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iplipp""~"''^*''*'p<«fl

^'1

REFLECTIONS

ON THE

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE,

B Y T H E

Right Honourable EDMUND BURKE,

CONSIDERED;

ALSO,

OBSERVATIONS

Mr. PAINE's PAMPHLET, INTITULED
THERIGHTSOF MEN;

WITH

CURSORY REMARKS

O N T H E

PROSPECT OF A RUSSIAN WAR,

AND

The Canada Bill now pending. '
By JAMES EDWARD HAMILTON, Efq.

Quid verum atque utile rogo, euro, et totus in hoc fuin.

to N D O N :

PRTNTE'Dj-FOR THE AUTHOR :

And fold by J. Johkson, St. Paul's Church-yard,
and by Debrett, Piccadilly.

1791-
[Price 2s. 6d.]

.■•■■«■

~Vf,-- X s" «/■••

^; , 1>J-

A*.- ., *■ ! : 'V>:

PREFACE.

Y obje£t in obtruding thefe (heets on
the Public will be fully anfwered, if they
Should be the means of attrafting the at-!
tention of our governors and reformers to
Ariftotle's incomparable Treatife on Politics^
which will enable the one to proceed on
fteady principles of policy ; and, perhaps,
reftrain the Democratical fanaticifm of the
others. . ^ . , , ,

Though the Stagtrite is an obje6l of uni-
verfal praife with every writer who Has
had occafion to mention him, yet I am
fully of opinion there are but few, who
have perufed his works with due attention*
However, what Mr, Seldenfaysofhim who was
one of the moft learned and judicious men
that England ever produced, is fo very re-»

,c:\\v. markable,

[ iv ]

markable, that I (hall lay it before the rea-
.'(n his Table Talky article l^ruth^ he

ler.

affirms, that there never breathed that perfon
io whom mankind was more beholden. It wo uld
be impertinent in me to add any thing
after fuch an eulogium from fuch a charac-
ter. Though I cannot help remarking that
in this work, Mr. Selden feems frequently
to glance at the Democratical Reveries of
Harrington, Milton, &c.
< I have avoided all metaphylical dlfquifi-
tions as being of little utility, frequently
impertinent, and only bewildering perfons
unaccuftomed to them ; it being my view to
lay the pure utile before the reader ; con-
vinced that in this flate it will make its
deepeft impreffion. « ' *. .' z-^' :'

I have iuferted a few political reveries of
my ov/n, for which I mufl claim the
reader's indulgence. Not expecting to
have any readers who have not perufed
Mr. Burke's ReJiediionSj I thought it unne-
ceffary to fwell this effay wAxh a repetition
of his atrguments, when coinciding in opi-
iiion with him.

RE-

REFLECTIONS

»v.». *

,.J

ON THE

REVOLUTION IN FRANCE,

■P M

CONSIDERED.

XjIaVING been engaged for feme time paft
in a literary enquiry concerning the faith of the
Chriftians during the firfl ages of the Church ;
and though naturally far more inclined to po-
litical than ecclefiaftical fubjedts, yet I was fo
circumftanced, that, had I paid any particular
attention to the former, I would have loft the
fruits of what I had collected regarding the lat-
ter; my mind unfortunately not being of that
pliable nature, as that of fome celebrated Mo-
derns, who can vary their ftudies ad lihitum, and
I prefume without any of them fufFering by it.
In comparifon of fuch geniufes, I can be fcarcely
deemed an ideot, being fenfible of an immedi-
ate confulion of ideas, when any new fubjedt
forces itfelf upon my attention. However,
Ariflotle reconciles me fomewhat to myfelf

..>u.*.i

for

[ ^ ] ,

for this llmitednefs of intelle<n:, as he obfcrvcs
that a man cannot cafily pay attention to
. many things at the fame time; by jame time
meaning days, months, or years, if the fub-
jecft fhould be found to demand the entire
attention for fuch a fpace. As this philofopher
attained to a more folid and comprehenfivc
knowledge than ever it has fallen to the lot
of any other man to arrive at;, it may be
prcfumed, that that method which he recom-
mends to others, was the fame which he him-
felf purfued.

The many difagreeable feelings I was fre-
quently confcious of, during this ftate, by find-
ing myfclf debarred from making myfelf maf-
tcr of ihofe caufes which led to the French revo-
lution, and of thp proceedings of the National
Affembly, can only be conceived by thofe per-
fons commonly called Democratiflsj and who
bcfides can fay with Terence,

. f/i:i''<'»M-

Homofum, humani nil a me aliemmputo.

I '

However I fubmitted to what I deemed my
duty: and having at length brought the enquiry
to a period which enabled me to difcontinue
it for a while, I have feized the intermediate

time.

C 3 ]

time, before I recommence my ecclefiadlcal ftu-
dies,toconficler <vh;n has been advanced concern-
ingrhis revolution. Though it appears to be won-
derful fo others, yet I confefs it does not appear
to be fo to me ; for, when in France about ten
years ago, I found the middle clafs of people al-
moftuniverfally of onefentiment,namely, alienat-
ed from the eftablifhed government in church
and ftate, and vvifhing in thsir ftead that of Eng-
land. Nay, happening to be at Strafburgh when
the news of Rodney's vidlory arrived there, I
was prefent when a young officer, in the prcfence
of at lead twenty others, held forth upon the
advantages of a free political conftitution, in
comparifon of that of France, with great ability
for perhaps an hour. So that, upon the Arrival
of the news in July, 1789, of the oppofition to
the King's will, manifefted by the National Af-
fembly, 1 made up my mind concerning its final
iffue, namely, that the government of that coun-
try would become a pure Democracy; which
every circumftance that has fince taken place,
Itrongly points out will be the cataftrophe.

While in this ftate of mind Mr. Burke's Re-

JleBionson the Revolution in France were announced,

and fliortly after a hoft of anfwerers. Before

I proceeded to a careful perufal of either the one

or the other, it occurred to me that a previous

B ". ex ami-

C 4 ]

examination of Arift>tle*s Treatlfe on Politics
might enable me to form a nru<" judgement upon
the qucftion. For, from my knov^'le(^ge of feveral
of the Democratifts, I could entertain no doubt
of the praife-worthinefs of their motives : and I
ihould have made the fame conclufion in regard
of Mr. Burke, though I had no knowledge what-
ever of his character, except from fame, which
has proclaimed him a perfect philanthropill, and
as fuch muft, in the main, agree with his op-
ponents, in having the welfare of man for his ob-
ject, though he might differ from them with re-
gard to the means, namely, the mode of govern-
ment upon which it in a great meafure depends.
I therefore fulpedtcd that there might be fomc-
thing wrong in the principles upon which each
of them had founded very different conclufions
with refpedl to the French revolution.

Before I proceed farther, I donot think it irrele-
vant to obferve here, that until within thefe two
years, I have been among the foremoft of the De-
mocratifts ; nor did I begin to fufpedtthe political
foundnefs of the principles of this party, till the
buiinefs of the wool bill had been fettled about
two years ago in Parliament, fo much againft
the true intereft of Great Britain : But during
the dilcuflion of which, though a bill of the moft
jlrioNs confeqiicnceSj there could fcarcely be got a

fufficient

[ 5 ]

fufilcicnt number of Members to form a Houfe
upon the tiays on which it was to be agitated ;
for the very obvious rcafon, that had they at-
tended and voted, agreeably to their convidion,
againft the bill, they would have thereby endan-
gered their being returned reprcfentatives in the
following parliament. — For, not like the fcat-
tered country gentlemen, who never aft upon
fyftem, or as one body, had the manufacturing
promoters of that bill been difappointed in their
objedt, the manufacturers throughout the king-
dom, in every branch, would have entered into
a private, nay, perhaps into a public combina-
tion, to vote againft thofc Members, who were
inimical to it. I am inclined to think that the
Minifter himfelf might have got a hint, that
if the bill, did not pafs, the manufacturing
intereft would declare itfelf againft him, for,
from the difficulty of making up a Houfe at
times I weakly imagined that the bill would
fall to the ground, for th-- reafon only, being
the mildell death it could receive. — But fuch a
hint, if there was a hint given, quickly pro-
cured a fufficient number of Members to attend.
This affair fatislied me, that there was fome-
thing wrong in the principles I had adopted.
For I at once faw, that, were there eftabiilhed
fuch a reprefentation of the People as I had

hitherto

[ !

> \

•1

> I

[ « ]

hitherto contended for, it would be inipoflible,
witb'ut bloodflied, ever to reftify fuch devia-
tions from univerfal benefit to the peculiar ad-
vantage of one clafs of the people, in whofe
power the eledling the P.cprefentatives would
neceffarily ever hereafter be. I thence con-
cluded, that in every well ordered State all perfons
depending on otherSy (as manufacturers upon the
Mafter-manufadurers)/(?r their daily bread, ought
not to be entrujled with any political privileges, either
in regard of choojing Members of Parliaments, or
eWing Magijirates, For, depending on their
employers, their extreme ignorance might ren-
der them dangerous inftruments in the hands of
a fadlion. Such mechanics Ariftotle calls flaves,
^ouAoj, 1. 3. ch. 5»

It is with difficulty men corredt their own
erroneous notions ; yec, by the current of my
thoughts concerning the exclujion of thofe per-
fons from having a Ihare in the government
who depended upon others for their daily bread ;
I was, I may fay, neceffarily led to difcover that
there was another clafs of people, which, in like
manner, in every well-ordered government,
ought to be equally excluded from interfering
politically in what concerijed government ;
namely, all thofe who bought to fell again, or who
lived by traffick. For fuch perfons, being necef-

, farily

'<TH

C 7 ]

farily taken up eight or ten hours in the day
with their bufinefs, have not time fufficicntly to
refledt upon political queftions, or regulations,
to enable them to form a proper judp;ment of
their own, with regard to the probable confe-
quences of them. As this cannot be difputed,
it neceflarily follows, that, unlefs we choofe to
follow a very different praftice in regard of
government, from what we do in the other con*
cerns of life, all perfons, who are fo taken up
with their refpedtive trades or bufinefs, as necef-
farily to preclude their attending to other con-f
cerns, Ihould not, in a well-ordered ftate, be al-
lowed any political privileges, no more than
thofe perfons who maintain themfelves by their
daily labour. Farther, perfons of this defcrip-
tion in general (though I acknowledge there arc
many exceptions) are fo given up to pelf, or the
making of money, that the profperity of the
country is a very fecondary objedt with them.

Having come to thefe conclufions, which ap-
peared to me to be fo well founded, and obvious,
that I thought no ingenuous, candid, or difpaf-
fionate perfon could objedt to them, whatever
might be the fentiments of this juftly celebrated
ancsent, I took up Ariftotle's xreatife upon
Politics, and was not a little furprifed to find
that thefe two clafifes of men are particularly ob-

jedtcd

f ;•

[ 8 ]

jedted to by him ; agalnft their having any po-
litical privileges vcfted in them, and for thofe
very obvious reafons which had occurred to my-
felf. Fortified by fuch an authority, I entertain
nodoubt ofthefolidityof chem. Nay, I know that
they are fo by my own experience : and though
the experience of an individual will by no means
juftify a general conclufion, I believe few per-
fons who have canvafled counties, cities, &c.
but have had ample experience of it. The fadt
being indifputable, it will bring Mr. Burke and
his antagonifts much nearer to one another than
could be cxpecfted, unlefs indeed that the Demo-
cratifts,in the phrenzy of their zeal, fliould boldly
run counter to all experience. The authority
of this celebrated antient fhould have the more
weight upon this queftion, as having flouriihed
juft before, I may fay, the extindlion of the
Grecian republics, it is obvious, that he muft
have had greater advantages in perceiving and
confidering the defedts of this mode of govern-
ment than what moderns can poffefs. "?
Some, perhaps, may imagine that this trea-
tife of Ariftotle's, in (lead of flowing from thofe
principles implanted by the All-wife Creator in
the breaft of every human creature, is only a
fyftem, or rather a fcheme adapted, after the
event, to explain the caufes of the deftrudtion
• - of

[ 9 ]

of thefe republics. But in this they would do
him great injuftice. For, (o far from his crea-
tife being regulated by what ought to be deemed
only cafual events, it in fad: unfolds the caufes
of profperity and misfortune, even of thofe
Republics which perifhed after him : what he
has advanced on this head, concerning Carthage,
whofe fate he pronounced a century before the
firft Punic War, is very remarkable, and the
more fo as he fpeaks very highly of its political
conftitution. But his fagacious mind was not
fo dazzled by fome of the beauties of it, as to
make him infenfible of its peculiar defedts. His
principles farther explain how it has happened,
that the Swifs governments, notwithflanding
their very defedtive political conftitutions, have
been fo little, if at all, fubjed to feditlonc : and
why the more extenfive kingly governments
of Europe, notwithflanding their flill more de-
fective forms of government, are fo free of the
fame defedt. In a word, I will venture to af-
firm, that there are more juft notions concern-
ing government in this finglc treatife, which does
not even exift entiie, than in all the books which
have been written on the fame fubjcdl for two
thoufand years, I have read Machiavcl, whom
one of our hiftorians, I think, calls the Prifice
of l^oliticianSy and Harrington, Syancy, Locke,

B &c.

ll I

ii!

&c. yet I fcruple not to affirm, that if compared
with Aiiftotle, they merit not the appellation of
children.

We have an Engliih expofition of this trea-
tifeby a Mr. Ellis, but whether judicioufly ex-
ecuted or not, I can fay nothing, having never
feen it. If it be not well expounded by this
gentleman, whoever would give a good tranlla-
tion af it, would be entitled to the appellatioi)
of a BenefflSlor of his Country »

Every writer whom I have met with, who
mentions Ariftotlc, fpeaks of him as by far the
firft of philofophers. I have only read his Trea-
tife upon Politics, which, though a part is loft,
contains every thing that is well advanced upon
government, in all the other treatifcs I have met
with upon that fubjeft : befides its being far
more clearly developped. It is evident from fe-
veral pafl'ages in this treatife, that it depended
or connected with his Treatife on Eihics or Mo-
rals ; and of courfe was founded upon his accu-
rate and extenfive knowledge of the human
heart, which enabled him to forefee confe-
quences, not only which were to come to pafs
ihortly after his own time, but even it may be
faid, to all eternity; or while man preferves
his prefent affeftions.

Not-

[ I, ]

Notwithftanding the univerfal praife which is
beftowed upon ;his eminent philofophcr, yet
that his writings are very much unknown, nay,
perhaps even by thofe who praife him, is very
evident, from no norice having been at all taken
of what he had advanced concerning govern-
ment in his Treatif," on Politics, during the
American war, or the late commotions in
France.

It is not my interir'iori to offer a complete ana-
lyfis of this treatife of Ariftotle's. My objedt is
Only to point out thofe perfons in whom this
writer would veft the government, which are
precifely thofe, whom I have already mention-
ed : namely, thofe who have a fufficiency to enable
them to live idle lives ; and excluding from anyfhare
in it thofe others who depend on their labour for their
daily bread; as alfo all thofe who buy to fell again,
or that live by traffic. As the determining in what
perfons the government ought to be veiled is the
foundation upon which the entire fabric of civil
polity Ihould be eredted, the being agreed upon
this head is indifpenfably neceflary, ere any
thing Ihould be farther advanced. 1 ihall there-
fore take it as a thing proved, that perfons ne-
ceffarily dependent, and thofe others whofe ob-
jed is fordid pelf, ought to be excluded from
all concern in the government of a ftate ; which I

think

I'it

lit

[ «* 3

think Ihould not be allowed to be an extraordi-
nary conceffion from the Democrates, till they
are able to adduce one Angle inftance of a go-
vernment, in which perfons of either of thefe de-
fcriptions were a conftituent part, which deferved
the name of a well-arranged government, in
which the fecurity of the perfon and property
of the individual was chiefly, or at all confulted,
when fuppofed to interfere with their inter-
efts, and in which an individual might employ
his intelleSiual faculties^ as was moft agreeable to
him without perfonal danger. For thefe cir-
cumftances, and thefe circumftances only, entitle
a political conftitution to the appellation of a
happy, lal^, and equal government.

It may perhaps be afked, who are thofe per-
fons, which may be faid to have a fufficiency
to enable them to live without having recourfe
to bodily laboi r for their fupport. Here I pro-
fefs that Ariftode affords no clue to diredt me.
Perhaps in that part of his Treatife upon Po-
litics which is loft, this very neceffary quef-
tioh had been refoived. If fo, as the lofs is ir-
reparable, it depends on the moderns to fill up
thechaim. ^ -

. Having little dependance upon my own faga-
gacit}^, what 1 fliall offer upon this head, how-
ever conclufive and folid it may appear to my-

fclf.

■A

V''

[ '3 ]

fclf, I fliall entertain great fufpicion of, when
unfupportcd by, I might almoft fay, my infal-
lible giJ!(!e.

It is obvious, that the fame annual revenue,
or anfuSy difieis in value according to the fitua-
tion of the place wheie the valuation is made.
For inflance loo/. is of far lefs value at London
than at John a Groat's Houfe, that is, it has far
lefs power; which is what I here mean by
value. It is evident that a man of 500/. a year
in Middlefcx is ^ man of little political influ-
ence in confequence of his fortune : but in the
north of Scotland a perfon of fuch an eftate
would be a perfon of fome confequence : there-
fore, if the cenfus was to be determined dirc^ly as
the income there would be great injullice : for
in this cafe perfons of much greater political
confequence and independence would be ex-
cluded all fhare in the government, in confe-
quence of their property lying at a diftance
from the capital, which rendered it of lefs no-
minal value, though of more real influence, than
another nearer the capital of a greater annual
income. The proprietor would juftly deem this
injuftice, which would give rife to heart-burn-
ings, diifatisfadtions, &c. the forerunners of fe-
ditions, &c.

. " The

C H ]

The defideratum then is, to find out fome objedt
which will for ever determine the relative confc-
quence of the conftituent Members of the State,
and this I apprehend may, in a great meafure,
be effcdted by the/r/V<f of labour* For inftance,
a labouring man in liddlefex, with his family,
will be able to earn three times more money in a
year, than a labouring man and family will do in
the north of Scotland. As this cannot be dif-
puted, it follows, that 500/. a year in the north of
Scotland is equal in influence to 1500/. a year in
Middlefex : becaufe it commands an equal por-
tion of labour. Though little acquainted with
the inhabitants of thofe two countries, I am in-
clined to think, that a gentleman of 500/. a year
in the north of Scotland, is at leaft equal in
perlonal confequence and refpedtability with a
gentleman of thrice that income in Middlefex.

Having, as I apprehend, difcovered the pro-
per medium for regulating the cenfuSy it may be
fecondly demanded, what I deem to be a pro-
per cenfus, or annual income, to entitle its pof-
feflbr to be a citizen, or have a Ihare in the go-
vernment, either diredtly or i' iiredtly ? This
I apprehend is alfo in a great nieafure anfwered.
For, as the earnings of the labourer are in general
held to be half of the amount of the earnings or
,: . income

/■■

income of himfclf and family, it follows, that
that pcrfon who enjoys a certain annuity for his
own life of fuch amount as to doulde the earnings
or income of the labourer wherever he happens
to refide, ought to be deemed to be a perfon
who may fupport himfelf without manual la-
bour, or lead an idle life. So that if the earn-
ings of a labourer and his family in Middlefex
amount to 50/. a year, fo much fhould his annual
life-income amount to who refides in Middlefex,
to entitle him to the privilege of voting for
Reprefentatives in Parliament. But in the north
of Scotland, where the earnings of a labouring
man and his family perhaps exceed not the third
part of 50/. or 16/. 13J. 4^. a cenfus or annual
life-income of 16/. 13J. ^d» ought to be deemed
therey as having equal power, to be equivalent
to an annual income of 50/. in Middlelex, and
fufficient to entitle its pofleflbr to the fame pri-
vileges as the inhabitant of Middlefex of a
triple greater annual income. So that, as the
labourer's wages would be throughout the king-
dom, fo in like manner Ihould be the income,
throughout the fcveral parts of the kingdom,
required to entitle its poirtfTor to the piivileges
of citizenlhip, that is, of voting for Reprefenta-
tivc!^, or of king ek^ed a Reprefcntative, or of

concilely
fays.

acting as a Juryman : or, as Ariftoth

t'lilj:!!

lii' 1

I" '6 1

fays, a pfrfnn '-apahle of pajfing judgment ami of
being a MagiJ^rate* tw fA.{\tyj\\i xpiiiu; xa* ap;^»)f.
Lib. 3. c. 1. '

What Arlftotic has advanced concerning go-
vernment is fo fimplc, lb clear, and fo con-
vincing, when compared to the indiftlnft muddy
writings of the moderns, that it alone evinces
that thefe in general have prefumptiioujly written
from their own imaginations, unfupported by
any experience, fince they mud have known of
the exiftence of this inimitable, though imper-
fedt, trcatife on government, which could not be
locked up from them on account of their gene-
ral proficiency in the dead languages. A trca-
tife alfo compofed by the ableft head that ever
exifted ; and upon a more general experience
than will ever again perhaps offer itfelf to man.

This incomparable philoibpher obferves, that
there are three diftindt {orts of dire^, llraight, or
legitimate governments ; i. e. governments in
whichthc governors and governed zve in unifon,cach
approving of the eftablifhed political conllitution
of the State : namely, the Kingly, which firft of
all takes place in infant focieties, the Members
of which, after agreeing to fome laws and regu-
lations concerning the general government, ap-
point one of themfelves to be King (Bao-iAfu?)
to enforce them ; and when any thing unpro-
: " ■■ '--^^ - vided

il'

t «7 ]

Vidcd for occurs, he was commiffioned to aft
according to his judgment. The rcafon why
this power was veiled in one man, Ariftotle
affigns to be, the difficulty of finding many per-
fons, in the firft flages of fociety, capable of
executing the powers of government. This ap-
pears to me to be not only folid ; but alfo a jufl
delineation of the governments which exift
among the North Americans and other newly
difcovered favages.

The fecond fort of dire6l government is,
where the powers of government arc vefted in
the beft of the inhabitants ; eleSled or chofen to
their re^pedive offices by the other Members of
the Community. This fort of government he
calls an Ariftocracy. EleSiion being that which
conftituted it to be fuch : it being ejfential to it.

