of separate treatment is recognised by the Treaty. 
 Tliis argument therefore is one against the Treaty. But wc 
 arc holding by the Treaty, and surely Unionists ought not 
 to depart from it. Unhappily the two countries have more 
 and more diverged in matters relevant to taxation ; and 
 they exist with differing and incrcEsingly different taxable 
 capacities and economic conditions. As the English Com- 
 missioners have found : — 
 
 " The system of tax.ition •.vliich now exists in the United Kingdom, 
 while it may not be unsuit<;d to the reqiiireinents of a rich nation 
 like Great Britain, presses h.ariUy and inequitably on a relatively poorer 
 country like Ireland. Where there is comparatively but little wealth, 
 as in Ireland, the main burden of taxation mujt of necessity be borne 
 by the consumers of dutiable commodities. The amount thus levied 
 appears to be in excess of what is required by the legitimate needs 
 of Ireland and heavier than the masses of the Irish people ought to be 
 called upon to bear.'' 
 
 These things being so, Ireland has her Treaty right to 
 have the circumstances recognised and weighed in settling 
 hei burdens. After all, but an approximation can be 
 reached ; an approximation between the two countries, 
 leaving some inevitable discrepancies as between the indi- 
 vidual inhabitants of those countries. Bui these defects 
 will not justify a refusal to do what is possible, or an 
 attempt to keep an undue burden on Ireland's shoulders. 
 The First Lord ihinks, and the proposed Commission is 
 in part designed to establish, that the indirect 
 Mr. Balfour's character of the taxation deprives Ireland of 
 
 nri^uments on ^ 
 
 free will. any right to complain or to separate consider- 
 ation. But the main or only Irish taxes ex- 
 isting at the Union were indirect, and still quota and 
 exemptions were provided. He complains that the Com- 
 missioners in determining the over-taxation of two and 
 three-quarter millions proceeded " by Lhe simple method of 
 argument," and he says the very simplicity '-■:' ^ e argument 
 should have created suspicion, for great finar ' questions 
 are not usually or easily settled by such plain methods. 
 A nd he objects to " logic and arithmetic " as factors in 
 the case. But he himself resorts to still more simple 
 
 \*i 
 
 i:v^\ 
 
 I 
 
 L. 
 
 -■ V 
 
 ^— '• ( 
 
ON OVER-TAXATION OF JR.'' LAND. 433 
 
 arguments. lie says our views do not apply at all to 
 indirect taxation, because, forsooth, 
 
 "There is an element of frc( .vill in llie matter. A man may con- 
 sume or not consuiiie as he plc.ses. If lie does not consume lie does 
 not pay. It is surely folly to treat a case of that kind as yon would 
 treat a case in which the tax-collector came and look so much money 
 out of his pocket whether he liked it or not." 
 
 Now, this in effect is saying that mere consumption, being 
 practically voluntary, is the best test of capacity, for no 
 wrong is done because there is no compulsion to consume. 
 But, Sir, the compulsion comes in when, wanting to con- 
 sume, craving to consum ;, needing to consume, you are 
 obliged to pay the State for the power to consume. If 
 this argument were correct, why any provision for exemp- 
 tions, abatements, or quota? It would be cnouf^h to 
 provide that taxation should not be differential, and then 
 indirect taxation would take care of itself ; and, since all 
 Irish taxation was then indirect, there would be nothing to 
 take care of. But who would justify now a levelling up in 
 1800; and who justifies now the levelling up in the years 
 1853- 1860? Yet this argument is ample justification for 
 both. If it were correct, why were the duties kept rc>lativcly 
 lower for nearly forty years ? fter the consolidation of the 
 Exchequers ? This is, ind r', too " s-mp'c" an argument ; 
 but I admit it does not sin ' / the addition of " logic." 
 
 The views of the English Com.mis.sionjrs arc thus 
 stated : — 
 
 "It has, however, been argued that the articles are, if not luxu 
 ries, at any rate superfluities, and therefore fair tests of the balancr- 
 remainin^' after the bare necessities of life have been supplied. We 
 are unable to assent to this argument. We think that the consumption 
 of the masses must be taken as a whole, and that we must accept what 
 they actually consume as what they find it reccssary to consume, and 
 what, without a total and almost inconceivable change in their habits, 
 they are unable to forego." 
 
 The same view is .. j'. expanded in the report of Mr, 
 Sexton : — 
 
 ''While equal taxes on property abstract the same proportion only 
 of the income taxed in either country, equal taxes on articles of 
 common consumption operate without any regard to disparity of in- 
 
 3K 
 
 ^ 
 
 V'iii 
 
 -J 
 
r 
 
 434 
 
 HON. EDWARD BLAKE, M.P 
 
 If 
 
 n 
 
 The Truth 
 
 aboiil 
 
 Indirect 
 
 Taxation. 
 
 have 
 
 you 
 
 come. In proportion to the actual consujnption of articles of ordinary 
 use, the poorest country, under such a common system, has to pay as 
 much as the richest, at least to the extent to which the taxed articles 
 Bte consumed in proportion to population. Thus, the poorer country 
 surrenders a larger proportion of gross income, and a still higher pro- 
 portion of surplus income, even if the rates of ronsi'mption of the taxed 
 articles are alike in each. Certain commodities, though taxed, may be 
 consumed in a poorer coimtry almost as much as in a rich one, because 
 the rich has a choice of various articles, while the poor is practically 
 limited to two or three stap'fis on which the tax is laid. The con- 
 sumption of staples naturally tcr.ds to equality, the test being the 
 satisfaction of appetite, so far as ttie power to acquire exists, and 
 appetites not varying with incomes." 
 
 Thus, a tax on articles of very general consumption 
 approximates to a poll-tax. In trut'-, Sir, 
 it is difficult to treat this argument seriously. 
 On what calculation do you lay such heavy 
 taxes on tobacco, spirits, beer, and tea ? Why 
 ventured to make these the only contribu- 
 tion of the masses to the public expenditure .' How 
 do you dare to count, year after year, on the popula- 
 tion paying such sums as — for tea, nineteen and a-half 
 millions ; tobacco, twenty-five millions ; spirits, fifty-four 
 and three-quarter millions ; beer, ninety-five millions — 
 total, one hundred and ninety-four and a-quarter millions 
 — sixty millions more than the value of all your imported 
 foods! — one hundred and ninety- four and a-quarter millions, 
 out of which you derive a " voluntary revenue " of forty-one 
 and a-half millions, on which you depend to pay the greater 
 part of the yearly charge of this empire ? The rich you 
 force to pay ; the poor and the masses you do not ! They 
 pay only voluntarily, as a matter of free-wiU ! Will this 
 argument satisfy the Englishman when you propose to 
 increase the beer-t:ax ? No ; he will say, " I must have my 
 beer," and he will put out the politician who would " rob a 
 poor man of his beer ! " No, Sir ; no ! The Chancellor of 
 the Exchequer does not feel on this head much doubt or 
 anxiety. Well, he knows that practically the settled ana 
 rooted habits of the people ; tneir tastes, wants, cravings ; 
 '^heir determination to have and use their tobacco, tea, or 
 liquor ; their need of there articles, are so strong that they 
 
 '3fr 
 
 
'P 
 
 Irish 
 Complaint. 
 
 OX OVER-TAXATlOX OF IRKLAXD. 435 
 
 almost amount to viiist ; and that it is, in any practical 
 sense, a moci<ery to call the tax voluntary. Calmly he 
 builds his whole financial fabric on the certainty that the 
 pcoi)lc must have, and, therefore, must pay. I le goes gaily 
 on his way, nor dreads any sudden uutbreaU '--f " free-will " 
 which shall seriously cut down his revenue. 
 
 It is said, Sir, that it is the whiskey-tax of which wc 
 complain. There is a serious grievance of 
 inequality to which I shall have to refer. But, 
 apart from that, our complaint is of the exces- 
 sive taxes which are on more than whiskey — which are on 
 tea, tobacco, and beer as well. You will sec by the evidence 
 as to the poorest districts — for example, Donegal — by the 
 poor little family budgets which have been presented, so 
 affecting in the narrowness and bareness of the lives they 
 depict, that but little whiskey is drunk there ; tea and 
 tobacco arc the only relief. 
 
