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OUR COLONIAL EMPIRE 
 
 AN ADDRESS 
 
 Delivered before the Philosophical Institution of Edinburgh, 
 on Friday f "November 5, 1875 
 
 BY 
 
 THE RIGHT HON. W. E. FORSTER, M.P. 
 
 REVISED BY THE AUTHOR. 
 
 EDINBURGH: 
 EDMONSTON AND DOUGLAS. 
 
 1875. 
 
 Price Sixpence. 
 
I f 
 
 Kdinburgh : Printed by Thorruu and Archibald Constahle, 
 
 FOB 
 
 EDMON8TON AND DOUGLAS. 
 
 ^ 
 
 LONDON HAMILTON, ADAMS, AND <IO. 
 
 CAMBRIDOi: ....... MACMILLAN AND CO. 
 
 01 ASOOW . , JAMES MACLEH09E 
 
 
OUR COLONIAL EMPIRE. 
 
 JjET me say how it happens that I venture to address you 
 this evening on our Colonial Empire. 
 
 When I received the request of the Directors of your 
 Institution that I should open the proceedings of this Session, 
 my first impulse was to thank them for the high honour of the 
 invitation, and to decline it, on the ground — a most true one — 
 of special unfitness. You expect, I am told, and certainly you 
 have a right to expect, that any address which you come to 
 hear shall be a carefully written discourse rather than a 
 speech ; but my work, of late years, has been that of a man 
 who has had to get through his political task, from day to 
 day, as best he could, by help of such rough speech as he could 
 command. Your Secretary, however, in forwarding the request 
 of your Directors, suggested my present subject, and I was so 
 tempted by the suggestion that, somewhat hastily, I at once 
 pledgfjd myself to be with you this evening. The temptation 
 was this : I have long felt I had something to say about our 
 Colonies, distinct from the immediate poKtics or interests or 
 qi-.estions of the day, and I know not where I could find an 
 audience more to my mmd thp.u in the metropolis of Scotland. 
 Without Scotch colonists where would have been our Colonial 
 Empire? And what this Empire is to be in the future 
 depends not a little upon Scotch energy and action. 
 
 This allusion to the future leads me to define more precisely 
 the object of my remarks. To some of you my subject must 
 have appeared almost unmeaning in its vagueness. Do you 
 propose, I might be asked, to give the history of the Colonies, 
 or to describe their present condition, or to discuss their 
 
OUR COLONIAL EMPIRE. 
 
 present relations to the mother country ? Any one of these 
 branches of the subject might occupy not one but many 
 addresses, by any man, how great soever his power of condensa- 
 tion. But " Our Colonial Empire " may well appear as mis- 
 informing a title as would be " Europe," or " Asia," or " The 
 Roman Empire." My object, however, is not to tell the story 
 of the past, or to debate the questions of the present, but 
 rather to endeavour to describe what will be, or, at any rate, 
 may or should be, our future relations with our Colonies. 
 
 I wish to try to answer the question, " What will become of 
 our Colonial Empire if we. in the United Kingdom, do our 
 duty ? " Even thus limited, my subject is so wide that I can 
 hardly do more than state my conclusions,, with little or no 
 attempt at illustration, begging you to believe that I have not 
 formed them thoughtlessly, and that I propound them with a 
 desire not to appear dogmatic, — rather with the knowledge that 
 if I be dogmatic I must be presumptuous, — and with the hope 
 that you may think it worth while to examine them for your- 
 selves, and to foUow up in your own minds the train of 
 thought I may be able to point out. 
 
 There is one other limitation I must make. I need not 
 tell you that there are three distinct classes of our Colonial 
 possessions, varying greatly in history, position, and object 
 There are Posts, such as Gibraltar and Malta — propugnacula, 
 as they have been well called, — which we hold, not so much 
 as colonies, but as fortresses, the possession of which we have 
 thought, or still think, necessary to our safety or our interests. 
 There are Possessions, such as Ceylon or Sierra Leone, which 
 we govern, but which are like our Indian Empire in this 
 respect, that they are not, and probably never will be, peopled, 
 that is colonised, by men of our own race. And there are our 
 Colonies, in the strict definition of the word, — those regions 
 which we have peopled, or are now peopling, with English- 
 speaking men and women. Now I do not propose, in this 
 discourse, to deal with either of the first two classes. It 
 would be difficult indeed to find a general description which 
 
OUR COLONIAL EMPIRE. 
 
 would comprehend, or a general rule which would apply to, 
 either our isolated propugnacula or our tropical dependencies ; 
 nor ought we, strictly speaking, to apply the term " Colonies " 
 to either the one or the other. When, therefore, I ask you to 
 consider with me what is to become of our Colonial Empire, I 
 mean this : — What is to be the future relation between our 
 islands and those regions of the earth to which we have sent, 
 or are still sending, colonists ? And this question does, in 
 fact, resolve itself into two questions. First, should we look 
 forward to a separation, more or less remote, from these 
 Colonies, or to a continued connection with them ? And next, 
 if to a continued connection, upon what terms ? In a word, in 
 our Colonial Empire to last ? and if so, by what means ? 
 
 Now, as our time together is short, I will at once give you 
 my answer to these questions, before I give you the grounds 
 upon which it is based, in order that, as I try to etate my 
 arguments, you may test them by my conclusions. 
 
 My answer is this : — I believe that our imion with our 
 Colonies will not be severed ; because I believe that we and 
 they will more and more prize this union, and become con- 
 vinced that it can only be preserved by looking forward to 
 association upon equal terms ; in other words, I believe that 
 our Colonial Empire will last, because, no longer striving to 
 rule our Colonies as dependencies, when they become strong 
 enough to be independent, we shall welcome them as our 
 partners in a common and mighty Empire. But if this be all 
 I have to say, why, I may be asked, come here at all ? who 
 talks now of casting off the Colonies ? what more popular 
 cry at present than the preservation of our Colonial Empire ? 
 Some twelve years ago, it is true, a voice from Oxford declared 
 this Empire to be an illusion for the future — a danger to the 
 present — but Professor Goldwin Smith has gone to Canada, 
 and his eloquent arguments for disruption have as little con- 
 vinced the Canadians as ourselves. A most distinguished and 
 successful Indian Governor told us at Glasgow, last year, that 
 he was " not one of those wlo believe in uniting the Colonies 
 
6 
 
 OUR COLONIAL EMrillb;. 
 
 ll 
 
 to our country in a perpetual bond," and he added that, so far 
 as our great Canadian possessions were concerned, " the sooner 
 the connection was severed the better." But Sir George 
 Campbell had only just returned from India, and it is no dis- 
 respect to him to suppose that he was at that time a better 
 judge of Indian than of British or Colonial feeling. Some 
 logicians and philosophers, some energetic and thoughtful 
 politicians, have been supposed to desire ultimate separation ; 
 but if they hold these opinions, of late they have but little 
 expressed them ; and indeed the supposition is based rather 
 upon inferences which others chose to attribute to them than 
 upon actual expressions. 
 
 Certainly the late Government was not seldom attacked as 
 an anti- Colonial Administration, but this charge is but another 
 evidence of Imperial feeling. It was known that no charge 
 against a Government could be more damaging, and therefore, 
 considering the conditions of party warfare, it was not un- 
 natural for those who differed from us, both on matters of 
 general policy, and on details of colonial policy, to declare that 
 we were wishing to get rid of the Colonies, or to provoke them 
 to leave us. 
 