The third fort of dirett government, and to
which, in preference to every other form, he
gives a decided preference, as being the moft
conducive towards promoting the temporal pro-
fperity and the mental improvement of its Mem-
bers, is what he calls a Politeia or Common-
wealth. To form fuch a political conftitution
it is neceffary, that the fupreme council of the
nation, be it called Senate, Great Council, or
Parliament, ^o«/^ be compofed of a certain number
of citizens elected VlVA.;yOCE, who of courfe
'■ ■ . C would

lll<1

, t

[ «8 ]

would be chiefly the richeft and mofl powerful citizens :
and a proportionate or equal number of other citizens
chofen BY SUFFRAGE who of confequence would
he the mnft virtuous part of the citizens. Were
thcfc chofen by eleSlion, he obferves, that only
fuch would in general be eledted as were agree-
able to the rich, and therefore in this cafe might
be difpenfed with as of no ufe.

Thofe of our modern reformers, who infift
upon our Members of the Commons Houfe of Par-
liament being viva voce eledled, would be guilty
of an abfurdity, or zfelo defe, according to Ari-
ftotle : for fuch Members, inllead of being Dc'
pjocrates, or defenders of the rights of the lozver
^clafTes of the citizens, would be Ariflqcrates, I
cannot help recommending to them, in their
future exertions for the public good, to be
guided by this great philofopher, who feems
to have proHtf^d from his obfervations.

How greatly muft the liberal reader of this
treatife conceive of Philip and Alexander of
Macedon, who countenanced and cheriihed the
man who fo clearly, and phllofophically alTerted
the happinefs and welfare of the human fpecies,
to be the ultimate objedt, ai\d primum mobile of
every lawful government. Great fouls have no
fear. They feel their own fuperiority. Their
objedt is to cheriih the fublime and virtuous

'> cha-

C '9 3

chara^crs wherever they are likely to be met

with.

Ariftotle, having fct forth thefc three forts of
direSl government, obferves, that there are cor-
ruptions of each of them : of the Jirft, when the
King, inftead of adting upon principles of gent'
ral good, adts ivomfelfijh motives, preferring his
own intereft to that of the citizens at large.
This mode of governing he calls a Tyranny.
Secondly, when the Ariftocracy, or the befl and
richefl Members of a (late, manage the public
affairs with the view of benefiting themfelves,
regardlefs of the general interefl of the citizens :
this he calls an Oltganhy* Thirdly, when the
powers of government being veiled in the
general body of the citizens, the public affairs
are carried on in fuch a manner as to favour the
Poor only, who arc neceffarily the majority of
every fociety, regardlefs of the rights of the
Rich : This fort of government he calls a De^
ptocracy. According to this philofopher then
there are three forts of direSi or lawful govern-
ments, namely. Monarchy, Ariftocracy, and a Po-
liteia, or a Commonwealth compofed of an Arif-
tocracy and a Democracy combined in one Cottn-
cH: and three corruptions of thefe : Tyranny,
Oligarchy, and Democracy* All other forms of

C a , govern-

!ii

f! I

I !i
ii !•

government he (hews to be deviations, more or
lels, from one or other of thefe.

Ariftotle further ihews, that the natural pro-
grefs of governmeni is firft Monarchy — fecondly
Ariftocracy-^thirdly Oligarchy — fourthly Ty-
ranny—fifthly a Democracy. Alfo that wealth
is the polar liar of Oligarchies : honour of Arif-
tocracies • and liberty of Democracies : the
truth of which both ancient and modern hiftory
have evinced. Our modern reformers would
think their caufe was loft, v/ere they to admit
that Kingly government was the firft lawful go-
vernment, as founded upon confent : and ftill
more, that Ariftocracy was the next in fuccef-
iion. But this was no ftumbling block in the
way of Ariftotle : For he placed the foundation
of government upon the afifent of the citizens,
that is, of thofe perfons who had entered upon
their fiftieth year, and who were able to iup-
port themfelves without labour : and who mull:
in every government be a very different fet of
people from a bafe populace, or fordid ihop-
keepers, n^anufadturers, and tallow-chandlers, as
they are in general : In ihort he lays it down,
that an equal Commonwealth can be only con-
ftituted among a highly improved people, in
which the citizens Ihould receive a public edu-
cation.

■|' ■i'

f ^» 3

cation, that they might hercaftei be ufeful ci-
tizens.

We modern reformers, it feems, are always
above or below the mark. If a public educa-
tion is to be the adopted mode, our notions
become fublime; and -all the people are to be
publicly educated. The Grecian common-
wealths are quoted as examples of its fea-
iibility. But no Greek ever entertained fuch
a romantic idea. The ordinary education of
-the middle clafTes in life does not fecure
them fi*om falling vidtims to every fpecies of
vice : and yet he would be a hardy adventurer,
who would declare, that the education intended
for the cjiildren of the poor by Sunday fchools,
approaches, in rii> cffential refpeft, to that
which the children of the decent clafles of life
a^ually do receive.

Ariftotle., having difcriminated the abovcrmen-
tioned fix: forts of government, obfervcs, that all
the evils which have fprung up in focieties, have
arifen from two caufes : firft, by thofe perfons,
who being fenU'. le that they were equal to other
perfons in o»e refpedt, thought they were equal
to then[i in every refpedt : for thefe having fhewn,
that by nature, all men are equal, they there-
fore claimed equal rights : but he obferves, that
thiM n>ode of ^rguing is fophiilical, being from

the

• iii

.jlff

[ " ]

the particular to the univerfal : befidcs, though
it be granted, that by nature all men are equal,
yet fociety having had for its objeft the prefer-
vation and fecurity of the already acquired property
in the individuals, in whom it was at that time

. veftcd ; its firft members, therefore, mull have
been proprietors. Hence it is evident, that if
other individuals, without property, joined them-
felves to this fociety, they would not be intitled
to a portion of the properties of the firft, or
conftituent members of the fociety. It is even
obvious, that they might think themfelves fortu-
nate in being entertained as fervants or flaves.

. The fecond caufe of the misfortunes which
fpring up in focieties, is, that thofe individuals,
who, in fome refpedts, as the advantages of for-
tune, birth, &c. being fuperior to other men,
conclude that they ?re therefore fuperior to them
in every refpedt : this being alfo obvioufly argu-
ing from the particular to the univerfal : for
perfons of this difpofition, proud of their acci-

« dental advantages, by claiming the folid ones
of governing their inferiors, gave rife to fedi-

* tions, which terminated either in victory or de-

^ feat, in an Oligarchy or a Democracy. Few, I
apprehend, are fo unverfed in human affairs as
not to have been frequently fenfible of thefe fo-

phifticai

l<'H

, though
•e equal,
e prefer-
ipr9perty
hat time
lufl have
, that if
id them-
i intitled
firft, or
is even
es fortu-
flaves.
8 which
ividuals^
s of for-
ler men,
to them
fly argu-
fal : for
icir acci-
lid ones
to fedi-
■y or de-
Few, I
iTairs as
thefe fo-
phiftical

[ 23 3

phiftical modes of arguing in the advocates of
Oligarchy and Democracy.

The great obje<5t of every legillator, accord-
ing to this profound philofopher, ihould be to
difcover what mode of government would moft
conduce to the happineis of thofe individuals,
who can live according to their fancies , that is, idle
lives, without following any calling or profeffion.
This I apprehend is contrary to every political
idea actually received among mankind, be them
advocates of tyranny — of Oligarchy — of Arifto-
cracy — or of Democracy — I truft, however, I
Ihall evince its juftnefs.

Such a mode of government he lays down :o
be this : the magiftratcs to be ELECTED by the
people ; for thefe Ihould always be the princi-
pal perfons of the State. — Secondly, a Council,
Senate, or Parliament, partly chofen by eleBion^
and partly by fuffrage, and of courfe compofed of
the firft and richeft citizens, and of the bed and
moft virtuous : each thus tempering the otn. :. —
The ultimate judgment, or of giving verdidts, to
be in the citizens, that is, of thofe who had a
wherewithal to fupport themfelves without labour.

Ariftotle farther obferves, that no pcrfon
Ihould be capable of ading as a citizen, or as
we would fay, of having the privilege of voting
for a Reprefentative in Parliament, or ading as

a Jury.

\Vh

1 l

' : I

I'!

l/,i,i!

[ H ]

a Juryman, before he had complcatcd \i\% forty*
ninth year : neither ihbuld he be capable of being
returned as a Reprefentative for Parliameut,
nor of ading as a Juryman after his feventiith
year. In what light would our beardlefs legif-^
ktors hold fuch a regulation ^ Jt was not ad-
vanced upon the authority of Vandalic or Gothk
nvifdom, or rather abfurdity. It is the refult of
the combined and matured wifdom fortified by
experience of the wifeft people hitherto known^

Before men have arrived at the perfection of
their rational faculties, which Ariftotle fixes at
x}[it\x fiftieth year, they ought not to be entrufled
with the management of the public concerni of
a great nation, where an error may entail fo many
evils upon pofterity. At the age of feventy, men
begin to be too cautious, and have not fuificient
enterprize to feize the fortunate incidents per-
petually offering themfelves, which would tend
to the benefit of the community,

Ariftotle obferves that the feafible only ihould
be attempted, when a reform in government is
In contemplation. Might not then a partial re-
form take place immediately among ourfelves :
but with regard to this laft particular concern-
ing the legiilative ^ge, the evil day, " when
•* children would ceafe to rule over us, ' might

, i_ . ■ ,. ■ .-*• — , ... . . . , .••.. ,r^^-.-; .. De,

II ;-|

tlfe-

^ ;

;:i

: •*

'\i

1- ■ *

1 :

[ »5 ] ^

be, and perhaps with advantage too, poftponed
for twenty or twenty-five years.

Perhaps it may be thought, that Ariftotlc
having chiefly in view the fmall Grecian repub-
lics, his obfervations concerning the bed form
of government relate only fo very circumfcribed
flates : but he will greaiiy deceive himfelf who
makes fuch a conclufion. For this philofopher's
wilh was that all Greece Ihould be reduced into
a fingle republic, in order that it might be en-
abled thereby to conquer the world, and effec-
tually promote the happinefs of all its inhabi-
tants, by the eftablilhment of good govern-
ments : and doubtlefs intended that his maxims
ihould be applicable to a commonwealth, com-
pofed of all the republics in Greece, which
would have been, with regard to extent and po-
pulation, the moft extenfive and populous hi-
therto known : and evinces, contrary to what
has been advanced by Lord Kaimes and others,
that a republican form of government is not
folely adapted to ftates of fmall extent; at leaft
that they are not fupported in their notion by the '
greateft, without comparifon, of the antients.

Perhaps the following fketch for an improv >
ment of our political conftitution will not be
found very repugnant to what Ariftotle teaches
concerning fuch modifications. The kingly

D power

iiir '

I
•lli

!!•

l! ,!

V',:; SFTr

[ »6 ] ■

power to remain as it is: one Council confifting
of fix hundred Members, of which three hundred
to be chofen hy flexion, who of courfc would be *
Lords, or Commoners of great confequence from
money or landed wealth : the other three hun-
dred ify ffiffrage, who we may fuppofe would
be the mod virtuous chara^ers of the nation.
The three kingdoms to be united, which ought
to be effected, coute qui ceute ; it might coft a mil-
lion of money to influence the Irifh to embrace
a meafure which would tend more to her hap^
pinefs and profperity than her fettered Parlia-
ment will be able, or rather allowed, to effefb
for centuries : the three kingdoms to be divided .
into certain divifions, as nearly equal in popu-
lation, with refpedt to citizens, as might be :
each divifion to return to the Great Coun-
cil three Members by eleBion, and three Mem^
bers by faffrage, to continue Members of it,
quamdiu fe bene gejferini, or until the majo-
rity of the citizens fignified their defire to the
proper officer of choofing a new or other dele-»
gates : all the citizens to be entered in the .
Sheriff's or otb^r returning officer's book; who
Ihould appoint an annual regular meeting upon a
certain day, for regiftering and examining the
pretenfions of thofe, who would offer themfelves
for that purpofe. As every perfon ihould be

obligee}

Kwrn

[ ^7 ]

obliged to ferve his country who was cledted,
did it happen that any of thofe who were chofen
hy fuffrage were perfons not poffefling looo/. a
year, freehold property ; the deficiency in this
refpedt ought to be made up to them for their at-
tendance out of the Treafury. Befides this great
council, there ought to be another of one hundred
Members, which Ihould enjoy the judicial power
as at prefent exercifed by the Houfc of Lords :
one to be chofen by each of the hundred divifions :
to be perfons above ffty years of age : and each
of them to be entitled to loool, a year from
the Treafury, while they a(5ted in this capacity.
The auditing the public accounts, of whatever
nature : the punifliing culprits, whom the exift-
ing laws would not afFedt, eve» capitally : that is,
when they found it neceflary they fhould apply
to the Great Council for an aft of attainder,
which, upon examining the cafe ihould aft ac-
cording to its difcretion : &c. &c.

It ftrikes me, that a judicature of this nature
would be much moie unobjeftionable than our
Houfe of Lords. Legiflators fhould not be
their own Expofitors. I apprehend the judi-
cature appointed by the Houfes of Commons and
Lords, from amongft their Members, to try
Eafl Indian culprits, labours under this defeft.
Ariftotle was for having the Magiftracy in the

:ich.

:/!'; 1

I . , r

' 'i|!

1 1 i ,1 ! ; ■ 1

i i

\^-

[ *8 ]

rich but clcfVcd : and the judicature, or that
which paflVd fentence, in the citizens. However,
as our conftitution a<^ually exifts, perhaps the
prefcnt mode is in a great meafure unexcepti-
onable.

I am farther to obferve, that vefting the powers
of the community, or the right of citizenlhip, or
of voting for Reprefentatives, or of paffing fen-
tence as Jurors, in perfons who enjoy a fuffici-
ency to enable them to live idle lives, and the
having only one Creat ^Council, or Houfe of Par-
liament, is not fo great an alteration from the
feudal fyftem of government, as our prefent
form. Originally there was only one Houfe of
Parliament, compofed of the tenants in capite :
the chief of whom acquired the appellation of
Barons, and whofe voices were generally deci-
five concerning the bufinefs in hand : this, inde-
pendently of the expences which neceflarily fol-
lowed upon attending in Parliament, was the
reafon, why the poorer tenants in capite avoided
attending: which was thelefs neceflary, as what
the greater tenants or Barons had determined in
regard of themfelves proportionably took place
with regard to them : fo that the lefTer tenants in
capite, were certain of having their rights defend-
ed ; for, except the greater tenants incapite^or the
Barons were firft oppreffed, they could not be
i '»- oppreffed.

m
ice

in
d-
he
be
d.

t *9 ]

oppreflcd. In like manner it is declared in the
great charter, that no man Ihould be condemned
and puniflied except in the judgment of his peers,
or due procefs of law. But who were peers or
pares in thofe d lys ? doubtlefs neither defpifcd
iliopkeepcrs, mechanics, nor manufadturers :
they were tenants in capite, to whom this appel-
lation could at all apply : therefore the vefting
the judicial power in thofe who can pafs idle
lives, or live upon their income, would be not
only a(5ting agreeably to the judgment of Arif-
totle, but alfo in a great meafure to that of our
ancellors i for tenants in capite muft be allowed
to have enjoyed fuch a fhare of this world's
goods, as to have enabled them to live idle lives.

That none but tenants in capite had originally
a right of being prefent, or of being reprefented
in Parliament, I apprehend, is proved by Dodtor
Henry, in his Hiftory of England, and by Mr.
Miller in his incomparable, one might almoft
fay, divinely-infpired Eflay on the Britifli Con-
ftitution. Thofe who infinuate the contrary,
without attempting a confutation of thefe learn-
ed and ingenious writers, are methinks much
to blame, as miileading the people.

I fhall now proceed to confider the judnefs of
Mr. Burke's charge againft the National Aflem-

■ ii:

:|!|l

III

' i

Hi!

i!l!|ii'i

i I

|i|W J

C 30 ] .

bly, namely, " that the Members of it are utterly
** incompetent to the work upon which they have
** engaged: to wit, of forming a new political con-
" Jlitution Jor France,** This he flicws by ex-
amining their regulations concerning the confti-
tuting the future National AJfemblies — concerning
the future Magijiracy — and concerning the Judi-
cature — I Ihall not repeat his invincible argu-
ments, proving beyond doubt their abfolute
fatuity in what they have determined concern-
ing each of thefe fubjedts ; and in each, as has
been feen, he is fupported by Ariftotle. But,
according to Ariftotle, thefe three heads are the
moft important of thofe which ihould engage
the attention of the Legislator : therefore their
having failed upon each of them evinces their
utter incompetency as Legiilators.
. Secondly, Mr. Burke has farther proved their
incompetency, beyond the power of contradic-
tion, from their regulations concerning the arm/
and finance. Their abfurdities refpcdtingthe for-
mer are fcarcely credible. Mr. Burke's account
on this head is not contradi(fted by Monfieur

Depont. Their financial regulations are,

equally exceptionable. Farther, Mr. Burke
has evinced, that in regard of the clergy they
have aded unjuflly ; and towards their King »;;•
generoujly : thus poifoning the fources of virtuous
; ' ' cnergj\^

t are utterly
they have
olitical con-
|ws by ex-
the confti-
concerning
the Judi-
nble argu-
r abfolute
d concern-
achy as has
)tlc. But,
;ads are the
uld engage
refore their
rinces their

iroved their
f contradic-
g the army
ing the for-
ce's account
y Monfieur
itions are,
Av, Burke
clergy they
ir King mi-
of virtuous
energy.

.ft

C 3' ]

energy. Yet. there is an anonymous publlca-
tion in which the writer, modcftly becoming his
own judge, taxes thofc incomparable refleBions^
doubtlefs the offspring of honefl indignation,
which I doubt not will rcfledt more honour upon
England, than any political traA of the age,
with being intemperate. Let him evince his
thefis by the authority of an Ariftotle — of a Po-
lybius — or even of a Machiavel ; and then, but
not before, he may be liftened to. The weaknefs
and folly of this Aflembly is beyond belief.
They expedt to be a powerful nation, and yet
they have deflroyed all military difcipline—
They expeft to be a powerful nation, yet have
deprived themfelves of the fources of finance.
In future the army will pay only what obedience
it chufes. The citizens what taxes they think
fit. Their Monarch is dethroned, and will
never acquire any future authority — Their Mo-
narch has been abaled, and will be more fo.

It may be afked, is there no remedy for all
this evil ? I anfwer, I believe not. No future
authority can exift in the nation itfelf, rnlefs a
long civil, or foreign war, Ihould take place,
cither of which I think very unlikely to happen ;
during which, a party, or an individual, might
acquire fo much authority as to enable it, or
him, to enforce, by means of an obedient, welU

\ , ■■-■

'i;

i 1'

m m

C 3» ]

/d/V tfr/wy, a fyftem of taxation equivalent to
fupport the expenccs of a powerful Ihte.

With regard to the individuals who compofc
the National Aflcmbly, I entertain no doubt of
their integrity and patriotifm in general. What
Mr. Burke objedts to them is their incompetency:
and yet they had an outline betorc them fo ob-
vious, that they arc fcarcely to be cxculed for
deviating from it : I mean the Bi iiilh Conftiiu-
tion, which ten years ago I know to have been
the ultimate wilh of every rational Frenchman
that I had converfed with : and kirely the Bri-
tilh Conllitution, without its obvious defers,
I mean our imperfect rcprefentation in the Lower
Houfe, might fatisfy, even an ardent patriot :
nay, it was far preferable even to a better poli-
tical conllitution, becaufe, in cafe of any dif-
putes arifing between the French King and his
fubjedts, arguments adduced from the Britilh
Conllitution and its praiftice in like cafes, would
be concluiive againft royalty, fo that whilft En-'
gland prefcrved her freedom, a counter-revolu-
tion would have been hopelefs in France. The
patriots fliould farther have known, that Slaves
are not at once capable of ading the part of
freemen : that men in general to be fuch muft
be educated for this (late : therefore, till this
took place^ it was a glorious circumflance to

fecure

,»*' '

C 33 ]

fecure fo capital a political conditution until
(fubjedt fcarccly to any ftorm) the fucccflion of
the next generation, which might be educated
for a more perfedt ftate of freedom : though I
profcfs that I think the Fnglifli Conftitution,
modified agreeably to reafon and good fenfc ; or
being made more confonant to Ariftotle's idea,
might fatisfy the moft ardent wifli of the moft
violent Democrate : I mean, by making the
Members of Parliament the Reprefentatives of
thofe perfons who, having the wherewithal to
fupport themfelves and families, purfued none
of the fordid trades, and who had entered into
their fiftieth year, to be eledted by ballot — and
continue Reprefentatives quamdiufe bene geJferinU
But, as the Members of the National Aflembly
have quitted this obvious line ui conduct:, it may
be afked, what they ihould now do. I fincerely
confefs my incompetency to anfwer this queftion.
Mr. Burke, in the continuation of his RefleSiionSy
will perhaps point out their proper line of con-
duct. But as perhaps he may not do it, and as
often an ill-judged idea has given birth to better
founded ones, I ihall not fcruple offering my
notion, in hopes that it will induce others to do
the fame ; and thus perhaps fomething ufeful
on this fide the water may be produced : for
with regard to the other fide I utterly defpair of it.

• E . The

TfH

« ill i

H :

W'\

. ' i

t 34 ]

The fiiil thing I would recommend would be
the returning upon their fteps, and eftablifhing
the Britifli Conllitution agreeably to what has
been juft advanced. But there is an evil which
is overwhelming the ftate, and which, unlefs
inftantly oppofed, will render every fcheme
abortive for introducing happinefs into that dif-
trafted and unfortunate kingdom ; namely, the
want of *;n ployment of the poor : for the
wealth ot the entire world would not feed the
Poor of France ; whereas induftry will at once
effecft it ; and when effeded, it would then be a
flourifliing, happy, and powerful kingdom,
under a proper governm.ent : but until then,^
NEVER.