 Then it is said that the whiskey-tax is a tax on excess — 
 
 on the drunkard. The right hon. member 
 
 ' ^Mr. * for Bodmin used the same argument, saying 
 
 Coiiriney's x\^^^ jf {qo much moncv comes from Ireland 
 
 it is because too much whiskey is drunk there, 
 
 and that we must fix our attention on the individual who 
 
 pays the penalty of the indulgence of his taste ; and he 
 
 added that if he suffered a wrong, the wrong would be 
 
 doubled if the money were .eturned to his neighbour. The 
 
 First Lord takes a similar line of consideration of the 
 
 individual case. 
 
 To this whole line of reasoning I demur. The revenue 
 mainly comes — the efficiency, the productive- 
 ness of the tax depends upon its coming — from 
 the masses, who generally take tea, tobacco, 
 and liquor. The vast proportion of the con- 
 sumption of liquor is that of the great majority who 
 are not drunkards. That is the virtue of the tax as a 
 productive tax. The widcness of the area of pressure 
 >s its strength as a fiscal device. The tax is m;>inly on 
 
 / 
 
 Tax general 
 on sol;cr 
 masses. 
 
(■ 
 
 TUK UOYAL UNlVEUSlTy, DUBLIN. 
 
 m I' 
 
 III Pi« ' 
 
 I ' 
 
 ^. 
 
 C^-J'tr''^ 
 
 ^. p J »-'t. 
 
 I I jr 
 
 J 
 
 iimfiiiiBffiii 
 
y t- 
 
 in 
 
 I 
 
 
 Charge of 
 Irish excess 
 
 O.V OVFAi-TAXATloy OF IRELAND. 437 
 
 normal, not on excessive consumption. This it is which 
 mai<cs it a general tax — a tax on tlie masses , and so an 
 object of substantial justice would be achieved, if abatement 
 or exemption were impossible, by remission or restitution 
 to the masses of the community. It were truly a refine- 
 ment of justice for Britain to refuse any remedy, any relief, 
 for fear that the restoration to the Irish community of exces- 
 sive taxation on individuals composing the Irish masses 
 shall not exactly apportion the return to the individual 
 taxpayer. Is this the reason why there is to be no redress? 
 It would be a shabby excuse, which I hardly expected to 
 hear urged tn this place ; but which I suspect is intended 
 from one of the proposed references to the new Com- 
 mission. 
 
 But, Sir, the accusation of comparative excess which 
 underlies this argument I dispute, and chal- 
 lenge the accusers. I wish there were less drink- 
 untrue, iiig in Ireland and in Britain. But Ireland, 
 compared with Britain, is a sober country. You 
 who accuse us spend far more on drink than we ; and 
 you arrange to get it cheap, at Irish and Scottish expense. 
 You are provident in you'' cups. There is hure a gross 
 inequality under a nominally equal system. It is not 
 necessary to go to hypothetical cases, as of tea-drinking 
 and coffee-drinking countries united for taxation. Let us 
 take the case of the beer and the whiskey-drinking coun- 
 tries. Not merely is the whole sum of Irish taxation 
 relatively excessive, but the spirit and the beer taxes arc 
 also, as between themselves, grossly unequal and partial in 
 their operation. 
 
 Let us look at the facts. I take Britain as a whole 
 Scotland has a case nere against England even 
 
 Comparative , , , , ., 
 
 Drink Hills— morc aggravated than ours ; and to strike 
 
 ^Ireland'"* the account with Britain as a whole thus 
 
 lessens unduly the Irish claim as against 
 
 Kngland. But the reference is as between Great Britain 
 
 and Ireland. 
 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 ::^ 
 
438 
 
 HON. EDWARD BLAKE, M.P 
 
 S 
 
 1 , 
 
 Whiskey. 
 
 In 1893 the expenditure for beer in Britain was 
 ;{^88,627,oc)0, or C2 13s. a head ; in Ireland, 
 ;f 6,291,000, or £1 7s. 2d. a head. Thus the 
 Briton spends all but twice as much on beer as the Irish- 
 man. " Oh," you may say, " we all know that ! The 
 Briton drinks beer, the Irishman whiskey ; what about 
 whiskey ? " 
 
 Well, Sir, what about whiskey? The expenditure for 
 spirits in Britain was ;t48, 57 1,000, or £1 9s. 
 per head ; in Ireland, .f 6,144,000, or £1 6s. 6d. 
 per head. Thus, much more was spent per head on spirits 
 in Britain than in Ireland. So Britain preserved her 
 superiority in both branches of this competition ; having 
 spent twice as much on beer, she took a good deal more 
 spirits, too ; and then she says something about Irish 
 drunkards ! The Briton spends on both £/^ 2s. ; the Irish- 
 man, £2 13s. 8d. And then some British statesman tells 
 his enthusiastic constituents that the Irish complaint is due 
 to too much drink ; and if they would only purge and live 
 cleanly they would have no ground for grievance. I 
 venture to suggest that it is not for Britain to "cast a 
 stone," to preach free-will, temperance, and soberness as 
 our cure, or to defend injustice on her part by alleging 
 excess on ours. 
 
 But this is not all, or nearly all. As I have said, you are 
 „ . _ provident in your cups. See how you have 
 
 Unjust Taxa- ^ j ^u .. r Tu .. .. u- i. 
 
 lion as between arranged the cost of that part which you can 
 ^S^Vhs' control — the tax. You prefer beer, and the 
 tax on beer is alike for all. So is the tax on 
 spirits alike for all. But the tax on sixty gallons of your 
 favourite drink — beer — is equal to the tax on one gallon 
 of whiskey. Having regard to the rclatii-e quantity ol 
 alcohol, the tax on beer is about one-sixth of the tax on 
 spirits. The tax on beer is about one-sixth of the selling 
 price in bulk ; the tax 011 spirits about three-fourths of the 
 selling price. What is the practical result of these equal 
 taxes? The tax revenue. Imperial and local, was for 1893 — '" 
 
 L' 
 
 ^ 
 
 r:-^ 
 
 <.'..~' ^..-TT 
 
 ..7 
 
ON OVER-TAXATION OF inKLAXf). 4.'?9 
 
 Britain — Spirits, ;^ 13,8 10,000 ; beer, £0,21^,000 — a total 
 of ;£'23,024,ooo. In Ireland — Spirits, j{[2, 240,000 ; beer, 
 ^^624,000— a total of ;^2, 764,000. Tlic Ikiton's drink bill 
 was ;^4 23., out of which i6s. id. was tax ; the Irishman's, 
 £2 13s. 6d., out of which 13s. lotd. was tax. If the Irish- 
 man paid only at the Briton's rate his tax would be los. 6d. ; 
 his excess is 3s. 4^d., which for Ireland is no less than seven 
 hundred and eighty thousand pounds a year ! I have not 
 run out the figures for Ireland as against England alone, 
 but I fancy the excess would cover eight hundred and fifty 
 thousand pounds a year. 
 
 But this, according to the free-will doctrine of the First 
 Lord, is, I must admit, no grievance. The 
 
 Mr. B.ilfoiir's Irishman may differ in taste and in opinion, 
 free will , ,. ..,.., 
 
 ag.iiii. and difference of climate may affect his judg- 
 ment as to the kind of drink most suitable for 
 him. But these are mere details. The Briton likes his 
 beer and likrs it cheap ; and so the Irishman must have the 
 free will to like it too ; and thus he can save the tax ! In- 
 deed the unequal pressure of the tax has been operating to 
 some extent in this direction. 
 
 I am not now arguing as to the expediency, in the general 
 
 interest, of changes in these duties, or of diffcr- 
 
 Diiriculiyof cntial rates. You may contend that on moral, 
 
 clianjjc no . /. , i . i , i_ 
 
 excuse. or economic, or fiscal grounds it would be a 
 misfortune so to lower the duty on spirits, and 
 a political impossibility so to raise the duty on beer as to 
 produce equality, and a bad thing to have differential duties. 
 But those contentions do not settle the question. If they 
 be true, none the less is there a grievance to Ireland ; none 
 the less should that grievance be met in some other way as 
 a part of the fiscal arrangement ; none the less should the 
 spirit of the compact be observed. You should not pro- 
 mote your morality, or interest, or convenience at our ex- 
 pense. I ask the House, concurring in the finding of the 
 joint Report that " identity of rates of taxation docs not 
 necessarily involve equality of burden," to agree also to the 
 
 '}■ 
 
 1 
 
 ■I|i 
 
 v; 
 
ilWiil 
 
 (■ 
 
 440 
 
 HON. EDWARD BLAKE, M.P. 
 