 If I had come here to defend the Government of which I 
 happened to be a member, which of course is not my object, I 
 think I could show that our Colonial policy has done not a 
 little to improve and strengthen our connection with the 
 Colonies ; but at any rate I may be allowed to disown, in the 
 strongest terms, any intention or desire on our part to break it 
 up. Let me add this much about our successors, that it is to 
 me a good symptom that the country appreciates, in its general 
 scope, Lord Carnarvon's endeavours to bring about the con- 
 federation of our South African possessions, which, if accom- 
 plished, will both uphold the Empire and strengthen the 
 Colonies. Nevertheless, while admitting that such is the 
 general expression and drift of public opinion on this question, 
 I cannot consider that silence is incumbent on those who think 
 with me in regard to it. 
 
OUR COLONIAL EMPIRE. 
 
 There are some persons, probably not many, perhaps not so 
 many as a few years ago, who both desire and expect separa- 
 tion. But are there not very many who, though they do not 
 desire it, expect that it will come — first or last, sooner or later ; 
 the later indeed the better ; but who look forward to Canada 
 choosing to leave us ; to Australia, and New Zealand, and 
 South Africa, one after the other, declaring their independence ; 
 who, in a word, believe that the children, when grown to full 
 manhood, will set up house for themselves ? I strongly sus- 
 pect that this is the prevalent feeling of those who try to 
 forecast the future, whether they be philosophical students or 
 active politicians; and that, too, quite irrespective of their 
 political party or school of thought, I could quote many 
 authorities in support of this assertion, had I time, or were it 
 necessary to do so ; but I think it will hardly be disputed that 
 this expectation does generally underlie the discussions between 
 those who would and those who would not take immediate 
 steps to hasten its fulfilment. For instance, Mr. Goldwin 
 Smith, in the book in which he republishes his letters on this 
 subject to the Daily News, is able to show that the Times, in 
 one of its leaders, concludes an able reply to his argument for 
 disruption, by telling the people of the Colonies, that " we do 
 not pretend to deny that the time must come when they will 
 no longer require our aid, and when it will be better for both 
 that they should set up for themselves." 
 
 But if separation is eventually to come, surely we should 
 prepare for it rather than inveigh against it ! I am one of 
 those who so far believe in the future, that if I become con- 
 vinced that the forces of society are tending in a direction 
 which must eventually bring about a certain result, I begin to 
 question my fears of that result, and to ask myself whether 
 the Power which guides man through the ages is not, after all, 
 guiding him aright, though, to my imperfect vision, there may 
 be pitfalls by the way. This expectation is no new notion. 
 It was well expressed in 1856 by Mr. Arthur Mills, in his 
 preface to his informing Outlines of Colonial Consiituiicp^. 
 
8 
 
 OUR COLONIAL EMPIR'5. 
 
 *' To ripen these communities," he says — that is, our Colonies, 
 — " to the earliest possible maturity, social, political, and 
 commercial — to qualify them by all the appliances within the 
 reach of the parent State, for present self-government and 
 eventvMl independence, is now the universally admitted aim of 
 our Colonial Policy." But if this be the key-note, let us try 
 to tune the instruments in harmony. 
 
 Without doubt, this is one of the many cases in which our 
 duty doed not depend on our hopes or our fears. The duty of 
 the day to our Colonial fellow-countrymen is clear enough ; but 
 to me, at least, it is easier to fulfil this duty in a hopeful rather 
 than in a desponding spirit, and, if I agreed with the writer in 
 the Times in his anticipations, I admit that I should lend a 
 willing ear to the arguments which that writer was answering. 
 And, indeed, this is one of those anticipations, one of those 
 prophecies, which fulfil themselves. Ideas are the rulers of the 
 world. First or last they realise themselves, and become the 
 facts of history. If, then, it is to be the prevalent idea in the 
 minds of English-speaking men, at home and abroad, that each 
 colony must become an independent nation, when it has be- 
 come powerful enough to protect itself, we may at once try to 
 reconcile ourselves to the inevitable : give up the hope of con- 
 tinuing to girdle the world with our possessions; strive to 
 convince ourselves that this hope is a foolish dream, that this 
 boasted rule is but a vain show — a sacrifice of the reality of 
 power to the pretence of prestige ; and concentrate all our 
 endeavours in the attempt to propitiate the new nations, and 
 to obtain from them friendly consideration, as one by one they 
 assert their independence, or, as it were, take up their nation- 
 ality. 
 
 But suppose that, in place of this idea, there comes to pre- 
 vail another and a very different idea — namely this, that our 
 Colonies, when strong enough to be independent, will yet be 
 stronger, more rich, more intelligent, able to be lett&r if still in 
 union with ourselves ; that their inhabitants will have greater 
 opportunities, ; wider scope, a possibility of a higher career, if 
 
OUR COLONIAL EMPIRE. 
 
 9 
 
 continuing our fellow- counfy men ; tliat in order to fulfil all 
 the duties of free and civilised and aelf-governinf,' men, they 
 need not cease to be British citizens ; that they may have all 
 the advantages of a nationality without disowning their 
 allegiance ; and that as they increase in strengtli and power, so 
 also shall i 3. If this, I say, become the prevalent idea, then 
 this will be the idea that will realise itself, and our Colonial 
 Empire may and will last. This, then, is the real question 
 before us, Which of these two ideas will prevail? and, to my 
 mind, that means. In which of these two ideas is there the most 
 truth ? After all, then, we are driven to weigh the arguments 
 of the Separationists. If they be right — if there is reason 
 to believe that Separation will ultimately be better for the 
 parent and the children — or for one or the other — we must 
 then admit that the Separation idea is the true one. 
 
 Let us, however, first try to picture to ourselves what our 
 Colonial Empire is now, and what it will soon be. I will not 
 weary you with statistics, not that I undervalue them in this 
 question, or indeed in any question, but because to be fair 
 they must be exhaustive, and for an exhaustive statistical 
 statement we have not time, I doubt not many of you have 
 made yourselves acquainted with the extent and population and 
 trade of our Colonies, with their resources and prospects ; and 
 to those who have not done so, may I venture to say that, 
 without some attention to these matters, no one of us can be 
 said to have fully qualified himself to perform his political 
 duties. But without entering into details, there are one or two 
 broad facts which it may be well to keep before us. Taking -^ 
 our Colonies in their strictest definition — including only those 
 ^vhich are, or can be, peopled and settled by white men, — 
 excluding not only India and Ceylon, and our possessions in 
 West Africa, but also, on account of their tropical situation, 
 Mauritius and the West Indies — I find the total area as given 
 in the latest statistical abstract presented to Parliament, to be 
 in round numbers, not much less than four millions of square 
 miles, or about 3,100,000 in Australia, including New Zealand, 
 
 A2 
 
■a 
 
 10 
 
 OUR COLONIAL EMPIRE. 
 
 225,000 in South Africa, and about 600,000 ia North America, 
 not iiicluding the vast North-west Territory, the area of which 
 is given in the last circular issued by the Emigration Commis- 
 sioners at 2,750,000 fjquare miles. 
 