The obje.5t then is to find employment, pro-
dudlive eni;)loyment, for the Poor. Conte qui
coute, this muft be deemed the fine qua non* It
can be only effcdied, even gradually, by means
of great premiums to the manuja^lurers of goods of
the Jlaple of Frauce : I fay, to the vianufaSturers^
and not according to modern prad:ice, to^ier-
chant-cxpotters : if the goods be manuradtured
exporters will always be found ; befides, that it
is far more eligible, that premiums to the amount
of from one to ten thoufand pounds fliouh^ be
dllhibutcd among many, than fwallovved up by
one. i^gricuiturc ihould likewife be encou-

.. ," ' ' raged ;

)uld be
►liihing
lac has
i which
unlefs
fcheme
hat dif-
?ly, the
for the
feed the ^
at once
len be a
ngdom,
il then,

nt, pro-

''oute qui
fton. It
means
goods of

to^ier-
Tadtured
, that it
amount
1011 1(^ be
d up by
encou-
raged :

C 35 ] ■

raged : in a word every thing fhould be done to
induce thofe perfons who can command a capital
to employ it in manufactures of one fort or other.
To bring this about with a f^ eedy effccft
would doubtlcfs require four or five millions
annually. But where, it will be afk.c\^y is fuch
a fum to be procured ? 1 have already faid (oute
qui coute, be the money where it will, it muft be
got, and for ihis purpofc only. For till this is
effected nothing can be done. Whether the fale
of the crown lands — whether the reducing the
fleet to twenty or thirty fiigatesv and other naval
expences proportior.ably — whether the reducing
the army to one hundred thoufand well-difci-
plined and well-paid men, or naif that number,
would admit of an application of fuch a fum
from the public fervice, is mo.e than I can de-
termine : but if it would not, the deficiency
fliould be made up from the fale of clerical pro-
perty, and the needful dedncftion from the tnib-
Jic annuities, or credito'-s. It is obvious, that
this evil woulc leflen annually, for the taxes, in
confequence of the encreafing wealth of the
people, whom I ihr.U not decorate with the ap-
pellation of citizens, would become daii/ more
produdive. It is alfo needlefs to obferve, that
it would be abfolutely neceflary to engage a
certain fum fcx a feries of years, perhaps twenty,
•'' 1 - '' E 2 from

!!' liiiili

!M)

I 1;

[ 36 1

from t^e public income, towards the encourage-
ment of each kind of manufadture, w induce
wealthy capitalifts to rifk their property.

Secondly, there is a preferable fcheme, name-
ly, a deputation of a fele<5t number of the Na-
tional Afl'embly, with a letter to Mr. Burke
from the King of the French, requefting that he
would take upon himfelf the new-modelling the
French conftitution. This may be thought a .
Jeu d^efprity but I profefs I never was more
ferious. The antient republics had recourfe to
expedients of this nature, and that not feldoni
Nay, even the republics in Italy, during the
middle ages, had frequently recourfe to it, if I
recoiled; rightly, To pOffefs magnanimity may
be thought now-a-days a quaint idea. If the
National AlTembly poffefs any, it Ihould furely
adopt this meafure, unlei's a better one would
offer itfelf. As to their own infufEciency it is
needlefs, after what has been faid upon it, to
dwell on it farther. Mr. Burke has approved
himfelf the ableft politician of the age; and
doubtlefs the magnanimity of fuch a proceed-
ing in the National Afl'embly would roufe every
latent faculty of his foul to realize their expec-
mtions. But notwithdanding the brilliancyi
and I may add, the policy of fuch a meafure^,
) ^hink it would QQt n<fW ^oiwer. The want of

difcipl

nsl

;4«

C 37 ]

difclpline in the armv— the inability of the peo-
ple to pay taxes— ^the Democratic principles per*
vading every part of this unfortunate country^
would render abortive the efforts of &ny indivi-
dual, though invefted with the greateft civil
power, unaccompanied with a welUdifciplined
army to enforce obedience. I fay then, that Mr«
Burke, forefeeing thefe obihu£tions, and the
confequences of them, would, in my apprehen-
iion, refufe accepting the office of legiflator. I
would then recommend to the French nation,
though thirdly and laftly, what would be mod
advantageous to themfelves, and to the world at
large, namely, of

Becoming a Member of the Britijh empire y as,L 5*
land is. It is needlefs to obferve, that fhe might
make almoll her own terms, conditionally that
ihe engaged herfelf to have the fame friends and
foes as Briiain. In ^his cafe her fleet might be
reduced with fafety to the number of frigates I
have mentioned. Their troops to fifty or fixty
thoufand men. The favings to be applied to-
wards giving energy and life to national induf.
try. The Englilh conftitution was the v.ilh of-
France. Such i^n union would be better to her
than the Engliih conftitution ; for it would be
acquiring the real pc wer of Britain for an empty
n^me^ for fuch it muft ever be with regard to the
i * ' governed.

I ,

) 'n

C 38 ]

governed , The intereft of the empire would in*
fpire all its citizens and inhabitants. Abilities,
whether French or Engliih, Scotch or Irifh,
might dired: our councils, or lead our com-
mon troops to vidlory. I proteft that the ad-
vantages to France from fuch an union are fo
obvious, and fo important, that her not pro-
pofing an union of this nature, (for it folely de-
pends on her), can only be imputed to her be-
ing "^.i^de fubfervient to the views or ambitious
defig». ' fa<ftious citizens,
.. The defireof the Patriots in France, of form-
ing a j>erpetual league of amity with this coun-
try, and which our Democraces fo ftrongly infift
upon, evinces one of two things : firft, that by
means of fuch a league of amity, it was the inten-
tion of the National Affembly to cultivate ^ Jin-
cere friendfhip with this country ; and by means
of this union to impofe peace upon the diftur-
bersof Europe : or the offer was Intended with
the hifidious intent to fupport the Democratic fac-
tion of this kingdom, and thereby enable it to
overturn the government. If the latter was not
their real, though corvcealed motive, nothing
ou^ht to prevent them from propofing fuch an
union. In fadt, their not doing fo, will evince
beyond the power of cavil, that ambitious mo-
tives influence the leaders of the French revolu-

\:^^in^y^>

tion,

would in-
Abilirics,
or Irifh,
)ur c^m-
the id'
on are fo
not pro-
bleJy de-
) her be-
mbitious

of form-
lis coun-
gly infift

that by
he inten-
ite ay?«-
y^ means
' diaur-
ed with
a fie fac-
ie it to

was mt
nothing
fuch an

evince
us mo-
revolu-
tion.

C 39 ]

tion, and not the profperity of France. For no
one can be fo abfurd as to affirm, that the union
would be more fincere and intimate, were each
ftare governed by different Kings, as they would
be under one King. - r .vsmi/ > • V

It will be eafily perceived from what I have
faid, that I efteem his Moft Chriftian Majcfly
to be in fadt dethroned. To fuppofe the contrary,
would beyond doubt evince idiotifm. For, though
I Ihould admit that he a^ually enjoys a million
fterling annually, yet how long will he conti-
nue fo to enjoy it ? Precifely fo long as it Ihall
pleafe the French mob. Let us fuppofe that
the prefent government fubfifts fome time : in
this cafe, the preffing diftrefl'es of the mechanics,
manufafturers, and artifts, there being little or
no demand in thefedillrefsful times for the pro-
dudlions of their ikill and ingenuity, will necef-
farily compel them to extremities. Some fac-
tious demagogue will perhaps obferve, that in
thofe diftreffing times, when the poor are ftarv-
ing, that a fingle Family has an income fuffi-
cient to make happy tzuo hundred thoufand fa-
milies, or a million of individuals. Arguments
of this nature, though in fadt ruinous to the
lower claflfes in the end, will, for the prefent, fo
flrike upon their imagination, as to deprive
them of the ability of forefeeing the confequencc.

The

p't

t Ji

! I 111'

III

I !

if'!

N ; 1
'■ ' i

! - ;

■■1 •. i'
■ ■ , 1

1 ■

C 40 ]

The National Affcmbly being only the creatures
of the mob, as dependant on the populace, and
being little better than a mob itfelf, will, nay,
mufl:, take the watch-word from their creators.
The income of majefty is reduced to a tenth of
what it was, and (hortly after to a /^«/^ of a tenth*
Nay perhaps, after voting the kingly office
ufelefs, andburthcnfome^ they may take the pro^i-^
^t care of enabling the Dauphin to earn his fub*
fiftance, by binding him an apprentice to a tay*
lor; as the Long Parliament, I think, afted
with rcfpe^ to the Princefs Elizabeth, whom
they bound to a mantua-maker, after cutting
her father's head off. So that in fadt, 1 think
an union of the kinHoms equally defirable by '
the King of the Fre -», as by his fubjedts. He
and his brothers may be very well allowed three,
four, or five hundred thoufand pounds fterling
a year, which will enable them to live more
happy lives than they have ever done.

I know there are feme who think, that France,
in its prefent debilitated ftate, will be attacked
by fome of the neighbouring powers; but in my
apprehenfion fuch an idea is very ill-founded.
For though I Ihall admit the debilitated ftate of
France, yet were fhe attacked, every nerve would
be exerted agalnft the common enemy. In faft
I make no doubt but fhe would drive Germany

before

'it i

tl :

i creatures
hce, and
vill, nay,

creators,
a tenih of
of a tentbt
;ly office
the pr(yVi*
1 his fub«
to a tay-
k| a^ed
J, whom
r cutting
, I think
Table by '
dts. He
ed three,

fterling
'e more

•■Is

jrmany
before

[ 41 ]

before her. Polificians and great captains
would quickly fpring up among her citizens : be-
fides the feditions that they would give rife to in
their enemies* country. In a word, an attack
on the lide of Germany, might (hake to its very
center the Germanic body. France has nothing
to fear but from Britain ; whofe policy it certainly
is not to embarrafs herfelf with French poiiiics,
otherwife than as intimated. France will be
weakened more in three years by her abfurd .
meafures, than fhe would be by a twenty years
unfuccef^jful war with Britain. '

I think it will not be imputed to prefumption,
the giving my opinion of thcfe Reflecfiotts of Mr, /
Burke's, as though I thought m)'felf competent '
to the tafk : I hereby acknowledge myfclf utterly
unequal to it : nevcrthclefs I cannot avoid mak-
ing ufe of my privilege in declaring the fatif-
fadiion which I felt in the careful nerufal of this
incomparable produdlion, after I had read Arif-
totle*s Treatife on Politics, for fuch it appeared
to me. Nothing that I have met with in the
Englilh language at all approaching tQ it, either
in depth or folidity of thought : and with regard
to language, leaving all other trcatilcs of a like
nature, far, very far behind indeed. Some con-
demn the language as being too flowery ; in my
apprehenfion the language varies with the na-

F ture

i"fM

C 4^ ] '

turc of his fubjedt, and appears throughout na-
tural.

Writings I apprehend fliould be eftimated pro-
portionally to the novelties which they contain— •
the importance of thofe novelties — and the vehi-
cle or language by which they arc conveyed. I
have been direded by thefe views in paffing my
judgment of this juftly celebrated work.

Though a very incompetent judge of its per-
fedions, yet I am not fuch an enthufiaftic ad-
mirer, as not to think that I perceive fome er-
rors in it; befides fome notions which experience
has evinced to be unfounded. In what I Ihall
advance upon the former head, I truft that Mr.
Burke will find that I am fupported by the firft
of all authorities, Ariftotle ; which I am con-
fident will acquit me in his eyes of petulance, or
an over-weaning conceit, as prefuming myfelf
extraordinary clever in venturing to criticife the
ableH:, beyod difputc, of our modern politicians :
the hCi is, it is Ariftotle verfus Burke.

Page 287, Mr. Burke fays, " Your all-fufH-
cient legiflators, in their hurry to do every
thing at once, have forgot one thing that
fcems cllcntial, and which, I believe, never
has been in the theory or the pradice omitted
by any projector of a republic. They have
forgot to conftitute a Seriate, or fomething of

« that

ghout na-

nated pro-
contain—.

1 the vehi-
nveyed. I
►affing my
rk.

of its per-
ifiallic ad-

2 fome er-
jxperience
hat I fhall
I that Mr.
)ythe firft
L am con-
pulance, or
tig myfelf
iticife the
Dliticians :

ir all-fuffi-
► do every
hing that
ve, never
:e omitted
i'hey have
lething of
" that

C 43 ]

*' that nature and character. Never before this
*« time, was heard of a body politic compofed
" of one kgiilative and adivc alfembly, and
«« its executive officers, without fuch a council;
" without fomething to which foreign ftates
" might connedt themfelves; fomething to
" which, in the ordinary detail of bufinefs^ the
" people could look up; fomething which
** might give a bias, a fteadinefs, and preferve
** fomething like confiftency in the proceedings
" of the ftate. Such a body Kings generally
<* have as a council. A monarchy may exifl
** without it ; but it feems to be in the very ef-
** fence of a republican government. It holds
" ? fort of middle place between the fupieme
" power exercifed by the people, or imme-
" diately delegated from them, and the mere
** executive. Of this there are ng traces in
" your conflitution ; and, in providing nothing
" of this kind, your Soions and Numas have,
" as much as any thing elfe, difcovered a fo-
" vereign incapacity." This paragragh ap-
appears to me to be abfolutely unfounded. In
Ariftotle's model of a republic there was only to
have been o«^aflembly. — In the Cretan republic
there was only one alfo. — In the Carthaginian re-
public one only. — In the Lacedemonian one coun-
cil only.-— In the Athenian, one affembly only. —

. F 2 In

I I I

Id.

i'tii

! Ilii''

I;-

C 44 ]

In the Roman republic one aflVnibly only, where
fopi'ign aftairs wiTC ygitated; till towards rhc lat-
ter end of ihe republic, the i)eo[)le allcaiblcd in
the Comitia Trihi'ta^ alfo determined fuch matters ;
which ended in the ruin of the republic. It is
true, that in the Oligarchies of modern Europe,
vulgarly and crroueouily called Arillocratlc re-
publics, there are 1 believe univerfally two coun-
cils of this nature ; but the abfurdity of luch po-
litical conllitutions has been evinced, as aj^pcar-
cd to me, long fiuce by Roulfeau, in his Lctttrs
from the Mouufains, in which he examines the
conUitutioii of the republic of Geneva : and fo
far from fuch councils being of ibe 'ivery efj'cnce of
republican governmenty he has further Ihewn from
experience^ that they mult neceflarily terminate ia
Oli^iircbies, So that on this head the fovereign in'
capacity of the National JjJ'emhly docs not appear,
but the contrary.

It Is very evident from various paflages in
thefc reflexions, that Mr. Burke apprehends,
that in every wcU-conflituted govc-nment,
there fhould be two deliberative councils, of
the nature of our Houfe of Lords and Com-
mons. [See Reflexions, page 75.] Yet Arif-
totle Teems not to have been aware of the nc-
ceffity of two councils. I don't recollect that
he even hints at them. He was for defending

wealth.

( '

nly, where
\tsrhc lat-
IcinLlcd in
1 matters ;
lie. It is
n Europe,
ocratic re-
twocoun-
jfluch po-
as aj^pcar-
his Lclttrs
mines the
a : and fo
ry ejj'cnce of
icwn Ironi
rminate in
were'ipi irt'
ot appear,

liTages in
prehends,
ci-nment,
uncils, of
nd Com-
^et Arif-
)f the nc-
>i]ed: that
lefending
wealth.

C 45 ]

wealth, or the AnJlocraLy, by having a portion
ot '.he Membcra of his kgil) itivc allcmbly chofen
viva voii'y the other Members by Itiffra^e^ who
of courie wnnld be the perfons mofl efteemed
for their abilities and virtues ; and being united
in one council, each part would temper the
other ; and which, I mull infill on, is far pre-
fer.;i)le to dividing them into two councils. For
without nnduc influence it cannot be fuppofed,
that 'he wealthy would agree to the propofitions
of the lefs opulrnt citizens, and vice verfa. It
is farther evident, that which ever firft yielded
to the other, would in every fubfequent trial of
flrength, be lefs able to refill its rival. The Ro-
man republic has evinced this to be well found-
ed. Perhaps that of England alfo.

Page 274, Mr. Burke fays, ** It is for this
** very reafo.., that Montefquieu obferved very
** juftly, that in their clqffificat ion of the citizens,
*' the great legijlators of antiquity made the great-
^* eft difplay of their powers, and even foared
** above themfelves, &c." Concerning the re-
gulation of the leglilators of antiquity, I can-
not fay much, having only perufed one of them;
but, he without comparifon, the very greateft.
This philofopher, though he has divided the
inhabitants into, I think, ten clafles, has made no
fuch arrangement with regard to the citizens,
:y making

"If

[ 46 ]

making every citizen equally eligible to every
office. Though he was for putting the magif-
tracy, at leaft of the higher order, in the hands
of the moft opulent citizens ; yet he would not
have this brought about by means of invidious
laws, as in Britain, with regard to burgefles and
knights of the fhire : no ! he depended upon
human nature in this refpeft, ^'ell knowing that
the rich would be almoft always elected to fuch
offices, when the election was to be determined
by votes taken viva voce : and being further fen-
fible that fuch diftindlions create heart-burnings
&c. and do more mifchief than the apprehended
evils tenfold. His forcfighr in this rcfpcdt is
evinced by the Roman government. For the
fcnate, by oppofing a participation of equal
rights, enabled the Demagogues to form the
people into a compact well-difciplined body,
and by means of Flebifeita, or decrees of the
people, to overthrow the paramount authority of
the fenate, and thereby, doubtlefs, caufed all the
difturbances at Rome which terminated in the
lofs of its liberties. Methinks alfo that fuch claffifi-
cations have a tendency towards introducing Oli'
garchical forms of government, which Ariftotle
has ftigmatized with the epithet of illegitimate.

Page 281, Mr. Burke fays, " What fignifies
** the empty compliments paid to the country

♦' bv

C 47 ]

«' by giving It perhaps more than its fliare in the
** theory of your reprcfcntation ?'* I muft objeft
to this paflage. For Ariftotle has oblcrvcd
that farmers are the hefl citizens — that graziers
are the nexi bejl — but buyers and fellers, &c, the
very worJL Now too much power cannot be
veftcd in farmers, for, as he obferves, they arc
always for keeping things as they are. I. chis
obfervation applied properly to Greece, its force
will be cncreafcd ten-fold in regard of the
French.

Page 285, Mr. Burke fays, " No man was
** ever attached by a fenfe of pride, partiality,
" or real affedtion to a defcripdon of fquare
** admeafurement. He never will glory in bc-
" longing to the Checquer No. 71, or to any
" other badge ticket." Has Mr. Burke for-
gotten Cefar's tenth legion ?

That Mr. Burke is noToi/, as fome per-
haps may infinuate, is clearly evinced from his
faying in the outfct of his Reflections «* I do
" moft heartily wifli that France niay be ani-
*' mated by a fpirit of national liberty, and that
** I think you bound, in all honejl policy, to pro-
" vide a permament body, in which that fpirit
" may refide, and an effeSlual organ by which it
" may«f?."p. I. Again, " a/>^rwj«^;;/afrembly.

ir>

n ■ I

:jl|i!!ii|p'i

If
f!

lii!

t 48 3

" in which the Commons had their Jhare of powef^
** would foon abolilh whatever was too invidious
and infulting in thcfc diftindions." p. 204* The
unbialtl'd reader may from hfice fee with what
truth fuch imputations cai"! be advancec^ A
permanent aflcmbly would, nay, muft have made
the government of France far more popular
than that of England. But the objeft of mo-
dern Democratiftn is not national liberty: no, it
is a liberty founded upon the moil extravagant
reveries of the moft excentrical of the human
fpecies But that they are in general actuated
by the purell: motives, it would be doing them
a great injnj}ice even to doubt.

Mr. Burkn throughout his Rtjle^fions makes
ufe of the term Oligarchy with firgular pro-
priety : not fo the term Arijlocracy ; I mean, he
does not ufe it m the fame fer.fe in which Arif-
totle would apply it; and it being a Greek term
indicative of a certain kind of government, and
introduced into our language for the fame ufe,
it flrikes m.e, that not only it, but thofe other
Greek or Latin terms diitinG-uiihine; the other
kinds of governments, flioukl be ufed precifely
in the fame fenfe as by the Greeks or Latins.
If the meanings of fuch important terms be not
accurately defined, and conliantly made ufe of

\\ >!'

vidious
The
I what'
(1. A
made
opu.ar
if mo-
no, it
vagant
human
^uated
r them

[ 49 2

in the fame fenlc, it will be fomctimcs in vaia
to ft 'k the author's meaning *. . ,

But to return to Mr. Burke ; in page 204, he
fuppofes there are two forts of Ariftocracy ; one
by defcenty the other the confequence ot wealth.
The firft Ariftotle would call, ^"ere it known in
his time, an Oligarchy : eleSlion being the effence
of Ariftocracy ; which proves thzl the Englilh
Houfe of Lords is not an Ariftocracy, as Mr.
Burke fays, p. 242, with almoft all other wri-
ters, but an Oligarchy,

Page 257 Mr. Burke fays, " a tyrannous Arif-

makes
lir pro-

an, he
Arif-
term
5 and

le ufe,
other
other

brecifely
atins.

be not
ufe of
in

■^4

* The term Arifiocracy is in genen 1 made ufe of by out
Englifli writers in the fenfe which the anticnts affixed to
the term Oligarchy, Except Mr Mitford, in his Hiflory of
|| Oiisece, and Sir William Young, in his Hiflory of Athens,
I know of no other of our vriter? who ufes the term Arijla-
craey n* the fame fenfe as the antients. It furpiifed me
that fo accurate and elegant a writer as Doctor Symonds
(See Young's Annals of Agriculture, vol. xj.) fliould call
the political conftitutions of Venice and Genoa Arijiocraiiesy
feeing that th-^y are obvioufly Oligarchies : for though the
governing ':ouncils in thefe dates are ele£li've^ yet ftill they
are elefled from a certain defcription of the inhabitants^ who
hold the other inhabitants, though fomet^mes richer than
thcmfelves, far beneath then : and from which clafs thefe
are for ever debarred, unlef. admitted by Co-optaiion.

Page

jlillifiiil'

>fii

: Id i

I : '

,■ C 5° ]

tocracy," it Ihould be Oligarchy agreeably to
his own Life of this teim.