 Irish com- 
 plaints anil 
 rarliiimcntury 
 i'ni|\iirics, 
 18C4. 
 
 view, that I have proved, in the case of these two countries, 
 Kross inequalities demanding redress. 
 
 Well, Mr. Speaker, complaints of excessive taxation 
 have been made for generations from ihe Irish 
 benches. In 1864 the House referred it to a 
 Select Committee, "to consider the taxation 
 of Ireland ; how far it is in accordance with 
 the Treaty of Union, or just in reference to the 
 resources of the country," and a long inquiry took place. 
 The Irish contention was then met by adopting the falla- 
 cious idea of the taxation of individuals in.stead of the 
 taxation of the country, and by ignoring the relevant con- 
 siderations as to the practical effect of taxes on articles of 
 primary use and general consumption. 
 
 But, be it remembered, that there was then no suggestion 
 of divided estimates ; those wiio resisted the 
 '^^ividf I"sh claim did not found themselves on that 
 cxiKnciiiiiri; construction. They took advantage of the 
 opposite view — the one by which we hold ; 
 and for a very good reason. In the sixties, when Ireland 
 in one year paid £7,700,000, of which, even according to 
 the preposterous divisions now suggested, ;^5,400,ooo went 
 to what is now called Imperial expenditure, the modern 
 argument would have made bad worse ; and according to it 
 there would, during many years have been, as there is, an 
 enormous balance overpaid by Ireland, aggregating many 
 millions. At that time it suited Britain to adopt the other 
 and truer view, namely, that local circumstances and condi- 
 tions might involve a greater expenditure by the United 
 Kingdom in one than in the other country ; that it was 
 none the less common ; due to, growing out of, and material 
 tc the Union ; expenditure of the United Kingdom. 
 
 There were in later years ineffectual motions and 
 rer.onstrances. But the question became 
 demonstrably urgent on the occasion of the 
 Home Rule Bill of 1S86, when the financial 
 proposals involved the re-consideration of the whole 
 
 Home Rule: 
 1886. 
 
 -,i '^^"' ■<' 
 
 ■, v^..-- 
 
■T 
 
 ON OVKIiTAXATlON OF IRELAND. u' 
 
 problem, cnui)Icd with an attempt, in view of Irish self- 
 government, to divide what iiad been tlic LInited J\ini,'dom 
 expenditure into Imperial and local, based, of course, on 
 the respective legislative s[)heres of the Imperial and the 
 proposed local Legislatures. This event is the clue to 
 much that has since occurred in this connection. 
 
 In 1890, when, after the ([uestion of Home Rule had been 
 placed before the country, a Unionist (jovcrn- 
 
 Mr. Goschen's meiit was in power, the present I-'irst Lord 
 action, 1890 ; A I • 1 \-^t 
 
 Beparaieemiiy. 0' the Admiralty, then Chancellor of the 
 
 Kxchequer, in reply to .1 request from 
 
 these benches, said : — 
 
 " I think we shall be prepared to grant an inquiry into tlie financial 
 relations of the two countries. I do not want to cxchulc Scotland, and 
 I think hon. members from botii countries will see that we arc anxious 
 to meet them. We shall be glad to tlirow as much lii;ht as possible 
 on the fina.icial relations of the two countries. Hon. members will sec 
 at once that it must be a full and proper inquiry. Of course, if the 
 inquiry should show that injustice has been done to any part of the 
 United Kingdom steps will be taken to alVord redress." 
 
 The right hon. gentleman, after consulting his colleagues 
 later, in making the motion objccled to any historical retro- 
 spect. The purpose, he said, was — 
 
 "To see whether Scotland or Ireland should be relieved of any 
 portion of the taxation they now pay ; to see if there should be any 
 alteration of existing burdens. . , , The power of a country to pay 
 taxation must to a large extent depend on numbers. I trust all these 
 matters will be thrashed out in the Committee." 
 
 The Committee sat but once, when it called for Treasury 
 returns. Efforts to re-appoint it failed because of objec- 
 tions taken by the Welsh members, who claimed a similar 
 separate consideration for Wales, which the Government 
 declined to grant on the ground that Wales had never ^ce'ii 
 treated as a separate fiscal entity. 
 
 The financial returns which have been presented for 
 several j'ears had here their origin. Now, 
 The Financial this proceeding and language involved the 
 iVpers. recognition of the right of Ireland anc' Scot- 
 land as countries to separate consider .tion ; 
 and more, the acknowledgment that the indirect .system of 
 
 3>- 
 
 >) 
 
44> 
 
 HON. ED w A hi) lii.AKi:, M.r. 
 
 .'* 
 
 ^ 
 
 t.ixation did not automatically produce taxation according 
 to resources ; and tliat tiic resources of tlic countries were 
 to be considered, tlic alleged e(iu;d operation of the taxa- 
 tion on the indi\ idual inhabitants not ans\vcrin^,' the 
 dem.ind. The maintenance of such views would have 
 cut away the ground for the committee. It seems to nic 
 obvious that the form of the reference and returns was in 
 part moulded by the recent attempts to make a division in 
 connection with the Home Rule scheme. 
 
 Again there have been recognitions in recent years of 
 the separate condition of Ireland and Scot- 
 
 Impcrinl land in connection with the Imperial grants 
 Oraiils 111 mil . • , r , , . , , V. 
 
 of rates. '" aid of local rates. I refer to, without 
 
 implying approval of, the system. Hut how 
 has it been worked ? These grants were based not on the 
 plan of applying the total aid all over the United Kingdom, 
 as one taxable entity, but on the theory (though not with- 
 out exception later as against Ireland) that each of the 
 three divisions was a taxable unit to which was being 
 returned, for expenditure by the minor local authorities, a 
 portion of the general taxation ; and, therefore, th.it the 
 return should be on the basis of the proportions in which 
 each of the units had contributed to the fund. 
 
 Last Session when agricultural distress throughout the 
 United Kingdom was to be aided this device 
 was, as many of us think, most unwarrantably 
 expanded, so as to limit the relief of Ireland — 
 the country in which there existed the greatest 
 agricultural distress — by making the grant, in form, a 
 relief to local rates in England, and thus applying, as we 
 think erroneously, the proportional system. And so, those 
 who oppose our view that we arc entitled to separate 
 treatment as to taxation, themselves insist, in some degree, 
 on separate treatment in expenditure. 
 
 Now, Sir, it is acknowledged by Sir Edward Hamilton 
 that the Union Act does not contemplate this division. 
 But he says, and others say, that circumstances have 
 
 Agricultural 
 
 Distress 
 Relief, 1896. 
 
 ai'i -Ml 
 
 V... 
 
\ 
 

 IMAGE EVALUATION 
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 444 
 
 7/OiV. EL-WARD BLAKE, M.P. 
 
 i 
 
 
 ■:.-il 
 
 No right lo 
 alter treaty. 
 