 If we add the area of British India and of our tropical 
 dependencies, and that of the United Kingdom, small though 
 it be, we find that the whole British territory is about eight 
 million square miles, or more than one-eighth of the land 
 surface of the globe. But, for our purposes this evening, we 
 muse disregard both cur territory in the tropics and that north 
 of the line of cultivatic j, inasmuch as we are now dealing only 
 with British possessions which are or may be colonised. At 
 first I did not find it easy to get trustworthy information as to 
 either the actual or the relative position of these possessions, 
 the geographical books by no means agreeing ; but I have been 
 most kindly and efficiently helped by my friend and old col- 
 league Mr. Wyld (thar ,*hom no one has more experience and 
 knowledge, not only in geography generally, but especially in 
 political and physical geography), who has compiled for me 
 the map you have before you, and given me some statistics 
 which are, I think, worth considering. I have not given Mr. 
 Wyld time to prepare his figures with minute accuracy, but I 
 have no doubt whatever that they are substantially correct. 
 
 The home, not only of Britons, but of all white races, lies 
 in the temperate regions. In the tropics we and they may rule 
 and work with our brains, as in India, but we cannot work 
 hard with our hands, and our children must be sent home, or 
 they dwindle away. But this home is getting over full. No 
 one can say to what extent the population of tne United 
 Kingdom, or of Europe, may be increased as the conditions of 
 its society become improved ; but as it is, swarms of industrious 
 men and women must leave, not only our islands, but other 
 European countries, notably Germany, Switzerland, and Scandi- 
 navia. Where can they go ? Our races come from the wilds 
 of Central Asia, and to them they have no wish to return — the 
 circumstances of Siberia and Tartary do not attract emigrants. 
 
CUR COLONIAL EMPIRE. 
 
 11 
 
 China is more overstocked than Europe itself, and that part of 
 North Africa which is not desert is already occupied. There 
 remains the New World, or rather the New Worlds, of America, 
 Au£'.falia, and South Africa. But of the temperate regions of 
 these new worlds eighty per cent, belongs to us and our kinsmen 
 in the United States. Forty- four per cent, belor.gs to us. You 
 will observe, if you look at the map, that I have not made the 
 temperate regions conterminous or co-extensive with the tem- 
 perate zones. I have taken the two tropics as the boundaries 
 against heat, but as against cold Mr. Wyld has drawn for me a 
 line showing the limits of the cultivation of grain. The dis- 
 trict coloured red shows the portion of the temperate regions 
 belonging to us, the green that which belongs to the United 
 States, and the pink the remainder, 'i'he result is this : — Let 
 the emigrant from old Europe, who seeks a home for himself 
 or his children, go where he will — except to Spanish or Portu- 
 guese America, or to the Dutch republics in the interior of 
 South Africa, which have left us, perhaps only for a time — he 
 will hear our language spoken, he will iind our institutions 
 pervading society. If he chooses to study the character of the 
 men and women around him, he will find that it can only be 
 understood by a knowledge of English history ; that it has, in 
 fact, been formed by the character of our fatherc, ^. d if he 
 ^oes to Africa, or to the great islands of the west, or to America 
 north of the St. Lawrence, or of the latitude of forty-nine 
 degrees, he will find himself a subject of our Queen. 
 
 But now take another fact. Why are those temperate 
 regions of Asia, the wilds of Tartary and Siberia, so scantily 
 peopled ? Not altogether by reason of the severity of the 
 climate, but on account of the difficulty of access. It is hard 
 to say what railways will not do in the future; but hitherto 
 the progress of countries has very much depended on their 
 coas<;-line, and a long coast-line will never cease to be an 
 advantage. For instance, Europe has more than one-twelfth of 
 the coast-line, while it has not one-eeventeenth of the lai>d 
 surface of the earth. Whai, then, is the coast-line of the 
 
12 
 
 OUR COLONIAL EMPIRE. 
 
 English-peopled countries ? Again excluding India and West 
 Africa, incluuing only that portion of British territory which 
 is within the temperate regions — excluding therefore the north 
 coast of America — we have a coast-line of more than 21,000 
 miles. The coast-line of all the temperate regions of the earth 
 is about 70,000 miles. We therefore have more than two- 
 sevenths of the whole. The coast-line of the United States, 
 with so much of Alaska as is below the grain line, is more 
 than 8000 miles, so that English-speaking men have about 
 three-sevenths of the coast-line of all the temperate regions in 
 the two hemispheres. 
 
 If we take the coast-line of the temperate regions of North 
 and South America, Australia, and South Africa, we find that 
 we have more than one-half, and we and the United States 
 together about four- fifths, or the same proportion as of the 
 «,rea. 
 
 So much for area, and now a word on Population. The 
 "Parliamentary return estimates the population, in 1871, of 
 'British North America as about 3,750,000 ; Australia, includ- 
 ing New Zealand, about 2,000,000 ; the Cape and Natal, about 
 850,000 : or in round numbers, a total of 6,600,000. The 
 dame return shows the numbers in 1850 to be less than 
 3,500,000, being for British North America about 2,500,000, 
 Australia and New Zealand about 550,000, the Cape and 
 Natal about 400,000. This shows a total increase in the 
 twenty-one years of more than 88 per cent. What will be the 
 future increase ? Who can tell ? No trustworthy answer can 
 be given, except that it will be very great. Suppose an in- 
 crease for th3 remainder of this century proportionate to that 
 since 1850; these colonies would then start in the twentieth 
 century with a population of at least 15,000,000. Many of 
 you will live to know whether this estimate is too sanguine. 
 I believe it will be found to be under the mark. There is 
 reason to expect that future emigration will be conducted on 
 a greater scale than at present ; and, indeed, we are only now 
 beginning to open out the fertile portions of the North-west 
 
 t i 
 
OUR COLONIAL EMPIRE. 
 
 13 
 
 Territory of tne Dominion. By the last census, the population 
 of the United Kingdom was about 31,500,000 ; and the Eegis- 
 trar- General informs us in his Preliminary Report that, at the 
 rate of increase for the last ten years, this population would 
 double itself in eighty-four years, that is, it would be about 
 63,000,000 in 1955. It may well be doubted whether our 
 two small islands could support so dense a population ; but 
 every one admits that there is room in the Colonies, and, sup- 
 posing their increase to be at the rate of the twenty-one years 
 from 1850 to 1871, their number, at the end of the eighty-four 
 years, would become more than 82,000;000. Their proportion 
 to the United Kingdom, instead of 66 to 315, would be 82 
 to 63. 
 
 You may or may not accept these calculations, or rather 
 these guesses ; but I think we shall all accept almost as cer- 
 tainties these three probabilities : — First, that by the end of 
 this century our colonies within the temperate zones will be 
 strong enough to assert their independence, if they please — 
 will, in short, be able to shift for themselves. Secondly, that 
 whether they do or do not assert their independence, they will 
 be too mighty to be treated any longer as dependencies. And 
 lastly, that before the middle of next century, their population 
 will outnumber ours, and still leave room for indefinite increase. 
 And if I had time, I could show that there is every reason to 
 expect that their progress in wealth and in culture, and in all 
 the conditions of power, will at least keep pace with their 
 population. 
 
 With these facts and probabilities before us, let us consider 
 the arguments of those who look forward to the loss of these 
 possessions not ordy without regret, but with satisfaction. I 
 can only give these arguments very briefly, but I will try to 
 give them fairly. 
 
 I think they may be stated as follows : — The loss of our 
 Colonies would in reality, it is said, be a gain to us, because it 
 would relieve our taxpayers of a large pecuniary burden ; 
 because, also, it would make wars wicii other nations less 
 
t ! 
 