Confidering the important confequences which
may refult from our not having accurate and
juft definitions of the various terms indicative of
the different modes of government, I hope I Ihall
be excufed for attempting to define them agree-
ably to what (truck me during a careful perufal
' of Arillotle. The terms. Monarchy or Kingly
Government, and Tyranny or Defpotifm, 1
have already defined p. i6, 19, fo unnecef-
fary to repeat; as alfo Ariftocracy and Oli-
garchy, p. 17, 19. But fince the time of this
philofopher two forts of Oligarchy have made
their appearance ; or, if mentioned in his
Treatlje on FoUtks, have efcaped me. The
firft fort is when the Members of the Arif-
tocracy become hereditary governors, as in the
cafe of our Peers. The fecond fort is when
the Members of the Icgillative council are not
chofcn out of all the citizens of the fame degree of
wealth, but from among a certain clafs. Thofe
included under the appellation of patricians in
the Roman Commonwealth were always aiming
at this ufur-iation. It has been eifedted in the
modern ftates of Venice, Genoa, and the Swifs
Republics, as they are vulgarly, though impro-
perly denominated ; they are in fad: ftridt Oligar-
chies, a: lealt thofe of them of any confequence.

Arittotle's

eeably to

ces which
;urate and
iicative of
ope I Ihall
em agree-
ul perufal
or Kingly
potifm, I
> unnecef-

and Oli-
me of this
[lave made
ed in his
me. The

the Arif-
as in the
t is when
cil are not
^le degree of
fs. Thofe
){itrtclans in
ays aiming
:dted in the
d the Swifs
gh impro-
ridOligar-
nfequence.

Arilbtle's

[ 51 ]

Ariftotle's favourite form of government,
which he calls a pcliteia, is with great propriety
rendered republic, being that form of govern-
ment whofe object was to preferve and defend
the jujl rights o^ all its citizens : of the rich as
well as the poor. As this is the objed: of every
juft government, then for a man to declare him-
felf a Republican is only faying, that he is a fa-
vourer of that fort of government in which the
rights and privileges oi all are equally fupported
and defended. Yet this appellation, by being
confounded with, or rather being held to be
fynonymous with that of Democrafi/l, is become
a term of reproach. But, now that its true ge-
nuine meaning is evinced, I hope that his Ma-
jefly will acknowledge himfelf, as every honeft
man fliould do, to be a Republican, according
to its true genuine meaning. As fuch he will
defend his own rights, the rights and privileges
of the Peers, and alfo of the C mmons — as
fuch the Lords will defend their own rights, the
rights and prerogatives of Majefly, ana the
rights and privileges of the people — as fuch the
virtuous Commoner Ihould defend his own
rights and privileges^ the rights and prerogatives
of Majefty, and the rights and privileges of the
Peers : and for this good reafon, that the Jub-
fjiing government mull be always fuppofed to

G a be

illlNl

C 5* ]

be the choice of the People. Neither will this
opinion put a bar to improvements in our mode of
government ; it will only render it cautious and
more difficult towards the reception of improve-
ments, too often merely fpecious. In my appre-
henfion his Majefty and the Houfe of Lords, as
having the greateftlhare in our government, arethe
moft interefted in bringing it to its utmoll per-
fedlion. For, as Ariftotle obferves, the people
being the foundation of all legitimate govern-
ments, if they become fenfible th^t obvious im-
provements in our form of government are not
adopted, becaufe, forfooth, of the apprehenfions,
whether well or ill founded, of any individual
or clafs of men, they would no doubt be juftified
in taking the bufinefs into their own hands.
But it can not be fuppofed, that thofe indivi-
duals who will gain mof" by improvements in
our political form of government will ever be
the ftiff oppofers of them, which might endan-
ger their exalted ftate. Neither fhould our re-
formers be too fanguine. From what I have
obferved from Ariftotle, the greateft man that
ever exiited without comparifon, it is evident,
that our reformers are fundamentally wrong;
and that our prefent government with all its
defe(fts, is, without comparifon, fuperior to what
they wilh to fubftitute in its ftead.

L Si 1

If what 1 have juft obferved be admitted, in
follows, that the proper appel' tion by which
the Englifh government ihould be deiignated is
republic ; as being a form of government con-
flituted for the defence and fupport of the juft
rights and privileges of all its citizens. This
evinces the good fenfe of our antient writers,
who always deiignate it by this title : and the
ignorance of our antiquaries and lawyers who
deny the propriety of it : and alfo of our De-
mocratifts, who, by this title, would gladly dif-
tinguilh their own favourite form of govern-
ment, which fo far from having for its object
the defence of the juft rights of each clafs of
citizens, has only that of the poor : for in every
ilate the majority of the people muft be poor ;
and in this form of government the majority
becomes the ruling power. In fadt, a Demo-
cracy, as Ariftotle juftly obferves, is no other
than a [many- headed] Defpotifhi. For a Defpot
means, that the government is fo veftcd in one
perfon, as that he can manage the ftate, and atl
towards the individuals that compofe it ad libi-
turn; in like manner, as the mafter | Defpotcs]
may a(ft in regard of his chattels and Haves,

il h

if th

there being nothing to controu
the fupreme power be veiled in the people,
no check to prevent them from

there can be

aitin

,t >'>

[ 54 ]

ading agrecablj' to the prcfcnt impiilfc : for a
check in fuch cafes to be eflcdual muft needs
be a paramount power ; fo that the government
would ceafe to be a Democracy.
.That the lower clafles of people fhonld ever
attain a fufficient fkarc of wifdom or philofophy
to entitle them to a Ihare in the government,
cither diredlly or indiredtly, is a notion perfectly
romantic. To acquire either wifdom or philo-
iophy requires Icifure and refledtion. But what
will feed the p.;or man during his reveries ? I
fay this independently of the prior education
which he fhould have received to enable him to
generalize his ideas. So that the author of Ec^
clefiallicus was well founded in depriving the
poor of all interference in the government,
whether he was a Jew, or a Greek, as I believe
him to have been. But whoever he was, he is
fupported in his idea by the wifeft of the an^
tients ; Ariflotle.

Ariftotle obferves, that it fhould be a chief
objed: with government to take care that the
eeftfus Ihould be always fufficiently low, fo as
that thofe entitled to the rank and privileges of
citizens ihould exceed in wealth thofe who
would be excluded by it : for when they did
not, feditions would inevitably arife in the
ftate ; for to feparate wealth and power muft
.:v« neceflarily

;. I ,

^ /

I is 1

neceiTiirily be attended with this confequcticc i
in like manner, that the cfnfus lliould be fuffi-
ciently high only to eflcd this : for were it
much lower the Politeiu or Republic would be
changed into a Democracy: thus the perfedt
form of government lay between an Arillocracy
and a Democracy, but nearer the former than
the latter. Ariftotle obferves, that a breach in
the cenfus may happen by two ways : firfl: by an
influx of wealth, as happened at Athens in con-
fequence of her victories over the Perfians ; in-
fomuch that money had loft its former value :
fecondly, diring the decline of a Common-
wealth, for in this cafe money becomes of greater
value. This I apprehend is a lelTon for our
Englifh rulers ; and evinces, that the difcon-
tents which have prevailed among its molt vir-
tuous citizens for feveral years, are not the ofF-
fpring of fadlious principles, but necejjarily fpring
from property not having its due weight in our
government. For, however refpedtable the Re-
prefentativcs of what are called rotten boroughs
may be, yet their not being the Reprefv-ntatives
of property has undoubtedly given rife to thefe
difcontents. Farther, when we hear of an
Aiiatic fquad in the Houfe, to what caufe can it
be imputed ? doubtlcfs to the omnipotence of
money in returning Reprcfentatives for parlia-
-. • . , mcur-)

■'I'l

C 56 ]

ment, and to the poverty or want of principle
in the electors. But, were each Reprefentative
elected in the manner pointed out, this evil, if
it exiAs, would be fpeedily reAiiied. For the
conrtituents, men of proper age and refledlion,
and eafy circumftances, would quickly recal the
traytor. In like manner an unprincipled oppo-
lition, whofe objedt was power, and to attain
which fcrupied not to throw every obldacle in
the way of government, might perhaps, ihould
ever fuch a cafe arrive, be difgracefuUy recalled,
and replaced by others who would adt more
agreeably to the general interefts of the nation.

I profefs I am not fufficiently clear-lighted as
to be feniible of the great advantages refulting
from the unexampled publicity of our public
tranfadtions with other nation^. It is a too
common error in arguing to afcribe to wrong
caufes whatever happens in the moral world as
well as in the phyfical : thus fome impute to this
our flourilhing iituation : as if there had never
exited a flourilhing ftate in which a ftrift fecrecy
was obferved. Our flourilhing Iituation is ob-
vioully the confequence of our enjoying a better
political conilitution than our neighbours, and
the local circumftances of fertility of foil, and
advantage of Iituation, &c. ' ■

Mr. Burke, p. 187, fays with Lord Boling-

broke.

t 57 ]

broke, " that he prefers a Monarchy to other
** governments ; becaufe you can better ingraft
" any defcription ot republic on a monarchy,
*• than any thing of monarchy upon the repub-
" lican forms. I think him perfectly in the
" right. The fai^ is fo h'iflorically' and it
*« agrees well with the fpeculation." I profcfs
that my knowledge of hiftory would induce me
to nnke the oppofite inference : as I do not re-
colled: a fingle inftance of the republican form
being ingrafted upon the monarchical ; but on
the contrary, many of the latter upon the for-
mer. It was fo in the Cretan — it was fo in the
Lacedemonian — it was fo in the Carthaginian
Commonwealths, as we are afTured by Ariftotle,
Farther, the Athenian Archons and the Roman
Confuls were in fubftance temporary kings.
Even in the Englifti conftitution kings were ori-
ginally grafted or appoinicd by the National
Aflembly of the Chiefs, to enforce the general
ordinances, or to lead the people forth in time
of war. It is true, that fince the introduction
of burgejfes into our Houfe ot Tommons with the
privilege of determining points concerning le-
gillation and general policy, inftead of confining
their fundlions folely to afleffing themfelves,
as was the firft objed of their introduc-

H tion.

■i'l J

:-\ I

tibn * there has been grafting upon our old
monarchical Government a Democracy, which,
unlefs guarded againft by due provifions, but
cfpecially that moft neceflary one, the giving
property its juft influence, will in the end over^
turn not only the monarchical branch of it, but
alfothe oligarchical, and eftablifli in their (lead
a pure Democracy, which mode of government
Ariftoile -f holds to be the next worfl after a
tyranny, and an Oligarchy. So that our refor-
mers are aiming at a pretty fort of reform ac-
cording to the wifeft of the antients. This is
reforming backwards as my countrymen would
fay. A blefTed reform forfooth ! by which the
popula;ce and their demagogues, or thofe haran-
guers, who by humouring the propenfities of the
people to their ruin, as court-flatterers do with
tyrants, would be enabled to tyrannize over, not
the better clafs of people, as Mr. Burke renders
the paflage, but over, the better men Qt)(liou<tiv
or the mofl: virtuous citizens J. 1 . * ^ ,
I entirely agree wifh Mr. Burke in regard

• -. . ?i . ^ vt ■ ., jt. ♦ ^ . . ii . • ij' > - . • >-■. +1' -■ «j - - J

* Sec Mr. Millet's Treatife upon the Englifli Conftitu^

4 L. 4, Cii. a, ► i. . ':■'■. iV,-l .^ii 2'^? :':

It). Ch. 4. Refledion 186, t

t 59 ]

of the foveretgn incapacity of the 'National AJfemlly
to conliitute a political Conftitution for France:
which is evinced from their regulations refpcdt-
ing the mode adopted by them for confti-
tuting . ational aflemblie.s in future, which lays
the rich at the mercy of the poor — from their
regulations refpedtingthemagiftracy — from their
regulations refpeding the judicature — and in
each of thefe they are likewife condemned by
Ariftotle, as has been feen. — Alfo, the folly of
their conduct in regard of the army — and on
finance, are perhaps without example. That
they adted unjuftly towards the clergy I think
Mr. Burke has demonftrated — and that they have
afi:;d, and are ading infidioufly towards their
King, I mean the leaders of the Democrates, I
entertain no doubt. ' That he is to be dethroned,
or what is tantamount, reduced to a mere cy-
pher, when ti;e leaders of the Democrates will
be able to take off the maik, -jquires little fa-
gacify to perceive : and though I entertain no fuf-
picion of the purity of the views of this party,
that is, that their objedt is the happinefs and
profperity of France ; yet, as they have ihewn
their utter incompetency in the meanSi and as it
CL.mot be expedted, that they fhould be capable
at once of altering their meafures, nay, perhaps,
that the people would not now confent to it, it

H 2

i:r

[ do ]

is my opinion, that his French Majcfty, together
with thofe of his friends, and thofe attached to
regular government, ihould be ready and pre-
pared to take advantage of every opportunity
which may ofTcr, of inducing the National af-
fcmbly to accede to, or embrace the meal'urc of
propoftng to our King and Parliament the becoming a
Member of the Britifh Empire, The difficulties
which will lliortly profs on the French patriots,
and which the fale of the King's domains and
clerical property, though it (hould amount
even to a fum equivalent to difchargc the
national debt, will not diflipate, mufl alarm
a large portion of its Members, unaccuflom-
ed to face popular ftorms, and perhaps inti-
midate them, inlbmuch as to prepare them to
go half way towards embracing the meafure.
Slaves have not that fteady perfeverance or vir-
tue to -nable them to controul or direcft the
florm. That there may be a few of the oppofite
charader in this aflembly, I will not difpute,
though I much fufped: it. But, admitting it, a
great majority mull undoubtedly be political
cowards ; and thefe will fetter the others, and pre-
vent them from taking thofe decided fleps ne-
cefTary to vittory. So that, if thefe leading
charad:ers have the wifdom of the men of this ge-
neration, they ought to prepare matters for fuch

a won^

C 6i ]

a wonderful, but beneficial revolution for man-
kind.

Mr. Burke appears to me to be materially
wrong in fimpl) recommending the Englifh con-
(litution, without any qualification, to the French
revoKit ion ills tor their adopiion. What ! a
political conftitution, founded neither upon
the folid bafis of property, nor the fantafti-
cal one of population ! Though, as already ad-
mitted, had the National Aflembly done fo,
they would have adted more prudently than t'hcy
have ; nay, even that it would be their tmc-
policy : neverthelefs, to adopt a conftitution
founded upon neither property nor population,
without any argument to evince the policjr of
fuch a meafure, was not to be expe(5ted from
Frenchmen; who, as juftefcaped from flavery,
it might be forefeen, would be endowed wit Ji lit-
tle forefight of its neceflary confequence. As to
the Permanent Council, of which Mr. Burke
fpeaks, not having mentioned in what manner
it was to be conftitutcd, it is difficult to c>ifer an
opinion concerning it. But, if it was to tie zper^
wanent organ of- Liberty, it is obvious that it
woulu fhortly reduce the kingly pov^er to a
mere cypher, i; , ; ,..

With regard to thofe who oppofe Mr. Burke

on the principles oj the rights of mankind, by giv-

• ■ ing

t ■ »;

i • "

•'

■IS';,:

l,i!

[ 62 ]

iT)f[ the rights of election to all perfons, which,
though no better than beggars and vagrants,
upon thof'? principles cannot be d':nied to them,
however convinced they thernfelves may be, I
will take upon mc to fay, they will make few
profelyies to their faith, among Jober-th inking
perfons. This doftrine ihould be particularly
gratefu^ to matter- manufacturers, for were our
Reprefentatives eled:ed agreeably to this notion,
they would be MASTERS in fad: of the govern-
XTiPjnt of this kingdom and its dependencies : and
even, as it is, their influence is immeafurably
too great. They were the caufe of the lofs of
America, and the fciflion of Ireland from this
kingdom. Thofe gentlemen ihould further con-
fider, that the authority of the greatell genius that
ever exifl:ed, has in the moft exprefs language,
not once, hwt frequently, declared himfelfagainft
their theory ; who bciides had far greater expe-
rience in matters of this nature, than what they
can at all pretend to. The truth is, that all true
patricijs, and well-wilhers of mankind ihould
unite in placing our government upon the folid
foundation of property, veiling far greater powers
in his Majeftv and government than what they
atfluaily poflfefs; they would thereby conilitute
a vigorous government, and by this means in-
duce gQVcrnnient itfelf to give its aiiiftance to-
wards

le
d

[ 55 ]

wards fo defirable a change in both refpedts.
Country gentlemen, who are generally farmers,
though inimical to manifcft injuftice, are not
fond of changes: thefe are only the objcft of
agitated fanatical mobs, which can only exiil in
great cities, and be foftered by their employers,
who fliould therefore be attended to, and depriv-
ed of political power. Neither could they com-
plain with any juftice; for in this cafe it might
be anfwered, that from the limited faculties of
man, it was impoffible he could carefully at-
tend to two objects £7/ tie fame time', each of
which demanded his whole attention ; and there-
fore the complainant might right himfelf, did
he think himfelf aggrieved, by giving up his
trade, and commencing cit'zen, for that the con-
ftitution permitted no one to be, at the fame
lime, a trader and a citizen.

I fhall now proceed to a few obfervations
upon Mr. Payne's pamphlet, intituled the Rights
of Men-, firft premifing, that in my apprehen-
fion, he has treated Mr. Burke in a manner that
does not meet my idea of that refpedt and de-
corum, which his almoft univerfally refpeded
charadlcr — his private virtues — his acknowlcged
learning— -and his age* demand. His being

■* Mr. Payne, p. 31, informs us that the French rcj'pcd ajje.

I " eaten

• ''

M
rf

H I'

'' ■!. ; ,

1 ■*. -

i ;

i :'

1 ; ._
■r .■;

:"J J-

fm '

II;'

L 66 ]

<* eaten up" with prejudices, ihould excite com-
paflion, and not give rife to expreflions, no doubt
intended, to wound his too fufceptible mind,
fuch as " flagrant mifreprefentations," " an im-
'* pofition ;" is it feemly to begin a work by en-
gaging the paffions before the judgment is con-
vinced : again, *^ real falfehoods," " It ftt'tts his
** purpofe to exhibit the confequences without
" their caufes. It is one of the arts of the drama
" to do fo." " Where even probability is {tt at
** defiance for the purpofe of defaming^ &c." Are
fuch imputations decent, unlefs evinced in the
cleareft manner ? If Mr. Payne has attempted
to fubftantiate one of them, it has efcaped me.
Mr. Burke-s French correfpondent, who it may
be reafonably fuppofed, was tolerably well in-
formed upon the bufinefs, unlefs it alfo has
efcaped me, denies none of Mr. Burke*s fads.
Can it be fuppofed, that if fuch epithets truly
applied to Mr. Burke's Refledtions, that Mr. De-
pont would think of revifiting him on his return
to this kingdom. Were he capable of fuch
meanncfs, it would not be fafe for him to be on
civil terms, with the Libeller of his countrymen,
upon his return to France. Perhaps it will be
faid, that Mr. Burke was unfounded in what he
mentions of the mob exclaiming the Bijhops to the
Lantern on the 6th of October, Perhaps there

were

StI

s'-

C 67 3

were no fueh words made ufe of ; nevcrthelefs,
I cannot help thinking but that Mr. Burke was
fufficiently juftified in fuppofing that there were,
upon the authority of Monf. Lally Tolendal : in-
deed Monf. Depont, wifhing to draw a curtain
over the proceedings of that day, feems to me to
juftify every thing that Mr. Burke has advanced
about it : as to the bonjour of the Mayor of Paris,
I underftood it in its obvious fenfe, the 6th of Oc-
tober, the day on which their Majefties* perfons
were fecured, and the day on which they were
fpoken ; and I think it ihould be efleemed a
good da^ by every Democratift*

That Mr. Burke ihould pay more attention to
Mr. Lally Tolendal's letter from Paris, than to
Mr. Payne's, is not furpriling. We generally
pay more regard to what thofe affirm, who think
as we do, than to what thofe affirm who differ
from us. For which reafon, however unim-
peachable the veracity of Mr. Payne may be,
Mr. Burke's being guided in what he faid, by
the authority of Monf. Lally Tolendall, ought
not to offend him.

Mr. Payne charges Mr. Burke with having
changed his former fentiments, and it may be
on account of this unknown penfion, which it is
faid, Mr. Burke receives from the Irifti eftablifh-
ment. Is a perfon to be condemned for a change

la af

if 2:

\ ■ 5:1 ■ !. i

«'':: ^i

[ 6S ]

of fentimcnt ? Is truth lefs fo when advanced by
a penfioncr ? — In fa<ft, infinuations of this na-
ture, when in,.ntioned in controverfy, evince
that he, who makes uieof them, feels that, how-
everdefirous, hecannotconfutehisadverfary upon
folid grounds. I would alio wiflxto know, whether
it be agreeable to Mr. Payne's fyflem of Chrifti-
anity, to caft a blot, or to repeat a malicious
fadt, to injure an unimpcach' d character. The
view is obvious. Is it doing by others as we
would be done by ? *• • ^ , ■

Mr. Payne informs his readers that the French
guards were not 3000 ; I underftood that they
were 4000 * — that there were only two or three
perfons killed at Vcrfailles on the morning of
the 6th of 0<ftober; I underflood there were fe-
venteen-f. He alfo informs us that William
the Conqueror, and his defcendants, bribed with-
Charters one part of England, to hold the other
parts of it the better in fubjedtion to his will ; I did
not know before this fa^ of WiUiam the Con-
queror : alfo that the county Rutland contains
not the one hundredth pa^t of the inhabitants of
Yorklhire, or ten thoufancl perfons : it may be
fo, but they appear to me tc be very few. If

Gent. Mag. vol. 59. p. 65^ + lb.

thefe

C 69 ]

thefe two laft aflertions be unfounded^ they
ought not to have been inrrochiced, as tending,
more than the exadt truth will jultify, to pro-
mote the obvious tendency of the R'gbts of Men,
namely, of making the inhabitants of this
country diflatisficd with their political conftitur
tion. 'In every cafe the precife truth fliould be
told, but above all, in cafes of this nature : for
though unfounded aflertions will have their
weight for a time, yet in the end, when the
people have difcovercd them to be fo, it detrad^s
very much from what future aflertors will ad-
vance, even though they ihould keep within
the truth.

What Mr. Payne has faid againft Mr. Burke
refpedting England's being an hereditary crown
for ever — and of governments arifing out of a
people to be lawful governments, and not over
a people : appears to me 'jnanfvvcrable, and the
latter ingenioully advanced. But I mufl deny
the exifling government of England to be of
that fort. The barons in agreeing to accept of
Magna- Charta from King John had fuffrcient
authority to bind the nation at the time : and
fuch engagements are fuppofed to conimutfor
ever: not but that the next or any future gene-
ration have it in their power to change it : yet,

until

\ «

'iif

'nil
'Mm

lit' '

•i

• r

■

wr '

C 7° ]

until this IS done the original fettlcment is flip*
pofcd to fubfift.