 Argument 
 
 from British 
 
 rates. 
 
 altered since, that some expenditures are now made which 
 were not then made, as, for example, on 
 Police and Education. True, enlarged con- 
 ceptions have been formed of the duty of the 
 Government of the United Kingdom ; and it has been 
 deemed to be a national object to provide for the educa- 
 tion and for the order of the people ; and, for its govern- 
 ment under the Union, a constabulary h. s been organised 
 in Ireland. Accordingly Acts have been passed and 
 revenue is raised and expended by the United Kingdom 
 for this purpose. But this does not in the least alter the 
 rights of Ireland, or render obsolete the provisions of the 
 treaty. This is your own interpretation of the duty of the 
 United Kingdom. 
 But it is said that a part of the expenditure on education 
 and on pobVe is, under Imperial legislation, 
 provided for in Britain by local rates, raised 
 by local bodies, who have been given a 
 measure of control over the subjects, and that 
 it is unfair to ignore this local expenditure in stating the 
 account between the countries. T repeat that it is im- 
 possible for this reason to divest the expenditure of the 
 Imperial character which it clearly retains, so far as Ireland 
 is concerned. You make it and you keep it Imperial ; and 
 its scale, its purpose, its regulation, are all such as you 
 choose to fix, not such as you are willing to confide to 
 local representative authorities. We must therefore hold 
 by the view that the money which this Parliament votes, 
 expends, and controls, for the purpose of carrying on 
 government in Ireland is in reason, and in the sense of the 
 Union Act, Imperial expenditure. 
 This view is our only protection against the injustice 
 which would ensue from your being at liberty 
 Mode of to fix the scale and direct the mode, while we 
 
 meeting , ,. , , . 
 
 objection. are obliged to pay. And the objection of in- 
 equality would be fully met, if for the purpose 
 of ascertaining the grand total to which Ireland should 
 contribute, the analogous amount raised locally in Britain 
 
J) 
 
 O^-. 
 
 \ 
 
 ON OVER-TAXATION OF IRELAND. 44S 
 
 11 
 
 
 towards these two objects were added to the sum of the 
 Imperial estimate. Thus Ireland would bear her propor- 
 tionate share of the whole expenditure ; and this would 
 meet in a less objectionable way the position of Mr. 
 Childer's as to Police and Education, and in very large 
 measure the criticisms of Lord Farrer and his colleagues. 
 This, I need hardly say, is a very narrow question. The 
 data arc accessible ; the figures can be easily run out 
 There are some minor cross-entries to be made. The 
 general result would be perhaps so to enlarge the total 
 Imperial estimate as to reduce the over-taxation by about 
 ;^300,(X)0, or to about two and a half millions on the 
 minimum estimate. I need hardly say that the adoption 
 of this plan, with its limited and defined application, affords 
 not the least justification for the proposed breaking up of 
 the Imperial expenditure, which it rather keeps intact; 
 still less docs it need a new Royal Commission. 
 
 But it is said our contention would make Britain 
 Britain tributary to Ireland. Not so; every detail 
 not tributary of the whole affair is within your power, and 
 to re an . j^ ^loulded according to your will. 
 Then, if for argument's sake, the principle of breaking 
 up the Imperial expenditure be admitted, we 
 quarrel grievously with the details. On these 
 also all the data for judgment are before us, 
 and the questions are peculiarly for settle- 
 ment by Parliament on the initiative of the 
 Government. As Lord Farrer said in another place, they 
 need no new Commission. The speech of the First Lord 
 adopted the classification of the Treasury, and based on 
 it the assertion that Ireland contributed but i-32nd to 
 what he called Imperial expenditure. Now, let me glance 
 at the details of this division. 
 
 Ireland is charged with the Constabulary — an armed, 
 semi-military force, maintained at enormous 
 cost, far beyond any conceivable need for the 
 policing, under normal conditions, of such a country ; a 
 fore- and a scale of expenditure directly flowing from and 
 
 V 
 
 Preposterous 
 
 details uf 
 
 division. 
 
 Local 
 
 Expenditure. 
 
 Constabulary. 
 
 I', 
 
440 
 
 HON. EDWARD BLAKE, M.P. 
 
 Education. 
 
 Scale of 
 Expenditure. 
 
 due to the Union, and doing almost entirely Imperial 
 \vori<. I do not find that any one of the Commissioners, or 
 even Sir Edward Hamilton himself, approves this charge in 
 its totality, and he states that in the earliest of the Financial 
 Relations Papers it was distributed as Imperial. So it 
 ought to be. 
 
 Ireland is charged with the Imperial expenditure on the 
 great national subject of education, which is 
 moulded and directed through Imperial legis- 
 lation, by Imperial and centralised administration. 
 
 Ireland is charged with the collection of the Imperial 
 revenue, the adminstration of justice, the 
 ^^^' Post Ofifice, the Civil Service generally, the 
 Viceregal establishment. All these are obviously Imperial. 
 Then we quarrel with the scale of expenditure, created 
 here and proposed to be charged exclusively 
 to us. It is expensive, extravagant, centra- 
 lized, on the Imperial scale. Look at the 
 salaries and numbers of the judges, and contrast the condi- 
 tions as between the emoluments of Bar and Bench, even 
 with these which prevail here, still more with those which 
 prevail in poorer countries. Contrast the cost of depart- 
 ments compared with the cost even here. The whole system 
 is unsuited to the circumstances and beyond the means of 
 Ireland. It is not checked by the ordinary safeguards of 
 local responsibility and the ordinary inducements to 
 economy. All these are defects in the system. From it 
 they flow. With what justice then do you propose to 
 charge them exclusively on the weaker partner ? 
 
 But you say, " Irishmen and Irish members will not cut 
 down the votes." After all, it is you who frame 
 the estimates and pass the votes. But give to 
 Ireland the usual stimulus to economy — some 
 profit from the saving, before you complain that she does 
 not insist on pruning your extravagance. While she finds 
 that she is taxed beyond her capacity ; that she will not 
 appreciably gain by economy in Ireland ; and that the only 
 
 Irish part in 
 extravagance 
 
 <^r 
 
 ^ 
 
 V 
 
ON OVER-TAXATION OF IRELAND. ny 
 
 question is where the money shall be spent, is it much 
 wonder that she should prefer Ireland as the scene ? 
 At any rate the responsibility is yours ; Ireland cannot save 
 or spend a shilling ; you have the power and must take 
 the blame. 
 
 But, Sir, it is not only to the Irish part of this divided 
 estimate that we object. We object to the 
 proposed" Imperial part as well. If you cut up the cs- 
 Imperial timates as you propose, and find some elements 
 to which, as Imperial, you hold us specially 
 bound to make proportionate contribution, you drive us to 
 analyse their nature, and to inquire whether there is any 
 reasonable ground for our providing, first, everything you 
 choose to call local expenditure, and then also our propor- 
 tion, according to our relative taxable capacity, of these 
 great heads of Imperial expenditure. 
 
 I do not, in the present form of Union, want to open any 
 of these questions. I believe they cannot be 
 I^^livls^on. opened without violating the spirit of the Act. 
 I believe the Act contemplates and provides 
 that Ireland should contribute towards the expenditure of 
 the Imperial Parliament, no matter where that money be 
 spent or how it be applied, whether here, or in Ireland, or 
 abroad, according to her relative taxable capacity. 
 
 But if you will destroy this system, cut up the accounts, 
 and enter into the question of the separate or 
 
 But, if relative interests of Britain and of Ireland in 
 change, then ,,./•/- 
 inquiry. the different expenditures, depend upon it you 
 
 will have to grapple with your Imperial as 
 
 well as with your local estimates. We rest on the contract ; 
 
 you propose a change. Then must we look at the new 
 
 Imperial estimates. 
 
 Look at your navy. Britain has created an economic 
 
 system under which she requires, in order that 
 
 ^Nav"*' she may obtain her supplies of food and of 
 
 materials, and maintain her position as a 
 
 manufacturing, mercantile, and carrying power, to keep 
 
v.^ 
 
 
 
 -■-' C;. 
 
"^ 
 
 ? 
 
 Imperial 
 Army. 
 
 Imperial 
 Debt. 
 
 ON OVER-TAXATION OF IRELAND. 449 
 
 command of the sea. Her naval budget is her insurance 
 premium. She is continually pressed to add to her insurance, 
 and told that it is cheap. It may be cheap for her ; she has 
 the gains. But can you honestly say that Ireland has the 
 same proportionate interest in the profits insured by this 
 premium ? And, if not, can you say she ought to con- 
 tribute in that proportion to the insurance ? 
 
 Look at your army, mainly required for the purposes of 
 
 the Indian and Colonial Empire, and for the 
 
 security of your commercial interests, and to 
 
 which therefore the same considerations apply. 
 