 M\\\ 
 
 
 i! I 
 
 It! 
 
 III! 
 
 u 
 
 OUR COLONIAL EMPIRE. 
 
 likely to occur, and less difficult to wage, or would, in fact, 
 diminish our danger, both of war, and in war. And as regards 
 the Colonies themselves, it is stated that the severance of their 
 connection with us would increase their safety and diminish 
 their burdens ; would prevent their being involved in wars in 
 which they are not interested ; would stimulate their progress 
 in population and in wealth ; would train them to self-reliance ; 
 and is, indeed, the only mode by which they can become fit to 
 fill their proper place, and to fulfil their duties in the world. 
 And lastly, it is strenuously urged that any association with 
 such communities on terms of equality is impracticable — that 
 no federation is possible — that the difficulties of time and space 
 would, as it were, drive them to eventual independence, and 
 that the only tie which can bind them to the mother coimtry 
 is that dependent relation which is every year becoming more 
 and more relaxed, and which must ultimately disappear. 
 
 Now, first, what is the actual cost of these Colonies ? How 
 heavy is the burden on our taxpayers ? i believe there are 
 few matters on which greater misapprehension exists in the 
 public mind. Some years ago, it is true, we paid largely, not 
 only towards their military defence, but their civil government. 
 It was only fair that we should do so. "While we made them 
 take our criminals, and controlled their markets, and sent out 
 to them almost all their officials, — while, in fact, we not only 
 actually governed them, but governed them for what we sup- 
 posed to be our interests, — it was but just that we should pay 
 much of the cost of that government. It is true, also, that 
 we have admitted their right to self-government somewhat 
 more quickly than we have called upon them to defray its 
 cost, and for a time our taxpayers had grounds for complaint. 
 It could not be expected that the inhabitants of these islands, 
 borne down, as they are, under the load of taxes — the heritage 
 of past struggles, and forced to pay much in order to meet the 
 wants of our ancient and complicated society, would patiently 
 maintain the machinery by which their Colonial fellow-country- 
 men administer their own affairs, or relieve them from all 
 
OUR COLONIAL EMPIRE. 
 
 15 
 
 expense in defending the property they are so rapidly acquir- 
 ing. But this grievance has now little, if any, foundation. 
 Let me give you the actual figures. Last year there was a 
 Parliamentaiy "Return of the Cost of the several Colonies of 
 the British Empire, at the expense of the British Exchequer," 
 including not only payments of Governors, but all contribu- 
 tions towards Police, Schools, and other local charges ; and 
 the expense not only of the troops we have sent out, but the 
 money spent on fortifications and other military defences. In 
 1869-70 the amount was £2,745,980. In 1872-73 (the last 
 year given) it was £1,817,471. Bat these sums include the 
 expenses of all the Colonies, If we take only those with 
 which we are dealing, that is, British North America, Aus- 
 tralia (including New Zealand), and South Africa, we have 
 £1,165,316 in 1869-70 against £372,451 in 1872-73, and of 
 this £370,000, about £160,000 was spent in Nova Scotia, 
 mainly at the Imperial Station at Halifax, and more than 
 £40,000 on the convict establishment, which we still maintain 
 for Imperial purposes, in Western Australia, and of which the 
 cost is rapidly diminishing. In thus reducing the charges on 
 the Imperial Exchequer, the late Government has, I believe, 
 made our relation with the Colonies more close and more 
 durable, because more in accordance with fairness and justice. 
 And though this change excited some opposition at first, it was 
 more at home than abroad. Australia is proud of her pecu- 
 niary position, and in Canada, where the diminution in Imperial 
 payment, for the two great provinces of Ontario and Quebec, 
 has been from £434,223 to £3552, I certainly, in my short 
 visit last year, found no disatisfaction. 
 
 I may be told that the direct charges do not cover the 
 actual loss, and that we ought to take into account the ships 
 of-war we have to build and man for the defence of these 
 communities. I cannot admit that we ought to count any 
 such indirect charge. It would not he easy to show that, 
 irrespective of our Colonies, our Navy, as compared with other 
 nations, is too strong. If all our Colonies were to leave us to- 
 
IC) 
 
 OUR COLONIAL EMPIRE. 
 
 I i i 
 
 |!!!1 
 
 lilln 
 ill 
 
 I I 
 
 li 
 
 morrow, we still must have men-of-war to protect our com- 
 merce, unless, indeed, that went also ; and the want of their 
 ports in which we now coal and refit would, I suspect, soon be 
 seen in our Estimates. And if we come to indirect effects, we 
 must consider whether there might not be a diminution in 
 our trade, and therefore in our revenue. There is no Colonial 
 question more debated than this effect on our commerce. If 
 I were to consider nothing else this evening, I could not enter 
 fully into the arguments on both sides. I must ?.3k you to 
 look into the facts for yourselves ; and if you do so, I think 
 you will incline to believe that the balance of evidence shows 
 that the Trade does follow the Flag. Remember, all tnat is 
 required to justify this opinion, is to have ground to believe 
 that we have more trade with the Colonists than we should if 
 they were foreigners. Take then these figures. We find by 
 the Parliamentary Eeturns that our exports last year were in 
 value to 
 
 Australia, including New Zealand, more than 
 
 France, less than 
 
 British North America, more than 
 The United Stated, less than 
 The Cape and Natal, about . , .' 
 China, less than ..... 
 
 £20,000,000 
 
 30,000,000 
 
 10,000,000 
 
 33,000,000 
 
 4,700,000 
 
 6,000,000 
 
 Taking in each case the last recorded census, this return shows 
 that our fellow-countrymen at the Antipodes took each of 
 them last year an average of JEIO worth of our goods ; 
 while our nearest neighbours, the French, took less than 17s. 
 per head. The average to the States was rather more than 
 to France, but less than 17s. 6d, per head, while to our North 
 American possessions it was more than 53s. I need not 
 compare the averages of South Africa and China. Again, the 
 imports from the North American, Australian, and South 
 African Colonies for the five years ending 1874, were in round 
 numbers about £148,000,000, and the exports to them about 
 £142,000,000. Our imports from all foreign countries for the 
 same period were about £1,350,000,000, and our exports to 
 
OUR COLONIAL EMPIRE. 
 
 17 
 
 r com- 
 )f their 
 30011 be 
 5cts, we 
 tion in 
 iJolonial 
 rce. If 
 at enter 
 : you to 
 I think 
 3 shows 
 that is 
 believe 
 lould if 
 find by- 
 were in 
 
 ),000 
 >,ooo 
 
 (,000 
 ,000 
 ,000 
 ,000 
 
 shows 
 
 each of 
 
 goods ; 
 
 lan 17s. 
 
 >re than 
 
 r North 
 
 ed not 
 
 ain, the 
 
 I South 
 
 n round 
 
 about 
 
 for the 
 
 )orts to 
 
 them about £1,1 25,000,000. These seven millions of Colonists 
 cannot then be considered bad customei-s. Our import from 
 them is about 11 per cent. ; and our export to them about 12 J 
 per cent, of our import and export to and from all foreign 
 countries. I am not surprised that the Chancellor of the 
 Exchequer, when consoling us at Middlesborough last month, 
 for " the falling off in our foreign trade," was able to say it 
 " was to a great extent couiiterbalanced by the improvement 
 in our exports to the Colonies." 
 