Mr. Payne has made a comparifon between
France and England with regard to wealth, and
though, (ince Mr- Smyth's celebrated work of
the I'Fealth oj NationSy I thought that this fubjedt
could never be again mifapprehended, yet from
his giving to France the advantage in this re-
fpedt can only be afcribed to this caufe. How-
ever, let us examine what he has advanced.
He admits that there are 20 millions of hard
cafh in England ; and aflerts that there are 90
and a half millions flerling in France, but for
the fake of round numbers I (hall make him a
prefent ot 8 millions and a half more : that is,
I will allow that there are 100 millions fterling
in France, or five times as much as there is in
England. Admitting alfo, according to my
computation, which fome perhaps may think
againft my argument, that there are 16 millions
of inhabitanrs in England, 20 millions flerling
will be 255. a head, full enough in all con-
fcience to manage our internal commerce, the
real ufe of money. Admitting alfo the inhabi-
tants of France to be 30 millions, 100 millions
fterling will be 3/. 6j. 8^. or almoll three times
as much money per head there as in England :

and

C 7' ]

and yet Inftead of France being richer, I affirm
that file is without comparifon poorer,

Dodlor Smyth has informed us that money's-
worth or manufacturers arc equivalent to money.
Now, when the wonderful magazines of every
fort of commodity : the uletul and fuperb fur-
nlcurc everywhere vifible, our navy, &c. &c. &c.
&c. &c. are confidered. Surely all thefe may
be laid down at looo millions. French articles
in the fame line may be eftimated, and perhaps
highly too, at a fifth of this, or 200 millions,
which, with the former 100, makes 10/. a head :
whereas, by including manufacturers, &c, there
is 68/. per head in England.

Mr. Payne alfo afTures us that there \vas no
national bankruptcy in France, but that the
people had determined that they would not pay
taxes. I do not chufe to doubt the word of a
gentleman, yet I think it fingular enough that
Monfieur Depont acknowledges, that the fale of
clerical property was that ohly which could pre-
vent it. — It feems alfo that it was a fecret to
Mr. Neckar.— r-How comes it then that fince
the French Monarch has been dethroned, and
has been re-inflalled by the pompous title of
the King of the French, but in whofe perfon it
feems that this title is to commence and termi-

nate^

I I

il *

, f

I'll

C 7^ 3

Hate *, — I fay, how comes it tliat the taxes arc
even yet (o defcdivi , notwithltanding all the
reforms ? h there a combination again ft paying
taxes under the aiifpices of the National Aflem-
bly ? Bad as our finances in England arc I will
venture to affirm, that ihe can bear taxes to the
amount of 40 millions better than France can
20 millions, with all the clerical fpoii and king's
demefnes. .• • . r • ., ^

To prevent hcedlefs perfons being impofed
on by founds I fliall here obferve, that wealth
with refpc^St to nations is to be confidered in
three difftrent refpetts : firft, as the income of
Government f this may be very great, and yet the
people and nation very poor ; tb'JS let us fup-
pofe that Spain received annually from America
20 millions flerling. This vaft fum would be
quickly difperfed over the moreinduftrious nations
of Europe to purchafe what the Spaniards want,
little remaining in Spain : fecondly, a nation may
be rich and the inhabitants and government poor,
asfori-nftance, if there were 1000 millions fterling
locked up in 1000 boxes in France, the nation
would be rich but the government and people

• See Rights of Men, page 138,

poor.

'iii li

[ 73 ]

pooi,nor would it Jong continue to be other-
wife were it even in circulation : thirdly, the
piople may be rich and yet the nation and go-
vernment poor ; this happens when the people
arc exceeding induftrious and are well-paid for
their labour. A nation like this is almoll om-
nipotent ; for unlefs you cut off their heads or
hands, they will, like the Hydra, be ever repro-
ducing the means of power. Whereas, if you
get poffeffion of the French boxes, or divide
Spain from America, thefe two nations would
be palfied, or rendered utterly impotent. This
evinces the neceffity and policy of giving every
fpur to induftry, if a nation intends to be power-
ful ; indeed as the French Democrates fay,
they will be content with drinking their wine
under their own fig trees, which I will alFure
them will be the cafe, whether they were ferious
or not, it little matters what meafures rhey take,
I would defpife myfelf were 1 capable of fuch a
felfilh thought. But for a nation of legiflarors,
whofe objeft (hould ,be to promote umverfal
happinefs, to harbour even for a moment luch a
bafe feifiih idea Ihould excite univtrfal contempt
and horror.

I would fain know from Mr. Payne whether
he thinks it agreeable to common fenfey that the ]
government of a great nation ihould be ]^ut

K into

1
f

, I-

'Si u •

;i;t

L 74 ]

into the hands of ignorant, illiterate people,
who kn )w nothing of the matter ? or whether
he thinks it agreeable to the fame principle,
that by putting the government in the hands of
the people at large, the majoiity of whom are in
fadt no better than the flavcs of maflcr manu-
facturers, that malUr manufadlurers fhould be
the governors or rulers of a mighty kingdom,
who are ever inimical to every thinjj, gene-
rous, and friendly only to monopolies, and what
may ferve their own fliort-fighted views ? If
Mr. Payne cannot anfvver thefe queftions di-
redly in the affirmative, he ght to give up
his political creed. No argument from ana-
logy, from America is admiflible. There the
people are almoft all farmers or graziers : in
* France they are manufacturers or beggars. I
therefore abide by my paradox, that the true
iniereft of France, and I have the true intereft
of France as much at heart as Mr. Payne, is
io become a dependant portion of the BritiJ/j empire*

As it appears that Mr. Payne is in confider-
able intimacy with many of the leaders of the
French Revolution, it may be prefumed that he is
well founded in faying, p. 138, that " In France
it [the Monarchy] has fo far declined, that
the goodnefs of the man [the King of France]
and the refped: for his pcrionai character are

the

[ 75 ]

'* the only things that prefervc the appearance
" of its exigence." Hence it is obvious that
the Monarchical branch of the French conftitu-
tion is to be annihilated. Were not this their
intention, and now acknowledged by Mr.
Payne, I had propofcd Ihewing, that when
the National Aflcmbly fevered the Magl/lrathal
from the Executive or Monarchical power, and
had rcfolvcd, that the National AfTcmbly fhould
be a permanent body, that the annihilation of the
Monarchical branch of rhe polirical conflitution
muft neceflririly be the conltquencc, which
would be a farther proof of their fovereign inca-
pacity, by making one branch of their conltitu-
tion deftrudlive of another.
. To recapitulate then the errors of the Na-
tional AlTembly, according to Mr. Burke, they
confift,

- Firft, In their mode of conftituting their fu-
ture National Aflemblies, by which it will be
only a mere ochlocracy, both from the Ihortnefs
of its duration, and from almoft all the people
being conftituents.

Secondly, in their regulations refpedlng the
eletSting their magiftrates, which will farther
ftrengthen the Ochlocracy.

Thirdly, by fevering the judges from the
executive branch, by whom as being only exe-

K 2 cutive

r 7« ]

cutivr officers^ they fhould be appointed and be
dependant upon : and in thefe rhree he is fup-
portcd by ^rillotle, who has laid it down, that
they are what a wife legiilator fhould chiefly
attend to.

Fourthly, in regard of their financial arrange*
ments.

Fifthly, in regard of their conduA towards
the army.

Sixthly, of injuftice towards the clergy *. '

Seventhly, of a want of generoiity towards
their virtuous and deferving King, who in fa£t
proffered to them a better conflitution than that
which they have flumblcd upon -}-•

With regard to the two laft I apprehend that,
in confequence of the Democratical principles
univerfally prevalent throughout France, it was
not in the power of the National AfTembly after
the 14th of July to have adtcd materially differ-

* By this I would not have it underftood that I am not
inimical to the prefent mode of provifion for the clergy :
on the contrary nothing I can deem more abfurd, not only
as defeating; that good wi'l and friendlhip which fhould Tub-
fift between paftors and their flocks ; but alfo as direflly
militating againfl great agricultural exertions, which fhould
be peculiarly favoured by every wife goyernmcnt.
4 See Gent. Mag. 1789, p. 654,

cnt

C 77 ]

ent from what it did. Powers, veftcd in kingt
and bifhops, depending on opinion, when this is
deftroyed, inuft neceli'arily fall with it. Hut the
French Kin^ » flfcrcd his conftlrmion of govern-
ment the 23d of June : the National Aircmbly
is therefore inexcufable.

From what I have heard or read it docs not ap-
pear to me that any one of Mr. Burke's anfwcrcrs
has attempted to repel any of the above feven
charges : and until the five firft are entirely done
away, and that by arguments founded on ex-
perience, or on the affertions or writings of thofe
who had experience, namely, the anticnts, thofe
pcrfons who pronounce themfelves anfwcrers of
Mr. Burke fliould be only deemed foi-difam
anfwerers.

I fliall here add a few obfervations upon the
turn of the debate which took place in both
Houfes of Parliament upon the delivery of his
Majefty's meffage refpeding our (ituation with
other foreign powers, which will further evince
the neceflity of placing our conftitution upon i(s
true bafis, the affcdlions of the people, and of
reftoring the executive powe^- to its conftituti-
onal vigour;

The two Secretaries of State, after delivering the
King's meflage, required the fupport and confi-
dence of iheir refpedive Houfes of Parliament,

:M'.i

€C

C 78 ]

in vegard of thole meafures intended to be piir-
fucd, in cafe matters fhould not be accommodated
with the Emprcij of RufTia : but to their mo-
tions for this en 1 an amendment in each Houfs
was propofed, intimating, "that until the ho-
*' nour and interefts of his Majefty's crown /hall
appear to be threatened, that they can only
exprefs their dutiful and loyal aflurances of
fupport." if thefe amendments had been
carried, it is evident, that his Majefty would
have been deprived of the executive power ; for,
till thefe two points had appeared to the fatisfac-
tion of each Houfe, and of which each Houfe
would have been its own judge, his Majefty
could have taken no fteps whatever ; and thus
wc fliould have loft the advantages which
ought to refult from the energy of the monar-
c'uical branch of the conftitution, and for which
the nation pays a million annually. Befides,
had the oppofition fucceeded, what foreign ftale
would ever after venture to enter into any en-
gagement with the executive branch, when there
exifted even a po/^bility of its not being able to
effcftuate its engagements, did either Houfe of
Parliament refufe its fupport to the meafure >
Suppofe that Parlinmcnt was as venal as fome will
have it, would not half a million, properly ap-
plied in either Houfe, have lecured a majority

againft

V. i

C 79 ]

againft the meafure ? And, though it required
ten times the fum, who wil) deny, that the Czar-
ina could have fo well applied an equal fum.
This ftrongly evinces the dangei of giving either
Houfe of Parliament any pretext towards inter-
fering with the executive branch of govern-
ment. It is moreover a novelty in our con-
ftitution. The bufinefs and duty of the two
Houfes of Parliament, are tc i'edrefs grievances,
and make wholefome laws for their prevention,
and arraigning Minifters foi' mal-pradtices, ei-
ther with regard to fquandering the public mo-
ney, or cenfuring them for impolitic engage-
ments with other ftates ; but which, when once
entered into, muft be fupported.

Mr. Fox is made to fay by the reporters of thefe
debates, that, upon the Czarina's ufuipation of
the Crimea, and the country between the Don
and the Dnieper in the year 1782, the Minif-
try of that time, of which he formed apart,
were applied to by the Count de Vcrgennes, to
join with France and Spain, in obliging her to
recede from fo barefaced an ufurpation, which
was refifted. Independently of the want of po-
litical forefight, the firft virtue of a Statefman
according to Ariflotle and all mankind, evinced
by their refilling the proportion, and which w juld
certainly not have been made by the French Mi-

n lit ry.

'' ! (

..!i

i" ,:'i

[ 80 ]

nifter, did he not think it obvioufly for the
advantage of England ,• this acknowledgement
ihould not only exculpate the prefent Minillry
from any unpopularity which may refult from
the expcnces of this war, but they ihould be
placed to the account of Mr. Fox's Miniftry.
For, had that Miniftry Joined with France and
Spain, in presenting Rullia from enforcing her
ambitious fchemes, fhe would not have dared to
bring down upon her our united forces : and
thus would have been nipped in its bud the caufe
which has produced a very bloody war, and which
is now likely to involve us in very expenfivc
meafures.

That it is the intereft of Europe to prevent
Rufllan conquefls, efpeciallyonthe fide of Tur-
key, will be obvious to any one, who will look
at the map of Europe. He will there fee, if
the Emprefs fhould efFecfl her prefent ambitious
defigns againft Turkey, that her territories on
three lides would command Poland, for the
Duchy of Courland may be faid tu be her's.
Upon the deniife then of the King of Poland,
her protege, perhaps fhe may appoint another
nominal King, it may be fome very old man,
upon whofe death flie might take immediate pof-
feffioa of Poland. The late Emperor of Ger-
many

t; i

C Si ]

many would have fupported her*, his objc(£^ be-
inj^ to poircfs himfelf of the weftern part of Tur-
key in Europe, whilftlhe conquered the caftern;
which effected, what could prevent his after-
wards fubduing the German Princes, who dare
not interrupt his progrcfs againit the Turk, well
knowing that he would be lupportcd by a Ruf-
fian army in poireffion of Poland, of 500,000
men. In this cafe, the northern kingdoms of
Sweden and Denmark muft fubmit to Ruilia
without a blow, and become provinces of that
empire, whilft the Emperor would be conquer-
ing the remaining part of the weft of Europe,
not excepting England herfelf. I entertain no
doubt, but that the meeting of thefe two ambi-
tious potentates fome years ago at Cherfon, was
to devife fome fchcme of this nature, which, if
fucccfsful, rnuft have terminated in the fub;ec-
tion of Europe, and the management of which
could not be entrufted to Minifters, left happen-
ing to be in the pay of other powers, they might
have divulged the fecret, or imprudently en-
trufted it to a miltrefs. Effeds muft always have
proportionate caufes. It cannot be faid that to

♦ Perhaps the prel?nt Emperor, if the difconten's among
his fubjeds did not prevent him.

L be

Urn

t 8» J

itk

'A .I

be crowned ^een of ^'aurida could have been an
obje(fl'of any moment with fo fenfible a woman
as the Czarina. And the fame may be affirmed
of the late Emperor.

Moreover, where there are two preponderat-
ing powers, it is the intereft of the weaker, par-
ticularly in the naval department, to feek an al-
liance with the ftronger ; but not contrary wife ;
left that, when the weaker, by means of the al-
liance, had been raifed to a more formidable ftate,
Ihe Ihould turn upon her o' 1 ally, and by form-
ing other connedtions become the principal.*
This is precifeiy the fituation between Ruffia
and England, the adual preponderating Eurqf-
pean powers : and didates to us, if we will
fuffer ourfelves to be inftrudted by hiftory, not
to form any connedtion whatever with that
power. Our avowed objedt fhould br to keep
Ruffia down.

But what \ would particularly ciU the atten-
tion of Engliihmen to is, the famenefs of com-
plexion, which the arguments of the oppofition
bear to thofe advanced by the Barchine fadtion
at Carthage, whilft Hannibal was ravaging
Italy, and which, being followed, caufed the
ruin of that moft flourilhing republic. Some
of our Senators dwell upon the weight of our
taxes— Others wifhing, or almoft wiftiing fuc-

ccfs

[ 83 ]

cefs to our enemies — orhers depiding them as
logs and as batteries, and vvhifkered Coff^cks, as
if Britons were to be terrified with fuch (luff.
What the opinion of the King of Pruflia vvas,
concerning thefe dreadful Ruffians, is verv clear
from what he fays, fpeaking of their vidories
over the Turks, that they refenibled a man with
one eye, fighting againft another who had mne.
Mr, Burke, who has emphatically pronounced
France to be a Great Cha/my is for introducing
thefe Ruffians into the Black Sea, to affifl us in
our future wars againft this chafm or -vacuum and
the Spaniards. When the abilities and expe-
rience of the gentlemen who make ufe of fuch
arguments are confidered, it evinces, what indeed
is allowed by all, that an oppofnion or fadion
mufl always fubfift in this government, and
therefore that government mult always be op-
pofed with the beft arguments, '. jubt, that
the nature of the cafe will adr 1> oi, and that
the perfedtion of our conftitution coniirts in the
oppofite interefls of the component parts. I
have ever thought, that the more the works of
men refem.bled thofe of the Deity, which are
harmony itfelf, the more perfcdt they were,
Ariftotle would have held a government of this
fort as a proof of the extraordmary fhipidity of
its Members. His obje<^ was the harmoniz-

L 2 ing

'''ill

''Mill

K::

[ 84 ]

ing all the parts of his political conftitution, by
connedting with the other the intercll of each
clafs of the inhabitants. . • •

There is another feature which peculiarly diftin"
guifliesour conllituiion from every other, namely,
that our Senators fcruplcnottoiVigmacize with the
foulefl epithets, meafures fupported by govern-
ment; nav, which have even been approved of
by the Houfe of Commons : for inftance, the
Indian war; both the policy and jufticc of which
do not admit a doubt; and which even arcfpc6:
for government Ihould prevent every Senator,
whatever he may think, from pronouncing un-
juft. Can it be fuppofed that the people will
refpcdt a government, or floufes of Parliament,
whofe meafures are ccnfured in fo extraordinary
a manner ? Will not fuch language neceflarily
introduce a Democratical contempt of govern-
ment ? Can government fubfift without the peo-
ple's being impreUed wich a decent refped: for its
chief Members ? But if the people are told, that
government, his Majefly, and his Minillers, and
the majority of boih Houfes of Parliament coun-
tenance unjiiji meafures, how long wiii this de-
cent refped: fubfift ? Is not fuch language necef-
farily introdu^litive of that French Democratical
anarchy, which iliould be the dread of every rn-
lightened mind ? That Ruiha, in the prefent

war

'liji

[ 85 ]

war between her and the Porte, is the aggreflbr,
is moft evic1t;nt. In the year 1782 flie pofleHes
herfclf of ihc Cuban and the Crimea, and by the
terror of hoUilitics, in conjundion with the Em-
peror, obliges the Porte to cede thofe pro-
vinces by treaty, the year after. This manifeft
injulUce is the true caufc of the war which was
begui. by the Turk, ro repoflcls himfelf of thefe
provinces unjuftly wrellcd from him. The con-
duct of the Porte is fully juftified by that of Car-
thage. Being in a very debilitated rtate after the
war ag:.inll: her revolted mercenary troops, whom
ilie had fubdutd, the Romans took poflcffion of
the ifland of jardinia, and obliged her to yield
it up from the dreid of hoflilities. This adl of
injuflice, in the opinion of Mr. Hooke, juftified
the Cirthaginians in recommencing hoflilities
againft Rome ; and of courfe equally j unifies the
Porte in recommencing hortilities againil Ruflia
for the recovery of the provinces unjuftly wrelled
from her. • " --^rt

As thofe of our senators, to whofe opinions I
have alluded, are feveral of them very refpedta-
ble charafters, it is obvious, thit a time may
come, when, by means of Demagogues, and
factious and feditious principles being propii-
gated among the people, others, without princi-
ple, may be able to bridle the executive power,

and

( . I

if
'1

A-

[ 86 ]

and even force themfelves into government ; in
which cafe they would be obliged to govern this
powerful kingdom, agreeably to the prejudices
of their creators, the mob: and be compelled
tofacrifice its true interefts to their Ihortfighted-
nefs and felfifhnefs. The power of the King to
make peace or war would be wrefted from him,
under fpecious pretexts ; and veiled in the peo-
ple or their reprefentatives. Then our leading
men in either Houfe, being in the pay of ambi-
bitious foreign ftates, and the people's mind
kept in a flame by feditious paragraphs, would
prevent, as in the cafe of Athens, with regard
to Philip, our putting an effectual bar to their
progrefs. The eloquence of Demofthenes was
unequal to the flattering demagogues who were
gained by Philip. At laft his eloquence pre-
vailed, but it was too late. The fatal battle of
Chaeronea determined the fate of Greece. This
period of hiflory is an exadl prototype of the
prefent. Athens and Philip, as England and the
Czarina — Pitt and the oppofition, as Demoft-
henes and the demagogues *.

Ariflotlc

* I mean nothing difreipe^tful by this to the oppoHtion.
Phocion, whofe private worth might Hand a comparifon with

aay

C 87 ]

Ariftotle has laid it down that when the power
of peace and war is vefted in a popular aflem-
bly, it neceflarily leads to a dynafty or tyranny,
who, independently of his fagacity, perhaps
from his intimacy with Philip, had that of ex-
perience alfo, to direcft him in condemning this
power being lodged with the people, againft
whom it was turned by the enllaver of Greece.
However, notwithftanding what Ariftotle has
laid down upon this head, which hiftory alfo
confirms, Mr. Payne, without even noticing it,
with other Democrates, contends for veiling
this power in the people or their creatures.

To put an end to fadion, and to reftore the
executive branch to its conjlitutional energy, go-
vernment Ihould take the moll effedlual and
fpeedy meafures, in order to vefl the ele£iive
power in the hands of thofe, whofe wifdom is
matured — whofe ambitious projects are nearly
extinguilhed — and who cannot be biafled by pri-
vate views ; that is, in thofe perfons who fup-

any man in Britain, was a firm opponent of Demofthencs. I
alfo con lider her, Mr. Pitt, and Demofihenes only as Statef-
men. As an Orator no man having ever approached the
latter. Mr. Pitt mud however be allowed to be the ableft
and clofeft reafouer that erer fpoke in the Houfe of Com*
moas.

, port

iWi

■w-

L 88 ]

port thcmfelvcs without following fordid trades
or illiberal profcflions ; and who have ar vcd
at their fiftieth year. Our Members of Par-
lian«ent being elcdted by fuch men, and be-
ing dependent on them, would not dare to en-
ter into fatlious confpiracies ; but on rhe con-
trary our Repreientativcs would be obliged di-
ligently to attend to their duty, by enadling
wholefomc laws, and redrclling thofe grievances
which muft nccclfarily f])ring up in every go-
vernment. The one half of our reprefentatives
to be eledlcd viva voce, the other by juffrage ; and
a Ccnforial Council of one hundred for the re-
gulation of manners, but chofen by the citizens.
This effected, his MaJGlty, independently of the
honeft fatisfadtion of being handed down to pof-
terity with the Numas, Solons, Lycurgufes, Al-
freds, and other benefadtors of mankind, m'^^ht
almofl: fay, that he left to his pofterity an everlajl*
ing kingdom.