 Look at your debt charge, contracted for wars 
 
 waged in the same interests. 
 Do not charge me with taking a limited or a shopkeeper's 
 
 view of this matter. Remember the language 
 bury's views, of the Prime Minister and Foreign Secretary, 
 
 uttered as late as the nth March, wiien he 
 said — 
 
 "All machinery— at all events of the external part of our Govern- 
 ment—is in its intention and its object directed for the purpose of 
 maintaining and facilitating liritish trade. We have heard and we 
 rejoice at the great achievements of our army and our navy — how they 
 have never failed us under any stress to which they have been put. 
 Hut the object of all this action is that the various parts of the world 
 may be kept open to the exploration, to the enterprise, to the industry of 
 ISritain, may be saved from that encircling band of hostile tariffs which 
 causes us to know, when we hearth.it u territory has fallen into foreign 
 occupation, that it is really robbed from British trade." 
 
 Sir, I think these considerations show that the proposed 
 inquiry would, if it ever ended, never satisfy, 
 
 result! ^"*^ ^^^^ ^^^ °"'y ^^^^ ground is to stand on 
 
 the Union Act provisions. Let me repeat, I 
 do not wish to open these matters. It is you, who set up 
 this suggested division of expenditure, who raise the issue. 
 But while I thus contend, I fully agree that, if this whole 
 question were taken up by Britain in the proper spirit, it 
 would become our duty and our interest to promote all 
 reasonable reductions in the extravagance of Irish ex- 
 penditure. -J 
 
 I 
 
 N 
 
 d 
 
45° 
 
 HON. EDWARD BLAKE, M.P. 
 
 I u ; 
 
 There remains only one set off on which I wish to say a 
 
 single word, I refer to the remitted or unsettled 
 Loans (\na , t i . ht* i » 
 
 advances, advances or grants to Ireland. With part I 
 
 have already dealt — namely, the famine ad- 
 vances. Of the remainder, some are being settled by the 
 ! Restitution Fund. Of the bulk it is to be remarked that 
 
 they were not at all advances to local authorities, or analo- 
 gous to the British grants, but expenditures made by the 
 '' Imperial Government, largely wasteful and futile, and 
 
 charged compulsorily on the people. The sum total seems 
 in fairness reducible to about one million in excess of 
 remissions of English advances; but if it all stood, it 
 would form only a fraction of the restitution fairly due to 
 Ireland in respect of past over-taxation, an element of 
 the grievance which demands redress. On this, too, all the 
 materials are belore us, and the question is ripe for your 
 decision. 
 r^ Now, Sir, an amendment has been put down insisting 
 
 ^^ on the absolute fiscal indivisibility of the 
 
 Mr. ^ United Kingdom, and on the consideration 
 amendment' ^"'y °f the pressure of taxation on the 
 individual, wherever he may reside. This 
 was partly the view of the Committee of 1864. But it is 
 not, as I think I have shown, the true view. 
 Another amendment appears, designed at once seriously 
 to limit the range and to indicate one direc- 
 amfndment.' tion of remedial legislation. But I venture 
 to submit to my right hon. friend that it is 
 both a wiser course and a truer interpretation of Irish 
 opinion to adhere to the comprehensive words of my pro- 
 posal. 
 
 The line of the Government is different It does not in 
 terms adopt, though it may aim at the result 
 of, the first amendment It does not acknow- 
 ledge the existence of a grievance, or admit 
 the propriety of the remedy suggested by the 
 second amendment. The Government proposes to meet 
 
 The 
 
 Government 
 
 line. 
 
 ' ,^" J * *^ :. 
 
 L.- 
 
ON UVKli-TAXATlUN UF Ilih'LAXD. 451 
 
 the case by llic appointment of a new ConiniissiDn, mainly 
 
 to inquire into the results of the proposed division into four 
 
 parts of the United Kingdom expenditure, into the effect 
 
 of the existing; United Kingdom taxation, and into the 
 
 propriety of changes in taxation and expenditure. In a 
 
 word, it is proposed to deal with our demand upon tiie 
 
 lines of the speech of the First Lord of the Treasury at 
 
 Manchester, I have already given you the reasons why I 
 
 think it impossible to assent to any such inquiry. 
 
 It is said that the Commissioners failed to discharge 
 
 their duty by not reporting upon this ciue.'ition 
 
 The of division. But the bulk of the Commis- 
 
 Commis- . . ^ , . 
 
 »ioners' view, sioners held that tliat portion ot the reference 
 
 had regard to the political conditions then 
 
 existing as to Home Rule, and had no foundation under 
 
 the Act of Union. That is the argument we advance. 
 
 This, however, is to be added, that all the materials for 
 
 a conclusion upon these questions have been 
 
 New collected, and are to be found in the pro- 
 
 ^3css'.''" cecdings of the Commission ; and that there 
 
 is no necessity or utility in remitting 
 
 such questions at this day to the decision of any such body. 
 
 They are now, after all, peculiarly a matter for Parliament. 
 
 Upon the ground then, first, that the proposed inquiry is 
 
 based upon wrong principles ; secondly, that it is useless ; 
 
 and thirdly, that it is dilatory, we object to and protest 
 
 against the Commission. 
 
 This being the answer to our demand, I am relieved 
 
 from considering in detail the suggestion 
 
 Demand for which has been thrown out in Ministerial 
 
 remedy. quarters, that the Commission should have 
 
 indicated, and that we, forsooth, should now 
 
 indicate the precise form of the remedy. That question 
 
 was not referred to the Commission. It is obviously one 
 
 for Parliament, on the initiative of the Executive, to deal 
 
 with. It is not for us, a small minority, powerless to 
 
 achieve, to propound the specific remedy to-day. 
 
r 
 
 45- 
 
 IWN. EDWARD BLAKE, M.P. 
 
 i 
 
 '.il 
 
 i! 
 
 Iluinc Kiilc. 
 
 You well know what the majority of the Irish people 
 think would embrace a cciiplcte and effective 
 remedy. That solution you refuse to adopt. 
 But your refusal entails on you even added responsi- 
 bilities towards Ireland ; and, both as the 
 Responsibility depositories of power and as the special de- 
 "' ri"'" fenders of the existing form of Union, which 
 is the basis of this Government, you are 
 doubly bound to find a remedy for this grievous injustice, 
 existent under the system you maintain and control. 
 
 Several plans have been suggested, of which some are 
 to be found in the various reports. All may 
 Several plans have their inconveniences. It is for you to 
 propound that which you think best, and for 
 us to make counter-proposals. But, the principle of our 
 claim once admitted, we shall make no difficulty in discus.s- 
 ing with you the best remedy. 
 
 If yon say " The inconveniences are too serious ; we find 
 no practicable way within the Union ; therc- 
 ^oA^T*'""* fore the grievance must remain unredressed," 
 then assuredly, the friends of the Union will 
 inflict a heavy blow on the system by which they stand. You 
 have declared for that Union as a compact under which 
 Ireland was secure in all her rights, and protected in all her 
 interests ; under which she was assured of just and generous 
 treatment. If you now aver that the Union demands that 
 she shall still labour under this injustice, you cannot but 
 discourage its friends, and place h\ the hands of its op. 
 ponents a keen and powerful weapon of attack. 
 
 Sir, we call for action, and to that end I move — " That 
 in the opinion of this house the report and proceedings of 
 the Royal Commission on the Financial Relations of Great 
 Britain and Ireland establish the existence of an undue 
 burden of taxation on Ireland, which constitutes a great 
 grievance to all classes of the Irish community, and makes it 
 the duty of the Government to propose at an early day 
 remedial legislation." 
 
 ^ — ^-^ 
 
 r. 
 
 I 
 
 '>^ 
 
I. I' 
 
 \U 
 
 ffe'' 
 
 
 i 
 
 1,1 
 
 
 I 
 
 It 
 
 •11 
 
 CIIBIST CIIUBOH OATHEDBAt, DUBLIN, 
 
 
 
 
\-r- 
 
 ITablce. 
 
 COMI'lLliU DY MK. ALFRED V/EliU. 
 
 I. 
 
 VopuLATioN or Criat Dritain and Ireland from 1780 to 1896. 
 
 [The Agiirri for Tireat lt(t(:iin are (aken printinally from Cefiftilt Uuportt ; ttio^e for Ireland 
 frum Or. (iriiii^haw'! I'ablci, HviUtncft II. 437-8. Those fur 1896 are ftotn Ueiftttrar* 
 <ieiiiralt' Khtimitei.] 
 