 Nor, while making up our Profit and Loss Account, can 
 we disregard the pecuniary advantages of Emigration. Here 
 again there is much dispute. There are persons who believe 
 that colonisation has had little or nothing to do with the con- 
 nection of the colonists with the mother country. I am not 
 of that opinion. The last circular issued by the Emigration 
 Commissioners tells me that more than a million of emigrants 
 proceeded from the United Kingdom to Australia and New 
 Zealand between 1825 and 1873. It is not easy for me to 
 suppose, that anything approaching to this numb(ir would 
 have either been willing or able to meet the cost and diffi- 
 culties of the voyage to the other side of the earth, had not the 
 connection with the mother country continued, and had there 
 not been in consequence a successful co-operation of the Heme 
 and Colonial Governments in aiding and pi'omoting Emigra- 
 tion. I will not dwell longer on the pocket argument. It is 
 not easy to bring ourselves to consider this question as simply 
 one of pecuniary profit or loss. But, if we do so, we find that 
 the actual profits of the partnership are very large, that the 
 expenses of the management are very small, and that the pro- 
 bability is, that no one of the partners would carry on so large 
 a business by himself. I then, for one, am not inclined to 
 think that it would be a business-like act to give a notice of 
 dissolution. 
 
 But this partnership, we are told, though profitaM(3 in 
 peace, may be unprofitable in war ; or may lead to wars which 
 might swallow up in a year the gains of decades of peace. 
 
18 
 
 OUR COLONIAL ^MP'RE. 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 i 
 
 4 
 
 m 
 
 Let us consider this part of the question carefully, for in it lies 
 much of the gist of the matter. There are two dangers feared. 
 Our Colonies, it is said, may involve us in war, or their posses- 
 sion may place us in a worse position when we are at war. 
 Well, as regards South Africa or Australia, I confess I cannot 
 see iu what way they could drag us into war with any civilised 
 nation, or endanger us if at war. I think we may wait till a 
 probable cause of conflict is pointed out ; and certainly in no 
 one of our recent wars have we been weakened by their pos- 
 session. How then about America? Can we protect the 
 long frontier of the Dominion, with its population, as yet scanty 
 and scattered, against its neighbours, with their wealth, and 
 resources, and energy ; with their millions of men, who have 
 shown how quickly they can learn to be soldiers ? But what 
 right have we expect that these neighbours will attack Canada ? 
 I firmly believe that both good sense and good feeling prevail 
 too much in the great Eepublic to make such an attack possible. 
 But if this most improbable crime were committed, who can 
 foretell the result of the contest that would follow? There 
 would be great suffering in Canada ; for a time, perhaps, a 
 successful invasion, but, in the end, I believe that the four 
 millions of freemen would not be conquered. 
 
 But the contest, it might be said, if it came at all, would 
 not come from an unprovoked act of American ambition, but 
 as the final issue of mutual misunderstandings and recrimina- 
 tions, of faults on both sides, which might be aggravated by 
 the fact that the colony knew she had the mother country at 
 her back. Is it not, then, better to warn Canada without 
 delay that she must prepare to take care of herself, or, if she 
 finds that she cannot stand alone, to make up her mind to join 
 the Union? WeU, this warning I would not give, and for 
 three reasons. I do not believe that it is necessary. I do 
 believe that it would be dangerous. I am sure it would be 
 cowardly. After all, what are the facts? They are very 
 different from what they were fifteen years ago. When the 
 slave-owners prevailed at Washington, there was real danger 
 of war between England and the States, because the principles 
 
 <! 
 
OUll COLONIAL EMPIRE. 
 
 19 
 
 of the two Governments were becoming as antagonistic as 
 truth and falsehood. But now that freedom rules in both 
 countries, common descent, similar institutions, mutual interest, 
 and individual kinsmanship, will keep the peace. That this 
 is a reasonable trust is confirmed by the settlement of recent 
 misunderstandings. It would be hard, indeed, for any alarmist 
 to conjure up Canadian causes of disagreement more rankling, 
 or more dangerous, than the claims which arose out of the 
 American civil war, and which were urged, not unnaturally, 
 with not a little of the fierce bitterness of that *-errib'^ conflict. 
 There is friendship now between the English-speaking King- 
 dom and the English-speaking Eepublic. Canada prefers to be 
 part of the Kingdom. Is it reasonable to suppose that this 
 preference will interrupt the friendship ? If the time should 
 come that she had no longer this T%i3ference, if she should 
 clearly show us that she had changed her mind, we should not 
 attempt to control her. I, at least, should grieve to lose my 
 Canadian fellow-countrymen, but I should wish them weU as 
 citizens of the States. But so long as they desire to continue 
 our fellow-subjects, I believe that to cast them off, or to desert 
 them, would be one of those acts of cowardice which, of 
 all political acts, is the most dangerous, because they tempt 
 attack, and provoke wrong and insult, by both causing and 
 confessing an abatement of that high and noble spirit without " 
 which, how strong soever our material defences, we should be 
 defenceless. I am not then possessed by the fear that our 
 Colonies will drag us into war, or burden us if at war. Wars 
 generally spring out of frontier quarrels, and, except in America, 
 we have no civilised nation on our frontier ; and our ships, 
 while guarding our commerce, would protect the shores of our 
 Colonies, and, as I have already stated, would greatly benefit 
 by the use of their ports. 
 
 But if this war argument, fairly discussed, ought not to 
 induce the mother country to desire separation, ought it not to 
 have great weight in the Colonies ? Why should they spend 
 their money or their blood? why should their ships be in 
 
20 
 
 OUR COLONIAL EMPiRE. 
 
 iiii 
 
 danger of capture, or their cities of bombardment, because our 
 diplomatists, or our Government, have involved us in some 
 European conflict, or because we may be fighting for our Indian 
 Empire ? But here again we must look at reasonable proba- 
 bilities, and not allow ourselves to be misled by vague possi- 
 bilities. Let us try to put ourselves in the position of the 
 Colonists, and consider at what we should aim if we were in 
 their places. At present we should certainly desire no change. 
 The gain is greater than the loss. The protection against attack 
 is cheaply purchased by a small risk of an unlikely danger. 
 But should we feel that we ought to leave the old country to 
 fight its battles by itself, as soon as we became strong enough 
 to fight our battles without her help? This would depend 
 upon the reason why England had battles to fight. Here, 
 indeed, the future is uncertain, too uncertain to be a ground of 
 action, almost too obscure for speculation. But is it unreason- 
 able to suppose that the probabilities of future British wars 
 may be divided into three categories ? England may be fight- 
 ing in self-defence ; dr to fulfil her engagements with other 
 powers ; or because she takes part in their conflicts. Well, in 
 the first case, I think the answer of the Colonists would be 
 clear : it would be an insult to them not to believe that they 
 vould rally to our rescue. No one who visits any colony, 
 or takes any heed of Colonial feeling, can doubt what in such 
 case would be their action. And as regards the fulfilment of 
 pafit engagements, I think they would be ashamed of us if we 
 broke them, and ashamed of themselves if they did not help 
 us to maintain them. 
 