■ Nothing can be more certain than that there
muji be a change in the form of our govern ment|
for in its original conftitution, there was no pro-
vifion made againft thofe confequences which
muft ever rcfult from the alterations and changes
of property in its conftituent branches. For in-
flancc, the revenue of the crown is fixed at a
million annually : let us fuppofe that of the
! Lords

C 89 ]

Lords at two millions : and both thefe to have
been fo at the revolution, when perhaps the an-
nual income of all the citizens and people
amounted not to more than 50 millions : but
whatever the amount of it might be thettf it is
undoubtedly five times greater now : but as pro*
perty follows wealth, their Reprcfcntativeslhould
have now five times more weight in the conftitu-
tion than they had thetiy when compared to the
income of the King, if this has not proportion-
ably encreafed, and alfo the fame with regard to
the Lords, if their income has not alfo propor-
tionably encreafed. Now that the King's income
and that of the Lords have not proportionably
encreafed with that of the people, is an obvious
and incontrovertible truth, which evinces, that
the balance in our corflitution is deftroyed : and
that, ^erefote it behove > government, according to
Ariftoric, and not the ^eople, according to the
demagc^ues, to reftorc the original balance,
which is impofliblc, as this .ou 1 require the
creation of five hundred Lords, which the peo-
ple would not bear, or 'o devife another ivjrm of
government; forotherwifcitisc^ar, that the peo-
ple will take the biifincfs into iheirc».vn hands,
and follow the example of the French revolu-
tionifts, thi»a ^' iiich a greater misfortune could'
not happen ^^/ fae nation. As his Majefly and

M the

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1.0

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Sciences

Corporation

23 WRST MAIN STREET

WERSTSR,)«uY. 14S80

( ; >872-4503

ill

:3' ,

[ 9° 3

the Lords, and wealthy Commoners, would
in this cafe be the greateft fufferers, fo they
Ihould be moft urgent in the bufinefs, as in a
little time it will be too late. For, independently
of the democratical principles, which have been
propagating thefe thirty years in Britain, and
which have taken fuch pofFeffion of the minds of
the people, as not to admit a doubt but that the
majority lean ftrongly to democracy, the fuc-
cefs of the American colonies, and the late
French revolution, mull fo increafe their num-
bers and courage, as to preclude every doubt of
their final fuccefs. As men of this ca!t, from
theirinexperience, andgoodnefs of heart, are ge-
nerally prefumptuous, and entertain no doubt of
efcaping or avoiding thofe rocks upon which
their prototypes have flruck.
, Ariftotle's excluding from the rights of citizen-
iliip, fo many of the inhabitants as would come
under the defcription of buyers andy^//^n, befides
thofe who fupport themfelves by their labour,
will in this age of the Righls of Men, appear
very extraordinary, unjuftifiable, and impolitic.
However, a little relledlion will fhew the pro-
priety of their excluiion. For, concerning the
poorer clafs, who know nothing of government,
nor ever can have any idea of it, to veft in them
the rights of citizenfhip, would be only making

[ 91 ]

them the tools of artful, defigning, felfifh men,
either mifter-maniifadturtfs, other employers, or
demagogues ; by whofe means la^s would have
only temporary objedts in view. Such govern-
ments, beiides, have ever been inimical to truly
virtuous and good men, whom the populace, in-
fligated by defigning individuals, and prompted
by momentary pallions, have frequently moft mi-
ferably put to death, which they afterwards forely
repented of; when they had difcovered that
thofe endeavours which had made them obnoxi-
ous, were folely direcfted for their benefit, by
expofing the arts of their mafters, employers, and
demagogues. Secondly, with regard to buyers
and fellers, or manufadturcrs, bt fides their not
having the necefliary leifure for rcflcd\ion, and
for confidering the effedl which may refuk from
ordinances relating to government, they v.'ould
be ever guided by felfifli motives, cftablifiiing
monopolies, and regulating trade, the price of
provifions, &c. &c. which have never produced
any good to the community at large : but on
the contrary much evil. But by veiling the
right of citizenlhip in thofe who live upon their
income, or follow liberal profcilions, their in-
tereft being that their incomes Ihould go as far
as poffible, it would be always a fpur to them for
•^ : ' - M 2 devifing

C 9» ]

devifing fchemes for promoting manufadures
and the arts, in order to have them cheaper.

Secondly, by railing the value of the produdls
of their eflates, which would be moft effeftually
done by raifing fuch a fpirit of competition
among thofe engaged in trade, manufactures,
agriculture, and commerce, as to enable them
ij afford to the great body of the poor, the
confumers, the greatell poflible daily wages con-
fiftcnt with honeft profit, and this could only
be done by equally prote6:ing the rights of all ;
but efpecially by permitting every perfon to
difpofe of the produds of hia induftry when and
to whom he pleafed, and fupplying his wants in
like manner. By this fimple arrangement, or
rather doing of nothing, the value of labour
would be encreafed, which would enable the
poor to give greater prices for the products of
the foil, and each clafs would take care not
to lofe the home market. Thus, the intereft
of all would be in unifon, which was doubt-
lefs intended by our all-wife and benevolent
CREATOR,

[ 93 ]

I •■. «

FINANCE.

xxRISTOTLE obferves*, that In eftimating
the greaintfs of a State, the number of its inha-
bitants Ihould not be fo much confidered, as its
power (Jui/a/Ai?) or wealth, which would enable
it to annoy its enemies with effe(5t, by affording
an ample revenue from taxation. As in thofe
days the fame takes place in ours. That coun«.
try which, cateris paribus, has the greatefl reve-
nue, or the greatefl refources, is reckoned the
moft powerful. It therefore behoves every flate
to conlider thofe means by which, without op-
prefling its fubjefts, the greatefl: revenue can be
levied from them. Neither Ihould fubjedts re-
pine at the greatnefs of the annual public in-
come : for, independently of the greater protec-
tion and fecurity which they would thereby en-
joy, it might be fo employed as to infufe a pe-
culiar energy and force of character throughout
the whole nation.

* L. 7. c. 4.

; ^

it ■■

i
I

C 94 ]

It is an obvious truth, that the farther any tax
is laid from the confumer, or the perfon who in
fad: pays it, the Iicavier it falls upon him : for
inflance, a tax upon malt of five fhillings a
bulhel, will be paid by the maltfter to the reve-
nue officer : when the brewer or diflillcr buys
this malt, he will not only pay for the malt
the price it would be at were there no tax at all
upon it, but alfo the five fhillings advanced by
the maltfter to the revenue officer ; and alfo a
premium to the maltfter for having advanced it,
which we may fuppofe to be ten per cent, on
thefe fiveftiill'ings : this adds fixpence to the five
fliillings : the brewer in felling his beer to the
retailer will likevvife exped; a premium or in-
tereft for the five fhillings and fixpence which
he has advanced to the maltfter above the va-
lue of the malr, which will make the tax fix
fhillings on the buftiel of malt ; in like manner
the retailer when felling it to his cuftomersj
the real confumers, will likevvife have his
premium of ten per cent, for having advanced
to the brewer fix fhillings beyond the value
of the price of the produdt of a bufhel of malt^
had there been no tax on it; thus the tax
which government receives, though only five
fhillings, is fix fhillings and feven-pence half-
penny upon iht confumer, or upwards of thirty per

cent.

I 95 1

cent, above what he would pay, did he make
his own malt, and brew his own beer.

There are two obvious evils .attending this
mode of taxation ; firft by making the people
pay more than government receives, it impover-
iflies them, and even thus Icflcns the revenue by
dilabling the fubjedt from expending upon ex-
cifeable commodities, that money which he now
pays to thofe peifons who have advanced the
taxes for him ; namely, the maltfter, brewer,
and retailer : and fecondly, thofe perfons who
are accuftomcd to advance the taxes, are ever
engaged in contriving means by which they may
avoid paying the tax, in which they frequently
fuccced, even to fuch a degree as to defraud the
revenue to the amount of millions : neverthelefs,
they will not fell their beer or fpirits a farth'ing
the cheaper in confequence of their fraud : fo
that the confumer is obliged to buy his beer and
fpirits at the fame price, that he would have
done, had they paid the regular duty. But,
moreover, he muft make up, by means of other
taxes, for the defrauded millions, which fur-
ther difables him from purchafing exciiea-
ble commodities ; and thus the public income
is further confiderably leflened. However, this
mode of taxation, though in many cafes the con-

)1 . .

;:k'

C 96 ]

fumer pays fifty per cent, more than what go-
vernment receives, is perfevered in by it, as the
people pay the taxes, feemingly without being
fenfible that they pay any : whereas, were they
fenfible that the fugar which they buy at eight-
pence a pound, might be purchafed at fourpence
were there no taxes, and feveral other articles
in the fame proportion, it is not improbable,
but that petitions might be laid before Parlia«
ment from the Poor, demanding an alteration in
the mode of taxation, by which not only them-
felves, but even the whole community, are fo
materially injured. - • ^

However, as it needs mujl be, that taxes muft he
paid, it perhaps may not be improper to confi-
der, whether any new ones can be devifed,
which may be fubftituted in the i'lead of fome
of thofe actually fubiifling ; for, till this be
done, little attention will, or Ihould be given
to the prayer of fuch petition. I have already
given a fcheme for fubftituting other taxes in
the ftead of thofe which actually exift, and
though I am fatisfied, that what I have al-
ready propofed, is preferable to thofe which ac*
tually do exifl, yet I am not one of thofe perfons
who is fo eager with his fchemes, as to think
that government ihould materially alter her
fyftem of taxation, even in the fmalleft par-

^ ticular.

r. 97 ]

tlcular, except upon very plaulible grounds in-
deed. Yet this (hould not deter the patriotic ci-
tizen from offerins; his fcntiments upon a fub-
jedV, which if rightly hit upon, would fo mate-
rially contribute to the profperity and happinefs
of his country.

In the tradt alluded to*, I propofcd grain
and butcher's meat, as fitter objeds for taxation
than thofe upon which our taxes are now levied.
In propofing a tax on grain, in preference to the
meal produced from it, which might be more
eafily colledled at the mills, my view chiefly
was, indire^ly to tax horfes ; however, by farther
refieftion on the fubjedt, I think I can lay a tax
on the horfes dire^ly, which if properly attended
to, will net be ealily evaded. I am far from
thinking that taxes on grain, or the meal of
grain, and on butcher's meat, are ineligible;
yet flill, as they would in fome degree em-
barrafs trade, which, except in pernicious
commodities ought to be as free as the
winds of heaven, for this reafon I think fuch
taxes ought, if poffible, to be avoided. In
Holland there are taxes on both thefe commodi-
ties, fo that there is no impoffibility in levying

^ ., » Fiifl Letter to the People of England.

^ ~ N them:

I 98 ]

them : and certainly government would be icfs
liable to be defrauded by butchers and millers,
than by fmugglcrs, brewers and diftillers.

Inftead of thofe taxes I would propofc firft,
an annual tax on horfes, to the amount of the
medium value of two loads of hay in the city oy
town where they flood, or to the next market
town. By this means the tax would be pretty
nearly proportioned to the earnings of the horfc
throughout the kindgdom ; for, as fubjeds of
taxation, all horfes fhould be deemed labouring
ones. In London fuch a tax would amount to
about fix pounds fix fliillings ; in the north of
Scotland, perhaps notto more than a fourth of this
fum, or one pound eleven fhillings and fix-pence.
However, I think there lliould be a diftindtion
made bet ween horfes employed in hufbandry, and
horfes kept in great cities for 1 uxury, and thofe kept
folely with a view to produdtive labour. I would
therefore farther propofe, that thofe perfons who
ke^ijive times as much land in their hands «3 was
neceflary to fuppoit the horfes they kept,lhould
be only charged at the rate of one load of hay. Be-
fides favouring the farmers by fuch a regulation,
my objed: would alfo be to induce country gen-
tlemen to continue fuch. For there can be no
doubt but that this clafs of citizens are the moft
ufeful of all others. Farther, as there are many

poor

[ 99 3

poor people, who cannot do without one hoiTc,
particularly in Ireland, for bringing home their
fuelandothcrpurpofes; and as perhaps the fame is
the cafe in Wales and Scotland, and the mountain-
ous parts of England, I would reduce the tax
to fuch occupiers of land, who held in their
poffefllon /v^ times more land than was requifite
to fupport a horfe, to the price of Z^^//* a load
of hay.

What would be the amount of a tax of this
nature, were it fairly colleded, is very difficult
to fay. England, Wales, Scotland, and their
dependent iflands contain about feventy millions
of acres : that there is a horfe to every thirty-
five acres, cannot be difputed. Let the reader
only confider the numbers of horfes which are
krpt in London, and all the great towns, nay,
I may fay, all the little towns alfo, throughout
England, and he may be able to form an idea of
their number; when he at the fame time confi-
ders, that perhaps there is not a farm of thirty-
five acres in England which has not one horfe on
it ; nor a farm of feventy acres which has not
tzvo: to fay then that there are two millions of
horfes in Great Britain and its dependent iflands,
will mod certainly be under the mark. I fhall
however take it at this. For many reafons,
which are only founded upon probability, and

N 2 there-

¥.

ill

i •'

[ 100 ]

therefore wouUl prove nothing, I am inclined to
think that the medium tax u^)on horl'cs would be
about 4/. or the total amount of fuch a tax eight
millions.

While our prefent prejudices fubfift a tax on
horfcs ought to be popular, when it is confi-
* dered, that they are very generally objedls of
luxury ; and befides, that a middle-fizcd horfe
requires as much land for his fupporr, as, if
well cultivated, would yield net a fcanty fub-
fiftence for one pour family ; {o that our two
millions of horfes, if thoroughly fed, would re-
quire as much laufl for their maintenance as
would perhaps fupport ten millions of inhabi-
tants. I fay, that all taxes laid on with a view
of particula "ly bearing upon any defcription of
men, but particularly the rich, are founded
upon prejudice; and that thofe legiflators, who
give into notions of this nature, aft as wifely as
the man who killed the hen which laid the goU
den eggs ; and unjuftly too ! For, when men
entered into fociety, or formed the focial com-
paft, it was certainly underftood by all the par*
ties, that each of them fhould be anfwerable
towards the expenceg confequent thereto, pror
portionahly with the reft. Let us now fuppofe,
that the focia,! compaft was entered into at firft
by ten p^rfons, and that the expences amounted
' 1-:^- ; annually

[ lOl ]

annually to the value of ten bullocks, or a bul-
lock each pcrfon. Let us alfo fuppofc that in con*-
fcquencc of war, or a purfuit of plunderers, that
there is an extraordinary cxpcncc incurred to
the amount of ten bullocks, how is it to be lir
quidatcd ? one of them might fay, we muft
each of us give a buliock extraordinary. Let
us fuppofc that this pcrft)n was a fmoaker of
tobacco, and that he cultivated this plant to a
large extent, and fupported himfelf chiefly by
the fale of the produce : (hould the other nine
perfons fay no, to his propofal, and at the fame
time infill upon laying a tax of 3^. a pound
upon his tobacco, he mufl: needs yield ; but
that he had been dealt unjuflly with is very ob-
vious. The fame argument will apply when
taxes are laid upon manufadurers, Ihop-kccpers^
&c. for to fay that confumers pay the tax docs
not do away the objedlion, as it is obvious, that
the cheaper any commodity can be fold at, the
more of it will be purchafed, -nd of courfe the
greater will be the honejl profits of the perfons
who deal in it, and thus the craft or calling of fuch
perfons is indiredlyandunjuftly taxed. As this is
clear with regard to manufadturers, Ihop-keepers,
&c. it is equally obvious, that, by laying taxes
upon thofe who live upon their income, you lay a '
bar upon their confumption^ upon which the
vrf,. ,, . ' riches •

\ [ 102 ]

riches and nowcr of the ftate are founded. But
what is ftill worfe, you thereby induce them to quit
their native land, and remove to other countries,
where their incomes will enable them to main-
tain themfelves genteelly. So that by this
means not only the jnduftry of the community
is leflened, but alfo the public revenue.

That theie exifts an inclination in govern-
^ ment for taxing horfes pretty fmartly, cannot,
from fome late regulations, be at all doubted ;
but the difficulty is to difcovcr the means to
prevent the proprietors of horfes evading the
tax. To efFedt this, I would propofe that every
horfe in the kingdom (except perhaps thofe be-
longing to the royal family) ihould, under the
penalty of forfeiture, be marked on the hind
quarter with a circle of a colour the moft oppo-
fite to that of the horfe, to be worn from the
firft of Auguft, 1 79 1, to the thirty -firft of July
of the year 1792. The owner of each horfe,
upon its being marked fhould be obliged to
pay the tax ; and at the fame time receive
a flamped Jbeet of paper containing a re-
ceipt for the tax ; in which paper the future
annual taxes Ihould be only entered. Farther,
this paper fhould contain an accurate defcrip-
tion of the horfe ; and in cafe he Ihould change
mailers, this paper ihovild be given to his new

matter^

[ 103 1

mafter, under the penalty of a fum equal to
every annual tax fince the commencement of
the adt to be levied upon the perfon in v/hofc
pofleffion he was found. Farther, that all horfes,
&c. under the age of four years old fliould be in
like manner annually marked and regiflered,
but to pay no tax, except the value of the paper
or a fixpence, till they had entered upon their
fifth year, A copy of the deed to be entered in
the colledtor's book of each diftridt. Farther,
any horfe appearing with a forged mark, ihould,
upon proof, be forfeited. Though perhaps
fome horfes might evade the tax, yet in a few
years there can be no doubt, but that the num-
ber of thefe aiiimals would be pretty accurately
known ; for the breeders of them would not rilk
their propeity by not having them annually re-
giftered, when it would coil them Co little.

The fecond tax which I would propofe is a ca-
pitation tax, to the amount of the value of twelve
days work of a labouring man where the perfon
taxed refided, upon every perfon, except labour-
ers, (who fhould not be obliged to pay this tax for
more than three children,) under the age of fif-
teen. This is the only tax which *he poor
would have to pay ; and though in Middlefex,
and the parts adjacent to London, it would
amount annually to about 5/. 5^, per family of
, v;,c* . five

.'.li

C 104 ]

fiv. perfons, and in the north of Scotland
to perhaps 33^. or 34s. yet I will venture
to affirm, that in neither place would it be
ail oppreffive tax, but on the contrary much
lefs burdenfome than thofe complex taxes which
they adlually pay without it feems being fenfi-
ble of them. A poor man and his family in the
vicinage of Londdn earn about 50/. a year. Let
us fuppofe that the half of this income is ex-
pended in purchafing articles excifed, or which
have paid the cuftoms to the amount of 6/.
This 6/. having been advanced for them by
leveral becomes 9/. upon the confumer, as has
been Ihewn, and generally a great deal more :
but 9/. wants but little of the double the pro-
pofed tax; independently of the confiderable
advance of price, our excifes and cuftoms muft
caufe upon our own manufadtures, which fhould
alfo be reckoned, and which, when added to
the former, muft undoubtedly more than dou-
ble the propofed tax.

• Farther, it is a well-known h&: that mechanics
pretty much throughout England, lofe one day
in the week in confequence of their excefles,
upon receiving theamount of their week's labour.
Now if inftead of loiing, in fo beaftly a manner,
fifty-two days in a year, they applied themfelves
to their trades, the amount of thcfe fifty-two

days

[ «05 ]

days labour would pay the capitation tax, both
for themfelves and for their families, when not
exceeding five pcrfons : for in every trade the
labour of a mechanic is higher than that of a
labourer in the fame place.
i In the north of Scotland and thofe parts of
the kingdom in which wages are low, and where
the demand for labour is uncertain, and where
of courfe the labourer might be diftreffed for
money to anfwer the tax, in fuch places the la-
bourer fliould have his option of paying either in
cafh or in kind. In this cafe he Ihould be bil-
lettM upon fome farmer, or other fubftantial
perfon, who Ihould be refponfible for his and
familyV capitation tax.

/ From what Mr. Buflie has laid before the
public, who is one of the moft accurate and beft
informed men in Ireland upon financial fubje^s^
as I have heard., for I do not know the gentle-
man, it appears, that there are at the leaji four
millions and a half of inhabitants in Ireland,
which is my own opinion and that of every
fenfible perfon of my acquaintance, who has
turned his thoughts upon this fubje<^ and
is at all acquainted with the kingdom. Now,
being at leaft as well acquainted with En-
gland, in this refpedt, as I am with Ireland ; and
having made many enquiries upon the fubjed:,

O Ihefi.

I hefitatc not to affirm, that if Mr. Buihe is
accurate in his llatement of the inhabitants of
Ireland, that this ifland and its dependencies,
which are confiderably more than three times as
large as Ireland, contains eighteen, or at the leafl
fixteen millions of inhabitants ; my reafons for
which the reader may fee in the tradt alluded to,
p. 97. Though I am confident, that there
are adlually eighteen millions of inhabitants in
this ifland and its dependencies ; yet on the pre-
fent occafibn I fiiall only ftate them as at fixteen
millions. If then we take the daily wages of a
labourer at one (hilling a day as the medium,
the capitation tax at lis* a head will amount
to the funi of 9,600,000/. To thefe add
the land tax 1^0,000/. and an equal fum
by means of duties on fpirits and incidents,
we have a fum total of 19,600,000/. an-
nually ; dedu(fl: for colled:ion 600,000/. there
will remain nineteen millions, or three mil-
lions more than our prefent multifarious fyf-
tcm of taxation produces. To prevent cva-
fions in the capitation tax, it would be ne-
ceflfary to enter the name and age of each perfon
in a regiflry : and that each perfon ihould have
a deed of his regiftry ready to produce, or if
children, their parents ; and in other refpefts

<r-^.- as

[ I07 ]

as obferved in regard of the four-legged ani*
mals*. . .. P , ,

1 would alfo propofe a tax of ten Ihillings a
quarter on all wheat imported into this king-
dom, and five Ihillings a quarter upon all other
grain. This would yield, communibui annis, up-
wards of 200,000/. if we may be allowed to form
an inference from the account of the quantity of corn
and grainy exported from, and iniported into, England
and Scotland, for eighteen years, from the $th of
January, 1770, to the ^th of January, 1789, &c.
figned John James Catherwood, Receiver-general

* This argument concerning population can be reduced
to a fmail compafs. Ireland, omitting fractions, is fuppofed
to contain nineteen millions of acres, Engliih meafure, and,
according to Mr. Bufhe^ four millions and a half of in-
habitants, or fomething lower than one to every four
acres and a half. England is fuppofed to contain forty-
one millions of acres, and if equally populous as Ireland,
ihould of courfe contain 9,666,666 inhabitants : but that
it is half again as populous as Ireland I have fliewn I
think in the tra£l alluded to : to the 9,666,666 then we
•re to add 4)833>333 which makes the population of Eng-
land 14,499,999 ; add two millions and a half for Scot-
land and Wales, we have then feventeen millions for the
{>opulation of Great Britain and its depenJencles. But Eng-
land is more than one half again more populous than Ire-
land. ' -'.S . 'l ■»■ ■■--v --•;!>■:!■;<,-/ ;^■-■ f'i' '""-yi\''i.