 Year. 
 
 Great Britain. 
 
 Ireland. 
 
 1780 
 
 9,510,000 
 
 3,526,000 
 
 1791 
 
 10,055,000 
 
 4,206,000 
 
 1801 
 
 10,942,000 
 
 4,937,000 
 
 1811 
 
 13,596,000 
 
 S.79S.OOO 
 
 iSai 
 
 14,329,000 
 
 6,802,000 
 
 1831 
 
 16,260,000 
 
 7,767,000 
 
 1841 
 
 18,534,000 
 
 8,199,000 
 
 1851 
 
 20,815,000 
 
 6,514,000 
 
 1861 
 
 23,128,000 
 
 5,788.000 
 
 1871 
 
 36,073,000 
 
 5,398,000 
 
 1881 
 
 29,709,000 
 
 5,145.000 
 
 1891 
 
 33.027,000 
 
 4,681,000 
 
 1896 
 
 34,917,000 
 
 4,560,000 
 
 II. 
 
 exfbnditurb per head op population on spirits and beer in 
 Great Britain and in Ireland in 1893. 
 
 [Pari. Paper ]]4 of 1893, Evidenci, I. 360.] 
 
 
 Great Britain. 
 
 Ireland. 
 
 Spirits 
 Beer 
 
 /;« 9 
 
 a 13 
 
 /:i 6 6 
 
 I 7 a 
 
 Totals 
 
 A a 
 
 L^ 13 8 
 
TAHLKS. 
 
 4SS 
 
 in. 
 
 Tax RrvBNiiK or Orrat Hkitain and or Irklanr rROM lySj-j 
 
 TO 1893-4, ArCOKhINO TO TIIR Tkkasi'kv Taiu.ks of Nki Ukvknub, 
 rROM 1783-3 TO liioo-i, iNCLiisiVK ; oi' Tdtai. Kkvkni'k from i8oi-a 
 
 TO 1816-7, INCLUSIVK i AND OK KSTIMATKI) I'KIIK KkVKNUK FROM 
 1819-20 TO 1893-4. 
 
 [»08 Tiiblef put In Kviitenct by Hir H. W. Hanillon, Alllllanl-Srrr<'l.-iry lo Ihi- I'rraiury, 
 I. ]08-9, J71-J, mill II. ii)i.l 
 
 [AUo. nottt:— Up to 1801 fur Groat Drit.iin, and to 1811 for Ireland, the population if 
 Fitimated. From 1801 (incl'iiivv) fur Great llritain, and 1811 (iDcluiive) for Ireland, 
 thu Cennut fif^nroi are taken.] 
 
 The amounts prr 
 head, ai woli at tlic 
 totals of Revenue, 
 for i8i9<2o, and . 
 thenceforward, to^ 
 1893-94, arc ex- 
 tracted from Sir 
 E, W, Hamilton't 
 Table, II. p. 191, 
 
 l78ii-83 ... 
 
 1792-93 - 
 1801-02 ... 
 1809-10 .., 
 1819-20 .., 
 1829-30 .. 
 1839-40 .. 
 1849-50 .. 
 1859-60 .. 
 18O9-70 .. 
 1879-80 .. 
 1889-90 .. 
 1 1893-94 .. 
 
 Great Britain. 
 
 Tax 
 Revoiuc. 
 
 Per 
 
 head. 
 
 Ireland, 
 
 Tax 
 Revenue. 
 
 Per 
 head. 
 
 150 
 
 11,880,000 s I 
 
 16,519,0003 [l 12 O 
 
 33.596,000 
 61,275,000 
 49,511,000 
 
 47,416,000 
 43,918,000 
 
 49,651,000 
 
 I 
 57,866,000 
 
 59,678,000 
 
 60,060,000 
 
 71,588,000 
 
 75,796,000 
 
 340 
 530 
 
 3 "o 3 
 2 18 o 
 2 7 5 
 278 
 2 10 o 
 
 259 
 
 205 
 
 234 
 
 2 4 10 
 
 814,000 
 1,016,000 
 2,521,000 
 4,687,000 
 4,911,000 
 5,067,000 
 5,076,000 
 4,563,000 
 7,340,000 
 6,868,000 
 6,437,000 
 6,820,000 
 6,643,000 
 
 040 
 040 
 o 10 o 
 o 16 o 
 o 14 5 
 o 13 I 
 
 O 13 5 
 
 13 u 
 « 5 4 
 
 1 S 5 
 I 411 
 1 9 o 
 
 •1 810 
 
 • Increased in 1895-6 to £\ 15]. id. 
 Statistics such as are here given form tlie basis of I.eland's contention 
 regarding over-taxation. Since 1809-10, the taxation of Great Britain has 
 been reduced from £^ 2%. tO;{[2 4s. lod. per head ; that of Ireland has been 
 increased from 16s. to £1 15s. id. per bead. The proportions of taxation 
 liave not been adhered to, against which even the Irish Lords recorded their 
 protest, and by which a bare majority of the Irish Commons were induced to 
 agree to the Union. 
 
 i 
 
I L. 
 
 '^^ 
 
 
 ♦sft- 
 
 TABLES. 
 
 IV. 
 
 Payments from Ireland to England constituting a 
 ON the Economic Resources of Ireland, i.e.. Pay- 
 
 Pkincipal 
 drain 
 
 MBN'IS and ExPENniTURE OUT OF THE ANNUAL GROSS INCOME OF 
 IREIAND FOR WHICH THERE IS I.ITTLii OR NO CoRRESFONDINO 
 
 Return. 
 
 [Mr. Murrough O'Brien' .ih\c, Evidence II. irfi,] 
 
 
 
 Amount 
 
 
 
 
 known 
 approxi- 
 
 ProbaH- 
 
 
 
 Amount. 
 
 
 
 mately. 
 
 
 
 
 £ 
 
 £ 
 
 I. 
 
 Value of property owned by absentees, con- 
 
 2,470,816 
 
 > 5,000,000 
 
 
 fined to rural property as per Return 167 
 
 
 
 of April 23, 1872.* 
 
 
 2. 
 
 .Similar proportion of Urban properties 
 Re .lue of London Co. 's estates ... 
 
 960900 
 
 3- 
 
 .,-.-00 
 
 4- 
 
 Mortgages of English Insurance Co.'s as 
 
 630,000 
 
 1,500,000 
 
 
 estimated by Dr. Giffen in 18S6, 
 
 
 (all absentee 
 
 
 ;f 14,000,000 at 4'/i per cent.t 
 
 
 mortgages 
 and annuities) 
 
 S- 
 
 Average amount paid by Church Fund as 
 interest for 23 years to 31st March, 1894 
 
 219,631 
 
 219,631 
 
 6. 
 
 Average annual amount of capital repaid by 
 Church Fund for 19 years. 
 
 379.769 
 
 379.769 
 
 7- 
 
 Interest on Board ol Woiks and Public 
 Works Loan Commissioners Ix>ans average 
 taken as p.iyment in 1893. (Smith-Barry's 
 Return 376, 17th August, 1893.) J 
 
 26s. "37 
 
 265,137 
 
 8. 
 
 Repayment of capital by same rp'urn 
 
 430,686 
 
 430,686 
 
 9. 
 
 Quit-rents and Crown Reversions 
 
 40,coo 
 
 40,000 
 
 lO. 
 
 Land Loan Annuities 4 per cent, on 
 j£ 1 2,000,000. 
 
 480,000 
 
 480,000 
 
 II. 
 
 Remittances of capital for deposit in Post 
 Office and Trustee Savings Banks. 
 Average annual increase of deposits for 
 past 21 half years. 
 
 2S4.760 
 
 254.760 
 
 12. 
 
 Interest at i per cent, on Post Office and 
 Trustee Bank deposits on which 2^ per 
 cent, is paid to depositors, while they are 
 lent bark to Ireland at not less than 3^ 
 per cent. 
 
 65,000 
 
 65,000 
 
 >3- 
 
 Extra cost of Iiish Private Bill legislation. 
 
 Not ascer- 
 
 — 
 
 
 estimated {see debate in 1871) to cost for 
 
 tained. 
 