 There remains the possibility of future entanglement. That 
 may arise either because, not having learnt the lesson of the 
 past, we may meddle in matters which do not concern us, or 
 possibly, because we may be forced, after exhausting every 
 peaceful effort, to draw the sword on behalf of some great 
 cause, or to prevent some great wrong. In the one case 
 the Colonists might be justified in refusing to take their share, 
 if, indeed, the unlikely event should happen of our insisting 
 
 ] 
 
 m 
 
OUIl COLONIAL EMPIRE. 
 
 21 
 
 upon engaging in some war which concerns us not ; but, in the 
 other case, would it not be their duty to remember that they 
 also owe their existence to the principles of freedom, and that 
 they are as much bound as are we ourselves to keep those 
 principles living in the world ? This, indeed, they would have 
 a right to say : that they must have some share, not only in the 
 burdens of our wars, but in the policy out of which they 
 may spring. 
 
 *And this brings us to the practical question : Are there any 
 means by which it is possible that these future commonwealths, 
 when no longer dependent, can be united with us, and with 
 one another? I may hasten at once to try to answer this 
 question ; for if it can be answered, that argument will be also 
 met which I have already mentioned, namely, vhat Separation 
 would stimulate the Colonies to greater progress, and would 
 increase their self-reliance. Surely it cannot be denied, that 
 if it be possible to replace dependence by association, each 
 member of the federation would find in the common nationality 
 at least as much scope for its aspirations, as much demand for 
 the patriotism, and the energy, and the self-reliance of its 
 citizens, as it would, if trying to obtain a distinct nationality 
 for itself. 
 
 But is this federation possible ? There are many, even of 
 those who desire it, who think that it is not. This opinion 
 chiefly depends upon the difl&culties of distance. If, however, 
 these difficulties have not prevented the government of a colony 
 from England, why must they prevent the association of self- 
 governing communities with England? A' priori, it might 
 seem probable that the association would be easier than the 
 direct government. But distance is in itself a very different 
 matter from what it was, when this opinion was first enter- 
 tained. The telegraph has made communication of thought 
 instantaneous with Australia, and doubtless we shall soon send 
 direct messages to New Zealand and the Cape. And as regards 
 the length of time required to travel to the end of the earth, 
 steam and the great circle sailing have diminished it more 
 
22 
 
 OUR COLONIAL EMPIRE. 
 
 m i 
 
 than a half. Thirty years ago the average voyage to Australia 
 was four months ; now we nan get a reply to a message in a 
 day, and we can fetch a man back in six weeks. But the 
 geographical argument, I am well aware, cannot be quite so 
 easily disposed of. It would not be stating it fairly to make it 
 depend solely upon the length of intervening miles between 
 the several regions. It is said that the difference in local cir- 
 cumstances will produce such a disagreement in institutions 
 and social arrangements, as would make any political connec- 
 tion undesirable. To this remark I can only reply that, as 
 yet, this disagreement is not apparent : that the enormous 
 majority of colonists themselves disclaim it ; and that I can 
 see no ground for believing in any irresistible tendency to its 
 development. Judging from what I have heard, or read, and 
 what little I have myself seen, I should say that an English- 
 man, or a Scotchman, or an Irishman, and their children, re- 
 main English, Scotch, or Irish, wherever they be ; or, if there 
 be a change, it is that the distinct characteristics of the inhabi- 
 tants of the three kingdoms tend to be lost in their common 
 similarity. In the province of Quebec, we are continually 
 reminded that Frenchmen can be loyal subjects to the British 
 Queen, and strong supporters of the British connection ; but in 
 Toronto or Kingston, or other towns and villages of Upper Canada, 
 I had to look out for the St. Lawrence, or the lakes, or the 
 forest, to feel that I was not at home. Even in the States the 
 difference is so completely on the surface, and so quickly dis- 
 appears, that it soon requires an actual effort of the mind to 
 .member that the farmers of the West, or the citizens of 
 Boston, are not as English as ourselves. 
 
 The fact is, English-speaking men and women look at life 
 and its problems, especially the problems of Government, with 
 much the same eyes everywhere. Slavery distorted the vision 
 of many for a time, but now there is more difference between 
 the German and the British monarchies, and between the 
 French and the American Eepublics, than there is between the 
 British Monarchy and the American Eepublic. Doubtless 
 
 
 I nil 
 
 m ' 
 
OUR COLONIAL EMPIRE. 
 
 93 
 
 society in the new communities is, and probably for some time 
 will be, more democratic than with us. Men start more equally 
 tlian in the old country, and it will take time before it will bo 
 found out that one man runs faster than another. ]Jut are not 
 the tendencies at home also democratic? We cannot send 
 over to Australia a ready-made aristocracy. But we, too, have 
 our democracy, and already we have found it convenient that 
 Australia tries democratic experiments which help us to solve 
 the problems with which we know we must deal. If any one 
 thinks that it is either probable or desirable that any Anglo- 
 Saxon community should develop political ideas opposed to 
 those of our forefathers — I'or instance, the Latin idea of an 
 emperor, or elected despot, — it would be quite consistent for 
 such a person to desire that our Colonial Empire should be 
 dissolved, in the hope that emperors should be chosen by the 
 new nations. But believing, as I do, that on the whole Re- 
 presentative Government is the best form of government, that 
 by which orderly progress is best secured, I, for my part, rejoi-ie 
 in the conviction that a common preference for this form of 
 government is one of the strongest ties which bind together all 
 who speak our language. 
 
 Yet many millions of our race prefer a Eapublic to a 
 Monarchy. Yes, but remember these facts : first, that we so 
 treated their fathers that we almost forced them to be Re- 
 publicans ; secondly, that many of them now acknowledge 
 that at least it is a moot question whether, as regards 
 the real meaning of the word, and its true significance, our 
 Limited Monarchy is not a more complete Republic than their 
 own; and lastly, that the great majority of the colonists in 
 America, Australia, and Africa are as loyal to our Monarchy as 
 we are ourselves. Not merely because they honour and respect 
 our Queen ; not merely because of their personal feeling 
 towards the Royal Lady under whose rule they have grown 
 from childhood to lusty youth ; but because they are as proud 
 as we are of the traditions of our history, and as convinced as 
 we are of the actual advantages of an hereditary executive. 
 
! 
 
 lii 
 
 li 
 
 iiiii'i 
 
 II mif 
 
 iiilii I 
 
 m I 
 
 miiirii 
 
 i ! 
 
 11 
 
 tm 
 
 24 
 
 OUR OOLONIAL EMPIRE. 
 
 In fact, it seems to me to be not one of the least reasons or 
 preserving our connection with the Colonies, that what may 
 be termed the local tendencies, very generally the result of 
 local selfishness, will both with them and with us be in mea- 
 sure checked, an'' counteracted, and overbalanced by great 
 Imperial interests — Imperial because they are great. 
 
 And now, if any of you have followed me thus far in the 
 line of thought which I have taken, he will, I think, be ready 
 with the question — If you think this future association possible, 
 if you see no insuperable physical or moral bar to prevent it, 
 in what way do you expect it to be formed ? What kind of 
 federation do you propose ? My reply is, I am ready with 
 no proposition. I believe any precise proposition would be 
 premature ; and for this reason, that as yet no change in our 
 relations is necessary. Ad Mr. Arthur Mills stated in the 
 passage I have already quoted, "The present principle of our 
 Colonial policy is to ripen these communities to the earliest 
 possible maturity," and when they have obtained this maturity, 
 it will be for us and for them to consider what, under the cir- 
 cumstances then existing, will be the best bond of union, A^^ 
 that is required now is to imbue them and ourselves -vrith the 
 desire that the union should last, with the determination that 
 the Empire shall not be broken up — to replace the idea of 
 eventual independence, which means disunion, by that of 
 association on equal terms, which ir^eans union. If this be 
 done, we need not fear that at the fitting time this last idea 
 will realise itself. 
 