■i'\ ,

■Hlf; ,

[ io8 ] ,:

df tbf corn-returns, inferted in the 13th volume
oi iht Annals of Agriculture*

Wheat imported during 7
, thefe eighteen years \ '^''^*'^^ '' ic,=,,3s8,,46 .0 -

Barley — 864,8671

Oats — - 5»24<,30o(

Rye - 380,398^960,869 at 5ri,74o,2i4 15 -

Beans and Peas 5 70,304-*

Bounties during that fpace — «— 597,583 6 4 J

t ' - ,

• ' - ^^' ■' 3>695.944 " 4|

*.'■•• ■> -MXt '1

which amounts to an annual lofs to the public,
had fuch a tax exifled during this time of
205,330/. And though many will think, that
the great import during this fpace was owing
to a failure of crop*, yet I make no doubt, but
that it was owing to the encreaiing population of
the people, and to the fuperior profits which re-
fult from applying land to the dairy and fattening
cattle, in a thriving country in which the people
are daily becoming richer, and are of courfe
better able evejry year to purchafe meat for their
families confumptlon, which muft neceflarily
raife the price of butcher's meat, and which will
continue fo to do, if the nation continues in its
prefent Hate of profperity. Farther, a tax of
this nature would only put the Englilh farmer

upon

[ 109 ]

upon a par with the French and American far*
mers in our owu market : for the former being
exempted from tythe, and the latter from tythe
and rent, will otherwife be able to underfell
Englifh farmers in their own markets : which
muft greatly difcourage the railing of grain in
this kingdom, and make it too dependant for
its fubfiftence upon foreign countries, the cli-
mates of which are not fo much to be depended
on for the ufual returns at harveft as England :
and whofe cultivators have not the ability, equal
to that of our own farmers, of counterading by
their ikill the effects of unufual feafons. Beiides
a fixed tax of this amount would keep our mar-
kets more upon a level, than our prefent corn
laws ; which is a circumftance always very de-
iirable, and I am inclined to think would not
even raife them. It is needlefs to obferve that
the bounty upon the exportation of corn ihould
be entirely difcontinued.

»■■--■■ f ^_;* ■■

Employ-

[

]

■ i .■'.

Employment of the Poor.

*'■

',»■■

Aristotle* obferves that the employ-
ment of the poor ought to be a principal con-
cern with every ftate ; and there can remain no
doubt concerning this, if it be the objedl of the
flate to be great and powerful : for thefe depend,
or rather are the confequence of the income of
the llate ; which depends on the income of the
individuals which compofe it ; and if a great
number of thefe have no employment, the pro-
duce of their induftry being nothing, will mate-
rially affeft the fum total of the income of the
individuals belonging to the flate, and of courfe
its power. This may be readily exemplified by
confidering the adtual flate of France, which is
faid, and I believe, with very good reafon, to
contain thirty millions of inhabitants : of thefe
thirty millions, I will undortake to fay that there
are ten millions of idlers, or two ir 'Jions of fa-
milies. Thofe perfons who have travelled

* If, 6, c. 5,

through

through France, muft have perceived, almoft
every where the people employed in playing at ^
bowls, or fome other amufement, without any
apparent tie upon them for regular labour.
Now, if the fum totaiof the earnings of a poor
man and his family ought to amount to twenty
pounds annually, it will follow that this idlenefs
caufes a lofs to that ilate of forty millions annu-
ally ; if we place it at thirty pounds, the lofs will
then be 60 millions. Many will think that this
fum is impoilible, and far above the truth ; but
the fad is, that it is far below the truth. For
independently of the univerfal idlenefs percepti-
ble throughout France, it follows from their
very poverty that they are incapable of purchafing
the proper tools, or good tools to carry on their
trades. So that if a man, in confequence of the
badnefs of the inftruments he works with, can
only accomplilh the half of vfhat he could other-
wife do, fuch a perfon may be faid to be only
half employed. Perhaps it may be objected,
that admitting their induflry to be as great as I
would have it, where is the Jpecie to be found,
capable of purchaling thirty millions worth of
rnanufadture ? Doubtlefs no where. But the cafe
is this ; were the agriculture and manufadures,
&c. of France, which are at prefent carried on
by thirty millions, equally well done by twenty

millions.

t )

[ Ml ]

millions, which is my hypothecs, ten millloni
of its inhabitants might apply themfelves to other
new branches of manufactures, Sec, Thefe would
exchange their manufactures with the others,
either direCtly by means of barter, or indirectly
by means of coin. Here then would be two new
markets, we may fay created j one of ten mil-
lions for the o/^ manufactures, the other of twenty
millions for the new manufactures ; befides what
would be neccflary for their own confumptiottt
In this cafe it is obvious that each party would
exert every nerve to fupply the others with what
they wanted ; this would lead to improvements
in their modes of manufacturing, and thus ena-
ble them to fell cheaper, and at the fame time
to have greater profit ; hence both parties
would be enriched; the confcquence of this
would be, that they would like to be fed better,
and of better things too. The butcher inftead
of having half a dozen cuftomers, would have
ten times as many, who would therefore raife
the price of his meat: the farmer upon. this
would raife the price of his cattle, and at the
fame time would be contriving fchemes to ena-
ble him to fupport more of them ; thus agricul-
ture would be rendered more flouriihing. The
government perceiving the increaiing wealth
and profperity of the people, would be devifing

means

C "3 ]

means of fecuring part of the overplus to jtfcif,
in order that the people which it ruled miglit be
refpedtable in the eyes of other nations. This
overplus, either in kind, or in tnoney, would be
employed in paying fleets and armies, and in
liquidating national debts. Hence it is obvious
that the induftry of all is the benefit of all ; and
that the firft object in every fociety, after confli-
tuting a political conllitution, fhould be, to
encourage induftry, nay to enforce it, as imme-
diately tending to the profperity of all its mem-
bers, and in regard of its governors adding
materially to their political confequence, with
refped: to other communities.

To propofe any thing on this head, as likely
to turn out advantageous to England, might be
deemed prefumptuous, efpecially in a flranger,
who profefTes that whatever juft ideas he may
entertain on this fubjeft are entirely owing to
thofe obfervations which obtruded themfelves
upon him in his frequent peregrinations through
it. And, however applicable fome of them may
be in his opinion to England, he apprehends
that this notion will be found to be grounded
upon his imperfe^ idea of it. But with regard
to Ireland he will fpeak more pofitively.

In the firft place he thinks, that it is evi4ently
the intereft of Great Britain^ that the inhabitants

P ■'. ' of

C "4 ]

of thcfc three kingdoms (hould, with regard to
thofc advantages which rcfult from a wifely con-
iliruted civil comiiuinity, be pur, as (oon as
poffibic, upon an(qual fooling: that iS, that
■ all their inhabitants fliould participate, as foon
as might well be, of thole advantages which
fome of them now enjoy. Until this is done,
even though the political conftitution ihould
be founded upon property, the flate would
not be free trom fedition, and heartburn-
ings. That a well-informed government could
objedt to any meafurcs necelVary to facilitate
this obje(ft, which would materially tend to
its own power, is not ro be imagined. That
ihort-fighted felfilli manutadurers might raife
a clamour is very natural. However, the true
intereil of the empire, firmly and pertinacioufly
adhered to by an intelligent Miniftry, would
quickly put an end to fuch murmurings. The
moft effectual means of attaining this very delir-
able end, I apprehend would be the fecuring, the
home market for her manufactures, to each of
the appendant- kingdoms, at leaft for thofe ma-
nufactures, which it would be found advifeable
peculiarly to encourage; either becaufe of the ila-
ple being the natural growth of the country, or

that

^ ♦

'*s44#^w*4wfc. ■ * H

isi

C "5 ]

that they could be carried on in them at all times
upon equal terms, as in any other countries.
This I think might beetfedtcd by means of pre*
miums, or bounties of twelve |)cr cent, upon all
piece manufadtures fold in public market, and at '
the fame time fo warkedf that they could not be
without detcdion, (which Ihould be attended
with a forfeiture of the goods) a fecund time
propofcd, as being entitled to the premium.
The premium of courfc would be piid to the
manufadlurers. So confiderable a premium, and
cnfured for a number of years (fuppofe twenty)
would caufe many of thofc individuals, who
poflTefsone, two, or three hundred pounds, and
who lend it at fix per ceiit. interell, to fomc
neighbouring gentleman, Ihopkeeper, or attor-
ney, to refledt and confider how much more
their capital would produce, were it applied to
manufactures, independently of its greater fecu-
rity: befides that fuch application of it would
require little of their attention, nay, might be
almoft entirely directed by their wives and
daughters. Thit fuch was the origin of the
great increafe of the cotton manufactures at
Manchefter, I know from the manufacturers
thernfelves ; and that fome who began with one
and two hundred pounds capital, carry on the
bufinefs now with ten and twenty thoufand

P 2 pounds

-■'"■'.!>

[ "6 1

pounds capital. However, according to our
modern legiflators, the mode fliould be to pay
premiums to the merchants on exportation, which
no doubt would have its effed ; but not the tythe
cf that which would refulc from premiums to
the manufafturers themfelves. For thefc hav-
ing only in \'ew production, are ever devifing
modes by which the greateft quantity of good»
can be produced with the leaft labour, which
when cfifedted in any degree, is of univerfal ad-
vantage. But this is no objedt with the ex-
porter. His objedt is the quantity of goods ex-
ported, no matter to him the quantity of labour
bellowed upon them : for his gains are the fame.
Add to this the diffufing wealth throughout a
country, by encouraging the manufacturer:
whereas by encouraging the merchant, you give
rife to fome overgrown upftart, who is incapa-
ble of fupporting with dignity, a fituktion which
nature feemed to have denied to him.

Agriculture, which though upon every ac-
count, Ihoulii be the firft object of foeiety to
encourage,, as producing the bed and moll ufe-
ful citizens, yet in confequencc of our ill-
founded prejudices on the fide of manufactures
and commerce, and a correfponding conduCt,
can only be now looked upon in a fecondary
light, at leafl till communities recover their na-
tural

V (

C "7 ]

tural tone, ought, in regard of Ireland to be
encouraged in the following manner. One ob"
je£t fhould only engage the attention of the
Dublin Society at the fame time. As I ihould
give my vote for turnips, I ftiall fuppofe that che
one fixed on. The premium on this fpccies of
produdion ihould be as follows. Fir(l the
kingdom Ihould be divided into fifty divifions,
nearly equal as to fuperficies ; in each divifion
there ihould be one perfon appointed for con-
dud:ing the experiment and receiving the pre-
mium. This perfon to be appointed by the ci-
tizens, or thofe poiTei&ng independent life efiattt
within the diflridt ; the premium ihould be 200/.
a year for ten years- upon his engaging every
year, during that cerm> to have twenty-five Iriih
plantation acres, properly hoed, according to
the moil approved Engliili manner : two years
premium to be advanced to him upon his ap-
pointment, that it might not difarrangc his pri^
vate af&irs ; and to enable him, without incon-
venieace, to carry it on with efFcft. Perhaps
the importing two or three Englifh hoers from
Norfolk or Suffolk might be neci^-iTary ; to do
which, with the neccifary implements, would
require money. It is necdlefs to obferve, that
ample fccurity ought to be iniifted on for the
due performance. By this means there would
v,:.,..,...> be

.' "■• ■.

t "8 J

diftributed throughout the kingdom fifty turnips
farms, and of courfe convenient for the infpec-
tion of all perfons who chofe to adopt this
fpecies of cultivation. The fum requifite would
be 10,000/. for ten years, or loopoo/. Though
this mufl. be allowed to be a great fum^ yet,
when it is confidered, that an equal fum has
been annually given in bounties, I believe fot
thirty years paft, without producing any effedt,
in confequence of the Dublin Society's em-«
bracing too many objed:s, which from their tri-<
flingnefs could never be attended to ; a fum of
this magnitude fliould not be regarded, when the
manifed: objeft of it was to increafe the quan-
tity, and fo diminilh the price of a neceifaty ar-'
tide of life. Were it alfo obferved in the in*
flruftions given to each of the perfons appointed,
that perhaps the moft certain beneficial mode of
applying land after turnips, upon burn bailing,
would be, fecond, potatoes; third, wheat;
fourth, clover; fifth, wheat; fixth, turnips : fe-
venth, potatoes, wheat, clover, wheat, da capo ; a
good fyftem of hufbandry might be introduced* .
Every man in Ireland knows the value of an acre
of wheat and potatoes ; and though there might
be other rotations of crops more beneficial, per*
haps few would be more eafily introduced. By.
this means a general opulence would take place

mong

[ «i9 3

among the people, who would thereby be ei-
abled to purchafc, what many of them feldom
do more than three or four times in the year,
good beef and mutton ; thefe articles of courfe
would proportionably rife m value, and eflates
with them. The people being employed, and
feeling the advantages of induftry, would change
their character, and inflead of defacing the coun-
try by ftealing timber, would become protestors
of that property which contributed fo much to
the beauty and neatnefs of their little holdings.
So that, though the taxes might at firft be pretty
high upon gentlemen, yet in the end they would
be infinitely the greatefl gainers ; befides the un-
fpeakable fatisfadion of immediately contribut-
ing to the comfort of fo many poor wretches,
with which the country abounds. ?

vH To obviate many inconveniences which re-
fult from profpedts of war, I would propofe that
thirty regiments of a thoufand men each ihow. d
be immediately raifed in Ireland. Thefe thirty
thoufand men, inftead of being employed in ac-
quiring the military difcipline, fhould on the
contrary be employed on the public works.
The firft of which Ihould be a general draining
of the kingdom, by deepening the beds of rivers^
and removing other obftrudtions in them. I
mil take upon me to lay, that fuch a body of
fpfi men

[ 120 ]

men employed on this work for five fummers,
or twenty months, would add to the annual
rental of land two millions (lerling, without any
farther improvement. But when this was ef-
fcGted the millions of acres which might be
watered, and were fo, would be encreafed in
value threefold ; which improvement they will
never be fufceptible of till the firft is effected.
Neither can the firft be effedred without its being
undertaken by government, for it is not to be
fuppofed that there is a fingle river or ftream
in the kingdom which does not touch the pro-
perty of fome fooliih, or mulifh, ov feJfi/h fellow,
who would defeat the entire fcheme with regard
to it. Perhaps it would be neceifary to pull
down fome eel wires, but this ihouid be little
regarded, as the ereding them was an encroach-
ment upon public righ: ; and no man ihouid be
a gainer by his wrong. The fame may be faid
with regard to mills. Neither r/ould the lofs
be very confiderable in regard of thefe : for, by
the finking of the rivers, thofe mills ereded upon
them, by a fmall alteration in their iituation,
with a fmall dudt of water might be changed
from underjhot to (yverjhot mills which would be
a material improvement in them. But though
the nation were to purcbafe all the wares and
mills^ (o needful a work ihouid noc be put a

flop

[ 121 ]

flop to upon that account. It is needlefstoobferve
how much it would conduce towards the facili-
tating the improvements of its bogs, and would
certainly render the climate Icfs humid.
..«! During the other eight months thefe men
might be employed in rcp^* ing the public
roads, particularly about the towns> upon which
turnpikes fhould be ercdted. Superannuated
ferjeants and old foldiers might be fet over thefe ;
and the rates to be the fame as in England*
The money to be paid to the account of govern-'
ment : neither would thefe. receipts be trifling*
By thofe means, independently of the favings
thereby in the public celfes^ the roads near towns,
inftead of being almoft irtipaflable by means of car-
rutts from the continual drawing of fuel, when
formed of fmall or broken ftones, asthey fliould
always be in moift climates, would be in excel-
lent order, to the great fatisfadtion of their inha-
bitants. .

Hence it is evident, that thefe 30,000 men
are not intended to pafs idle lives. On the con-
trary, for the fevcn years, for which term they
were to be engaged, (officers, ferjeants, and cor-
porals, as in the regulars) they fliould be always
employed. After cleanfing, and paying their de-
votions every Sunday, they might be engaged in
learning the manual exercife. Our half-pay of-
•v-'v '' "'"''■' "^ Q^ -^ - ;' '■ - ■■ ificers.

[ 122 ]

ficcrs, whether of the army or navy, to be pro-
moted to full pay in this militia, the remaining
commiffions to be fold. Upon the profpedt of
war, we then ihould have 30,000 flout fellows,
inured to labour y ready to draft into either the land
or fea fervice. Men, moreover, acquainted and
perfonally known to their officers : a circum-
flance always much to be defired.

As it would be my objedt to have the beft and
mofl decent of the lower clafs of people in this
militia, their pay ihould be ^s, a week, u. 6^.
of which fhould be regularly placed in a tontine
fcheme under government fecurity, (yd. a day
would be fufBcient for cloathing and mainte*
nance. This is, 6d* a week, with the accumu*
lating intereft, would, at the expiration of their
feven years fervice, perhaps amount to 30/. For
the payments of thofe who died, or were expel-
led for mifbehaviour, fhould be divided among
the others, which would be a good tie upon all
for their good behaviour.

Perhaps a militia of this nature of 60,000 men
for Great Britain would not be ineligible. In
this cafe the common men fhould be fought for
in Ireland and Scotlar: % where man's labour is of
the lefs value, and of courfe the lefs productive
and beneficial to the community. This would
alfo put a flop to emigrations to America,
-■ ' . ■ '^ * J' ,_■■■• by

' C "3 ]

by ralfing the value of the labour of the re-*
xnalning. So great a bodf of half civilized
men, after a feven years apprenticelhip to a
laborious, induftrious, and regular life, would
be an invaluable acquilition to their native
countries. Their little funds would enable
them to take farms, marry, fettle and rear up
their offspring, in a flile much fuperior to what
they can at all afpire to at prefent. In fadt, in
thirty years it would be the means of civilizing
thofe two nations, and bringing them nearly to
a par with England.

How greatly would the proprietors of land in
Ireland and Scotland be benefited by it ! inftead
of letting their lands to poor creatures, who per-
haps may have value to the amount of 8/, or iq/.
thefe new tenants, with the advantageous mar-
riages they would be enabled to make, might
be well fet down as having property to the
amount of 50/. Independently of this confider-
ation, I truft that making fo many of the hum?in
fpecies happy, would be a motive fufficiently
powerful with Iriihmen to fupport their portion
of the expences of fuch an eftablifliment. That
it would tepd more to the amelioration of thp
morals of the poor than 10,000 Sunday Ibhools,
will be acknowleged by thofe, who form their
opinions of mankind from experience, and not
« 0^2 ^ _ the

[ iM ]

the cobweb fyftems of clofct-writers. To think
of imprefling the Poor withjuft noiions of mo-
ral redtitude, founded upon metaphyfical ab-
llradlion, is an idea worthy of Jean Jacques Rouf-
Jl'au, Thofe who have not leifure for reflcdtiou
cannot attain to that excellence which confifts
in regulating the moral affedions from virtuous
motives. The virtues of the Poor are tempe-
rance, frugality and 'nduftry. Adtion being
happinefs, whether of the mind or body: if pof-
feffed of the former virtues, their greateft poffi-
ble happinefs in this life depends on themfelves.
But the objection is the expence. Having al-
ready, as I apprehend, provided funds for raif-
ing an additional revenue of upwards of three
millions fterling upon Great Britain only, which
is a million and a half more than the expence that
her proportion would amount to, at the rate of 25/.
a man, including officers, without even deducing
any thing on account of the receipts at the turn-
pikes, or on account of the half-pay of the offi-
cers 3 id ferjeants, &c. which would be faved
by their being put upon full-pay. That the
amount of all thefe would be very conliderable,
cannot be doubted. Methinks alfo that thofe
miferable wretches, immured at Greenwich,
might be well employed as gate-keepers; and
thus cheaply made happy by having fomething

to do. The founders of hofpitals muft have
had mod erroneous notions of human happinefs,
to fuppofe that it was at all compatible with a
life of idlenefs. To think of making the vete-
ran happy, by immuring him in a cold, comfort-
lefs palace, and placing him amongft individu-
als, little known or attached to him, was a moft
prepofterous idea. The foldier's happinefs con-
iiils in relating to the youth of his native village
his adions and adventures : ** I was with the
*« gallant Rodney, when De Grafle in the Ville
** de Paris, after a brave defence, (truck to our
<* noble Admiral." " I fought under Mea-
** dows, when we repulfed D'Eftaing at St.
*^ Lucie." " I faw Wafhington." « I faw Tip-
. *^ po SuUaun," The grcateft happinefs which
a veteran is capable of enjoying coniifts in rela-
f:ions of this nature.

Et htec olim meminije juvabit.

"^j t\>*.il^^ IK

yv^'U

mUi>.<i iluii'ti

t -, - T

.. t'dt

tn vTe :

rni.