 
 
 witnesses five times as much as if con- 
 
 
 
 
 ducted in Ireland. 
 
 
 
 «♦• 
 
 Expenses of loo M.P.'s at ;f300 each per 
 session. 
 
 30,000 
 
 30,000 
 
 
 ;f 6,^56,699 
 
 ;£8,664,983 
 
 *Thii return was well known to be an under estimate; superior rents, rentchargcs, 
 and annuities were not included in it, Abscntcism has increased since 1679. 
 
 -fXhe mortgaee debt on Iriih real estate has heea estimated at from 80 to 130 
 milliont by authonties, Irish mortgages were for many years a favourite investment for 
 English lenders owing to the higher rate ^ f interest obtainable. 
 
 t The benefit of most of this expenditure is represented in the assessment retumf and 
 rental. 
 
 (■ 
 
 ( 
 
 
TAlifJJS. 
 V. 
 
 4S7 
 
 Taxable Capacity of Irklano, as coMPAnEi) to that op 
 GRr.Ai- Uritain. 
 
 [CalriilaleJ : NoJ. I to H, 15 and ifi, from Sir Uulirrt (lifTcn's Tallica, EviJtiiri-, II. 17 
 No o from Mr. Murrou^h O'ltiicn's TiihU-, tiviii^nvr^ I. 3H7. No«. in 10 ij fro 
 Sir L. W. Hamilton's 'I'atjle, EvnUncc^ 1. 350-7. Ng. 14. See Table VI. J 
 
 1. 
 0111 
 
 
 
 In Ireland compared with 
 tli:a in Grc.it lltilain is .is 
 
 1. 
 
 Cunsumption of Co.-^l ... ... 
 
 I 
 
 H 
 
 41 
 
 2. 
 
 Nett Income Tax Assessments of Quarries. 
 Mines and Gasworks 
 
 I 
 
 f 1 
 
 58 
 
 3- 
 
 Tonnage of Shipping in Foreign Trade 
 
 I 
 
 M 
 
 58 
 
 4- 
 
 rcisons engaged in Textile Factories 
 
 I 
 
 ,, 
 
 62 
 
 S' 
 
 Capital of Joint Stock Companies 
 
 I 
 
 II 
 
 43 
 
 6. 
 
 I'assengers (exclusive of Season Ticktt 
 Holders) carried on Railways 
 
 , 
 
 >t 
 
 36 
 
 7. 
 
 Goods conveyed on Railways 
 
 I 
 
 tt 
 
 71 
 
 8. 
 
 Value of Mineral Troduce 
 
 1 
 
 It 
 
 416 
 
 9- 
 
 Capital of Industrial and Provident Societies 
 
 I 
 
 II 
 
 S32 
 
 10. 
 
 Income from Government Stocks (average of 
 years 1891, 1892, 1S93) ... 
 
 I 
 
 ., 
 
 S3 
 
 II. 
 
 Profits derived from Trades and Professions 
 (same period) 
 
 I 
 
 11 
 
 32 
 
 12. 
 
 Total Profits assessed to Income-Tax (same 
 period) 
 
 f 
 
 ,, 
 
 21 
 
 «3- 
 
 Property assessed to Probate and Succession 
 Duly (same period) 
 
 I 
 
 tl 
 
 20 
 
 14. 
 
 Surplus Income after deducting cost of Sub- 
 sistence and Taxation 
 
 Males above 20 in Agricultural Class in 1891 
 Nett Agricultural Production 
 Average per person 
 
 • 
 
 
 27 
 
 
 Ireland. 
 
 Great Biitain. 
 
 IS 
 16 
 
 701,000 
 ^{,■40 ,000, 000 
 
 1,146,000 
 
 ^iSo.ooo.ooo 
 
 /;>S7 
 
 It is upon figures such as these that Ireland's low taxable capacity, as com- 
 pared to Great Britain, is established. The two last lines prove that even in 
 her one great industry, agriculture, her people are at a disadvantage. 
 
^ 
 
 TABLES. 
 
 VI. 
 
 459 
 
 Approximate Capital of Grrat Britain and op Iurland in 1895, 
 WITH Api'roxi.matu Estimate of Surplus Incomu of Inhadi- 
 
 TANTS in nOTlI COUNTKIKS. 
 
 [Evidence /(ijjjOT, and Mr. Murrough O'lirien's Tabic, £'ri</i-M<rc, I, 388.] 
 
 
 Great Britain. 
 
 Ireland. 
 
 Capital in 1812 
 
 >. 189s 
 
 I 
 
 1,500,000,000 
 10,000,000,000 
 
 £ 
 
 563,000.000 
 400.000,000 
 
 Gross Annual Income, 1895 
 Maintenance Allowance, ;/[i2 per head of 
 population 
 
 1,500,000,000 
 420,000,000 
 
 70,000,000 
 55,000,000 
 
 Great Britain. Ireland. 
 Revenue, 1892-93 ... 88,000,000 7,000,000 
 Local Taxes ... 39,000,000 3,000,000 
 
 1,080,000,000 
 127,000,000 
 
 15,000,000 
 10,000,000 
 
 Surplus above bare Maintenance 
 
 953.000,000" 
 about 
 ;f 27 per head 
 
 5,000,000 
 
 about 
 £1 per head 
 
 * More according to some Evidence. 
 
 VII. 
 
 The extent to ./hicii in Ireland, as compared to in Great 
 Britain, Taxes are raised off Commodities in General 
 Use by the People. 
 
 [From Sir Edwa'd W. Hamilton's Tables, Evidence II. 192.] 
 
 
 Great Britain. 
 
 Ireland. 
 
 
 Indirect 
 
 
 Indirect 
 
 
 Years. 
 
 Taxes on 
 
 Direct and 
 
 Taxes on 
 
 Direct and 
 
 
 Commodities, 
 
 other Taxes. 
 
 Commodities, 
 
 other Taxes. 
 
 
 etc. 
 
 
 etc. 
 
 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 1819-1820 
 
 69- 1 
 
 309 
 
 7i-4 
 
 236 
 
 1829-1830 
 
 72-6 
 
 274 
 
 879 
 
 12 I 
 
 I 839- I 840 
 
 724 
 
 27-6 
 
 892 
 
 IO-8 
 
 1849-1850 
 
 63-4 
 
 366 
 
 873 
 
 127 
 
 1859-1860 
 
 63-2 
 
 368 
 
 8i-3 
 
 187 
 
 1869-1870 
 
 56 'O 
 
 440 
 
 807 
 
 •93 
 
 I 879- I 880 
 
 58-2 
 
 4.-8 
 
 806 
 
 194 
 
 1889-1890 
 
 535 
 
 465 
 
 800 
 
 200 
 
 1893-1894 
 
 537 
 
 463 
 
 764 
 
 236 
 
 f^"K'~ 
 
460 
 
 TABLES. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 rRoroRTiONS OF Marriaues, Births, and Df.aths in the Three 
 Kingdoms. 
 
 Per 1,000 of Population, aver.ige-l87i-92. 
 LHogistrar-Gcncral, hvidetue I. 300.] 
 
 England. 
 
 Scotland. 
 
 Ireland. 
 
 Persons who Married 
 
 Births 
 
 Deaths 
 
 15-6 
 34 -o 
 23-3 
 
 I3'9 
 33-6 
 20 '4 
 
 9-0 
 24-9 
 l8-o 
 
 Excess of Births over Deaths 
 [Sir Uobcrl Giffen's Table, EviJeme II. 162.] 
 Per 1,000 of Population 
 
 IIS 
 
 11-4 
 
 SO 
 
 Estimated Average Marrying Age. 
 [Mulli.iU's Sta/is/ks, iSga.] 
 