 We may, however, try to define what must be the neces- 
 sary conditions of such union. I have not time to do more 
 than mention my definition. You must test it for yourselves. 
 It seeiiis to me that in order that our Empire should continue, 
 all its different self-governing communities must agree in 
 maintaining allegiance to one monarch ; — in maintaining a 
 common nationality, so that each subject may find that he has 
 the political rights and privileges of other subjects wheresoever 
 he may go in the Realm ; and, lastly, must agree not only in 
 
 ' iiiiii - 
 
OUR COLONIAL EMPIKE. 
 
 25 
 
 isons or 
 hat may 
 result of 
 in mea- 
 by great 
 
 ar in the 
 be ready 
 
 possible, 
 revent it, 
 t kind of 
 ady with 
 would be 
 ^e in our 
 id in the 
 )le of our 
 e earliest 
 maturity, 
 r the cir- 
 lion. All 
 
 v.ith the 
 
 ition that 
 
 B idea of 
 
 that of 
 
 ' this be 
 
 last idea 
 
 le neces- 
 do more 
 ourselves, 
 continue, 
 agree in 
 aining a 
 at he has 
 eresoever 
 t only in 
 
 
 maintaining a mutual alliance in all relations with foreign 
 powers, but in apportioning among themselves the obligations 
 imposed by such alliance. I have seen it proposed that there 
 should be an attempt to escape the third of these conditions. 
 It has been suggested that a colony might, if it pleased, be 
 considered neutral in any war in which we might be engaged ; 
 especially this has been urged for Canada. I cannot suppose 
 that any one who supports this view can either contemplate or 
 desire the continuance of the Imperial connection. The very 
 essence of such continuance is a common patriotism; — the 
 feeling throughout all the different communities that, notwith- 
 standing the seas that roll between them, they are yet one 
 nation ; and that all their inhabitants are fellow-countrymen. 
 But patriots cannot stipulate that they will not fight for their 
 country, or arrange to desert their fellow-countrymen when in 
 danger ; nor would any foreign belligerent be bound by any 
 such attempt to wage war on the principle of limited liability. 
 There might, however, be this qualification of this condition. 
 It might be understood that any member of the Federation, 
 either the mother country, or any one of it? children, should 
 have an acknowledged right to withdraw from the mutual 
 alliance on giving reasonable notice. I do not look forward to 
 such an v iderstanding : still less should I propose it. But 
 even if this proviso were attached to my third condition of 
 union, I do nut think that the union would be dissolved; 
 because I do not believe that fear of war would induce this 
 notice of withdrawal, or rather of desertion, to be given. I 
 may be told that I merely grouni this belief on sentimental 
 hopes. But the sentiments of courage; of honour, of fidelity, 
 have long been facts in British — yes, and also in Irish — history. 
 And why should the children have less of these sentiments 
 than their fathers ? But while I must admit that without the 
 fulfilment of these three conditions we could not hope that the 
 Empire would last, it by no means follows that no other con- 
 dition would exist. For instance : I do not despair of one 
 future tariff for the Empire, and th.i a tariff based upon our 
 
26 
 
 OUR COLONIAL EMPIRE. 
 
 iliuil 
 
 ' mm 
 
 llipil 
 
 j|iii|. 
 
 'It I 
 
 
 illiilil 
 
 Ml 
 
 present fiscal policy — namely, customs levied upon as few 
 articles as possible, with a corresponding excise. Judging 
 from present facts this expectation will appear over- sanguine, 
 but, inasmuch as I believe in the principle of free-trade, I 
 expect that in the Colonies, as elsewhere, protectionists will 
 lose strength as consumers learn their power tind their interest ; 
 and there seems to me nothing in the position of these com- 
 munities which will prevent their finding it to their advantage, 
 as we do, to raise, by duties on a few articles of general con- 
 sumption, so much of their revenue as is obtained by indirect 
 taxes. 
 
 There is another matter upon which there may be one law 
 throughout the Empire, as there mupt be one principle of 
 action — viz., the treatment of uncivilised or half-civilised 
 races. For instance, we could have no slave-owning partner. 
 The least we could do if any colony chose to establish slavery, 
 would be to give her notice that she must leave — that we 
 could not consider slave-owners fellow-countr3aneu. Whether 
 it would be our duty to do more than this would depend upon 
 the circumstances, and especially upon our responsibility to the 
 intended slaves. But notwithstanding the recent crimes com- 
 mitted by some individual colonists in the islands of the Pacific 
 — quite as often as not by colonists born on British soil — I be- 
 lieve that there is as little dh^'sjer of slavery i;i the Australian 
 colonies, or in any colony, as in the United Kingdom. The 
 Imperial policy, however, must include foreign policy, and 
 therefore arrangements for mutual defence. It may. by agree- 
 ment, include fiscal or any other policy. Generally speaking, 
 internal affain must be left to the local governments ; and, 
 therefore, I confess I do not think that the admission of 
 r^^onial representatives into our Parliament could be a per- 
 manent form of association, though it might possibly be useful 
 in the temporary transition from the dependent to the asso- 
 ciated relation. The new communities could not be expected 
 to allow the overpowering majority of English, Scotch, and 
 Irish members to make their local law^s, nor should we like 
 
 ( 
 
 I 
 
OUR COLONIAL EMPIRE. 
 
 27 
 
 their members to vote on questions merely affecting our local 
 adrainistratiop. 
 
 Beyond this remark I have nothing to say about the pre- 
 cise machinery of association. Doubtless the ruling principle 
 and power of the realm will be in future, as now, the represen- 
 tation of the people ; but I do not pretend to determine the 
 precise form of this Imperial representation, nor do I think 
 that any one can so foretell circumstances as to be able to 
 determine it. I can only repeat my belief that it is one of 
 those cases in which, when the time comes, it will be found 
 that where there 's a will there 's a way. 
 
 Much, however, can be done to make that way easier. I 
 am not now making a speech on present Colonial questions ; 
 but I may venture to allude very briefly to a few principles 
 which I think ought to actuate our policy if we look forward 
 to a permanent union. 
 
 "We must continue by every means to strengthen the 
 Colonies ; therefore, we must try to give thom the strength of 
 union with one another wherever possible, as already in the 
 Dominion, as we trust may soon be the case at the Cape, and 
 as hereafter may be accomplished in Australia, We ought 
 also to do our utmost to increase their moral strength by 
 encouraging them in self-reliance, and in the fulfilment of all 
 the duties of citizenship. Nor must we suppose that we can 
 give this right to self-government by halves. We must allow 
 them to manage, or even, in our opinion, to mismanage, their 
 own affairs. But while fully admitting this right of self- 
 government, I think we may in honest friendliness ask them 
 to carefully consider any internal measure which might appear 
 to be contrary to Imperial interests. For instance, the Cana- 
 dian Parliament lately passed a Copyright Act. Our Parlia- 
 ment last session confirmed it, as was its duty. But it might 
 perhaps have been well if the Dominion Grovemment had been 
 asked whether arrangements could not be made for an Imperial 
 Cop3rright. Nc^xt, we must not sap the desire for union at 
 home by asking the British taxpayer to pay for the Colonist 
 
Wi 
 
 26 
 
 OUR COLONIAL EMPIRE. 
 