THE

I 1^6 3

THE PRESS,

-' J J

XT is a well known truth that there is no good
without its alloy, and this may be truly aiii:rted
of the Liberty of the Frefs. The liceotioufnefs
of our prints, in regard even of individuals* who
are of no political confequence, is frequently of
fo very atrocious a nature, as to merit very fe-
vere chaftifement : for private peace Should be
as much the object of every well-regulated go«
vernment as the fecurity of property. But what
individual, howfoever obfcure, can now be cer-
tain, that his, or feme of his family's feelings
may not be wounded in the moft fenfiblo man-
ner in the morrow's paper ? This is doubtlefs an
evil of a very ferious and alarming nature. Its
tendency is evidently to deprive us of the Li-
berty of the Prefs, without which, conftituted
as our government actually is, our liberties could
not long fubfifl. To difcover the remedy which
will fecure the one without endangering the
other is the difficulty, and it mull be acknow-
ledged to be no fmall one. Were our conftitu-
tion modelled agreeably to the iketch which I

have

C ^^7 ] .

have ventured to offer, founded upon the ideas
of Aridocle, an eafy and efTedtual remedy at
once prefents itfclf : namely, by lodging in the
Council of one hundred a cenforial power.
The Members of this Council being eledted by
the citizens, the judgment of it, or a quorum of
them, might be held equivalent to that of the ci-
tizens themfelves. For, as Ariftotle has ob-
fer/cd in regard of Athens, were not the judg-
rient vefted in the citizens, its liberties would
be quickly deftroyed by a tyrannous Ariftocracy :
how much more furely, in a government con-
ftituted as ours. The Members of this Council
being elcded for a certain term of years, and
being all men of fifty years of age, and of inde-
pendent circumftances, and if thought advifea-
h\€, irretfioveabk, and, incapable of holding any
Wher employment, muft be uninfluenced by go-
vernment. Its power over the prefs might ex-
tend to a fummary puniihment of the proprie-
tor, or even fuppreffing the paper for its breach
of public decorum, without however debarring
the injured perfon from feeking fatisfadion by
proccfs of law. Its power ought likcwife to be
extended to licentious publications of every
dijfcription.

f.uj

^^-ndm^Hi

PUB-

[ 128 ]

...ri

"f^t n'

PUBLIC LIBRARY.

)\t:0

vdT

Aj;ij 'jfij
S wc know from the experience of ages, that

that nation which excells in literary accomplifh-
menis, pofTcflcs, ca-teris paribus^ great advanta-*
ges over other nations, when ncceflary to make
war upon them, if inferior in fuch acquirements*
It therefore becomes the wifdom of every well-
conftituted government to provide the means for
facilitating the acquiiition of knowledge among
Its people. The benefit being national, ihould
be borne by the nation, even though it amounted
to the expence of fome regiments : yet, inflead
of being a burthen to the nation, it might be
brought, I apprehend, to yield a fmall revenue 2
perhaps as much as would be neceflary to pay
the intered of the firft expence, 2.nd to fupporc
the inflitution afterwards. .,

With regard to all plans for libraries, which I
have either read or heard of, whether founded
by the fubfcrij>tion of individuals> or at the ex-
pence of government, I never met with any
that hit my idea of one, which would completely
anfwer a fcholar, who frequently wants a great

number

[ 129 ]

number of volumes, and foi an indefinite length
of time. Without wafting the reader's time with
pointing out the defedts of other plans, 1 fliall
offer my own.

Firft, I would have a large building erc<fted,
the upper part of it d.fpofed in fuch a manner as
to contain the grcatcft number of books pofll-
blc. Here libVarians Ihould remain during the
ftatcci hours. No other perfons Ihould have the
privilege of reading or examining any books in
the librarj', nor even to be admitted into ir, un-
lefs accompanied by a fubfcriber, and then only
with the view of feeing ir. Each fubfcriber to
pay annually 2/. is, Beiides which, when he
wanted a book, he was to depofit its value, to
be returned when the book was r^riirned : if he
wanted 1000 volumes, upon depoiing their va-
lue, they were to be furnillied to him, with the
provifo that he was anfwerable for extra-da-
mage. Were a library founded upon this
plan, fcholars who lived at a diftancc might
have whatever books they wanted : and had they

•learned and expenfive works in view, they would
not be deterred from profecuting them, trom
the neceflity of advancing 500/. or 1000/. in the
purchafe of books ; and which, independently
of prefent inconvenience, might be of little va-
lue to their families at their dcceafe, which

" *U • .. R ' mud

I ^

muft have prevented many ingenious men
from profecuting works of this nature. In
fome cafes it might not be improper to give cut
books upon getting undoubted fecurity for their
value, and the regular pjiyment of the intereft.
Upon the ground Aoor there Ihould be two
fpacious rooms, w.ih a librarian in each, one for
holding Encyclopedias, Le::;icons, Dictionaries,
Atlafles, and other articles that would not be ad-
vifeable to lend out. The other for books of
natural hiftory, and other curious and expenfivc
works. The remaining part of the ground-floor
to be divided into fpacious apartments for literary
ibcieties ; the freedom of each to be a guinea ad-
ditional to each fubfcnber. By this means every
perfon, who chofe to be of one of thefe focie^ies,
might be certain of meeting that fort of enter-
tainment beft fulced to his tafte or fludies. Sub-
fciibers always to have the privilege of intro-
ducing foreigners into the fociety or focieties of
which they were members.
, That an eftabliihment of this fort is a defi-
deratum in this great city, which would add to
its attractions, and befides tend greatly totheac-
quiiition of found learning, particularly were our
government taken out of the hands of boys, and
put into the hands of men, cannot be difputed.
For then,infleadof thofe ephemeride tvhip-fillaoub
T.:: .: ■ ' pro*

{)rodu6tions with which the prefs fwarms, and
which, with fluency of ftyle, are fufficiently at-
traftive and convincing to perfons of little ex*
perience or knowledge, it would be found ne-^
ceflary to compofe works with that care and
attention, as to arreft the attention of judicious
men, ourgoverr MS, if it was expeded by their
authors that they Ihouid be attended to. For, let
the tafte of the governors be what it may, hif^
lory evinces, that the productions of the human
hiind take their complexion from it»

i . 1 1

.■i'.J ,

t fhail add a few additional obfer^ationa,
The editor of the Morning Chronicle has in*
feried in that print fome paflages from Sir John
Dalrjimple, from which it appears that this irge-
nious writer is ftrongly aga'*nft a Ruffian war«
The argument adduced is, that if the American
war ought not to be profecuted from the fear of
loiiug 3 millions of cuftomers, much lefs ought a
Ruffian war, which may occafion the kjfs of 24
millions of cultomers. This arg^ment is, I ap-
prehend infoiid: for, though the Americans
haveeftabliftied their independency, yet England

R 2 poffefles

' .'

[ '32 ]

poflcfles thegreateft part of her commerce : and
fhould Ruffia abirlutely profcribe our com-
merce, (he would thereby only lay a heavy tax
upon her fubjtcfts without effeding it; as her
fubjedts, being accuftomed to them would have
them by one means or other i perhaps under the
defcription of French or Dutch manufaftures.
Thus an axe which the Englifh merchant might
fell for 2j. a French or Dutch merchant might
well charge is. 6d. for, as he muft be paid for
his trouble and hazard, befides the double
freight, infurance, &c. A ftep of this nature
would therefore greatly impoverifh her own fub-
jedts, and their improvement in civilization, her
primary objed:. v * ^ >

Secondiv, the proportion between the com-
merce of England and Ruffia is, in regard of the
population of the two countries, by no means
proportionably fo great as that between England
and America, for then it ought to be eight times
greater; which is by no means the cale ; nay, it is
not even equal to that of America, and for this
very fubftantial reafon, that an American, by his
daily labour, will earn thrice as much as a Ruffian
peafant or flave ; and a man's expences in general
are always in pjroportion to his income. If then
the income of 3 millions of Americans equals

? ^:-*>^;:

thaC

)

C ^33 3

that of 9 millions of Ruffians, and that We had an
abfoliite command of both markets, the 3 mil"
lions of Americans would want manufactures to
an equal amount as the 9 millions of Ruffians.
But they would even require a great deal more ;
for, befides what was neceffary for the American's
fupport, and which his lands would produce,
equally cheap, at the leaft, as the Ruffian's, all
the remainder of his earnings would be ex-
pended in manufactures and artificial wints;
but with the daily earnings of a Ruffian, perhaps
3^. a day, it would be ridiculous in him to think
of purchafing the manufactures of Britain. The
Irilh labourer, with double the wages buys none
of them. Farther, though a market, in the opi-
nion of a manufacturer, might be deemed a fit
fubjeCt for going to war, yet it ihould be deemed
only a fecondary motive in that of a ftatefman,
as he muft know that that nation which is pof-
fefled of power, may always command a market.
iiUt power is only relative, fo that though a coun-
ry be growing more powerful, Ihe ought to
take care that another ftate Ihould not increafe
her power ten times fafter than herfelf : for then
notwithitanding her growing pofitively more pow-
ful, yet relatively fhe wo'ild be otherwife, and in
procefs of time would become an infigniiicant
r,- .i itate.

C *34 3

date* The ancient republic of Rhodes, and th«
modern ones of Genoa, Venice, and Holland,
evince the truth of it.

The great objection to Democratical repub*
lies is the want of vigour, even though they
were free of every other dcfedt. This want of
vigour arifes folely from the impoffibility of
their governors being able to raife a large public
revenue. This 'as never been effedted, nor
ever will be efFedtc^ ier this form of govern-
ment. Therefore fucn ftates muft become eafy
conquells when attacked by other flates, when
of nearly equal force, and better conftituted for
adtive exertions. Oligarchical republics, being
timorous, felfifti, and covetous, are Hill lefs ca*
pable of refiftance. i

This accounts for Macedon acquiring a fu*
periority over the Grecian republics. Had not
Athens, after the expullion of the 30 tyrants, be*
come a perfect democracy, it might, under ano*
ther Pericles, have fuccefsfully reiifted Philip.
And, notwithftanding the moderns are unani-
mous refpe<fling the fecurity of Switzerland, I
fcruple not to affirm, that it would not ftand a
iingle campaign, notwithftanding its numerous
militia, and the courage of its inhabitants, againd
the forces of the Emperor or King of Pruffia ;
- T' • « and

C '35 ]

and that no country in Europe, of equal refources,
would make lefs refiftance to an enterprifing ene-
my : and, notwithllanding democratical boelt^
ings, that the American dates are alfo incapa*
ble of refilling a powerful enemy, as perhaps
they may h.ve fliortly an opportunity of try-,
ing : and that, if the affairs of this country be
conducted with ability, thefe flates may once
more become a portion of the Britiih em-
pire, but upon liberal terms, and that with-
out firing a gun. In this cafe however, neither
mt^rchants nor manufacturers ihould be at all at-
tended to. . ..-

Democratical governments arc befides inimi-
cal to true philofophy, which folely regards
ethics. This was a fubje(3:, which till after the
humiliation of Athens by Philip, was not al-
lowed, even there, to be freely difcufTed. The
fate of Socrates is well known. Anaxagoras^
though befriended by Pericles, was obliged to
flee his country, to avoid a lim'ilar fate, which
was pronounced againft him by the Atheni-
ans : the dread of which was alfo the caufe
of the ableft and moft enterprifing citizen, that
ihe, ever produced, Alcibiades, becoming her
feverefl foe. Nor in fpeculations of this nature,
do I find that modern democracies furpafs

Other European dates. The Swifs Cantons, un-*^
der this form of government, with regard to re-''
ligious tenets, are Catholics : and if I may be
permitted to form a judgment of the others, from
one of them which I travelled through, their
mental accomplilhments are of the very loweft
order. There are fome learned men among the
Swifs, but very few philofophers : for phyfiolo-
gifts by no means merit this title*. -J

I am fenlible there will be many objedtionji, or
prejudices againft fome things which I have pro-
pofcd. Firft, concerning the direct tax on the
Poor: yet, no tax can be more; *cious, where
there is a conftant demand fo- Labour. The
mechanic and tnanufadturer will then be obliged;:
in fome degree, to work every day, inftead of
facrificing two or three days in the week in ex-
cefs and idlenefs, each of which will render him
a worfe workman. I fay this, even though the
propofcd poll-tax would be heavier on the poor
than the prefent taxes. However, a tax of this
fort fhould not be attempted before the organi-.
zation of the ninety thoufand militia." "'^^ : f ;n

".■>

' J V f • U i

* Fhilo Judasus, p. 435* Paris.

r;.. :'.y

With

: C '37 3

With regard to the advanced age before the
attainment of the right of citizenfhip, it will be
objected : What ! is the nation to lofe the fplendid
abilities of future Foxes and Pitts forfuch a pe-
riod ? Yes, truly. Meteors appearing in any
ftate evince a defedt in its conftitution accord-
ing to Ariftotle. The profperity of ftates ihould
be gradually progreffive, and not by fits and
Harts. Moreover, notwithftanding the acknow-
ledged capacity of thefe two gentlemen, and of
which few perfons bear a ftronger teftimony, or
more frequently than myfelf, yet as legiflators,
they have fhcwn but little. Mr. Fox's India
bill, which would have conftituted an imperium
in imperio, and his obfervations on the Canada
bill, determine his preteniions to the character
of a legiflator. An mperium in imperio is univer-
fally condemned by every writer on politics, as
defeating the end of government. With refpedt
to Canada, Mr. Fox is for having the legilla-
tive aflembly annually or triennially eledled,
with an univerfal right of fufFrage. Such a con-
ftitution muft neceffarily terminate in an Ochlo-
cracy, or a many-headed defpotifm. Mr. Pitt
is for firft fecuring the Oligarchical branch of
the conftitution, which though hereditary, he is
pleafed to decorate with the title of Jrtjiocracy,
- : . . S . which

[ >38 ]

>hic'-- fccflarily infers eleiftion : but an Oligar-
chy is an illegitimate, or corrupt (ovm of govern-
ment : it is the corruption of an Ariftocracy : fo
that Mr. Pitt's firft objedt is to eftabliih a corrupt
principle ! The appeals in the bill will be for
ever creating heart-burnings ; and though the
Mini(ler*s view is obvious, mufl: tend more to
fever that colony from Britain, than to ftrengthen
the connexion. The final appeal (hould be al-
ways to the citizens, or thofe Judges appointed
by them*. Retaining a tenth part of the foil
for the clergy is a matter of little moment, as in
a country, where land in fee may be had for a
fong, no one will accept land which is to go to
his fucceflbr, except merely for a commonage.
And ere thefe commonages are of any accouilt,
the fate of the clergy, throughout the world, will
be determined. The clergy Ihould yield gra-
dually to the temper of the times: by doing fo,
they will be able to preferve fpmething ; but
fliould they perfevere in an obilinate refillance,
It does not require the fpirit of prophecy to fore-
tell that they will become the vidims of the fa-
natical excefles of the Dciiiocratifls, as in a

t( r'.:,:

; -.J

v3i i;-.'i

* I / . 1 » I <

* Ariftotle, 1. 4. c. 14. b c

neigh-

:-l

L ^9 1

neighbouring kingdom. In my apprehenfion
we fhould not be fond of legiflating for our co-
lonies : we are too imperfed:ly acquainted with
their local circumftance., not to fall into er*
Tors, which will always give a handle to the
enemies of government to eftrange the affldtions
of the colony from the parent ftate. A chief
governor appointed by his Majefty, from whom
all the executive ofFicers were to derive their
powers, methinks is as much as England ihould
claim. A poll-tax, regulated by the fame prin-
ciple as laid down with regard to England,
Ihould be the price of protedion, and of acquir-
ing the privileges of being a member of the
Britiih empire. Were the colonies independenty
the neceflary taxes for this end would not be
much lefs. But the advantages rcfulting from
their being members of the empire, would alone
outbalance this tax ; for then they would have
the liberty of importing into Britain, or any of
her dependencies, the natural products of their
foil, and of carrying away in return the pro-
ducts of Britain and its dependencies ; whereas
the latter fliould be abfolutely interdided to the
United States : and the importation of the natural
prod udts of other countries, and efpecially of the
United States j fhould be fubjededto very heavy du-
^ ■ ^ S 2 tics.

i -It J
11 1

♦r

sateati

I 140 ]

tics. By this means a fpur would be given to the
induftry of our own colonies, which ivould be
conducive to their wealth and happinefs, and
would always be a tie upon their loyalty : and at
the fame time reprefs the increafing profperity of
the United States^ the implacable enemies of this
government ; but it would ^alfo render them
far more pliable in regard of a re-union with
the mother country.

Throughout thefe flieets I have made ufe of
the term Demagogue, according to its original
genuine fignification, as d fcriptive of a perfon,
who, by giving into the humours and propenfi-
tles of the people, mifleads them from their true
intereft. Thofe who adted in this manner were
by the antients always fuppofed to be governed
by fin ifter views. The ignorance of nineteen in
twenty of the moderns, concerning the true
principles of government, exempts them in a
great meafure from this charge.

In the debate upon Mr. Grey's motion, it was
laid down by Mr. Sheridan* that theconftitution
of this country confids in a wife blending and co-
operation of theexecuttveandlegiilativebranches.

* Sec Diary.

This

C HI ]

This pofition I affirm to be unfounded, cither
in regard to theory or pradicc. No one will
pretend that, belore the acccflion of the Hopfe
of Stnart, the Lords or Commons claimed any
conjlitutional right of interfering with the exccu-
tiv^e branch, in what concerned peace or war;
of courfc this muft be a novel claim, and with-
out any conflitutional foundation. It is true,
that fiiice the revolution, cowardly and ignorant
Minifters have permitted, nay, have invited the
Loids and Commons to interfere in the execu-
tive branch of government. But now that the
tlieory of our conftitution is better underllood, .
thofe encroachments upon the King's preroga-
tive fliould be yielded up ; and the government
itfelf adjufted agreeably to its acknowledged the-
ory. That fuch a bJ nding is contrary to the theory
of our conftitution, is evident from Ariftotle's
vefti.ig in fuch a political conftitution as ours, .
the entire executive power in the perfon of the ^
King — the kgijlative in the General Council —
and ihQ judicial in the Citizens. By this means "
the three branches are accurately diftinguiflied, .
and their feveral fun(^ions marked by a broad
line. Whereas a wife blending could never be
fettled, for no two would ever be able to agree
about it. It was alfo denied, and given up by
the friends of the Miniftry, that implicit confi-
dence

, ,.

•i
I

[ 142 ]

dunce ought not to be given to government in
what regards our connexions with foreign ftates.
This I alfo affirm to be unconftitutional. For
the funXions of the Legiflative Councils being
confined to the enabling and repealing of laws,
redreffing grievances, and feeing that the public
money was honeftly expended ; it follows, that
the declaring war or making peace, or entering
into treaties, not cor.^ing under any of the
above heads, that the power adequate to thefc
purpofes, is conjlitutionally and yo/^/y veiled in the
executive branch. Befides a limited confidence \%
an abfurdity ; and were it not fo, is impolitic;
for the greater the confidence repofcd, the more
rcfponfible the perfon in whom it is vefled.

Mr. Burke muft have been doubtlefs amazed
at Mr. Fox's eulogium of the French conftitu-
tion at the conclufion of the debate on Mr. Ba-
ker's rnotion. It only evinces that no capacity
will enable a perfon to be a legiflator without
extenfive reading and deep refledlion. Men of
bufinefs, befides, are not capable of this office.
They have not the leifure requifite to form the
comprehenfive mind, or true philofopher. Arif-
totle has obferved, that all the great legiilators
of antiquity were private individuals, even Ly-
curgus himfclf, ,

,.';:.;!- .'i >.' Though

?t. -

' > IWI'^SItlV'

l> i

[ >43 1

. - > .

Though I think ir highly improper, during t
debate, to declare, that one fet of men would
condudt the national bufincfs better than thofc
in poffcffion of the reins of government; for
this can not be known until we have had expe-
rience of It, which, unlcfs the Democratifts
Ihould overturn the government, is not likely
fhortly to happen. Yet, upon this point, I pro-
fefs that 1 have entirely altered my opinion, be-
ing firmly convinced the Jnns far exceed the
Oufs in political capacity. The patriotifm and
political capacity of the Outs may be 1 airly ga-
thered from their condudl in regard to the wool-
bill — the Indian war — the floating balances — .
and the Ruflian negotiation. — With refpedt to
the firl^, the wool bill was a beneficial meafure,
or it was not : if the former, the oppofition
Members ihould have attended their duty, and
urged forward the bufinefs : if it was a hurtful
meafure they fhould have attended, and openly
Oppofed its palling. And though it did pafs,
their eloquence and abilities might have been
the means of opening the eyes of their country^
men; whereas, by their blinking the qucftion,
individuals, who take up their little knowledge
from the reporters of the debates, think it a mea-
fure of little or no importance. Government be-
ing under thraldom to the manufadturers, dared

not.

- .•■^'k

[ 144 ]

not, unfupported by the country gentlemen,
and oppored by a virulent oppofition, withhold
its fupport to a meafure, though clearly inimi-
cal to the general weal.

Mr. Pitt founds his claim, it feems, to honeft
fame, from the ifliie of the Ruffian negotiation.
I doubt not it will be conduifted with great abi-
Hty. But Mr. Pitt's f^me, in my opinion, will
be more truly eftimated, from his condu(3: with
refped: to xhtjlonting balances, 'y»ng i" the hands
of the Dired:ors of the Bank. I am fure the op-
pofitiori would nc\er, for Jkch a trjfky the nation's
right, have rifked their popularity with the mo-
oted intercft. Mr» Pitt's perf^ivering in this bu-
finefs, fhould fatisfy every honeft man, that his
object is honeft fame ; and whilft it continues to
be fo, that he ought to meet their firm fup-
port.

^ I truft the perfedling the conftitution will next
engage his attention. The times deman'.! it.
Our conftitution is fo wretchedly bad, that were
it not for the extent of the ftate, we ihould be
in continual convulfions. But, fortunately while
in a fever in London, the extremities are quite
cool ; and by the time that the fever has reached
the extremities, the head has returned to its
cuftomary indifference ; which "would be quite
othevwife, \yere the ftate confined to a few fquare
ooa leagues

tij

;!?.

' t H5 3

leagues as the antient republics. This evinces
the fuperior intelle^. of the legiflators who dcr
vifed fuch regulations as coiitrouled the a<ftions
of freemen, who were the flanding army of the
ftate.

In a word, I deem it to be a truifm, that be-
fore men have arrived at the ufual acme of the
human intelled:, they iliould have no concern with
the government upon which the happinefs and
profperity of fo many millions depends.

Alfo, that all perfons engaged in illiberal em-
ployments or profeffiqns, and who were not
poflefled of sii independency, ought likewife to
be excluded from any (hare in it

.v,»

FINIS.

V ^

' ■..LAiitw^uVa

iniFiiitiiriiiftAii

'"'''^^!"'P''PPPiiffiS

, , V ;

E R R A T .A.

Piigf 58, «o/^, rM</ Miller's Viqw of the Englifh

Conditution.
Page 87, w/f, Ihe 2> </-fAr her.

T-

"t.-^

'i.S