 Males 
 
 Females 
 
 277 
 25 '5 
 
 2S-6 
 257 
 
 299 
 25-2 
 
 Upon the figures, such as these, Sir Robert Giffen remarks (EvUeme, 
 II. 162-3) '• — " What is found by experience to be a most significant sign of 
 general economic conditions is the . . . excess of births over deaths. A hiph 
 excess, when combined, as it usually is, with a low death rate, and with 
 a moderate if not a low birth rate, is a good sign of prosperity. . . . Ireland 
 has more jieople in proportion above 50 than Great Britain has, and fewer 
 people in prime of life, i.e., between 20 and 40. The difference is sensible. 
 Ill Ireland no less than l8-6 per cent, of the male population are upwards 
 of 50, but in Scotland and England the per-centages are I3'5 and 137 
 respectively. The per-centage in Ireland between 20 and 40 is 26'6 per 
 cent., and in Scotland and England 28'9 and 29-9 respectively. The per- 
 centages of the female population are much the same. Ireland has thus 
 fewer people in proportion in the prime of life and more above 50 than 
 Great Britain has. . . . These figures also agree with the facts as to the 
 composition of emigration from Ireland and Great Britain respectively. In 
 Ireland there b a steadier stream of people in the prime of life." 
 
 IX. 
 Emigration from England, Scotland and Ireland, 1880 to 1894. 
 
 [C.vl'i.latcd from Sir Hubert Giffen's Table, EviJttue II. 175.] 
 
 
 England. 
 
 Scotland. 
 
 Ireland. 
 
 Male Emigrants 
 Female ,, 
 Children „ 
 
 1,155,000 
 634,000 
 376,000 
 
 189,000 
 
 112,000 
 
 78,000 
 
 460,000 
 430,000 
 123,000 
 
 Proportion of Males to Females ... 
 
 100 to 55 
 
 100 to 59 
 
 100 to 93 
 
 Proportion of Children in Total ... 
 
 17 percent. 
 
 20 per cent. 
 
 12 percent. 
 
 This striking Table suggests the extent to which Irish emigration is drawn 
 from the presumably young, unmarried portion of the population in the prime 
 of life, and the degree in which thereby the country is depleted of the life- 
 giving portion of its population. 
 
TAIII.KX. 
 
 4^1 
 
 X. 
 
 Revenue from Tea, Cocoa, Chicorv and Coffef, anp TonAcco 
 Contributed by (Jkeat Bruain and iiy Ireland, 1S93-4. 
 
 [Aj computed ly Treasury (Paper C 313, of i3 y() Uvideme, I. 408.) 
 
 
 Great Biitain. 
 
 Ireland. 
 
 Irish as to liritish 
 Contribution. 
 
 Tea 
 
 Cocoa 
 
 CofTee and Chicory 
 
 Tobacco 
 
 £ 
 
 3,cx54,ooo 
 
 90,000 
 
 210,000 
 
 8,945,000 
 
 C 
 
 48y,ooo 
 
 12,000 
 
 12,000 
 
 1,174,000 
 
 1 to 6; 
 
 1 >. n 
 
 I ., 17J 
 
 I ., 78 
 
 
 12,249,000 
 
 1,687,000 
 
 • .. 7i 
 
 Compare these figures with the taxable capacity, " not estimated by any 
 of" the eleven Commissioners "as exceeding one-twentieth." 
 
 XI. 
 
 Average Annual Value of Crops and Stock in Ireland, four 
 Periods between 1851-55 and 1889-93. 
 
 [Dr. Griroshaw's Tables, Evidettcet 1. 451-3.] 
 
 I8SI-SS 
 1866-70 
 I884-8S 
 1889-93 
 
 Crops. 
 
 58,537,000 
 45,365,000 
 35,752,000 
 34,643,000 
 
 Stock. 
 
 £ 
 39,348,000 
 59.630,000 
 55,827,000 
 54,312,000 
 
 Total. 
 
 £ 
 
 97,885,000 
 
 104,995,000 
 
 yi, 579,000 
 
 88,955,000 
 
 AvESAGB Annual Value Disposed of, Exclusive of the Tortion 
 OF Crops used by Stock. 
 
 Crops. 
 
 Stock. 
 
 Total. 
 
 1851-55 
 1866-70 
 18S4-88 
 1889-93 
 
 £ 
 43,603.000 
 
 27.935.oco 
 16,466,000 
 
 Not given. 
 
 £ 
 28,3^5,000 
 
 44,27i),coo 
 37,548,000 
 
 L 
 71,988,000 
 72,214,000 
 54,014,000 
 
 ■^---nS 
 
46a 
 
 TABLES. 
 
 XII. 
 
 Table siiowino the Increase of Pauperism in Ireland Within 
 
 PAST TniRTV Years. 
 
 [Mr. H, A. Robinson's Tabic, Evidence, II. 198.] 
 
 
 Averai;e daily numl 'n receipt of relief. 
 
 Percentage of 
 Total daily 
 average on 
 population. 
 
 Year. 
 
 InWorkhouses 
 
 and 
 Institutions fat 
 the Blind, etc. 
 
 In receipt of 
 
 Outdoor 
 Relief (ap- 
 proximate y). 
 
 Total daily 
 average 
 number. 
 
 1S62-3 
 1867-8 
 1872-3 
 1877-8 
 1882-3 
 1887-8 
 1892-3 
 
 S«.30I 
 54.195 
 47,325 
 47,749 
 5 ',097 
 4^.105 
 4 '.549 
 
 6,263 
 14,940 
 27.5'29 
 33,547 
 58,835 
 65,506 
 59.137 
 
 64,564 
 69, MS 
 7i.!J34 
 81,296 
 109,932 
 lii,6ii 
 100,686 
 
 I'I2 
 126 
 
 1 40 
 
 >'53 
 
 2 19 
 
 = •31 
 
 217 
 
 XIII. 
 
 PsotORTiON OF Blind, Deaf and Dumb, and Insane Persons in 
 
 Great Britain and in Ireland, in 1891. 
 
 [Knglish Census, iS^i, EviJence, II, 309-210,] 
 
 
 Number per Million. 
 
 
 England 
 and Wales, 
 
 Scotland. 
 
 Ireland. 
 
 Blind 
 
 Deaf and Dumb 
 Insane 
 
 809 
 
 489 
 
 3-358 
 
 695 
 
 528 
 
 3,841 
 
 i.«3S 
 7'S 
 
 4,504 
 
 Here is shown the inevitable outcome of drain upon resources and the 
 emigration of the young and vigorous. 
 
INTERIOR OF TUMULUS, NEW ailANOE, CO LOUTU. ■ 
 
 V V 
 
rUBI.ICATIONS REI,ATINr. TO THE OVER- 
 TAXATION OF IRI'.LAND. 
 
 'J 
 
 In addition to numerous nrticlea in Nfagntincs and separate publicationn, 
 such as the reports of speeches by Sir Edward Ci.arkb and others, the 
 following, to be procured through any bookseller, are some of them the 
 principal, and others of them amongst the principal, sources of information 
 concerning the Over-taxation of Ireland : — 
 
 Final Report by Her Majesty's Commissioners AFroiNTBD to enquire 
 INTO TUB Financiai, Relations hktween Great Britain and 
 Ireland. a28 pp., folio. Price One Shil/ing and Ten Pence. Eyre & 
 Spottiswoode, London. This contains Mr. Sexton's Report and the 
 other Reports enumerated in Introduction. 
 
 England's Wealth, Ireland's Poverty, by Thomas Lough, M.P., with 
 Ten Coloured Diagrams, 223, xv. pp. Price One Shilliiis. Downey & Co. 
 York Street, Covent Garden, London. 
 
 England's Debt to Ireland, by the late James r. Maunsell, reprinted 
 from the Daily Express, with Diagrams , 26 pp. Price One Penny. Office 
 of the Daily Express, Dublin. 
 
 The Over-taxation of Ireland, a Record of City and County Meetings, 
 the Declarations of Public Bodies, Chambers of Commerce, Political 
 Conventions and British Statesmen, on the Financial Relations between 
 Great Britain and Ireland, 292, xxii. pp. Price One Shilling. Freeman's 
 Journal Comp.iny, Dublin. 
 
 The Financial Relations Question, ExrENDiTURE Account, A Paper 
 read before the Statistical Society of Ireland, by Arthur \V. Samuels, 
 Q.C. 32 pp. Price Sixpence. Scaly, Bryers & Walker, Dublin. 
 
 Some Features of the Over-taxation of Ireland, A Paper read 
 before the St.itistlc.il Society of Ireland, by Nicholas J. Synnott, 
 20 pp. Price Threepence. Sealv, Bryeis h Walker, Dublin. 
 
 •o 
 
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J *