 His 
 
 
 1 1 
 
 il» 
 
 i I [ 
 
 that which he is able, and I believe is willing, to pay for him- 
 self. And, lastly, we ought to take every opportunity of 
 showing that we consider the Colonists our countrymen, and 
 every colony part of the common country, and especially we 
 ought to welcome every step that any colony may take in 
 measures of common defence. I trust I shall not be supposed 
 to attack the present Government if I say, that I think the 
 refusal to allov/ our officers in the army to keep their rank 
 while assisting the Dominion in forming a military school, 
 requires explanation. 
 
 May I venture on one more suggestion, which may appear, 
 perhaps, to savour too much of my own late official occupation. 
 I confess I think Political Geography, and especially British 
 political geogi' )hy, might be taught more generally and com- 
 pletely in our schools ; not merely our elementary schools, but 
 those for all classes. No boy ought to leave school, either at 
 home or in the colonies, without knowing what the British 
 Empire is. If he fully gains that knowledge, I think he will 
 not seldom draw the inference that the British Empire ought 
 to last, and determine that, so far as in him lies, he will do 
 what he can to insure that it shall last. 
 
 I have detained you so long that I feel I must say but 
 little more, though I am painfally conscious that I have only 
 skirted my subject. There is, hov»'ever, one probable criticii'm 
 to which I must allude. I have quoted Mr. Goldwin Smith 
 because I could not find a more able or more sincere represen- 
 tative of the policy of disunion ; but it would be unfair to him, 
 and to those who agree with him, not to admit that while 
 desiring formal separation, they do at the same time desire the 
 closest and most friendly alliance. In fact, they would aj pear 
 to contemplate some form of association as the consequence of 
 separation. For instance, Mr. Goldwin Smith, although he 
 argues strongly against federation, states that he looks forward 
 to " the emancipation " — that is, the independence — " of the 
 Colonies resulting in England being the heart and centre of a 
 great confederacy of States belonging to our own race, bound 
 
 '< 
 
 fiiii 
 
 3 " 
 
OUR COLONIAL EMPIRE. 
 
 29 
 
 together not only by sympathy, but by alliance, and not only 
 by alliance, but also to some extent by civic rights." And 
 Sir Charles Dilke ends one of his most interesting chapters 
 in his Greater Britain by saying that, " after aU, the strongest 
 of the arguments in favour of separation is the somewhat 
 paradoxical one, that it would bring us a step nearer to the 
 virtual confederation of the English race." Probably both 
 these gentlemen would include in this expected confederation 
 the United States. Why, then, I may be asked, not rest con- 
 tent with this anticipation ? Why is not this your " Greater 
 Britain " of the future ? And if any one thought it worth 
 while, I might be referred to what 1 have already said in ex- 
 pectation and earnest desire of an Anglo-American alliance. 
 I gladly repeat in Edinburgh what I ventured last year to say 
 in New York, that my belief in the good that would follow 
 from such an alliance to Americans, to English, and to the 
 world, is not the least powerful of those beliefs which make 
 me think politics worth pursuing. I repeat also my conviction, 
 that the time will come when this alliance will be marked by 
 some acknowledged relation between our Empire and the 
 Republic, closer than between us or them and other nations. 
 But I do not believe that the way to arrive at this alliance or this 
 confederation is by encouraging our v^olonies to disregard the 
 advantages of our limited monarchy, or by tempting them to a 
 policy of disintegration, or by yielding to the demands of local 
 selfishness, or by so isolating them that they would be exposed 
 to foreign solicitation, if not placed under the influence of 
 foreign intrigue. 
 
 And now one more remark, and I have done. Supposing 
 your hope fulfilled, I may be asked, — Would the world be the 
 gainer ? You boast of the long British coast-line ; you remind 
 us of the British lion's share of the temperate zones. You do 
 not forget the vast regions and many millions of subject races 
 under our rule. Do you then desire to intoxicate us with 
 ihat vain-glorious love of empire which has filled the pages of 
 hi; tory with crimes and their punishments ? What is there 
 
30 
 
 OUR COLONIAL EMPIRE. 
 
 
 ill 
 
 ;i:l!' 
 
 in our race that will make humanity safe under its guidance ? 
 Is it well that we should have this power at which you appear 
 to aim ? Have we proved ourselves so humane — so forbear- 
 ing — so unselfish — so Christian-minded, that we, any more 
 than any other nation, can be trusted to use this power to 
 advance that which is true, or just, or right ? Well, to this 
 remark I car make but one reply. Our success in the future — 
 nay, not merely our success, our safety — so great are our 
 responsibilities, — our existence depends upon the fulfilment of 
 our duty — nou its perfect fulfilment, that is beyond our reach, 
 but on such fulfilment as is possible. And we shall not fulfil 
 our duty if we attempt to avoid, or escape, or disown the 
 responsibilities of our position. There are two conditions of 
 this position which I must ask you to bear in mind. If I 
 leave you any more impressed with them than I found you, 
 my object will have been gained. 
 
 One of these conditions we share with other civilised nations. 
 The other applies especially to ourselves. If there be one fact 
 more evident than another in that page of the story of humanity 
 that is now being written, it is the strength of what we may 
 call the national force — the tendency — the longing of men 
 speaking one tongue, and having a common ancestry, to bind 
 themselves together in a common nationality. But remember 
 that, with the exception of ourselves, this tendency is making 
 itself felt in the creation and maintenance of enormous stand- 
 ing armies. It would appear as though the nation*- of Europe 
 suppose that they can only hold themselves from disruption 
 by being armed camps. 
 
 Now, turn to the other fact, peculiar to ourselves. Our 
 islands are so well situated for colonising ; their inhabitants 
 are so industrious, so persevering, so possessed with energy, 
 so imbued with freedom, so gifted, in a word, with the 
 colonising faculty, that we have encircled the earth by the 
 free and orderly communities we have founded. Eemember 
 also that, if these communities remain united, they are so 
 strong in their inherited courage, and are ao quickly increasing 
 
OUR COLONIAL EMPIRE. 
 
 31 
 
 in strength, that it will matter not to any one of them how 
 quickly soever these armed and drilled nations also may grow. 
 Kemember, also, that science has brought together the ends 
 of the earth, and made it possible for a nation to have oceans 
 roll between its provinces. Why then should we alone among 
 the nations set ourselves against that desire for nationality 
 which is one of the most powerful ideas of the age ? What 
 right have we to entail upon the men of our race the dangers 
 and disadvantages of disunion ? Why should we reject the 
 gifts of science, and neglect those possibilities of union which 
 steam and electricity afford? The time is come that all 
 Governments, even military and despotic Governments, must, 
 without much delay, do what their subjects wish. Can we 
 not, by the example of our peaceful union, tempt these sub- 
 jects to induce their Governments to disarm ? May not we 
 and our Colonists together, by the exercise of some mutual 
 forbearance, by willingness to incur some mutual sacrifice, 
 hope to transform our Colonial Empire into a federation of 
 peaceful, industrious, law-abiding commonwealths, so that in 
 due time our British brotherhood may prove to the world, as 
 no nalion has over proved before, "How good and how pleasant 
 it is for brethren to dwel? together in unity"?